sa / sa . d. jec, , . sigil ll: coli christo tangle ecclesia lesiae : hari von : vuo: il ne veriénd s tred. sun. farley > of brobklyn m. die ca ( . . ), e se de banuary ker freak a. harley the west india question. immediate emancipation would be safe for the masters;-profitable for the masters;- happy for the slaves;-right in the government;- advantageous to the nation: would interfere with no feelings but such as are disgraceful and destructive:--cannot be postponed without contin- ually increasing danger. an outline for immediate emancipation; and remarks on compensation. by charles stuart. reprinted from the (eng.) quarterly magazine and keview, of april, . "am i not a woman and a sister ? new haven: h ezekiah howe & co. . Τ Η Ε , west india question. immediate emancipation would be safe for the masters;-profitable for the masters; happy for the slaves;-right in the government;- advantageous to the nation; would interfere with no feelings but such as are disgraceful and destructive; cannot be.postponed without contin- ually increasing danger. an outline for immediate emancipation; and remarks on compensation. by charles stuart. reprinted from the (eng.) quarterly magazine and review, of april, . "am i not a woman and a sister ?" new haven: he z ek i ah ho we & , . sa printed by hezekiah howe & co. "the wrath of god is revealed from heaven against all ungodliness and unrighteousness of men, who hold the truth in unrighteousness," and to believe, that as far as he knows himself, this is his motive for writing as he does: not to judge, but to warn; not as desiring to de- stroy, but as wishing to be an instrument of salvation. the subject, is negro slavery as it exists under british power and the question, is how may it be remedied? the negro slave party, that is, they who are interested, from whatever motives, in the continuance of negro slavery, honorable wealthy, talented and united, declare that immediate abolition is forbidden by self-presevation; regard for the negroes; rights of the masters; pledges of goverment; and national interests. and another reason, not much avowed, but well understood, and of all others the most deeply felt by the great body of managers and of resident proprietors, is the fear of losing that endless variety of gratifications, which the possession of despotic power affords. but of all, few or none under the british empire, pretend at this day, that negro slavery should be interminable. all agree that it ought to be even- tually abolished; but they require time, in order to avert the dangers, which they anticipate from so a great and sudden a change as imme- diate emancipation would produce. now if it can be clearly shewn, that these objections have no force, either in nature or in fact; that the immediate emancipation of the negroes, is the best way to give the masters security, and the negroes happiness; to absolve the duty of the government, and to support or improve the colonial and national revenues: and if it can be further shewn, that delay is a cruel and dangerous delusion: and that the licentious gratifications of despotic power, dear though they be to the sinner, as a hand or an eye, are altogether ruinous and degrading: the difficulties which are heaped like mountains in the way of duty, will be removed, and unless rottenness have altogether gotten hold of us, we shall open our eyes and see how safe, and only safe it is, to obey god and let the op- pressed go free. can such proofs be supplied; or where are they? i propose briefly exhibiting them under the following heads, by shewing that the immediate emancipation of the negroes- st. would be safe and profitable for the masters. nd. would be happy for the negroes. rd. would be right in the government. th. would be advantageous to the nation. th. would interfere with no passions but such as are disgraceful and destructive; and th. cannot be postponed without great danger. but two things must be premised; viz: . the real condition of the enslaved negroes in the british colo- nies ; and ii. what we mean by immediate emancipation. st. the real condition of the enslaved negroes in the british slave colonies. each estate is a little despotism : the master may imprison, * flog, torture, sell and seperate his slaves, under certain limitations essentially more or less inefficient, at his discretion. he gives them no wages; merely supporting them as beasts are supported. he may impose upon them, at all times, an overwhelming amount of labor; and this is left particularly to his own ungoverned discretion, during the season of crop, or for about four months in each year. his slaves may be seized and sold without any fault, or imputation of a fault, for their master's debts. they can be mortgaged like goods and chattels; and the greater number of them could not obtain their liberty, though thousands were offered to redeem them, except their masters pleased. when they come or are brought to england, they are free while in england; but should they return to their na- tive country, they are again made slaves. this is their general con- dition. kind masters alleviate it; but it is generally aggravated by unkindness; and where sugar is cultivated, this aggravation is so severe, as to eventuate yearly in the slaughter of thousands of them, by the most lingering and painful deaths.f but who are these slaves? or of what enormous transgressions have they been guilty, that they should thus be consigned to a state of such hopeless and consuming oppression? where is the record of their crimes and condemnation? who were their judges? by what special commission were they tried? they are british subjects. the great body of them were born within the king's allegiance, and have never forfeited his protection by any crime. they were never condemned; never tried; never accused. they are unoffending british subjects, with the same rights to the king's protection which any other british subject has;- endowed with property in their own bodies by their maker, and in- heriting a right to the king's protection, by having been born within his allegiance. they are slaves merely because they are in the hands of their enemies, who are stronger than they; and because their king and their country, who are bound by the most sacred ties to do them right, still choose to crouch beneath the pride and wickedness of their oppressors, and, with god's judgments ringing a thunder alarum through the world, to leave his poor to be destroyed. ndly. what do we mean by immediate emancipation? we mean, immediately to treat the unoffending negroes in their true character, as guiltless british subjects; to give them the pro- * see jamaica slave law of . regulations for crown colonies of . nine letters to the duke of wellington, by ignotus. j. jeremie's four essays, james stephen's volumes. jamaica christian record. colonial gazettes, and parliamentary papers. + see population returns, as quoted from parliamentary papers in the house of commons, by brougham and buxton. tection of the law, until they shall have been guilty of some crime, and have been fairly tried by a jury of their peers, and found guilty; to pay them fair wages for their labor; and to leave them to enjoy the fruits of their industry with their families. in short, we mean, immediately to make them the subjects of wise and righteous laws, instead of leaving them the slaves of private and irresponsible caprice. the following extract from j. jeremie's work on colonial slavery, will fairly introduce our subject. “hitherto nothing had been done at st. lucia, either legally or prac- tically. general mainwaring had, it is true, advised the planters to make an experiment, in july , immediately on his receiving the original resolutions of the house of commons; but this attempt, if entered on by some, was soon universally discontinued. the first draft of the slave law was completed at the close of the year , when he had been nearly twelve months in the colony, and had had, as conceived, the best opportunities of forming a judgment. he had taken the most respectable colonial information, had made a tour of the island that he might ascertain, de visú, what was the actual condi. tion of the slaves, and had revised carefully every enactment which appeared in the books of the colony. . the opinion thus formed by himself amounted to this, that he conceived what had been alleged, of the general cruelties of slavery, was a downright misrepresentation; and this opinion was laid upon the tables of parliament in the subsequent year.—but hitherto the slave had not enjoyed the liberty of freely communicating with his protectors; he had not enjoyed those important rights which rendered him in any degree independent of his manager. “ scarcely was this opinion transmitted, and the new slave law pro- mulgated, than a negro came before him with a collar rivetted round his neck, from which projected three prongs of about ten inches each in length, and at the end of each of those prongs were inserted three smaller ones about an inch long, and these were attached to a chain, reaching to fetters joining round his ancles. his back and limbs were wealed from neck to foot, and he declared that this collar was kept on him by day and by night; that he worked with it in the field; and on his return was immured in a solitary cell; and that this course had been practised for some months in order to prevent his running away, the crime for which he was principally charged. this might however be a solitary instance. “a commission of three gentleman of reputed humanity, namely, an officer holding the situation of procureur du roi, or official protec- tor of slaves, together with the commandant of the quarter in which the plantation was situated, and the commandant of the neighboring quarter, were sent out to investigate the affair. these gentlemen re- turned with a written report, wherein not a word of the negro's state- ment was shaken. they admitted that there were three other men, at the time, on the estate, with collars of the same description, and that those collars were in use in the country. " the procureur du roi added, that the collars in use were not quite so heavy; but the commissioners, apparently with a view of settling that point, had weighed the collar, and affirmed that it was heavier than usual. the report also stated, that there was a woman covered with sores, who was found in chains, and had been so chained for near two years; aud yet the commissioners reported that the estate was well managed, and that the arrangements were good !--this was not a remote period, but in the year . “ as may be supposed, the report was not satisfactory to others, as to those gentlemen. but no sooner was it known that the law was to be rigorously adhered to than reports of insubordination among the negroes, and of the necessity of a militia, or some other armed protec- ting force to keep them in order, were universally circulated; all which not only surprised me but was at that time incomprehensible. a proclamation was however issued against these collars. what follow- ed ? scarcely two months afterwards, other reports were spread of discontent and actual mutiny of so serious a nature having broken out on the same estate, that the principal officers of goverment were directed to investigate the matter anew. the result was, that in lieu of the collar, the following punishments had been used. the women were hung by the arms to a peg, raised so high above their heads that the toes alone touched the ground, the whole weight of the body res- ting on the wrist of the arms, or the tip of the toes. the report of a mutiny was mere invention. “this torture was also put down, one of the offenders fined, and the other imprisoned. but what was the third expedient adopted? the field-stocks,-an invention forwarded from trinidad, and which was actually legalized by the regulations drawn up by myself—so little aware was i of the severity of the punishment; indeed my attention was drawn to it by a planter himself. the field-stocks are in short, or at least may be rendered, nothing less than the most cruel picketing. they are in the shape of a pillory, the hands of the slave are inserted in grooves, which may be raised to any height above the head, and the feet are inserted in other grooves at the bottom of the instrument, the toes alone being made to touch the ground; the body is thus suspended in mid-air, its whole weight resting on the wrist and toes.” and it was in view of these facts, not as solitary cases, but as ex- hibiting a fair, general character of the natural outworkings of negro slavery, that j. jeremie, in alluding to the proceedings at an anti- slavery meeting which he had attended just before he left england, says, “on reading over these proceedings now, it is singular how altered they appear to my mind. with the experience i have since had of slavery, there is not a sentiment i could not now adopt.” j. jeremie's work presents as luminous and fair a picture of the subject as could be drawn. every person who would know what negro slavery actually is, should read it. and now for our argument. i. the immediate emancipation of the negroes, would be safe and profitable for the masters. first. it would be safe. we will take jamaica for an example. while their unoffending fellow subjects are perishing upredressed. the slave-master is confounded by it in every speculation; enter- prise withers; credit fails, or is obtained at a ruinous premium. the oppressed negroes are now buoyed up by hope: again, they are goad- ed to madness and despair; meanwhile, with the progress of knowl- edge, they are unavoidably becoming more and more acquainted with their rights as british subjects, equally entitled with their masters to the king's protection; they are continually gaining new force (as far as the cultivation of sugar does not kill them off) to vindicate what every british spirit would die rather than relinquish. and the wrath of god is waxing hotter and hotter against us, while we hug the en- tanglements of our wickedness, and refuse the path of duty, which would at once disenthral us, by obeying god and letting our oppressed brethren go free. three possibilities only exist of preventing the slaves from vin- dicating their rights, if we do not emancipate them ere it be too late. st. encouraging and increasing the cultivation of sugar, so as to increase the annual slaughter of which we are already guilty, and thus eventually to exterminate them entirely! nd. the shutting out of knowledge from them altogether. rd. the general establishment of the christian spirit in its sweetest, gentlest, meekest form. the first of these, that is their destruction by sugar, is in opera- tion; it is reeking with the blood of hundreds of thousands already slaughtered, and is clamorous for aid to complete its work of death. consumers of slave sugar, look to it well; you will want a good an- swer at the day of judgment. the second, that is keeping them in ignorance, we have passed by and cannot return to it. knowledge is abroad; it is spreading, and will spread; it is searching out the lies of ages, and exposing and overturning them; and nothing but the truth in love is capable of arresting its surges, and of confining them to limits of order and hap- piness. seek to circumscribe it by other means, and you only dam up the flood, that with a deeper and mightier swell. it may presently roll over you, and bury you with your puny barriers in a deeper ruin. the third, that is the attainment of the christian spirit, is depen- dent upon a mightier energy than man's; and even when men seek it, they so mar and hinder the object of their own pursuit, by their own discrepances, that for one christian spirit which they gain of the meek and lowly order above-mentioned, they gain a thousand warlike christains, who like the pious officers of our army and navy, at once draw the sword of flesh in the battles of this world, and the sword of the spirit in the battles of a better. as far indeed, as christianity of the meeker stamp is obtained, security is obtained against resistance by the sword. but christians of this holy order, above all others, have learnt to obey god rather than man, and when vantage, which could in any common possibility occur; but the pro- fits of the proprietor would be immediately and progressively increa- sed: because st. he would suffer less from petty depredations. nd. he would be more able to obtain the extra aid, which agri- culture needs on emergent occasions; and in this would be included the important advantage of having every thing done in its proper sea- son. the slaves are generally worked the year round beyond their strength, so that on the present system, there is no proper resource for the emergencies of the seasons, or of the crops. rd. the land, instead of being worn out, would be improved, and rent could be obtained for much of that which is now fruitless. th. the proprietors would have the advantage of voluntary labor urged on by interest, want, hope, and affection; over forced labor, maddened indeed, at times, to a spasmodic exertion by fear; but ha- bitually depressed by despondency, and rendered unproductive by a writhing and smothered sense of wrong. it is a part of the fearſul infatuation of the slave system, that it first deprives a man of every right and happy motive to labor; then wondering that he is idle, with demoniac bitterness, applies the lash or the stocks, or the dungeon, or the chain!! as if the effect, which results from a cause, could be rem- edied by corroborating and aggravating the cause which produced it. the negroes continually increasing, the price of labor would pro- portionably diminish, and facilitate the opening of new lands; cattle, &c. would be reared, and the land would revive as they multiplied. the colonies would be safer, less expensive, and more productive; for a free and loyal population fostered by us, would throng their plains, and would be continually extending the mutual demand and supply, by which commerce prospers. the large capital which the slave system requires for the purchase of slaves, is not needed where labor is free. this fact chills the spirit of general and useful enterprise by confining the cultivation of our slave colonies, or rather the profits of that cultivation, to a few wealthy individuals. the government, the nation at home, and the negroes abroad, being dishonored, degraded, and plundered, in order to gratify the unbending pride, and the crazy fears, and the mistaken interests of a few wealthy capitalists. for we may observe, that wherever speculations in slave labor, as is commonly the case, are pursued on credit, the debtor is entangled in all his exertions; his crops are mortgaged; he must procure, at whatever expense of life to the negro, or of disadvantage to himself, the stipulated quantity of produce, and he must commit it to the stip- ulated agencies,-he must force the seasons if unfavorable—he loses the advantages of the market—he is driven even as he drives the poor negro-except indeed that brutal force urges one-hastening to get rich the other,—that the poor negro sees no hope in his toil,- but the speculator in the poor negro's sweat is buoyed up for his little span by the golden lure, which still glitters brightly before him, how- ever certainly it in general eludes his grasp and leaves him in ruin. the fair capitalist needs not the cruel and criminal monopoly, which the slave system affords him, in order to enhance the advantage which the possession of capital always must give over its poorer competitor. in the united states, the northern part of maryland is less fertile and is less favorably situated for commerce than the south; but it is cultivated chiefly by free men. land in this part is worth twice as much as it is in the southern and more fertile division, which is culti- vated by slave labor; pennsylvania is a free state ; virginia a slave; they adjoin one another; land of the same quality, &c. is worth twice as much in pennsylvania as in virginia; wages in virginia are twice as high as in pennsylvania ; virginia compared to pennsylvania is a wilderness; the inhabitants of virginia are trembling in their beds- the people of pennsylvania rest in safety. kentucky and ohio are adjoining states; kentucky is a slave, ohio a free state ; kentucky was well settled, when not many years ago, ohio was still a wilderness; but now the free population of ohio, nearly doubles that of kentucky, both enslaved and free. “in , the colored population of colombia (including indians) amounted to , . of these a large number were suddenly eman- cipated. the effect was, a degree of docility on the part of the blacks, and a degree of confidence and security on the part of the whites, un- known in any preceding period of the history of colombia."* “in the parishes of st. john, philip, and george, in barbadoes, on a plantation of slaves in june , viz. men, women, boys, and girls, by the exertion of an able and honest manager, there were only births, and no less than deaths, in three years and three months. an alteration was made in the mode of governing the slaves, the whips were taken from all the white servants; all arbitrary punishments were abolished, and all offences were tried by a negro court. in four years and three months, under this change of government, there were births, and only deaths, of which ten were of superannuated men and women, and past labor, some about eighty years old. but in the same interval, the annual net clearance of the estate, was above three times more than it had been for ten years before.”+ and should it here be said, “but the negroes were still slaves ;" i reply, it is true that the negroes were still slaves, legally, but prac- tically they were free: they were secured from all arbitrary punish- ments; their few crimes were tried by their peers; they received wages, and freely enjoyed the fruits of their labor; they loved the locality to which they were accustomed, and had no desire to leave it. * enquiries relating to negro emancipation. hatchard and son, piccadilly. . p. . + see adam hodgson's letter to j. b. say. hatchard and son, piccadilly. pages , and . the question is not, whether in some cases, it would not be better for a poor man to be entirely dependant upon a kind employer, and to be entirely provided for by him; but whether, in all cases, general- ly, it is better for a poor man to be the subject of just and equal laws, or the slave of the humor and will of his employer? the answer is obvious. unfit as the man may be to be entrusted with liberty, still his happiness will be more secure, under god, in his own keeping, than in any other man's. in keeping his own lib- erty, he is liable to abuse it. true; but who is not subject to the same liability ? and if no man were to be free, until he were secure from abusing his liberty, where would the free man be!! but lia- ble as the poor man unquestionably is to abuse his liberty, it is a still more striking and awful truth, that the rich or the strong man, armed with despotic authority, is yet more liable to abuse his power. who in his senses would give his son for a slave to the turk, because his son was liable to abuse his liberty! yet the turks, generally speak- ing, are kinder slave masters than the british are. and if the brit- ish slave master excuse himself from this procedure, by saying, that he has better means of securing his son from the abuse in question, than by giving him to a turk; who does not see, that as truly, the british slave masters have vastly better means for securing the hap- piness of the negroes, than by keeping them in slavery? the follow- ing facts are selected from many, to prove that immediate emancipa- tion would be happy for the negroes. in the year , the french national convention at once declar- ed all the slaves in their colonies to be free. capt. w. of cove cork, was at that time residing in cayenne. liberty was proclaimed to the slave population around him, and slavery instantly ceased. he declared to me, that there was no disorder or fear; but all flourished. the masters and the laborers were alike happy, until buonaparte, in , restored slavery there. the case of hayti, or st. domingo, is still more in point, because it was on a large scale, and its history is better known; and it is im- portant to sketch it, as it has been grossly perverted by the advocates for slavery, and the enemies of the negroes. in the latter end of , liberty was proclaimed to the slaves by the government of the island, for the purpose of extinguishing a civil war, which had been for sometime raging, and which the government found itself, although aided by troops from france, unable to quell; as well as in order to resist an invasion of the english. early in this act was confirmed by the national convention. the emancipation of the negroes, , in a body, produced the effects desired. the civil war was extinguished; the english were expel- led ; and hayti continued to flourish until , when buonaparte endeavored to restore slavery there. he was foiled. but his horri- ble attempt led to a second civil war, which long distracted the isl- and, and which led to the expulsion of the whites. it is now at peace; and a french merchant, with whom i met last winter in bel- fast, and who had resided chiefly in hayti for upwards of twenty years past, told me, that though well acquainted with great britain and the united states; he knew of no country, in which there were so few infractions of the criminal code, and so much general comfort, good order, kindness, and independence as in hayti. the late first president of the royal court of st. lucia, j. jere- mie, presents to us the following contrast, in facts of his own experi- ence in st lucia. “one day i visited officially a plantation in the highest order,—the cleanliness of the buildings, their perfect state of repair, the luxuriance of the crops, all that concerned the manager's interest, bore an appear- ance truly gratifying. but it was my duty to inspect the gang: they were wretched to a degree, all but naked, eaten up with sores, wealed with flogging, diminishing rapidly, the only exception being a fine healthy child about six years of age. and on full inquiry, all this order, all this splendor, had been purchased at their expense. "much about the same time, i was called on to visit another estate, which the proprietors had quitted for some years, and for about three had left even without a manager!! the house and buildings were in decay, the general cultivation neglected, the appearance of the proper- ty, in all respects, the contrast of the other ; but that contrast also ex- tended to the gang.–the men were a stout, healthy body of laborers. men, women, and children, were well clothed and well fed; their grounds stored with ample provisions; a mother with her nine, another with six children around her; a great grandmother with a numerous pro- geny, all smiling and cheerful; their cottages well wattled, the inside separated into two or three different compartments, clean to a degree, and each containing a trunk filled with good clothing and some female ornaments. yet was this plantation in the most remote, the other in the most convenient, part of country” p. . in it became generally known in the islands proximate to st lucia, that a foreign slave, upon landing in a british colony was free; and the consequence was, that in , upwards of made their escape and came over to st. lucia, from martinique. these per- sons were described by their governors as incendiaries, idlers, and poisoners !! mr. jeremie says respecting them, page — . “when i left the colony in april last, some were employed for wages in the business they were best acquainted with; some as masons, and carpenters; some as domestics; others in clearing land, or as. laborers on estates; whilst about twenty-six had clubbed together and placed themselves under the direction of a free colored man, an african-one of the persons deported from martinique in . these last had erected a pottery at a short distance from castries: they took a piece of land, three or four cleared it, others fished up coral, and burnt lime, five or six quarried, and got the stones and performed the mason-work, the remainder felled the timber and worked it in; and the little money that was requisite was supplied, in advance, by the con- tractor for the church, on the tiles to be furnished for the building. this pottery was completed, a plain structure, but of great solidity, and surprising neatness. thus had they actually introduced a new man- ufacture into the country, for which it was previously indebted to our foreign neighbors, or to the home market.” the evidence respecting the liberated crown slaves in the crown colonies, as the law has not been evaded or abused, is altogether delightful.-it unanswerably proves that the native africans are quite as fit for liberty as any people upon earth; and by consequence that the creole slaves, if at all improved by our management of them, are yet more fit. but if on the contrary, they are not so fit, what are we about thus grossly to defy god, and deliberately to lie, by pretend- ing all the time to wish to prepare them for liberty, while we persist for our own purposes, in grinding and wasting the unoffending poor !* the following fact is from my own experience :- between the years and , about slaves succeeded in making their escape from the united states into upper canada. i became more or less acquainted with them all, and found them quite equal to any class of laborers in the country. these, with many oth- ers since escaped, are now comfortably settled upon lands, the pur- chase of their own industry, near malden, in the western district of upper canada; one of them, a man named adams, was one of the most interesting persons with whom i have ever met. the following illustration is given me by my friend w. t. blair, esq. of cotham lodge, near bristol. “it is well known that the hottentot has been represented as the lowest of all the african tribes in the scale of humanity. he is gene- rally considered as a type of all that is degraded in human nature; scarcely raised a degree above the level of the brute creation, and in- capable of improvement. “it is true, that when vanderkemp first went amongst them, they were in a very lawless and uncivilized condition; that they knew no- thing, and cared nothing about the arts and comforts of civilized life; that they lived chiefly by plunder, and were a terror to the colony. but, they have since by kindness and christian instruction, been con- verted into peaceable industrious subjects. “when i visited bethelsdorp in , there were about peo- ple on the books of the institution. they had acquired about head of cattle, horses, sheep and goats, and waggons, which latter is in south africa, an expensive and valuable article of property; children attended the sunday school, and there were about communicants. but few carosses or sheep skin coverings (the native dress of the hottentots) were to be seen in the premises; nearly *see anti-slavery reporter, no. , vol. iii, page – , and no. , vol. iv, page _- . all the men were dressed in english broad-cloth, and the women in en- glish chintzes. in , or , they competed successfully with the english and dutch farmers, in the neighborhood, for the conveyance of government stores from algoa bay to graham's town, and in the same year they expended , rix dollars in the purchase of british manufactures. the year i visited the station, an auxiliary missionary society had been re-established amongst the hottentots, and rix dollars had been contributed by them, chiefly by small weekly sub- scriptions." iii. the immediate emancipation of the negroes would be right in the government. this is a truth so evident, and so little disputed, that i shall dwell but briefly on it. the chief difficulty seems to consist in the persuasion that the gov- ernment is bound, on emancipating the negroes, to compensate the masters for the loss, which they declare they will suffer. without discussing this question here, i will observe that the emancipation of the negroes, and the remuneration of their masters, are two essen- tially distinct things, and ought always to be kept separate. the ne- groes, as unoffending british subjects, have an unquestionable right to the king's protection, whether their masters be remunerated or not. if the masters can substantiate any real claim on the nation, it undoubtedly ought to be liquidated. but the claim which the negroes have upon the government, without a question is louder, and more solemn far. the one (the negro) demands the restoration of rights which he has never forfeited, which are his by british law, but of which he is depriv- ed by wicked power; he demands security for his life, for his person, for the fruits of his toil, for his wife, and his child, and his cot. the other (the master) demands security for a portion of his money.- to put the master's claiin upon a par with that of the negro, is to confound all distinction between things of the most vital and unal- terable importance, and things comparatively insignificant and of fluctuating value. but to set the master's claim above the negro's; the claim of the wrong doer above that of the sufferer of wrong; the claim of money, above life, liberty, wife, children, and the fair fruits of the man's own labor, is to outrage all righteousness. unquestion- ably the master ought to be remunerated, whenever he can prove a just claim to remuneration. but more unquestionably far, the negro ought to be restored to his unforfeited rights as a british subject; the right of the unoffending sufferer ought to be preferred to the money of the oppressor. the government has no right, except the right of the free-booter ; the dreadful right of the strongest, to continue to permit the outrage of the poor, because the rich are afraid that they will lose some mon- ey, should that outrage be arrested. as far as the government has sanctioned or connived at negro slavery, it has sinned and has dis- graced itself in the eyes of every right mind. the government has of the brute force, by which they are at present goaded; and that the fruits of their own labor, instead of remaining the legalized booty of another, should become their own. the only difficulty, in this case, arises from the idea that the ne- groes would not work. but abundant evidence proves that this is simply a prejudice, with no other grounds, but the oppression which produces it, or the ignorance which it deceives. the following evidence on this subject was adduced by mr. pitt, in the house of commons, in april, . “the assembly of grenada had themselves stated, “ that though the negroes were al- lowed the afternoons of only one day in every week, they would do as much work in that afternoon, when employed for their own bene- fit, as in the whole day, when employed in their master's service.” now after this confession, the house might burn all its calculations relative to the negro population. a negro, if he worked for himself could do double work. by an improvement then, in the mode of labor, the work in the islands could be doubled."* and what improvement in labor can be so great, as giving the la- borer a personal interest, well secured to him, in the produce of his labor; as winning his affections to the work in which he is employed ! in , kentucky was a flourishing state, and had a considera- ble population; the same year ohio had scarcely thirty white inhab- itants. but kentucky was a slave state, and ohio a free one. in , the population of kentucky was less than seven hun- dred thousand, but that of ohio was nearly one million; and land of the same quality in ohio, was worth twice as much as in ken- tucky. in , virginia had a population of six or seven hundred thou- sand, new york only about four hundred thousand. but virginia was a slave state while new york had but few slaves. in , the population of virginia was only about , , , of whom , were slaves. but the population of new york, where there were only forty six slaves, had increased to , , . and why was this? kentucky and virginia can scarcely be surpassed in natural fertil- ity; they are two of the garden spots of the world. in every other advantage excepting one they had an equal share with ohio and new york. that one was free labor. kentucky and virginia re- fused it when it was at their option, and they refuse it still. ohio and new york accepted the boon, and they are largely reaping the benefit. a missionary and his wife, who returned from jamaica last year, after a residence there of about fifteen years, told me at birming- ham, where i met them, that having been much acquainted with the coffee plantations of that island, they had generally found the slaves * clarkson's history of the abolition of the slave trade, vol. , page . “ he accounted for it, among other causes, by the too great intima- cy between slaves and the lower class of free persons; and in proof of this he offered to submit for inspection certain small plantations, often occupied by a free colored man and his wife alone, the former being either a fisherman, mason, carpenter, or sportsman; and yet, observes the reporter, “his plantation is better cultivated, and he has more land in cultivation, than proprietors of several slaves. who then,' he adds, cultivated his property? perhaps day laborers. no, he employs none; he employs runaway slaves !"" and what does this statement prove? clearly that if the reporter affirmed rightly, runaway slaves, under all the depressing fears of dis- covery and oppression, labor well because the fruits of their labor are immediately their own : how much better then, if freed from those fears, and if stimulated by the still fairer hopes, which warm the bo- som of the free man! or if the reporter was in error, that one free man and his wife, in the midst of other avocations, can do more than a slave master with several slaves. i feel indeed that i am almost insulting the understandings of my readers, in dwelling on this evi- dence ;—and perhaps nothing but the thick darkness, which pride and prejudice have woven round a subject in itself so plain, could excuse me. but if the evidence adduced have force, and darkness be fleeing before the light of truth, we see that the immediate emancipation of , souls, would give the nation upwards of a million, instead of or , consumers for its varied productions : the agricul- ture of the colonies, which is perishing, would be retrieved: the sources of insolvency, vice, sterility and ruin, which are interwoven, fundamentally, in the negro slave system, being removed by its abo- lition; and every mind in the colonies being left free to bring its quota of talent and of energy into the common stock for the public good, the whole would rapidly increase in number and in wealth : character would improve; credit would be restored; enterprize, no longer reduced to a monopoly by the immense capital requisite for slave speculations, would revive; and the fertile lands, which though now rendered comparatively barren, still call our ships across the sea, restored by the willing nerve of freedom to their fertility, would soon demand a double number. v. the immediate emancipation of the negroes would interfere with no feelings, but such as are disgraceful and destructive. . what are the feelings which forbid the immediate emancipation of the negroes ?—that is, their being immediately made the subjects of wise and benignant laws, instead of leaving them, as they now are, the slaves of private caprice?. not regard for the law of god, for the divine law is the law of all righteous liberty : the express command to masters is, to give to servants that which is just and equal, and the part which god choos- es is, “to let loose the bands of wickedness, to undo the heavy bur- dens, and to let the oppressed go free.” of a plan of gradual emancipation, without improving the negroes in knowledge, and you tell of your own folly. speak of preparing the negroes for liberty, without cultivating their minds, and you render your proposition unworthy of all regard. but every step in knowl- edge nerves the arm, and whets the sword of the wronged, for the recovery of his plundered and unforfeited rights. “timely reform," it is well said, “is reconciliation with a friend. reform delayed, is capitulation to an enemy." whatever might be the result of immediate emancipation, by the wise and parental authority of government, the result of emancipa- tion wrought out by the negroes for themselves, would unquestionably reek with blood. on the gradual system, increasing numbers are continually getting free. the more benignant, and consequently the more worthy of regard, that system may be, the greater are those numbers: but they do not get their parents, wives, and children freed with them.- “what kind of a woman was your mother,” said a slave master some years ago, in a familiar mood, to a fine african boy whom he had purchased. the poor boy's heart writhed beneath the associations awakened : “come, tell me," said the white man who regarded the black man as a brute, only fit to be enslaved and insulted; "what kind of woman was she, was she tall, was she thin, was she old, was she beautiful ?” the boy's glistening eyes arose, and in broken accents he said, “how could a mother but be beautiful in the eyes of her child ! !" these increasing crowds of free men, eminent as far as our slave system has not destroyed the characteristic, for filial duti- fulness, see and hear the brutal wrongs, which their loved and honor- ed ones are suffering. they know, for they have felt, that slavery is no bed of roses; that consuming one's strength by force, for another's benefit, is no pleasant toil; that licentious power, backed by oppor- tunity, is not a fictitious terror; their souls writhe within them at the nameless wrongs to which their parents, wives, and children, are still subjected. their number and intelligence; their wealth and power continually and unavoidably increasing, give energy to the fire which is burning within them ; every feeling of the human heart, which ex- cites to resistance and to retaliation, rankles more and more deeply, and they are only waiting the climax and the opportunity, to sweep away the accursed remnants of the slave system, in the blood of its unrelenting perpetrators. immediate emancipation is a certain remedy, and it is the only remedy at once righteous in principle, and safe in fact. delays are dangerous. delay in duty, that is, in what is morally right, is criminal as well as dangerous. the almighty, as the american jefferson, so solernnly and so truly said half a century ago, in relation to negro slavery in the united states, “has no attribute, which can take side with us, in such a contest!" rather than of any value to his master; and he immediately proved himself, and continued to prove himself, one of the most dutiful and industrious men, that the friend ever knew. but the great body of the slave party are so imbruted in all their feelings towards the ne- groes, that they will not and cannot see the broad and delightſul truth which this bespeaks; and they persist in ruining themselves, and wast- ing the negro by vainly endeavoring to obtain by force, what equity and love would at once obtain without sin or difficulty. their minds are in the same posture in relation to the negro, as the mind of the drunkard is in relation to his liquor, or of the adulterer in relation to his lusts. they see the negro slavish, artful, thievish, and idle, as a slave. they will have it, that as a freeman, he would be the same; and therefore, with all the wisdom of infatuation, they persist in keep- ing him a slave, in order to prepare him for liberty ; they will retain him in the condition which has, in a great measure, forced him to be slavish, idle, thievish, and artful, in order to teach him to be indepen- dent, industrious, honest, and open. this fact could scarcely be more strikingly exhibited, than it is in the following words of the as- sembly of jamaica, in their decision of december , . “the whip is not forbidden in the field, lest the abandonment too suddenly, of a long established usage, should be misunderstood by the slaves. * * * until negro women have acquired more of the sense of shame, which distinguishes european females, it will be impossible in respect to them, to lay aside altogether, punishment by flogging, there being no substitute that promises to be accompanied with the same salutary dread.” or in the following quotation from the antigua free press of fri- day, june th, . “on the first introduction of the slave code into trinidad, the abolition of the whip, in the punishment of female slaves, coming sud- denly on the planter, unprovided with the authorized means of coer- cion, was the cause of great relaxation of discipline, and frequent disorders occurred. but the application of the hand and feet stocks has proved fully effectual for the punishment of refractory or inso- lent slaves; and at this period, the females are maintained in as per- fect order and subordination as the males. these stocks, confining the hands and feet, by which the body is kept in a position, that at length becomes almost insupportable, are allowed by law to be applied for six hours; but the severity of the punishment has proved so great, that few planters will go to the extent authorized; and the female who has once tasted of its salutary bitterness, has seldom any inclination to try a second dose !!" such is the wisdom, and such are the contrivances of the great body of the negro slave masters. such are the modes, by which they seek to enrich themselves, and to prepare the negroes for lib- erly; and such is the condition, in which they would have us con- tentedly leave our guiltless fellow subjects in the slave colonies; till women, by indecent exposures, and brutal floggings, are taught mod- esty; or by stretching on the stocks of trinidad, are inspired with respect for the authorities above them, and with cheerful industry!!! the simple reason why a man who keeps his eyes fast closed, cannot see, even while the day is pouring upon him, is because he will not open his eyes. * nd. the planters surely love their own pecuniary interests. the negroes are actually their property. to oppress and destroy the negroes, would be to destroy their own property; and how can we believe, that shrewd men like the planters, fully awake to their own pecuniary interests, could act so irrationally? on our post roads of britain, the post masters love their money as well as the west india planters do. the post horses are their own property. yet, who does not know that, in seasons of competi- tion especially, the poor horses are driven beyond their strength, and often killed ? negro slavery is an intense competition of ardent ri- vals, driving against each other. the driven animal, as in other ca- ses, is the sufferer. the driver also very frequently suffers, betray- ed by the lust of gold. this is eminently the case with the slave party. in their horrible lottery of avarice, and lust, and blood, nine out of ten are ruined. they are driving themselves to destruction as fast as they can. but they resolutely shut up their senses against the blaze of evidence which demonstrates this fact; and while they go on railing at the government; and at the friends of humanity ; and at the poor negroes—and even at the blessed missionaries of the cross; they are continually deepening their guilt and their ruin. god says to them, “steal no more." “ yes, yes,” they reply; “ we wo’nt steal a man's coat; but we must steal his reputation, his wages, and his liberty.” “let the oppressed go free,” says god. "that we wo'nt,” says the negro slave party. “the way of transgressors is hard,” saith the lord. “oh, that,” they cry, “is the fault of the sufferers, and their friends.” god opens to them the pleasant way of love and holiness. but they hate that pleasant way, and sting themselves to death, while they are wasting the unoffending poor, and abusing every one who does not sympathize with them in their wickedness. few, comparatively, of the negro slave proprietors are manag- ers. the actual authorities, generally in charge of the poor ne- groes, are hirelings, and have no other interest in them, than to wring out of them as much labor, year by year, as possible. with these men interest concurs with passion and opportunity, in wasting the negro. of the few proprietors who are managers, very few indeed, are completely solvent. overburdened, generally with debt, and deep- ly mortgaged, they are under pecuniary engagements of the heav- iest kind, to obtain, harvest by harvest, a stated quantity of produce, and to consign it to the stipulated agencies. however much they may compassionate the negroes, or be awakened to their own per- manent interests, they have no alternative but immediate ruin, (as they deem ruin) or the fulfilment of their pecuniary engagements. the poor negro is the machine by which, season after season, the bond is solved; and that bond can only be solved, as the admirers of slave labor are persuaded, by exacting from him by force, what- ever amount of exertion is requisite for its solution. interest, worldly interest i mean, is dear to man; it is like his right hand. but passion is dearer still. it is the apple of his eye. he will sacrifice body and soul for his money. but he will sacri- fice body and soul, and money too, for the gratification of his pas- sions. what tongue could utter the loathsome and bloody abomina- tions of negro slavery in this particular? the mind of the despot, in relation to the negro, is doubly seared. he outrages his brother, and rushes proudly to his own ruin, even as the war horse plunges into battle. . but here is a difficulty. a man has purchased an estate in the west indies of the value of £ , . the enslaved british subjects on it, estimated at one half, or £ , : the lands and works at the remainder. he has a sudden call to convert his property into money, or he dies, and his executors are required to do the same, for the benefit of legatees. now, while such a sale is in progress, or before it can be completed, if all the enslaved british subjects in the slave colo- nies were restored to their freedom, would not such property be largely depreciated, and would not the person in question sustain a heavy loss? i reply, the case is an extreme one. such cases might occur, but they would certainly be rare ; and even on the low ground of political expediency, the exception can never form the rule. it is unquestionably better in every sense, that a few criminal individuals should suffer a pecuniary loss, than that hundreds of thousands of innocent people, should continue bereaved of all that is most un- alienably the real property of man, and of all that is fundamentally dearest to every right feeling of the human heart. but will such a loss arise; let us fairly see. every body knows, that land of itself is worth little or nothing for human purposes. all, or almost all its value, depends upon the means of cultivating it. in a slave society, like that of jamaica, as few or no laborers, except such as are enslaved can be procured for the purpose of cultivating land, the value of landed property rests eminently upon the number of enslaved laborers attached to it; and this must continue as long as slavery continues. but if the slaves were freed, what would be the result? there would at once be in jamaica between three and four hundred thousand free laborers, de- pendant under god for the daily bread of themselves and families aily bonded there we build upon their own labor. every one who had land, could get a portion of them. the value of land, which had largely gone over to the slaves, because none but slaves could be got to cultivate it, would im- mediately revert to the land itself, because now its cultivation would be secured by free labor, without the waste of capital, and the over- whelming responsibilities of the slave system. this reversion of the value of the land, to the land, would be immediate in a measure; it would necessarily increase with rapidity, and very soon, as is now the case in maryland and elsewhere, the land and buildings alone, would be worth as much, without a single slave, as the same land and buildings now are, with all their outraged and unoffending poor. if the necessity, supposed in the case, were imperious and in- stant, so that the persons concerned could not without guilt, delay the sale, beyond the day immediately following the emancipation, it is probable some loss would be sustained. but not so much as the slave share of the purchase, because every one would immediately know, that the land was now valuable without slaves. but this is a case doubly extreme. the common necessities of sale, could clear- ly be postponed under such circumstances, for a reasonable time, and little or no loss need arise. for myself i am fully persuaded, that sales would early be effected, vastly more profitable to the ven- ders, than now could take place, or than ever can take place again, while we continue to defy god, by refusing to let his poor go free. they who can deem the risk of a portion of the money of a few, in a case scarcely to be supposed; and that money, the money of the wrong-doers; as of more value than the unforfeited right of the sufferer of wrong to his property in his own person, and in his own righteous liberty and earnings, may be stumbled at this difficulty if they please. i leave them, with an earnest intreaty to study solemn- ly and prayerfully, the th chapter of isaiah, and the beginning of the th of james. but why don't the government do its duty, and at once abolish this atrocious system? the only reasons that i can see, are, st. that slave masters are members of the government. and what, with this cancer in its bosom, and the dreadful influence of the slave party without; pervading as it does, almost every corner of our empire, and holding often the highest in its trammels,—the government, however willing, has not been able alone. and ndly. that the nation, by purcha- sing and consuming the produce of the slave colonies, at once sup- ports slavery, and unnerves all its efforts, and all its petitions against it. it is building up with both hands, what it is calling upon others to pull down. two or three brief observations may be added. if the negroes be fit for liberty, there is no excuse, but such as telons use, for keeping them in bondage. if the negroes be not fit for liberty, the fault must be in our negro slave system ; since it is undeniable, that the native africans can at once be landed from the captured slave ships, as free men, the sub- jects of law, with the most perfect safety to the public and them- selves. if we would keep them slaves, in order to prepare them for lib- erty, where shall we find right agents for the evolution of our benev- olent purpose? the west india planters have always been an hon- orable body. they have had the negroes in their hands for nearly three centuries; and they themselves declare that the negroes are not yet prepared. there is another body, more honorable still, the bishops with his grace of canterbury at their head, who have had a slave estate, (codrington's estate, barbadoes,) for upwards of a hundred years in their possession, and by their own last report, pub- lished but a few months back, the negroes on it were not yet fit for liberty. where could we find better agents ? or can present or future slave masters be more wisely trusted with the liberties of their un- offending fellow subjects than those that are passed; while still they remain men, and the dreadful influences of despotic authority retain the same power as ever over the human heart? which of us, that has a father's spirit, could be willing that our child, imbruted by turkish bondage, should remain in bondage to the turk, that his turkishi master might prepare him for liberty before he set him free? and what difference is there between this case and ours, ex- cept that a bible is more guilty than a koran land, where it wrongs its unoffending brother ! outline for immediate emancipation. a parliamentary enactment, abolishing at once and altogether, the negro slave system, throughout the british dominions. this should be transmitted, immediately after its completion, with all requisite authority, to the slave colonies; and, at the conclusion of the few days which might be requisite to prepare for its promulga- tion, it ought to be promulgated and put in force. the negroes should remain amenable to the common statute laws of great britain, together with such local regulations, as might be suitable in their recovered capacity, as free and righted british sub- jects. all compulsory labor will be at an end, except for crime, by fair course of law, and equitable wages will be the stimulus, and the re- ward of the negro's toil. all great and sudden changes, being liable to difficulties from the very nature of the human mind, the change which we are now con- templating, should be no greater than duty requires—and therefore, while duty is satisfied, by converting the slave of private and irres- ponsible caprice, into the subject of public and equitable authority, such regulations should be enacted, as might best provide for the public good, on the righteous basis of equal law. a public provision should be made for the maimed and incurably diseased negroes. all difference in law, on account of color, to be abolished. the details of this outline can be filled up, only by the proper authorities. all that seems wanting for its completion is, that the negro slave party should open their eyes, and cultivate, instead of destroying, both their own interests, and the unoffending poor. that whether the negro slave party will open their eyes or not, the government should do its duty, by at once and totally abolishing this atrocious crime, leaving the pecuniary question between the criminals to be settled by due course of law. that in order to give the government the strength which it needs on this subject, the people should more and more urgently and nu- merously petition. that in order to give their petitions all their force, the people should abstain from slave produce, as far as possible, and especially from that dreadful article, slave sugar, which adds slaughter to slavery. and, as each individual's duty is perfectly independent of the concurrence or opposition of others, that each individual should be faithful unto death, in doing all that he can in a christian temper and a christian manner, towards obtaining immediate obedience to the divine command, to "let the oppressed go free.” should it yet be said-but why not leave the matter to govern- ment? i reply, st. the measures still pursuing by government, are fundamental- ly the same as those pursued since ; that is, they continue either to leave legislation for the benefit of the oppressed, to the discretion of their oppressors; or they aim at the mitigation, instead of the ex- tinction of crime. while the government has been dallying over these measures, exposed to the scoffs, and the insults, and the almost treasonous opposition of the slave party, upwards of , of our unoffending fellow subjects have been deliberately slaughtered in cold blood; and upwards of , have died in slavery; and are prepared with all their unredressed wrongs about them, to meet us at the bar of god. from to , between and yearly destroyed in sugar. the natural deaths, in the same period, amongst , , must have been at least , . nd. the half-way measures of the british government, and the liberty which it has taken to connive at the actual continuance of the great crime of negro slavery, while it has been feebly aiming at its future extinction, have encouraged other nations in their wicked- ness. crime, to be prevented, must be deprived of countenance ; and the temptations, which lead to it, must be removed. immediate emancipation, under wise and benignant regulations, would do this : but half-way measures countenance the crime, and supply it with temptation. rd. the act of legislature, which shall substitute the dominion of wise and equitable laws, for that of private and irresponsible caprice, will be more easy of execution, than any merely ameliorating acts can be. in the former case, legislature will be simple, uniform, and just; and the interests of all parties being fairly consulted, the inter- ests of all will harmonize. but, in the latter, legislation itself ex- ceedingly complicated, will have to contend with a discordant mass of hostile and repellent powers. each plantation will remain, as it is, a little “inperium in imperio,” at variance with the supreme government, and in a state of smothered warfare within itself; the interests, as he deems them, of the master, on the one side, being, from the very nature of things, at irreconcilable variance, with the interests on the other, of the oppressed negro, and of the nation, disgraced by the poor man's wrongs. th. the discordances of legislation, introduced into our slave colonies, by the various sources, british, spanish, french, dutch, pirate, &c. from which we have derived ther, will present a laby- rinth of legalized subterfuge and impediment, beyond all possibility of efficient correction, by mitigating measures; and amidst the mazes of which, “ negro slavery" may safely crouch, crying out “ ameli- oration,” and despising the cries of the negro's blood; as long as the gradual system, with its half policies, vacillating between right and wrong, continues to afford it covert. th. but let the simple, wise, and equitable dominion of british law, be substituted by the supreme authorities of the state, for the negro slave system; and at once, the otherwise insuperable difficul- ties which now oppress us, will disappear: the wickedness which is a lion in the face of indecision, is a lamb when confronted by dute- ous energy; and truth, and love, and lawful liberty, will take place of avarice, tyranny, and lust, and blood. policy will be succeeded by wisdom. temporising between right and wrong, will be sup- planted by decision in right; and our eight hundred thousand en- slaved and outraged negro fellow-subjects, will no longer blazon our inconsistency and hypocrisy over the world, whenever we boast of our liberty. appendix.-on compensation. in negro slavery, there are two parties.—the wrong doers, and the sufferers of wrong. whatever may become of the wrong doers, the sufferers clearly ought not to continue to be wronged. the wrong doers consist of two classes. st. the negro slave party; that is, every body who has, or rather, who thinks he has, any direct interest in the continuance of the outrage. and, nd. the rest of the nation. the beginning of this outrage, was the crime of the negro slave party. sir john or captain hawkins, by imposing upon his sovereign, and by making himself a merchant in the liberties and blood of his unoffending fellow men, for sake of lucre, was its infamous founder. (i speak of great britain only.) at a subsequent period, the government, to its everlasting disgrace, threw itself into the enterprise, and took a dreadful lead; but even then, in the height of its guilt, the government retained a degree of integrity. in the debate of , as quoted by clarkson, vol. ii, p. , adducing act . geo. ii. c. . “no master of a ship trading to africa, shall by fraud, force or violence, or by any indirect practice whatever, take on board, or carry away from that coast, any negro, or native of that country, or commit any violence on the natives, to the prejudice of the said trade; and every person so offending, shall, for every such offence, forfeit £ .” mr. pitt adds, “ but the whole trade had been demonstrated to be a system of fraud, force, and violence; and therefore, the contract was daily violated, under which the parliament allowed it to continue.” and who were the violators ? not the nation or the government, but the negro slave party! virginia and jamaica, it is true, petitioned for the abolition of the african slave trade; and the government rejected their petition. but the motives for the petition and for its rejection, were of one stamp. both were alike sordid,-and in moral estimation, are records, not of praise, but of infamy. when, at a subsequent period, the african slave trade was ac- knowledged by government to be what it always had been, felony, and was abolished by law, the negro slave party clave only the more firm- ly to their idol, its hideous parent, colonial slavery, which, in the nature of things, is equally felony; and for many years past, they have been resisting alike the influence of the government, the remonstran- ces of the nation, the voice of humanity, and the commands of god, in support of their destructive system. all that talent, wealth, high connections, union, energy, lust, pride, prejudice, selfishness, deluded passion, and perverted judgment, could do, to support the outrage, has been done by them; and through their influence, chiefly, this intol- erable disgrace still rankles in our bosom. i say, chiefly-not entire- ly-because, by purchasing and consuming their produce, especially their bloodbought sugars, we continue to purchase and encourage the crime. these facts should be always kept in mind, when we discuss the subject of compensation. i speak of them in a general sense, disre- garding the exceptions; and in this sense, i proceed to observe: st. if the criminal, however sanctioned by legal wickedness like his own, have no just claim to compensation, when arrested in his iniquity; then the plunderers of the rights, and the destroyers of the lives, of their guiltless fellow subjects, will have no such claim, if a lawful stop be put to their cruel and destructive system. nd. if compensation be due to the sufferers of wrong, and not to the perpetrators of it, then, all the compensation is due to the op- pressed. d. if compensation for loss never can be due, till the fact of loss, and an equitable claim, be substantiated; no compensation can be due, in the case before us, till the proof of such loss is supplied, and a just claim to remuneration be established. th, if the compensation claimed, be a claim of equity, that claim must have the support of the divine law. but every principle of the divine law, is against the claim in question here, as far as relates to keeping the unoffending negroes another moment in bondage. th. if it be a political claim, it must be supported by political rights. but, in the present case, the british law is fundamentally ad- verse to it. the charters of the slave colonies do not support it. the british character loathes it. customs inherited from pirates, and a law of custom, worthy of pirates only, together with colonial stat- utes, defining its existing enormities, are its sole grounds—its sandy, yet terrible foundation. th. if it be a commercial claim, it must be sanctioned by the es- tablished principles of commerce. but every merchant exposes him- self to all the reverses which may meet him in his speculations. when he has had sufficient warning, he is doubly without a claim. and when his speculations partake of robbery and murder, all that he has a right to claim, is the robber's and the murderer's meed. th. if it be a claim to benevolence, it must make out a case of dis- tress, not the result of the claimant's own obstinacy in wickedness. in the case before us, the case of general distress seems amply made out; but the evidence is still more ample, that this distress is entirely the result of the dreadful infatuation in sin, of the claimant; that he has the remedy within his power; and that nothing, but his own unbending wickedness, has prevented, or now prevents the remedy. th. if the claim pretend to any degree of rectitude, it must be con- patible with the equal or superior rights of others. but this seems entirely overlooked by the slave-masters, in their “a priori" claims for compensation. so sordidly selfish are their views, that no evi- dence can be traced, in any of their proceedings, of their having the least reinembrance, that the negroes whom they oppress, are their brother men, entitled, by the law of their god, to their love: that the poor negroes, whose liberties they are plundering, and on whose plundered wages they are living, are their fellow subjects, and have a better claim to the king's protection, than they themselves have: that the oppressed negroes have suffered wrongs from them, and from the nation, which worlds of gold, and ages of holy and undissembling love, could not repay. th. if the claim demand a sum of money, equal to the full existing value of the negro, this and more than this, the claimants have already received. the oppressed negroes themselves, have amply paid it, by the net profits of their toil. the only difference is, that if the nation had paid it, they would have received it, all at once, in the mere sum, of £ , , ; estimating, in round numbers, that there are , of our fellow subjects thus oppressed in the colonies, and that the price of each of these, upon an average, is £ . whereas, receiving it, as they have done, by daily instalments, they have received a large addition in compound interest. here let it also be observed, that the nation is already two hundred millions out of pocket by the slave colonies; and that in any legal balancing of pecuniary accounts, this fact must be estimated. th. whether, however, we reject or admit the claim of compen- sation, the most convincing arguments, alike of theory and of fact, are not wanting to prove, that the advantages of free labor, would greatly increase the value of the estates, so as in a short time, to ren- der the land alone worth as much as land and negroes both together now are; and would greatly improve the income of the proprietors. and these arguments are so conclusive, that it would be much more reasonable for the slave masters to purchase beforehand, from the nation, the advantages of immediate emancipation, by an advance of millions, than it would be in the nation to pay beforehand, for an ap- prehended loss, which there is abundant reason to believe will never arise. still, the claim is boldly and loudly reiterated. here is what may be further said. the quantity of produce on each plantation is annually sworn to for internal taxation, in the slave colonies. the quantity of exported produce, is, or ought to be, duly recorded in passing through the custom house. the number of enslaved british subjects on each plantation, is an- nually sworn to, for internal taxation. the same thing is done triennially, stating age, sex, &c. for the three yearly returns to the supreme government. the books of each plantation contain lists of all the enslaved british subjects on the plantation, with their various employments, &c. on these and other data, means of accurate information are always at hand. with respect to the effect of making the negroes at once the subjects of wise and benignant laws, instead of leaving them the slaves of private caprice, the negro slave party, and the rest of the nation, that is, the two parties of criminals, are at variance. the negro slave party, will have it, that a man labors most profitably for his employer, when compelled to do so, whether he likes it or not. the king's subjects must not be left the slaves of the king's subjects. the law which has been outraged, must be restored without delay to its integrity. the oppressed must be let go free. this is our first duty; and it is a duty perfectly separate from the balancing and set- tling of the vile accounts which we, the wrong doers, have between ourselves. but as we cordially agree, that having been your accom- plices in the crime, should the fulfilling of our first and great duty in this particular, subject you to inequitable loss, we ought to bear a fair portion of the penalty; you have only to assert and substantiate your claim to compensation, as soon as you have really suffered a loss; and we pledge ourselves not to be wanting in justice to you. the data already enumerated, together with other evidence, will al- ways amply supply us with the means of coming to a fair decision. the question of letting the oppressed go free, and of restoring to his majesty's unoffending subjects, the unforfeited rights of which they have been so long and so criminally deprived, is one thing. this must be first and independently set at rest. the question of mutual duty be- tween the wrong doers, is another thing. and the proper time for discussing it, will be, when any claim is peaceably advanced and sup- ported openly, and fairly and lawfully established by either party of the criminals against the other.” suppose, then, that our wishes were accomplished ! suppose that the government should cease to defy and mistrust god; and that in its deliberate wisdom, as god's minister, it should to-mor- row enact a law, at once abolishing the whole slave system, and in- stituting in its place, a law, worthy of free and bible-england. sup- pose that the unoffending and loyal negro, should thus at once be re- stored to the king, whose subject he is; and be delivered from the despot of the plantations, whose slave he is not for a moment, except by laws and customs, which are the stain and the curse, even of the pirate. suppose, i say, that this were done; and that it were accom- panied with every truly wise and righteous precaution; for this, and this orly, is what we are urging. what would be the difference? let us take jamaica for our example. would god keep it less firmly on its watery bed, because now the laborer there, was no longer plundered of his wages; and because the master now no longer stiffened his neck against his god, or hardened his heart against his brother? who can believe it? what would be the difference? would the lands assume a double sterility, because the causes which are producing their sterility, were removed? would the land, which refuses to yield its strength to the nerveless and heartless arm of the slave, become doubly barren, beneath the cordial arm of the freeman? would the master whose beauteous fields are of no use to him, with- out labor, keep them waste, and ruin himself with two-fold rapidity, merely because he hated free labor, and still hankered after the long idolized lusts of slavery ? would he make a wilderness about him, where, amidst the unfettered developments of every holy and tender affection, he might, if he would, make a paradise ? your property would not be taken from you. it would be improv- ed. the capital which is sunk in your negroes, is sunk. it does not now supply your current expenditure; but on the contrary, is a heavy burthen to you. you must have other sources of supply for your current expenses; these will not be touched by the emancipation in question ; but they will rather be benefited by the comparative se- curity which results from the harmony instituted between the negroes' interests and your own. but should i wish to sell, where is my money? the capital sunk in my negroes, will surely then be gone, as i shall have no negroes to sell. not so.—although you will have no negroes to sell, you will have a substitute, equally, or more valuable. you will have the recovered value of your land. wherever slavery prevails, land without slaves, is of little or no use; and as the purchase of slaves is very heavy, and the possession is always precarious and dangerous ; few, compar- atively, can embark in the speculation. the finest land remains, as it were, a drug, because ten thousand acres of it, without slaves, where you can get no other laborers, must remain a wilderness. but abolish slavery, and at once you have as many free laborers as you had slaves, each standing in the market anxious for employment. get one hundred acres then, and you can immediately render it productive by hiring such laborers as you need for its cultivation. thus the land resumes its value; and in its recovered and increasing worth, you have an ample security for the capital sunk, whenever you may wish to sell. but the negroes will leave us. we can see no reason to believe it-except, indeed, you be one of these wretches, who, by the atrocities of despotic power, doubly abu- sed, have succeeded in awakening wrath even in the kind negro's bo- som, and have convinced him beyond denial, that his only alternative for peace is to leave you. in every other case, why should he go? to whom should he go? whither could he go? he would not leave you-he could, as a general truth, have no motive for leaving you. every motive which wields the heart of man, would require him to stay. he would want his cot-where could he get another, should he leave you? he would want his field—where could he get a better? he would want a master to hire him. why should he leave you, if you have not proved to him beyond contradiction, that you are singu- larly unfit to be trusted? if he went from you, it would not be we, who took him away, but it would be yourself alone, who drove him from you. all that we should have done, would be to take away from him the motives which you are now giving him to leave you if he could; and to make it his interest, and his honor, and his happi- ness, to remain with you, secured alike with yourself, beneath the sacred and pleasant panoply of righteous law. here we ought to observe, that there is one class of the criminals not included in the preceding remarks. these are the jobbers as they are called, who have slaves, but have no lands. much of the force of what has been said, clearly does not apply to them. if their slaves were to be freed, they would lose their slave property, and many of them have none other. in a moral and everlasting sense, the emancipation of their negroes, would be to them also, an unspeak- ably important benefit: but in a pecuniary sense, they would be losers. i stop here, merely to notice, not to discuss the fact; and i will simp- ly add, that in the vast expanse of fertile lands, which still belong to the government in the slave colonies, the amplest means exist of ma- king every provision for them, which compassion or equity can de- mand, without the expense of a shilling to the nation. should it further be said, “ admitting your whole argument, still, as the present proprietors might suffer by the foreclosure of mortga- ges through the fears of mortgagees, upon such an extreme change of circumstances, and through the unwillingness of capitalists to risk their funds during the uncertainty, which for the time at least, would be suspended over the event; and as you have unquestionably been accomplices in the crime, you, as unquestionably, ought to share in the loss." we may observe, that the government might provide against this apprehended danger, by making loans, wherever requi- site, upon the same security as other mortgagees, at three or four per cent, to the present proprietors, wherever they might need funds, in order to enable them to contend fairly with whatever difficulties might arise. by this means, the proprietors would have an easier and more certain command of money, at one half or one third of the expense to which they are now exposed, and the government, without coun- tenancing the impious claim of compensation, as antecedent for a mo- ment, or as in any degree an equal duty, to the immediate rescue of the king's unoffending subjects from the petty despots of the planta- tions, would provide against loss to its partners in guilt, as far as hu- man help can provide ; while in the increased value of land in the col- onies; in the newly acquired security of property ; in the extension of commerce; and in the general happiness of the people, it would be itself as secure, as human things can be. ! library of dei viget sub numine princeton liniversity theodore f.sanxay fund tāmschon university library lorary ( extr) loss . sentiments expressed by the southerners themselves on the subject of slavery. qm “now naaman was a great man, and honorable; he was alsс a mighty man in valor; but he was a leper."- kings, chap. v. hall. te aty and sentiments of patrick henry. “ is it not amazing, that at a time when the rites of humanity are defined with precision, in a country abore all others fond of liberty, that in such an age, and in such a country, we find men, professing a religion the most hurnane and gentle, adopting a principle as repugnant to humanity, as it is inconsistent with the bible, and de- structive to liberty ? believe me, i shall honor the quakers for their noble efforts to abolish slavery. every thinking, honest man, rejects it in speculation ; yet how few in practice, from conscientious motives. would any man believe that i am master of slaves of my own purchase ? i am drawn along by the general inconvenience of living without them. i will not, i cannot justify il. however culpable my conduct, i will so far pay my devoir to virtue, as to own the excellence and rectitude of her precepts, and to lament my own want of conformity to them.”- letter of patrick henry, of virginia, to robert pleas- unts, of the society of friends. - sentiments of jefferson. " the whole commerce between master and slave is a perpetual exercise of the most boisterous passions, the most unremitting despotism on one part, and degrading % submission on the other. our children see this and learn to imitate it. the parent storms, the child looks on, catches the lineaments of wrath, puts on the same airs in the circle of smaller slaves, gives loose to the worst of passions, and thus nursed, educated, and exercised in tyranny, cannot but be stamped by it with odious pecu- liarities. with what execration should the statesman be loaded, who, permitting one half of the citizens to trample on the rights of the other, transforms those into despots, and those into enemies ; destroys the morals of one part, and the amor patriæ of the other. “ and can the liberties of the nation be thought secure, when we have refused the only firm basis, a conviction in the minds of the people that these liberties are the gift of god ? that they are not to be violated but with his wrath ? indeed, i tremble for my country, when i recol- lect that god is just ; that his justice cannot sleep forever; that, considering numbers, nature and natural means only, a revolution in the wheel of fortune, an exchange of situa- tion is among possible events; that it may become proba- ble by a supernatural interference. the almighty has no attribute which can take side with us in such a con- test.”—jefferson's notes on virginia, published . in a letter, dated monticello, , mr. jefferson writes thus in his old age. “dear sir-your favor of july , was duly received, and read with pleasure. the sentiments breathed through the whole, do honor both to the head and heart of the writer. mine on the subject of the slavery of the negroes have long since been in the possession of the public; and time has only served to give them stronger root. yet the hour of emancipation is advancing in the march of time. it will come ; and whether brought on by the generous energy of our own minds, or by the bloody process of st. domingo, excited and conducted by the power of our present enemy,* if once stationed permanently within our it will be recollected that we were then engaged in war. sentiments of mr. read. slavery is an unnatural state, a dark cloud, which obscures half the lustre of our free institutions. i would hail that day as the most glorious in its dawning, which would behold, with safety to themselves and our citizens, the black population of the united states placed upon the high eminence of equal rights."- mr. read, of geor- gia, in the debate on the missouri question. sentiments of governor giles. free blacks, when convicted of certain crimes, are sold as slaves. governor giles, in his address to the legis- lature of virginia, in , alluding to this custom, says: slavery must be admitted to be a punishment of the highest order; and according to every just rule for the apportionment of punishment to crimes, it would seem that it ought to be applied only to crimes of the highest order. it seems but an act of justice to this unfortunate, degraded class of persons, to state that the number of convicis among free colored persons, compared with the white population, is extremely small; and would serve to show, that even this description of our population is less demoralized than is generally supposed.” sentiments of amos weaver. " what! are thousands of our fellow-creatures within our state, destitute of every real protection afforded them by law, either in their persons or property-without any law to guard their marriage rights, or without the law's having any knowledge of marriage among them-(for such is the fact with regard to the whole slave population among us)—many of them under the control of cruel and relentless masters, from whom they receive much inhu- man abuse-and yet are we told that all this needs no legislative interference? monstrous, indeed, is the doc- trine! but on this subject, we appeal to the virtue and good sense of our countrymen.". -oration by amos weaver, of guilford county, north carolina, delivered in . sentiments of b. swain. “ is it nothing to us, that serenteen hundred thousand of the people of our country, are doomed illegally to the most abject and vile slavery that was ever tolerated on the face of the earth ? are carolinians deaf to the piercing cries of bumanity? are they insensible to the demands of justice? let any man of spirit and feeling, for a mo- ment cast his thoughts over the land of slavery-think of the nakedness of some, the hungry yearnings of others, the flowing tears and heaving sighs of parting relations, the wailings of lamentation and wo, the bloody cut of the keen lash, and the frightful scream that rends the very skies, -and all this to gratify ambition, lust, pride, avarice, vanity, and other depraved feelings of the human heart. too long has our country been unfortunately lulled to sleep, feeding on the golden dreams of superficial politi- cians, fanciful poets, and anniversary orations. the worst is not generally known. were all the miseries, the horrors of slavery, to burst at once into view, a peal of sevenfold thunder could scarce strike greater alarm. we cannot yet believe the condition of our country so desperate, as to forbid the judicious application of proper remedies." --address of b. swain, of north carolina, in . sentiments of henry clay. “in our attempt to adopt gradual emancipation in kentucky, we were overpowered by numbers, and sub- mitted to the decision of the majority, with the grace which the minority in a republic should ever yield to such a decision. but i have never ceased, and never shall cease, to regret a decision, the effects of which have been sentiments of mr. wirt. mr. wirt, of virginia, said that "slavery was contrary to the laws of nature and of nations; and that the law of south carolina concerning seizing colored seamen was unconstitutional.” in his life of patrick henry, speaking of the different classes in virginia, he says : " last and lowest, a feculum of beings called overseers--the most abject, degraded, unprincipled race--always whip in hand to the dons who employ them, and furnishing materials for their pride, insolence, and love of dominion." sentiments of mr. brodnax. “that slavery in virginia is an evil, and a transcendent evil, it would be more than idle for any human being to doubt or deny. it is a mildew, which has blighted every region it has touched, from the creation of the world. illustrations from the history of other countries and other times inight be instructive ; but we have evidence nearer at hand, in the short histories of the different states of this great confederacy, which are impressive in their ad- monitions, and conclusive in their character.' --speech of mr. brodnax, in the virginia legislature, . sentiments of mr. summers. “sir, the evils of this system cannot be enumerated. it were unnecessary to attempt it. they glare upon us at every step. when the owner looks to his wasted estate, he knows and feels them. when the statesinan examines the condition of his country, and finds her moral influence gone, her physical strength diminished, her political power waning, he sees and must confess them. will gentlemen inform us when this subject will become less delicate--when it will be attended with fewer difficulties than at present--and at what period we shall be better enabled to meet them ? shall we be more adequate to the end proposed, after the resources of the state have been yet longer paralyzed by the withering, desolating in- fluence of our present system ? sir, every year's delay but augments the difficulties of this great business, and weakens our ability to compass it. like silly children, we endeavor to postpone the work, which we know must be performed."--speech of mr. summers, in the legisla- turc of virginia, . sentiments of thomas clay. “ the present economy of the slave system is to get all you can from the slave, and give in return as little as will barely support him in a working condition. even where there is not a direct intention to abridge his comforts, they are but little consulted ; and seeing his master wholly engrossed by his own advantage, the slave nat- urally pursues the same selfish course, and when not re- strained by higher principle, becomes deceitful and thiev- ish. the master takes no pains to conceal that he takes it for granted the negro will steal and lie; and when the slave is tempted to either, he feels that he has no character to lose."--thomas clay's address before the presbytery of georgia. sentiments of z. kingsley. this writer informs his readers that he settled on a plantation in florida, with about fifty negroes, many of whom he brought from the coast of africa himself. he is one who wants to regulate the evil--not abolish it. “ as far as regards the free colored people of the south, the laws are dictated in a spirit of intolerant prejudice, and irresponsible autocracy, holding out to people they nickname free, no reward or premium whatever for being virtuous; nothing to stimulate to industry, or the acqui- sition of a good name, learning, or refinement; no kind of protection either for person or property. even their punishments must be corporeal--not excepting the most del- icate female, whom industry and virtue alone would place at the head of society in any other country. liberty is merely nominal, without any constitutional protection. they may be sold to pay partial, exorbitant, and tyranni- cal taxes, or fines, all which are unconstitutional. op- pression is carried to its greatest extreme, when a mother, of most unexceptionable moral character, going out of her native state on account of ill health, is inexorably pun. ished by perpetual banishment from husband, children, friends, country, and all that is dear to her.* as for our laws to regulate slaves, they are all founded upon terror." sentiments of president monroe. “ we have found that this evil has preyed upon the very vitals of the union ; and has been prejudicial to all the states in which it has existed.”—james monroe before the virginia convention. sentiments of washington. general washington, in a letter to sir john sinclair, speaks of the prices of land in virginia, and particularly in the neighborhood of mount vernon. the land there is described as exhausted and miserable--plantations not worth more than four or five dollars an acre, including buildings. he then alludes to the prices of land in penn- sylvania and the_free states, which averaged more than twice as much ; i think he stated it at sixteen dollars per he assigns as reasons for this mighty difference, first, that foreign emigrants are more inclined to settle in the free states. the second reason i transcribe in his own words : acre. * free colored people if they go out of the state, for any reason whatsoever, are never allowed to return, lest they should bring back opinions that would make the slaves uneasy. country, and offering an asylam and alms to the oppressed, is a leaf of our history not yet turned over. “i am sensible of the partialities with which you have looked towards me, as the person who should undertake this salutary but arduous' work. but this, my dear sir, is like bidding old priam buckle on the armor of hector, . trementibus ævo humeri et inutile ferrum cingi.' no, i have overlived the generation with which mutual labors begat mutual confidence and influence. this enterprise is for the young; for those who can follow it up, and bear it through to its consummation. it shall have my prayers, and these are the only weapons of an old man." sentiments of governor randolph. “the deplorable error of our ancestors in copying a civil institution from savage africa, has affixed upon their posterity a depressing burden, which nothing but the ex- iraordinary benefits conferred by our happy climate, could have enabled us to support. we have been far outstrip- ped by states, to whom nature has been far less bountiful. it is painful to consider what might have been, under other circumstances, the amount of general wealth in virginia, or the whole sum of comfortable subsistence and happiness possessed by all her inhabitants.”—governor randolph's address to the legislature of virginia, in . sentiments of john randolph. “ virginia is so impoverished by the system of slavery, that the tables will sooner or later be turned, and the slaves will advertise for runaway masters.”—john ran- dolph, of roanoke. * sentiments of mr. read. slavery is an unnatural state, a dark cloud, which obscures half the lustre of our free institutions. i would hail that day as the most glorious in its dawning, which would behold, with safety to themselves and our citizens, the black population of the united states placed upon the high eminence of equal rights.”—mr. read, of geor- gia, in the debate on the missouri question. sentiments of governor giles. free blacks, when convicted of certain crimes, are sold as slaves. governor giles, in his address to the legis- lature of virginia, in , alluding to this custom, says : “ slavery must be admitted to be a punishment of the highest order; and according to every just rule for the apportionment of punishment to crimes, it would seem that it ought to be applied only to crimes of the highest order. it seems but an act of justice to this unfortunate, degraded class of persons, to state that the number of convicis among free colored persons, compared with the white population, is extremely small; and would serve to show, that even this description of our population is less demoralized than is generally supposed.” sentiments of amos weaver. " what! are thousands of our fellow-creatures within our state, destitute of every real protection afforded them by law, either in their persons or property—without any law to guard their marriage rights, or without the law's having any knowledge of marriage among them-(for such is the fact with regard to the whole slave population among us)—many of them under the control of cruel and relentless masters, from whom they receive much inhu- man abuse—and yet are we told that all this needs no legislative interference ? monstrous, indeed, is the doc- trine! but on this subject, we appeal to the virtue and good sense of our countrymen."-oration by amos weaver, of guilford county, north carolina, delivered in . sentiments of b. swain. “ is it nothing to us, that seventeen hundred thousand of the people of our country, are doomed illegally to the most abject and vile slavery that was ever tolerated on the face of the earth? are carolinians deaf to the piercing cries of bumanity? are they insensible to the demands of justice? let any man of spirit and feeling, for a mo- ment cast his thoughts over the land of slavery-think of the nakedness of some, the hungry yearnings of others, the flowing tears and heaving sighs of parting relations, the wailings of lamentation and wo, the bloody cut of the keen lash, and the frightful scream that rends the very skies,-and all this to gratify ambition, lust, pride, avarice, vanity, and other depraved feelings of the human heart. too long has our country been unfortunately lulled to sleep, feeding on the golden dreams of superficial politi- cians, fanciful poets, and anniversary orations. the worst is not generally known. were all the miseries, the horrors of slavery, to burst at once into view, a peal of sevenfold thunder could scarce strike greater alarm. we cannot yet believe the condition of our country so desperate, as to forbid the judicious application of proper remedies."'-address of b. swain, of north carolina, in . sentiments of henry clay. “in our attempt to adopt gradual emancipation in kentucky, we were overpowered by numbers, and sub- mitted to the decision of the majority, with the grace which the minority in a republic should ever yield to such a decision. but i have never ceased, and never shall cease, to regret a decision, the effects of which have been been yet longer paralyzed by the withering, desolating in- fluence of our present system ? sir, every year's delay but augments the difficulties of this great business, and weakens our ability to compass it. like silly children, we endeavor to postpone the work, which we know must be performed." --speech of mr. summers, in the legisla- ture of virginia, . sentiments of thomas clay. “ the present economy of the slave system is to get all you can from the slave, and give in return as little as will barely support him in a working condition. even where there is not a direct intention to abridge his comforts, they are but little consulted ; and seeing his master wholly engrossed by his own advantage, the slave nat- urally pursues the same selfish course, and when not re- strained by higher principle, becomes deceitful and thiev- ish. the master takes no pains to conceal that he takes it for granted the negro will steal and lie; and when the slave is tempted to either, he feels that he has no character to lose."--thomas clay's address before the presbytery of georgia. sentiments of z. kingstey. this writer informs his readers that he settled on a plantation in florida, with about fifty negroes, many of whom he brought from the coast of africa himself. he is one who wants to regulate the evil--not abolish it. “ as far as regards the free colored people of the south, the laws are dictated in a spirit of intolerant prejudice, and irresponsible autocracy, holding out to people they nickname free, no reward or premium whatever for being virtuous ; nothing to stimulate to industry, or the acqui- sition of a good name, learning, or refinement; no kind of protection either for person or property. even their punishments must be corporeal--not excepting the most del- historical evidence concerning the ef- fects of immediate emancipation. “elisha said upto naaman, go and wash in jordan seven times, and thy flesh shall corno again to thee, and'thou shalt be clean. “ but naaman was wroth, and he turned and went away in a rage. " and his servants said, my father, if the prophet had bid then do some great thing, wouldst thou not have done it? how much rather then, when he saith to thee, wash and be clean. "then he went down, and dipped himself seven times in jordan, according to the saying of the man of god: and his flesh came again like unto the flesh of a little child, and he was clean.”— kings, chap. v. when the question of immediate abolition was first started in england, the friends of slavery vociferated nothing more loudly, than the danger of universal insur- rection and bloodshed ; and nothing took stronger hold of the sympathies and conscientious fears of the people, than these repeated assertions. this is precisely the state of things in our own country, at the present time. we all know that it is not according to human nature for men to turn upon their benefactors, and do violence, at the very moment they receive what they have long desired; but we are so repeatedly told the slaves will murder their masters, if they give them freedom, that we can hardly help believing that, in this peculiar case, the laws of human nature must be reversed. let us try to divest our- selves of the fierce excitement now abroad in the commu- nity, and calmly inquire what is the testimony of history on this important subject. in june, , a civil war occurred between the aris- tocrats and republicans of st. domingo; and the planters called in the aid of great britain. the opposing party proclaimed freedom to all slaves, and armed them against the british. it is generally supposed that the abolition of slavery in st. domingo was in consequence of insurrections among the slaves; but this is not true. it was entirely a measure of political expediency. and what were the consequences of this sudden and universal emancipation ? whoever will take the pains to search the histories of that island, will find the whole colored population remained faithful to the republican party which had given them freedom. the british were defeated, and obliged to evacuate the island. the sea being at that time full of british cruisers, the french had no time to attend to st. domingo, and the colonists were left to govern themselves. and what was the conduct of the emancipated slaves, under these circumstances ? about , slaves had instantaneously ceased to be property, and were invested with the rights of men; yet there was a decrease of crime, and every thing went on quietly and prosperously. col. malenfant, who resided on the island, says, in his his- torical memoir: “after this public act of emancipation, the negroes remained quiet both in the south and west, and they continued to work upon all the plantations. even upon those estates which had been abandoned by owners and managers, the negroes continued their labor where there were any agents to guide; and where no white men were leſt to direct them, they betook them- selves to planting provisions. the colony was flourishing. the whites lived happy and in peace upon their estates, and the negroes continued to work for them." general lacroix, in his memoirs, speaking of the same period, says: “the colony marched as by enchantment towards its ancient splendor; cultivation prospered; every day produced perceptible proofs of its progress." this prosperous state of things lasted about eight years ; and would probably have continued to this day, had not buonaparte, at the instigation of the old aristocratic french planters, sent an army to deprive the blacks of the free. dom which they had used so well. it was the attempts to restore slavery, that produced all the bloody horrors of st. domingo. emancipation produced the most blessed effects. in june, , victor hugo, a french republican gen- eral, retook the island of guadaloupe from the british, and immediately proclaimed freedom to all the slaves. they were , in number, and the whites only , . no disasters whatever occurred in consequence of this step. seven years after, the supreme council of guadaloupe, in an official document, alluding to the tranquillity that reigned throughout the island, observed : "we shall have the satisfaction of giving an example which will prove that all classes of people may live in perfect harmony with each other, under an administration which secures justice to all classes." in , buonaparte again reduced this island to slavery, at the cost of about , negro lives. on the th of october, , the congress of chili decreed that every child born after that day should be free. in , the congress of colombia emancipated all slaves who had borne arms in favor of the republic; and provided for the emancipation in eighteen years of the whole slave population, amounting to , . in september, , the government of mexico granted immediate and unqualified freedom to every slave. in all these cases, not one instance of insurrection or bloodshed has ever been heard of, as the result of emancipation. in july, , , hottentots in cape colony, were emancipated from their long and cruel bondage, and ad- mitted by law to all the rights and privileges of the white colonists. outrages were predicted, as the inevitable consequence of freeing human creatures so completely brutalized as the poor hottentots; but all went on peace- ably; and as a gentleman facetiously remarked, " hot- tentots as they were, they worked better for mr. cash, than they had ever done for mr. lash.” in the south african commercial advertiser of feb- ruary, , it is stated : “ three thousand prize negroes have received their freedom; four hundred in one day; but not the least difficulty or disaster occurred. servants found masters--masters hired servants--all gained homes, and at night scarcely an idler was to be seen.--to state that sudden emancipation would create disorder and dis- tress to those you mean to serve, is not reason, but the plea of all men adverse to abolition.” on the st of august, , the government of great britain emancipated the slaves in all her colonies, of which she had twenty ; seventeen in the west indies, and three in the east indies. the measure was not carried in a manner completely satisfactory to the english abolitionists. historical evidence, and their own knowledge of human nature, led them to the conclusion that immediate and unqualified emancipation was the safest for the master, as well as the most just towards the slave. but the west india planters talked so loudly of the dangers of such a step, and of the necessity of time to fit the slaves for freedom, that the government resolved to conciliate them by a sort of compromise. the slaves were to continue to work six years longer without wages, under the name of appren- tices; but during this period, they could be punished only by the express orders of magistrates. the legislatures of the several colonies had a right to dispense with the system of apprenticeship; but antigua and bermuda were the only ones that adopted immediate and unconditional emancipation. public proclamation of freedom was made on the first of august, and was every where received in joy and peace. mr. cobbett, a missionary stationed at montego bay, ja- maica, writes thus : “ the first of august was a memo- rable day! our preaching place was crowded at an early hour. at the close of the services, i read the address of his excellency the governor to the negro population, made several remarks in reference to the change of their condi- tion, and exhorted them to be obedient to their masters and to the powers that be. there was in every counte- nance an expression of satisfaction, and of gratitude to god and their benefactors. the conduct of the negroes during this eventful period has been such as will raise them, i should think, in the eyes of all their friends.” mr. wedlock, of the same place, writes thus on the th of august: “the first day of august, a day to which the attention of the wise, the good, and the phi- lanthropic, of other countries besides our own, was direct- ed, has arrived and passed by in the most peaceful and har- inonious manner. such congregations, such attention, such joys and grateful feelings as are depicted in every countenance, i never beheld !-up to this time, peace and harmony prevail." the marquis of sligo, governor of jamaica, in his speech to the assembly, after five months' trial of eman. cipation, declares: “not the slightest idea of any inter- ruption of tranquillity exists in any quarter; and those preparations which i have felt it my duty to make, might, without the slightest danger, have been dispensed with.” in a recent address to the assembly, he states that the crops this year, ( ,) will fall short only about one six- nth; and that this slight difference may be accounted for by the unfavorableness of the season. the enemies of abolition predicted that the crops in jamaica, would perish for want of being gathered ; be- cause the negroes could not possibly be induced to work an hour longer than the law or the whip compelled them. but as soon as the planters offered them wages for working extra hours, more work was offered than the planters were willing to pay for. even the low price of a penny an hour, operated like magic upon them, and inspired them to diligence ! the numerical superiority of the negroes in the west indies is great. in jamaica there were , slaves, and only , whites. by the clumsy apprenticeship system, the old stimulus of the whip was taken away, while the new and better stimulus of wages was not ap- plied. the negroes were aware that if they worked well they should not be paid for it, and that if they worked ill they could not be logged, as they had formerly been. yet even under these disadvantageous circumstances, no diffi- culties occurred except in three of the islands; and even there the difficulties were slight and temporary. let us inquire candidly how these troubles originated. the act of parliament provided, that the apprentice should work for his master forty and a half hours per week, and have the remainder of the time for his own benefit ; but it did not provide that while they were apprentices (and of course worked without wages) they should enjoy all the privileges to which they had been accustomed while slaves. the planters availed themselves of this circum- stance to put obstructions in the way of abolition ; with the hope likewise of coercing the apprentices to form indi- vidual contracts to work fifty hours in the week, instead of forty and a half. while the people had been slaves, they had always been allowed cooks to prepare their meals; nurses to take care of the little children; and a person to enemies of abolition bring water to the gang, during the bot hours; but when they became apprentices, these privileges were taken away. each slave was obliged to quit his or her work to go to his own cabin (sometimes a great distance) to cook their meals, instead of having them served in the field ; water was not allowed them; the aged and infirm, instead of being employed as formerly, to superintend the children in the shade, were driven to labor in the hot sun, and mothers were obliged to toil at the hoe with their infants strapped at their backs. in addition to this, the planters obtained from the governor a new proclamation, re- quiring the apprentices to labor extra hours for their masters, when they should deem it necessary in the culti- vation, gathering, or manufacture of the crop, provided they repaid them an equal time "at a convenient season of the year.” this was like taking from a new-england farmer the month of july to be repaid in january. under these petty vexations, and unjust exactions, some of the apprentices stopt work in three of the colonies, out of seventeen. but even in these three, their resistance was merely passive. the worst have not yet been able to show that a single drop of blood has been shed, or А single plantation fired, in consequence of emancipation, in all the british west indies ! in jamaica they refused to work upon the terms which their masters endeavored to impose. a very small mili- tary force was sent into one parish, and but on one occa- sion. not a drop of blood was shed on either side. in demarara they refused to work on the prescribed terms, and marched about with a flagstaff , as " the ten hour men have done in many of our cities. but the worst thing they did was to strike a constable with their fists. in st. christopher's the resistance was likewise entirely passive. in two weeks the whole trouble was at an end; and it was ascertained that, out of twenty thousand ap- prentices, only thirty were absent from work; and some of these were supposed to be dead in the woods. one apprentice, executed in demarara for insubordina- tion, is the only life that has yet been lost in this great experiment! and a few fisty cuffs with a constable, on ! one single occasion, has been the only violence offered to persons or property, by eight hundred thousand emanci- pated slaves. antigua and bermuda did not try the apprenticeship system ; but at once gave the slaves the stimulus of wages. in those islands not the slightest difficulties have occurred. the journals of antigua say: “ the great doubt is solr- ed; and the highest hopes of the negroes' friends are fulfilled. thirty thousand men have passed from slavery into freedom, not only without the slightest irregularity, but with the solemn and decorous tranquillity of a sab- bath!” in antigua there are , whites, , slaves and , free blacks. antigua and st. christopher are within gunshot of each other ; both are sugar growing colonies ; and the propor tion of blacks is less in st. christopher than it is in anti- gua : yet the former island has had some difficulty with the gradual system, while the quiet of the latter has not been disturbed for one hour by immediate emancipation. do not these facts speak volumnes ? there are, in the west indies, many men, (planters, overseers, drivers, and book-keepers,) who, from pride, licentiousness, and other motives, do not like a change which takes away from them uncontrolled power over men and women. these individuals try to create diffi- culties, and exaggerate the report of them. it is much to be regretted that the american press has hitherto prefer- red their distorted stories, unsubstantiated by a particle of proof, to the well-authenticated evidence of magistrates and missionaries resident on the islands. why are the friends of slavery so desirous to make it appear that the british experiment does not work well ? it is because they are conscious that if it does work well, america has no excuse left to screen her from the strong disapprobation of the civilized world. princeton university library princeton university library - saas) . date issued date due date issued date due xxxxxxxyy sep due may , princeton university library nypl research libraries the cerem lester ford collection presented by his sons urrtřirotin chaunces find paul leicester forel new york public sibrary and to the slavery in the united states. by the same author. price five shillings, second edition. criminal jurisprudence, considered in relation to cerebral organization. opinions of the press. “ our opinion of its merits was indicated by the space originally devoted to it in our pages, and its value is increased by the way in which the author has cited many events of the past two years as additional corroborations of his theory."-spectator. “ the work is distinguished by a style worthy of its subject; it is clearly, calmly, and classically written, and altogether is worthy the attention of the lawyer, the physician, the philosopher, and the philanthropist."-scotsman. “ characterised by a high tone of philanthropy, and by a calm, clear, and conclusive method of logical treatment. harmonizing, as the general purport of this masterly essay does, with views so long and fervidly urged in these columns, we cannot but recommend it to a still more general circulation than it has already so worthily attained.” -morning herald, “we beg such of our readers as are interested in improving our criminal law, to direct their attention to the evidence of mr. sampson.''-athenaum. “a remarkable work. it would be affectation to conceal that the verdict in the case of m'naughten goes very far to establish the doctrine of mr. sampson.”-fraser. "we recommend this work to our readers with an assurance that they will find in it much food for reflection."-dr. james johnson's medico-chirurgical review. “we recommend the entire publication to all our readers ; not one of whom can rise from a perusal of it without being pleased and instructed, and on the main practical points, we hope, deeply persuaded."- monthly review. “ one of the most able works which have been written in recent times on criminal juris- prudence viewed in its relation to cerebral organization; and to the merits, sound judgment, and humanity of which, we have already borne our testimony.'-literary gazette. “ we recommend it to general attention."-chamber's edinburgh journal. “ the disquisitions of this author are not less interesting than important." - liverpool albion. “ we heartily reommend this work."--legal observer. “ mr. sampson treats of the abolition of the punishment of death-we have seldom seen a point better argued."'--justice of the peace and county law recorder. “a very acutely written work. for the reception of such a theory the public mind does not appear to be fully prepared, but at the same time it is obvious that the current of opinion is running in that direction. we do not indeed regret altogether to see the growing disposi- tion to view great crimes as impossible, except to minds of an insane character; for in our opinion it will be a great improvement in criminal legislation, to take obedience to the laws in general as the standard of moral sanity.”—the jurist “that mr. sampson well deserves the success he has enjoyed, nobody will dispute who reads any half-dozen pages of his volume. statesmen and philanthropists, humanity and christianity, owe to him a debt of gratitude, for having placed the questions of capital punishment and the insanity of criminals upon intelligible principles, which, if adopted, will put an end to the doubts and difficulties in which these topics have been hitherto involved, and will prepare the way for some rational and satisfactory legislation.”—law times. “ all who are interested and who is not?-should get mr. sampson's work." - tyne pilot. “mr. sampson supports his christian purpose by arguments and illustrations that appeal strongly to the reason of the reader. the work is humane, intelligent, and vigorous. it should be extensively circulated. opposed to the moral of the present law, it nowhere excites resistance to the strength of present institutions. mild in its principles, it is also gentle in its prompting. what the author sees right to do he would also teach to be rightly done. mr. sampson has written well, and there can be none who read his work but will wish well to his theory."--monthly magazine. “we welcome mr. sampson as a most valuable accession to the band of phrenological advocates of sound criminal jurisprudence."-phrenological journal. ii. price sixpence. the phrenological theory of the treatment of criminals defended. in a letter to john forbes, esq., m.d., f.r.s., &c. editor of the british and foreign medical review. “ the basis of the theory being sound, dr. forbes' sophisms will be of little avail against it.'-literary gazette. “mr. sampson's reply is in terms as mild as it is powerful. its severity consists in its total demolition of his opponents' reasoning." --phrenological journal. . م ہمی . . وصت with kind regards, m. b. sampson slavery in the united states. a letter ΤΟ to the hon. daniel webster. by m. b. sampson. london: s. highley, , fleet street. . be the new york! public library astor, lenox and tilden foundations. london: printed by s. & j. bentley, wilson, and fley, bangor house, shoe lane. preface to the english edition. the following letter has appeared at a time when the people of the united states are too deeply absorbed in the texan question to give heed to a plan of abo- lition. the prospect of annexation has aroused the planter from depression and intoxicated him with the idea that, by a bold effort, slavery may not only be upheld but extended, while the friends of freedom,— still, unhappily, a minority in the republic,-scared by the sudden energy of their opponents, so far from hoping the immediate overthrow of the iniquity would now be well satisfied with the certainty even of pre- venting its propagation. but this panic will soon subside, and whichever way the annexation question may be settled, it can- not fail to give increased intensity to anti-slavery agitation. from signs exhibited at the recent presidental elec- tion there is reason to hope that the result of the contest in may entirely turn upon the views of the candidates regarding slavery. every argument in favour of the institution has now become obsolete wherever civilization is known, and the only security preface. for its continued existence is in the apathy of man- kind. a question like that of texan annexation, by dispelling all apathy on the subject, must hasten its approaching doom. but although this doom cannot be long deferred, there is reason to believe that it will not be wrought out by violence or spoliation. the growing intelli- gence which has extinguished everything like sym- pathy with the slave-holder, has at the same time developed broader views of the economical duties con- nected with emancipation ; so that no measure of reckless legislation is likely now to be attempted. whatever, therefore, may be the immediate reception of the plan submitted to the american people in the following letter, the confidence of its author will in no degree be shaken with regard to its ultimate adoption. march, . content s. section i. page of the interests involved in the abolition of slavery, and the extent to which they should be regarded section ii. of the measures hitherto taken for the abolition of slavery . . . . . . . of slavery. section iii. of the means by which emancipation should be effected note. the right of petition . . . . . . to the hon. daniel webster. sir, amidst all that has been written and spoken on the question of slavery in america, i have never met with any argument in which the claims of each interest seemed to be fairly comprehended. such statements, however, may have been put forth, al- though i have not had the fortune to meet with them; and i should therefore abstain from entering upon the subject, but for the belief that in analyzing these claims i shall be able to suggest a plan by which they may be adjusted. looking at the question as one of primary im- portance not only to america but to the world, i cannot address this letter more appropriately than to yourself. intended only to promote the practical and immediate welfare of all the interests to which it refers, it might be submitted indifferently to a representative of northern or southern views. it is because, without reference to those views, you are regarded both at home and abroad with a re- spect which, in every mind, will survive all dif- ferences of the hour, that i seek to gain a patient hearing by the influence of your name. for the sake of convenience, my remarks will be divided into three sections. first, i propose to consider the various interests involved in the abo- lition of slavery, and the extent to which these interests should be regarded. next, to point out the evils which must follow any scheme of emancipation in which abstract principles are sacrificed to doc- trines of expediency, — particularly as exemplified in the case of the experiment in the british west indies; and lastly, to suggest a plan which shall reconcile the claims of each party, in so far as those claims are equitable, and which, avoiding the errors of british legislation, shall be capable of immediate adoption, without involving the anomalous spectacle of a measure righteous in itself leading to calamitous results. i am, sir, your faithful servant, m. b. sampson. clapham new park, surrey, england, th november, . section . of the interests involved in the abolition of slavery, and the extent to which they should be regarded. the interests alleged to be opposed to the abolition of slavery are,—the slave-owners individually; the states, whose productive power would be destroyed; and the slave population itself, which is now con- trolled and provided for, but which, from a state of freedom, would fast retrograde into barbarism. . the claim of the slave-owner to his right of property is often met by a bold denial. it is alleged that no law can constitute one man the property of another, and in the abstract this is correct. but it is possible for a state to make an unjust law, and having thus tempted individuals into error, it can- not escape, when it sees the wrong which it has committed, from its liability to make amends to those whom it has misled. the slave-owner, when his legal title is threatened, will plead that, in passing the law which gave it to him, the state did not seek his individual profit, but its own; that no higher exercise of intelligence or morality could have been expected from him than that which has been manifested by the collective wisdom of his countrymen; and that the act to which a legal sanc- b ies in tion had been given, was hardly likely to strike his mind as an improper one; that he does not profess to be wiser or better than others, and that even on points where he has doubts, he might be led to dis- card them through faith in the better judgment of the majority; that in all his social relations he has only sought to satisfy himself that he was acting in obedience to the laws, and that he never dreamed he could be legally punished for an act which, at the time of its performance, was not recognised as a crime. for the state to take from him a legal title which, for its own purposes, it voluntarily gave, and for which it permitted him to give a consideration, is undeniably a punishment, and one the injustice of which becomes more apparent, when it is recollected that the title was not only given, but promised to be maintained, so that any individual, or body of individuals attempting to deprive him of it should be severely punished. if we were to arrive at the conclusion that all laws may be abrogated the moment they are discovered to be unjust, without providing compensation to those who, acting under them, have parted with their money, there is very little property in the world that could be regarded as secure. to one diffident in his own judgment, and unable, in all cases, even with an earnest desire, to ascertain the true path, it would be no guide that he is supported by the law. “it sanctions such and such a course to-day,” he might reflect, - and if i invest my money i am told that it sa means will be safe, that my title will be good, and that those who deprive me of it will be punished. but i am not able to determine its inherent morality; to-morrow the state may discover that it is wrongly- founded, and i may be a ruined man.” it is con- sidered by many that the largest portion of the national debt of great britain was contracted to carry on unjust wars, for which the future energies of the people were recklessly pledged; but even if the impolicy and injustice of these wars were uni- versally admitted, no one would think of visiting upon the individual lender the consequences arising from the errors of the state. the majority of the mind of england gave sanction to them, and the same majority must provide the means of meeting their disagreeable results. but it may be urged that, admitting the liability of the state, where there are two parties to an unjust transaction, the one should bear the same proportion as the other. that the slave-owner and the govern- ment should divide the loss. this argument, how- ever, will not hold good. it is the law itself which is unjust; the after acts of individuals are merely its inevitable consequences. the question, therefore, simply is, what share had the slave-owner in the framing and maintenance of the law which declared negroes to be “ property,” and what is to be his consequent proportion of the loss to be sustained by its abolition. his share was precisely that of an individual, and nothing further, and all that he can eces be called upon to bear is his proportion of such tax as may be necessary to defray the compensation to be given. each member of the aggregate body by whom the investment of capital in slave-holding was sanctioned, is liable to the same responsibility as the one who acted on that sanction. the best way in all cases to ascertain the duty of a state, is to see what it would be just for an indi- vidual to do under like circumstances. the state is merely the representative of the justice of the many. it says to individuals, “we take power out of your hands, because if you were permitted to use it, you would be swayed by personal feelings, which would cause you to act dishonestly. if you could set those feelings aside, and deal to every man justly and impartially, there would be no occasion for a government: but this is out of the question, and a central power must be established, which, owing to its being (as an aggregate of the many) free from private bias, will be able to do in each case what it would be right for the individual to do if it were possible to trust him.” whatever, therefore, it is proper to demand from an individual it is, above all, proper to demand from a government. now, if a person elegated to represent the interests of the many, and known to possess the best means of collecting information and forming a judgment, were, in the exercise of his discretion, to tempt another to embark money in a particular direction, by under- taking, on behalf of his constituents, to execute a certain title-deed, and to maintain its legality, (it being generally understood that he was entitled to perform such an act,) what course should we require of him, as an honest man, upon his making the dis- covery that the title he has professed to execute ap- plies to an object to which no legitimate possession can attach—that he had never, in fact, any right to give it, and that it is expedient, therefore, to cancel the whole transaction ? most assuredly he is bound to say to the party whom he has misled, “ you paid so much, as the value of the title which you received from me, and the legality of which, as an inducement for you to carry out my views, i promised to main- tain. this promise i now find i cannot in conscience keep. i am aware, that in giving it i did not make any reservation in my own behalf; that in under- taking to protect your title against all other parties, i did not reserve the right of depriving you of it myself; nor did i give you leave to suppose that the undertaking was only for a specific period. it was altogether unlimited, and was put forth for the pur- pose of inducing you to invest your capital in a mode which i believed to have been for the advantage of those whom i represent. i have, therefore, no alter- native, in taking back that which i indiscreetly gave, but to pay its market value,--a value upon which you have doubtless based all your proceedings. if i am unable to do this, if i assume the right to break my pledge, and at the same time refuse you an equivalent, of course, for the future i must be as prepared to find that my word will be rejected by all men.” thus then, although the law which constitutes one man the property of another is inherently unjust, it is binding in the country where it exists between the state and individuals. if the state has erroneously recognized such property, and has contracted in good faith, for its own ends, that the right of possession shall be held sacred, it is especially bound in its own person to recognize the obligation, or to make amends for its non-fulfilment. on the other hand, the relative position of the slave and his master admits of no discussion. it is founded and maintained in fraud, and fraud only, and of course cannot be recognized by other powers, or by the slave himself. the inalienable rights of life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness, have not been so inefficiently upheld by the wise through all the struggles of advancing civilization, as to admit of their appearing among the unsettled questions of the nineteenth century. in the case of the african, it is sometimes pleaded that his condition is greatly improved by his cap- tivity amongst white men; but this does not palliate the means by which the improvement has been brought about. the condition of a human being who has passed his days in virtue, is raised beyond all conception by his release from this life; but the murderer who helps him to heaven must not expect on that account to escape retribution. we must recognize, therefore, the institution of slavery as sinful without mitigation, and that it is the perfect right of the slave to break his bonds whenever practicable. it would be well, however, that the acknowledgment of this right should always be accompanied by explanation. the great doctrines upon which is based the argument for emancipation also proclaim the sin of meeting violence by violence. he, therefore, who would instil into the slave the propriety of resorting to any means inconsistent with a forgiveness even of the tyrant who has most tres- passed against him, counsels him to reject the very creed upon which rests the surest hopes of the free- dom of his race. there are, i fear, some who pro- fess themselves friends of the slave who will renounce this application of the doctrine; but to the common heart it will commend itself by its simple truth. all attempts to arouse the fears of the slave-owner by threats or attempts of violence, have only led to in- creased severities and a stronger dislike of emancipa- tion; while by stimulating the lower feelings of the negro they must have tended to subdue those quali- ties of his nature by which alone he can permanently hope to defeat the injustice of his oppressors. if it is possible for the slave to escape without fraud or violence, it is his duty to do so,—otherwise it is his duty to submit to his lot, and to regard it as the will of that being who will requite in his own time, and who has expressly forbidden a return of treachery for treachery, or blow for blow. men . having thus considered the interests of the slave-owner individually, and the extent to which his position is to be respected, we have now to con- template the effect which the abolition of slavery would produce upon the interests of the state. of the two great arguments commonly used on this head—the danger of a war of races, and the certain ruin which must result from diminished pro- duction, the latter only is worthy of attention. it is against all experience to suppose that those who have shown docility and patience under oppression and ill-treatment, will all at once assume an oppo- site nature when their grievances are removed. the supposition is also at variance with the oft-repeated assertion made by southern men in defence of slavery, that the negroes, in their present state, are contented, happy, and well-cared for, and feel a strong affection for the families of their owners. this state of things could only have grown up under a mild rule, and it is therefore vain to allege in the face of it, that the negroes are only kept from at- tempting to exterminate the whites by the superior force which the latter, by means of the institution of slavery, are enabled constantly to exercise. it may be said that the advantage consists in the power to check any combination for violent ends; but it would be unreasonable to assume that a race of “con- tented and affectionate” people are only waiting for the power to combine in order to become discon- tented and savage; that it is a peculiarity, in fact, of peaceable natures to become fierce and malignant in the aggregate! if, however, reason were not suffi- cient to decide this point, the example of the bri- tish west indies would be conclusive. in no state of america does the negro population preponderate more over the white than in south carolina, where it is , against , , while in british guiana, in , it was , against . if the experi- ment of complete emancipation has taken place safely in guiana, it may surely be attempted elsewhere without dread; * and, apart from the evidence of the docility of the negro, it must seem a satire upon the white population of the southern states, to suppose them doubtful of their skill and courage to counteract any possible “ combination” of an equal number of that race, whose intellect and energies they have ever held in scorn. · so abundant are the evidences of the feebleness of the blacks, and their generally inactive and submis- sive spirit, that the argument of fear, when urged by the white man, appears to be degrading to the posi- tion which he occupies, and one which the advocates of emancipation should therefore treat with utter dis- regard. the other argument, however, to which i have alluded, the effects of emancipation in causing diminished production, is one of undeniable weight. * in the island of mauritius the population was white against , coloured. of the slaves, about , are estimated to have been imported africans, and consequently far less ripe for freedom than those in the other british possessions, or in the united states. yet this island formed no exception to the general results. that sudden freedom of choice on the part of the negro between labour and idleness would always be followed, more or less, by a selection of the latter, was a fact easily to be inferred from his physical con- stitution: nor was it indeed often denied until the ardour of debate occasionally outran discretion. the result of the experiment in the british possessions has at length effectually closed all discussion on the point, and shown that the anticipations of evil in respect to it have a solid foundation. i recognize this argument, therefore, as possessing great weight, not in opposition to emancipation, but in opposition to any plan of emancipation in which it shall not have been duly considered. it is a simple task to sweep away evils if we are reckless as to those we substitute in their place; but it is the na- ture of all truly righteous acts to be free from attend- ant mischief. now, to the extent that emancipation causes a diminution of labour, it must not only throw land out of cultivation, and produce individual ruin, but deprive a large portion of the inhabitants of the globe of the necessaries of life. the english peasant must pay more for her cotton gown, and the farmer of new york must diminish his consumption of sugar; and although deprivations of this kind may at first sight appear simple, they are certain to produce many disastrous results both on the moral and phy- sical condition of mankind. it will not do, therefore, to exclaim, “ such things are not to be heeded. our first great duty is to get rid of the crying sin of slavery, at all hazards, and without regard to conse- quences.” the creator has so ordered the world that even here prosperity is a certain result of virtue; and the power of showing that such is the case forms one of our strongest aids in awakening the sordid- minded to his will. if, therefore, in carrying out any measure of duty we act so as to bring injurious consequences immediately in its train, we destroy our most convincing argument to induce others to do likewise. with regard to emancipation in the bri- tish colonies, it has been well observed, “ an effort must be made to show those tropical countries which still cling to slavery, that this moral triumph has entailed no counterbalancing sacrifice; that economi- cally, as well as morally, all parties have gained by the change. if this can be done, the slave-holding countries will follow our example from interested motives; and the abolition of slavery will create that high and delicate sense of the rights of all human beings, which at present does not exist among them, and to which, therefore, we should appeal in vain. on the other hand, if we do not succeed in making free labour at least as available as slave labour, we shall have given to the slave-owners an additional motive for adhering to slavery, and, by affording them an ad- vantage over us in the markets of the world, a stimulus to increase the number of their slaves and the activity of the slave-trade.” that these results have actually taken place is now matter of history; and it there- fore more especially behoves those who may hereafter case legislate for the abolition of slavery to guard against the evil. if, indeed, we arrive at the conviction that there is no way of stepping from sin but such as in its first effects shall lead to disaster,—that the imme- diate consequence of a return to obedience must in- evitably be bitter—it will of course be our duty to submit to it; but reason and experience combine to show that sacrifices of this kind are not required, and that they only follow as the penalty of our own imperfect plans. in the case of emancipation being effected without any arrangement to prevent a diminution of produce, the poor sugar consumer of civilized coun- tries is exposed to daily privations destructive of health and comfort, which are comparatively unfelt by his wealthy neighbour; and hence a glaring disparity is evident in the distribution of the suffering conse- quent on the measure. that such a disparity could not arise under the laws of providence as the necessary working of an arrangement wholly just, will be ad- mitted by all. it is a contingency which the framers of an emancipation act are bound to provide against; and the plea that the great end of their plan is a righteous one, will no more justify neglect on this point than it would if we were to bring a man into the open air after we had wrongfully confined him amidst infection, without taking precautions that the act of justice should not cause injury to others. of course if no party is able to suggest a less im- perfect method of carrying out a paramount duty rs no than one which involves a disregard of minor duties, which should be concurrently performed, it is best to act as far as our light will go, but we must not com- plain when we experience the natural consequences of our want of clear perceptions, nor regard them as unavoidably flowing from obedience to the divine laws. at the same time, also, we are bound to look with more leniency on those who, under such circum- stances, refuse to follow our example, than if instead of rejecting truth in an imperfect form, they could be charged with spurning her when presented to them in her fair proportions. . the remaining argument that the welfare of the negro is involved in the continuance of slavery, since the restraint to which he is subjected is essen- tial to prevent him from falling into barbarism, is wholly unsupported by experience. even supposing the effects of emancipation to be such as to drive the white population from the country, owing to their inability to render it productive, there is no reason to believe that the condition of the negro in his uncontrolled state would be lower than it is at pre- sent. in hayti, where the most unfavourable cir- cumstances have been presented, the course of the people is still stated to have been one of progress rather than of retrogression, and “ the population has been doubled by a natural increase since the estab- lishment of freedom.” it may be said that it is in opposition to the fact of the negro having been raised in the social scale by transportation from freedom in africa to slavery in the west, to suppose that his improvement would not be stopped by permitting him, without restric- tion, to select his own mode of life. but such is not the case. the negro does not advance in africa, because a pestilential climate keeps all white men from its shores, save those who, by means of the slave-trade, brutalize the natives, and divert them from the pursuits of industry; but on the continent of america the negro, even if he dwelt in a com- munity of his own, would be brought constantly under the influence of traders and missionaries, and although his improvement would be slow, it would not be suspended. it would proceed, indeed, at a greater pace than can ever be hoped for under slavery; more especially such slavery as that which now exists in the united states, where the predomi- nant effort of the master is avowedly to crush the development of all moral or intellectual power. that any condition of unregulated freedom is superior to slavery is also supported by the fact that the free coloured population of the southern states (described by southern orators as occupying the most unfavour- able position in which the african race could by any possibility be placed) show, a duration of life far exceeding that of their servile brethren. but although the argument of the maintenance of slavery being desirable for the welfare of the negro is wholly untenable, it must be admitted that any plan of emancipation will prove vitally defective which fails to provide the certainty of his steady and rapid advance. the condition of the people of st. domingo and liberia, although it may be one of progress, is certainly not such as to present to slave-holding countries any very striking conception of the injury they inflict upon the race by with- holding from them their liberty; nor can the act of unriveting their chains, and permitting them to vegetate in freedom, be regarded as a fulfilment of what is due for three centuries of wrong. however gratifying might be the act of abolition, it would be a bitter disgrace to a civilized people to permit it to be accompanied by the avowal that with all their intelligence they are unable to devise a means to avert the disastrous idleness which threatens to result from it, and which, by preventing any satisfactory advance of the long-injured race, if not by leading to their actual deterioration, would rob the measure of its brightest fruits. for any plan, therefore, to be thoroughly welcome to the friend of the negro, it is essential that it should provide against the danger of his falling into that degree of sloth, the proverbial root of all evil, which would impede his progress in civilization; and although the want of power to suggest such a provision is not to be admitted as an argument against the demand for immediate emancipation any more than the want of power to devise a preventive for the falling off of the productive capabilities of the country, it would, as in that case, show the friends of emancipation to am places-although we do a small evil that a great good may come we must remember that in no case is it permitted for us to seek our ends by conduct of this description. so long as we do not see that we can work towards the good we desire by wholly unexcep- tionable means, we may be sure that we have not yet hit upon the true path, and that it is our duty still to pause—not in apathy, but with an earnest seeking for direction, and the assurance that our efforts will be rewarded. it is therefore better that slavery should not be abolished, than that it should be abo- lished by denying compensation, because this would amount to the sin of acknowledging sufficient light to recognize the laws of god, and daring, while in possession of it, to assert that they can be worked out by fraudulent designs. the eagerness to carry out a favourite point by measures, of the perfect justness of which we entertain a doubt, is a sure way to retard our final aim. that justice cannot be inconsistent with itself, that there must be some way of redressing every evil which shall be free from injury to any human being, should al- ways be borne in mind, and each scheme rejected, until that one is presented which satisfies the con- science as being consistent with integrity to all. if we o'erleap these points, and professing to serve heaven, offend, for the sake of “ expediency,” in the slightest degree against our sense of duty, we destroy that coherency which can alone give strength and beauty to our plan, and introduce at once the elements of its ruin. c section ii. of the measures hitherto taken for the abolition of slavery. having considered the points to be provided for in any measure which may be proposed for the abolition of slavery, it is proper to review the means which have already been taken or suggested by the united states or other nations for their accomplish- ment. if we can find in any quarter that the diffi- culties connected with them have been fairly met and overcome, the trouble of further inquiry will be spared, and america can have no pretext for a single moment to delay emancipation. if, however, only a portion of them have been got over, the task still devolves upon us of providing for the remainder; while, if none can be shown to have been success- fully grappled with, we shall have to discard all consideration of what has already been proposed or adopted—useful only as a warning—and to suggest an independent plan. the british emancipation act, of , stands forth as the measure upon the success of which the progress of emancipation in other slave-holding countries was considered greatly to depend. de- praved as mankind may be, no doubt can exist that the majority, if unperverted by false fears of damage to themselves, would prefer to show kindness instead of cruelty to their fellow-men; and it was therefore reasonable to entertain a certain trust, that if the measure adopted by great britain should be found to produce or threaten no injurious consequences, it would, after a fair trial, be speedily imitated by other nations. such imitation has, however, in no single instance taken place. eleven years have passed, and although the friends of emancipation in the united states and elsewhere, have used their constant efforts to hold up the example of great britain, and to pourtray in the brightest terms the results of her experiment, the feeling on the question, so far from having advanced, has undergone a most unfavourable change, and the prospects of the co- loured race are less hopeful now than at any former period. the inquiry suggests itself, can this effect have arisen from the working of a judicious measure, or is it the natural consequence of attempting to achieve a good end by unjust and imperfect means? and an examination as to how far the british act was framed in accordance with the conditions which, in the preceding section, have been shown to be essential to success, will lead us to an answer. these conditions required that provision should be made for compensation to the planter, for the mainte- nance of the productive power of the country, and for the certain advancement of the coloured population. there appear to me to be few instances of more fatal delusion than that which is nursed by the people of england regarding the compensation voted by parliament to the parties interested in this ques- tion. from the commencement of the debates by which that vote was preceded, down to the present time, a constant outpouring of self-gratulation has always attended any reference to the matter. it was originally announced as “a costly sacrifice," widely spoken of in the house of commons as a “ lavish sum,” a “munificent gift," "an instance of magnanimity such as never occurred before,” &c., and universally admitted out of doors, and even by foreign nations, as a “ noble vindication of the right of property.” subsequently it has been described not only by ardent abolitionists, but by political econo- mists as “ a measure reflecting quite as much credit on the wisdom and honesty as on the generosity of the british nation;" and these ideas (too agreeable to the national vanity to stimulate any very close question- ing from less informed persons) meeting with uni- versal reception, have led to a belief not only that our past sins in connexion with slavery have been effectually wiped out, but that england is entitled to boast of her singular virtue, and to cast stones at those countries which refuse to imitate her example. a little consideration would dissipate this error. it must readily be perceived that the act of eman- cipation was nothing more than an act to provide for the abandonment of a heinous sin, in which the state s of great britain had through a long period indulged; and that even if its provisions had been framed in per- fect wisdom and justice, the spirit in which it should have been adopted was that of deep humiliation for the past, together with a sense that in merely ab- staining from a continuance in wickedness, we could certainly acquire no right to boast of having done anything to claim the especial praises of our fellow- men. under the most favourable circumstances, therefore, the subdued tone of sincere repentance would have been alone appropriate, coupled with that patient interpretation of the sins of others which a newly awakened consciousness of our own enormities is calculated to beget. but the mode in which the claim for compensation was dealt with, was not such as to entitle us even to the amount of gratifica- tion which might thus have been enjoyed, since it was characterized by features of injustice, showing too plainly that we were not prepared to effect our withdrawal from the sin of slavery without com- mitting a new infringement of the moral law. in bringing forward his plan, lord stanley (then mr. secretary stanley,) having distinctly recognized the claim of the planters to full compensation for the withdrawal of their legal title to property in the coloured race, took as his estimate of the value of that property the sum of thirty millions sterling, being , slaves at . s. each; and the way in which he proposed to meet this amount was by a direct payment of twenty millions, and by conti- was nuing to the holders a right of property in the labour of the negroes for periods (according to their class as predial or non-predial) of twelve and seven years, the value of such labour being considered as equi- valent to the balance. it will be seen from this that the government, after admitting the utter sinfulness of slavery, refused to abolish it at once, and entered into a sort of composition; they were willing to incur a certain expense, but could not summon resolution to meet the full amount. thirty millions being re- quired, they could make up their minds to go as far as twenty; and to raise the remaining ten, they resolved to rob the negro of his labour for a further period of twelve years. it is true, a pretext was urged for this course, that "immediate emancipation would be no less ruinous to the slave than to the master;" and that the period for the prolongation of slavery “under the specious title of apprenticeships, where nothing was to be learned, and no wages were to be paid,” was alleged to be necessary as a proba- tion. but, even if we admit the necessity of en- forcing the labour of the negro for a certain term preparatory to complete emancipation, it is difficult to see how it justifies the appropriation of the value of that labour. the work might have been enforced so as to keep up the industry and discipline of the negroes, while the ten millions, at which it was esti- mated, might have been paid over to them; or if it had been deemed dangerous to place them suddenly in possession of money, it might have been reserved for ce their benefit at some future period. apart from this, however, the plea for the necessity of the ap- prenticeship, as far as regarded a large class of the negroes (if not the whole of them), was shown at the time to be completely untenable, for no one attempted to assert that the class of artificers and mechanics were not fit for instant liberty. although, therefore, it may be admitted that as respects two- thirds of the required payment, the british govern- ment were disposed to act honestly, it is obvious that the “noble example of the maintenance of the right of property,” as far as it was involved in the remaining third, was to be upheld only at the ex- pense of the coloured race. still, under this arrangement-supposing the esti- mate of the value of the slaves at thirty millions to have been fairly made — the compensation to the planters would have been complete, however question- able the means of raising it. if it had been carried out, no question, as far as the strict maintenance of the right of property amongst ourselves was concern- ed, it could have been raised; and although reproach would still have attached to the government, it would have arisen simply from the fact that after having sinned for upwards of two centuries, upon awakening at last to a sense of their guilt, they had thought it better to continue sinning for twelve years longer than to increase their payment of twenty mil- lions to thirty. the doctrine promulgated by this line of conduct being, that it is inexpedient to pursue virtue at all costs, and that there is a point at which a continuance in wickedness may be permitted by providence to prove more profitable than a departure from it. but the full compensation declared by the minister to be due, was not destined to be paid even in this or any other form. during the progress of the de- bate, the advocates of the negro succeeded in showing that there was no just ground, even as a matter of safety, for prolonging the state of slavery, under the title of apprenticeship, for the periods proposed; and lord stanley, finding that he could not carry the measure if he persisted in that prolongation, reduced the periods from twelve and seven years to seven years and five. the question naturally arises, in what way was this reduction made up to the slave- owner ? the minister had stated that “ he had considered the period of apprenticeship to be part of the compensation paid to the proprietor,” and it is evident that upon a reduction of this part, it became necessary that an increase should be made in some other way. to the consequent interrogatory " whe- ther, as he had reduced the period of apprenticeship, he intended to increase the compensation ?” a simple reply in the negative was given, government having previously admitted the breach of faith, by announc- ing that “ they had strenuously endeavoured to perform their portion of the engagement; but from the claims made upon them it became impossible, notwithstanding their utmost exertions, to carry it u into effect." having no choice but to break their pledge, or to resign, they determined on the former course; and of just so much compensation as was represented by the term of apprenticeship taken off, the proprietors were consequently defrauded. thus then upon the confession of the minister this very measure of compensation, so universally quoted as a noble instance of national integrity, was marked by a breach of faith which has few parallels in modern legislation. the proceeding, indeed, was so flagrant, that no excuses were attempted; and it was evidently the nearly unanimous feeling of parliament that it had better be suffered to pass unnoticed. it was seen that a call for the sum necessary to make up the thirty millions would meet with universal opposition, and no one was prepared with a plan by which justice might have been satisfied without so fearful a drain upon the resources of the country; a drain which, owing to the system of taxation, must have fallen chiefly on the industrious classes. al- though, therefore, every member must have felt that the sum awarded was an unjust sum—that the pro- prietors were entitled to nothing or to more, the in- justice, in the eagerness to gain a certain end, was wilfully overlooked, and evil was deliberately sanc- tioned that good might come. it will, perhaps, be alleged that the fact of the planters having consented to receive the compensa- tion awarded, shows that no breach of faith can be considered to have taken place, the two parties being entitled to make what bargain they pleased. but this plea is denied, because the planters were not left to their own free action, but driven by intimidation to accept the terms proposed. the government were aware that by the discussion of emancipation the ex- pectations of the coloured population had become excited to a pitch at which disappointment would have proved dangerous, that the unreflecting masses in england were determined also to have the measure passed without inquiring very rigidly into the means, and that consequently if the planters refused what was offered, they would, as the excitement increased, have to be content with less. the intimidation thus created proved sufficient to induce the consent of the west india interest, and also perhaps to impress them with gratification at having got off so well: but there is evidence that this gratification was only such as is felt by men who, having fallen into powerful and unscrupulous hands, find that by giving up a portion of their property they will be permitted to escape with the remainder. so notorious was the existence of this intimidation, that unreproved references to the advantages to be derived from it were of constant occurrence during the debates. “wait for a little period,” urged some members, " and a fourth of the money will be quite sufficient;" and one member more ardent than the rest, after connecting the “growing intelligence ” of the people with a probability of their “sponging off the national debt,” animated by the advantage which wie rrer the government had already taken of the fears of those with whom they had to deal, urged it very naturally as a plea for further spoliation. “we had a contest with ministers the other day, and what has been the result? they yielded. was ever such con- duct witnessed on the part of any ministry before? did not ministers pledge themselves to the west india body to give them twenty millions and twelve years' apprenticeship? and yet after that contest, they the next day, without notice, came to a decision to take off six years of that term; and the west india interest gave in, for they were afraid. but if you on this side of the house will be but united as you ought to be—if one hundred and fifty of you will but stand by one another, i will be bound that the ministers will give up everything." in condemning the breach of faith which was thus practised on the slave-owner, it is not necessary to overlook the misconduct of his class. in no case can the character of the party with whom we have to deal bear in the slightest degree upon a ques- tion of right, save that it is necessary for us to act with more scrupulous fairness in our dealings with the corrupt than with the virtuous, inasmuch as any deviation into which we might fall would be attri- buted by the upright to unintentional error, while by the unprincipled it would be perpetuated as an ex- ample. it was urged amidst the many unweighed suggestions which abounded on all sides, that the planters should be deprived of compensation on ac- ase co nse count of their having broken their engagement to assist in promoting the ministerial scheme. this scheme was agreed to be carried out by the govern- ment on the understanding that the planters should co-operate; and if the planters failed to perform this part of their engagement, the ministers were obvi- ously at liberty to cancel the entire bargain. but the cancelment of a bargain to work out emancipa- tion by a particular method, could give them no right to do more than change it for some other method, consistent with honesty (which of course might be adopted independently of the consent of the planters), or else to leave the question undisturbed. in the house of commons, however, an opinion seemed pre- valent that because the planters had agreed upon a certain mode, of giving up a legal right, and had afterwards failed to fulfil their part of the agreement, it became just for the government to take that right from them by force, although in the contract there was no stipulation for such a penalty. having shown that the course pursued by great britain regarding compensation cannot be taken as an example by other nations, the government, not- withstanding their immense resources, having been either incapable or unwilling to grant its full amount; the next step will be to examine if her plan of emancipation included that which is to be regarded as the second element of success ;-viz: a due provision for the maintenance of the productive power of the country. that a reduction in the work performed by the negroes would be the result of emancipation, unless some measures could be designed to avert it, was foreseen by the british government: and the plan adopted to meet the evil was, as we have seen, the establishment of a period of apprenticeship or modi- fied slavery preparatory to complete abolition. into the provisions of this plan it is unnecessary to enter, its failure having been so complete as to lead to its discontinuance in the various colonies on the st of august, . at that period, therefore, the negro was suffered to come into possession of unrestricted freedom, without any further method having been devised by the government for guarding against his withdrawal from steady labour. the consequences of this neglect in diminishing the productive power of the west india colonies were such, to use the words of a report of a committee of the house of commons on west africa, as to give “an extraor- dinary stimulus to the slave-trade for the supply of cuba and brazil,” and the extent to which the dimi- nution of produce took place will be shown by the following tables :- quantities of produce imported into great britain from the year to , bota inclusive. years. population. sugar. molasses. rum. coffee. cocoa. galls. slaves. , cwt. , , , , , , cwt. , , , , , , , , , lbs. , , , , , , lbs. , , , , , apprentices. , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , freemen. , , , - , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , was on this head it has been remarked :* “ the extent to which the quantity of produce annually raised in the british sugar colonies was reduced, and the cost of production enhanced by emancipation, is start- ling to contemplate. the decrease in production was not confined to sugar; it extended to all the staple products of these colonies; and it can be shown that it was occasioned by the consequences of eman- cipation alone. " it has been proved by the evidence given to the west-india committee of the house of commons, that from to , in british guiana much less work was done in every stage of cultivation; that production had fallen off, and some estates had been put out of cultivation. in trinidad the difficulty of procuring continuous labour was such, that mr. burnley assured the committee, were he proprietor of every estate in the island he would throw the half out of cultivation, convinced that he could produce more by concentrating the work of the available labourers on the rest. in jamaica the produce of the large estates was reduced one half, and the estates of the poorer proprietors were entirely de- serted by the labourers. in grenada no estates had been actually thrown out of cultivation, but the crops had been so diminished that the result was much the same.” it will thus be seen that, as far as regards the second point to be provided for, the british measure of * spectator, april, . emancipation affords no safe example; and it now only remains for us to inquire if it gives any guiding light upon the third point, viz.; the duty of providing for the certain advancement of the coloured population. that a great advance has taken place in the intellectual and moral condition of the negroes in some of the west india islands, from the date of the emancipation act, must be admitted by all who will consult the various statements put forth since that time. in jamaica, the calm and cheerful antici- pations which grew out of the reports of their admir- able conduct on the st of august, —the open- ing day of freedom—have been more than fulfilled; and there is ground to believe that under a con- tinuance of favourable circumstances a degree of civilization would be reached, in which they would not suffer by comparison with the labouring classes of other countries. the progress which has thus taken place may be attributed to the faithful efforts of their religious teachers, and to the vigilance of the home govern- ment in enforcing the fair working of the new system. the emancipation act itself made no actual pro- vision for the advancement of the negro, but merely set him free to work out his own progress, and to conquer the effects of past ill-usage. the results, therefore, as far as they have gone, will probably be quoted to show that nothing more was necessary; but a little reflection will satisfy us that such an argument would not hold good, and that the course me of great britain has been as short-sighted upon this point as upon those we have already considered. if the negro has already advanced morally and intellectually, so as to fulfil all ordinary anticipations, what more, it will be asked, can be required? it is plain that this state of things would be perfectly satisfactory, with one proviso, viz.; the certainty that it is not a merely temporary progress, but such as will be steadily maintained. this certainty is wholly wanting, and there is evidence that the prospect is of the most precarious kind. no effective mode having been devised by the government to ensure the constant industry of the negroes, their labour since has only been attained at an enormous cost, and in an uncertain manner. it is true that the acquisitive propensity strongly marks their character; but the activity of this one impulse has not proved sufficient to over- come, even partially, their constitutional indolence, except when stimulated to a great degree. the consequence is, that the rate of wages, even for such labour as can be obtained, is so high as to render it impossible for the west india planter to compete either with the slave or free produce of other coun- tries; and although, even under the recent altera- tion of the sugar duties, an amount of about a million and a quarter sterling will annually be paid as pro- tection on that article alone, we are told that, without larger sacrifices on the part of the mother country, it will be impossible for the proprietors to an d continue cultivation. at a public meeting at anatto bay, on the th of june last, resolutions were passed affirming that, under existing circumstances, “the colonies are doomed to ultimate ruin," and that the inhabitants (both white and coloured) “ scarcely know whether to surrender themselves to despair, or to attempt to remonstrate with the government.” it is added also, that the approaching necessity for the abandonment of estates “ will cut off all prospect of civilization for the children of africa, and thus entail a curse more grievous and deplorable, if possi- ble, than the curse of slavery—the curse of savage existence and enduring barbarism.” again : “ a pro- prietor," under date the th of july, alluding to the recent measures, writes from grenada, “ as things were, men fancied they might struggle on, in the hope that better times might come round; but now all hope is destroyed :" while from other quarters anticipations of the same gloomy nature have been forcibly proclaimed. it must be admitted as pro- bable, that these statements, although they coincide with the representations of the west india body in the house of commons, greatly exaggerate the evils to be apprehended, and that the present amount of protection will prove sufficient to prevent an aban- donment of cultivation; but they serve to confirm a very general impression, that no great reduction could take place without endangering this end, and that upon the continuance therefore of an enormous annual sacrifice the welfare of the negro depends. “ if, under the difficulties of the present crisis,” says mr. gurney in his “winter in the west indies,” “ the prohibitory duties on slave-grown coffee and sugar should be relaxed or extinguished, a market of immense magnitude would immediately be opened for the produce of the slave labour of the brazils, cuba, and porto rico. the consequence would be, that ruin would soon overtake the planters of our west indian colonies, and our free negroes would be deprived of their principal means of obtaining an honourable and comfortable livelihood.” now when we consider that the cost of this pro- tection presses chiefly upon the poorer classes of england, it is impossible to avoid the apprehension that it may not always be patiently submitted to. at all events, little can be said for the wisdom or justice of a government which has left the civi- lization of the coloured race to be dependent on the maintenance of an artificial price for one of the chief necessaries of life—an article equally in de- mand by the rich and the poor, and of which the free use is absolutely essential as a preventive of serious diseases. symptoms of impatience have already been widely manifested. “the high price of colonial produce," writes mr. oldfield, “for the last few years, has created throughout the country a very general feeling against the prohibitory duties upon the sugar and coffee of brazils and cuba ;" and in one of the london journals the case has been strongly put. in emu growing civilization, we become impressed with the idea of a class of persons cruelly placed by defective legislation in a false position. it is no reproach to the negro that he does not work more continuously. in a country where twenty-six days' work during the year is sufficient to supply food for the labourer and his family, it would be difficult, even if he possessed the energy of a european, to prevent him from fall- · ing into idleness, unless some motive could be awak- ened in addition to those which ordinarily operate. he has been placed in a position which even the british or anglo-american labourer would be unable to resist, and which must inevitably unfit him to submit cheerfully to the low rate of remuneration which, under natural circumstances, is paid for un- skilled labour in every other part of the world; a rate to which he must nevertheless approach, or be abandoned to self-government, whenever his present artificial condition shall be disturbed. although in the foregoing considerations we have looked only to the effects of emancipation on the moral condition of jamaica, and some other islands where they present the most favourable aspect, we find them fraught with alarming probabilities. the worst anticipations may therefore be entertained for the fate of those communities where, owing to a higher rate of wages, the necessity for prolonged industry is less. from evidence collected by the agricultural and immigration society of trinidad three years after full emancipation, it appeared that in that island an active labourer could easily save six or seven dollars per week;" but that, although it was possible even for women to perform three " tasks" a day with ease, “ very few of the labourers performed two tasks, many only three or four in the week, and some not more than one;" that plunder of canes was carried on to a great extent, and could not be checked, because the planters were afraid the labourers in such case would leave their work and go elsewhere; that the greater number squandered their earnings in “ drinking, gambling, and dissipation;" that so far from employing their spare time in raising provisions and small stock,“ produce of that kind had fallen off,” owing to the carelessness caused by high wages; and, finally, that the labour actually performed was “ dirty and slovenly, and infinitely worse than it was in the time of slavery.” it may be urged that some of this evidence came from questionable, because interested, sources; but it found confirmation from other quarters: and even if only partially correct, it must lead to conclusions of a very unfavourable kind. it was shown on the most reliable testimony that “ drinking was becoming more prevalent even amongst the women," and that the habit threatened in two or three years to demoralize the whole labouring population;" that the vice of gambling was increasing also every day; that “ instead of improvement in agriculture, everything had retro- graded;" and that although no peasantry in the world were so well able to pay for the education of their me ooi children, they showed" the greatest reluctance to incur the expense.” in the third case, then, as in the others, no due precautions were either adopted or suggested; and it will therefore appear, that in all the points essential to the success of emancipation, the british measure was deficient, and that it must consequently be discarded from the consideration of those who desire to pro- mote in other countries the freedom of the coloured race. it is not unsatisfactory to arrive at this con- clusion, because, if the measure could be shown to have been sound, the fact of its not having been imi- tated by other nations would present a sadder augury than need now be entertained. nor can those who refer to the opinions and motives avowed on this question in the british parliament feel surprise at the failure of their counsels. at an early stage of the discussion, lord stanley took occasion explicitly to deprecate a consistent adherence to prin- ciple. recognizing the experiment as one “more mighty, as well as more important and more interesting in its results, than any experiment ever attempted to be carried into effect by any nation in any period of the history of the world,” his lordship deemed it im- possible to be carried through without sacrificing “ some of those abstract principles — those wild, though benevolent theories,” which are founded on the great rule of conscience, that you have no right to keep any man subject to any conditions except such as are imposed upon him by the laws of nature. it was particularly sought to impress upon parlia- ment at the outset that they were “ dealing with realities, and not with abstract principles," although it was omitted to be shown what light other than that derived from abstract principles should guide them in dealing with anything. it was as if the minister had said, “ we are about to deliberate with a view to avert evils which we have drawn upon our heads by disobedience of primary laws;—we seek to proclaim to other nations that we now recognize those laws; and this attempt, more important and interest- ing in its results than any other in the history of the world, requires for its practical and safe operation that on minor points those laws should be dis- obeyed. it is vain to allege that while the very foundation of our measure consists in the assertion of an abstract principle, it is inconsistent to urge a departure from abstract principles in carrying it out. arguments of this nature are wild, inexpedient, and unstatesmanlike. the government of the world is so ordered, that while a departure from abstract princi- ples, on a great scale, inevitably brings the severest penalties, an infringement on minor points is often attended with the best results.” the views on this head expressed by the proposer of the measure met with ready sympathy from those whom it was his business to conciliate; the only difficulty being such as must inevitably arise in all similar cases,-namely, that although the various speakers uniformly recog- nized the propriety of an occasional departure from principle, each of them seemed to differ as to the direction in which that departure should be per- mitted. it is not, indeed, clear that the government acted distinctly, even at starting, upon any principle what- ever; for while, on the one hand, the minister re- ferred to the measure as an act of “ justice and hu- manity,” which was imperatively called for, even though it would be attended with economical disas- ters, thereby recognizing those principles as his sole motive, he afterwards constantly alluded to it as a “ great boon,” and even boasted that “ the govern- ment had not called upon the negro to pay any part of the debt which he owed to the state for his free- dom.” from this it is evident that while the go- vernment at times recognized the inherent claim of the negro, it was at other times felt that no such claim existed, and that emancipation therefore was a piece of liberality by no means absolutely called for. on the opposition side it was also evident that little ad- vance had been made towards a comprehension of the moral argument on which the claim for freedom solely rests. sir robert peel could not recognize it, but thought that liberty should be sold to the negroes, and wished great britain to take a lesson from spain. “he did think it possible that by adopting, on a large scale, the principle of the spanish law- by holding out to the slave, as a stimulus to labour, the prospect of emancipating himself gradually by the produce of it, by aiding that produce, when it va ce iii voise w ert reached a certain amount, by a grant out of the public treasury, we should be promoting the most advantageous measure. if we had lain down the principle of aiding the slaves, by a grant a long way short of twenty millions, to purchase their freedom by their own labour, it would have been more for the interest of the slave than the course we were then pursuing.” on the other hand, those who distinctly recognized the claim of the negro, and were, in this respect, able to comprehend and distinctly act upon a principle, showed that on other points they were not equally inflexible, and that while they clamoured for a strict adherence to the moral law in one direction, they were willing to sacrifice it in another. thus, while the government admitting the claim of the planter to full compensation, permitted themselves to de- part from principle by granting a lower amount than they had acknowledged to be due, the friends of the negro, contended that the planters were not entitled to any compensation, and that the payment of it was a fraud upon the people of england, voting for it at the same time in all its alleged injustice for the sake of getting freedom for the slave. on all sides the readiness to concede principle—to arrive, in fact, at a desired end by improper means-was une- quivocally manifested. that a measure entered into with such feelings should bring disappointment to its promoters, is con- solatory to the friends of truth; for, if it had yielded err lors going considerations too much importance has been attached to existing and coming evils, since, although they are of undoubted magnitude, they admit of an easy remedy; that this remedy has already been recognized, and put in train for adoption; and that if it had been made part of the original plan, no difficulties would have arisen. now, we are entitled to believe that there are few errors which, even in the darkest hour, may not be retrieved by those who sincerely set about the task; and i am therefore far from denying, in the present instance, that a remedy is to be found. but, inasmuch as the leading members of the british senate, by whom the original measure was sanc- tioned, have not yet manifested a sense that its failure arose out of their departure from the straight path, it is to be feared that any remedy that may at present find favour in their eyes will hardly be such as to enable them to regain it. on the sur- face, therefore, there is nothing to inspire confidence; but it is, nevertheless, proper that we should pause, to enter into a short examination of the schemes proposed.. the most unpromising feature of these schemes consists in their showing a total misconception of the cause of the evil which they are intended to cure. this evil, whatever it may be, cannot ori- ginate in the smallness of the population in the west indies, because the distress now complained of has arisen solely from emancipation; and emancipation, ti while it has not reduced the number of coloured inhabitants, has actually doubled their working capacity, owing to the fact — that the labour of a free man, when it is fairly brought out, is twice as productive as that of the slave. it is evident, there- fore, that the evil has nothing to do with a scarcity of hands, but that it must be looked for in the de- fective legislation, which permits existing energies to lie dormant. " the result of our own enquiries," writes mr. gurney, in , " is a conviction that the present population of jamaica, if its force be but fairly ap- plied under a just and wise management, will be found more than adequate to its present extent of cultivation.” the schemes, however, to which the british government have directed their attention, seem based on the idea that the existing distress arises from the want of a sufficient number of labour- ers, instead of from the absence of a salutary arrange- ment by which those already in the colonies might be rendered effective; that the problem, in fact, of the superiority of free over slave labour is to be solved by employing an extra number of hands to do the old amount of work, and it is consequently their policy to encourage immigration, even at an enormous outlay. whatever doubts may attach to this course, as to its effecting the desired end, there might be no objection to the attempt, provided it could be con- ducted on principles of justice: a short examination, however, will show that there is little prospect of immediate success; and that even if success is tempo- rarily achieved, it will be by measures so com- pletely objectionable as to lead inevitably to ultimate disaster. the sources whence immigration is looked for are western africa and the east indies. regarding the first, it has been made evident that if effected to any extent it must be by means little different from those of the slave-trade. materials for voluntary immigra- tion scarcely exist. the most eligible would be found amongst the kroomen; and of the chances of success in this quarter, by any honest means, an idea may be gathered from the report on west africa, by a com- mittee of the house of commons in . “ as we proceed up the coast, we fall in, between cape pal- mas and cape mount, with a very singular race of men consisting of many small tribes, known com- monly by the collective name of kroomen, scattered along a considerable range of shore ; much given, though not exclusively, to maritime pursuits; forming part of the crew of every english man-of-war and merchantman on the coast; known by a distinctive external mark, and neither taken as slaves themselves nor making slaves of others. their numbers are un- certain, but are undoubtedly considerable, and seem to be increasing ; and their confidence in the english character is ascertained. but it seems doubtful whe- ther permission for large numbers to leave their shores could be obtained without some present to their chiefs; and their attachment to their own disposed to emigrate to our colonies, some of the unhappy persons who are held there in bondage should be purchased and manumitted for that purpose.” the great plea for resorting to strong measures to induce immigration consists in the advantages that would accrue to the african on being transported to the british colonies—a fact which is dwelt upon by the committee of the house of commons with great earnestness. the same plea, however, to a less extent, might have been urged to justify slavery. the question for our consideration is not if the african can be benefited by immigration; but whether, sup- posing such to be the case, the benefit can be con- ferred upon him by honest means. the attachment of the negro to his country is well known to be amongst the strongest feelings of his sluggish nature; and it is no more possible to tempt him to leave it by holding out those advantages of civilization which white men consider inducements, than it would have been possible to tempt a sioux or a fox to abandon his hunting grounds to partake of the refinements of new york. no doubt we might purchase immigrants upon the plan proposed by the trinidad society, to the ultimate advantage of the parties thus acquired; and supposing it to be impossible to set them free in their own land, and at the same time not culpable to become a party—even from good motives—to a trade in human flesh, and also that it was quite certain that for every « unhappy person” so removed some new . victim would not be required to fill the gap, the scheme of the society might perhaps be listened to. regarding the second quarter whence immigration is looked for, some striking facts are already before the world. from to no fewer than , hill coolies were exported from british india to the island of mauritius, with such success, as far as the interests of the planters were concerned in in- creasing cultivation, as to awaken a strong desire in the west india colonies for a similar advantage; and in july, , an order in council was issued by the government, allowing the importation of hill coolies into british guiana under contracts for a period of five years. four hundred were accordingly intro- duced, and a much larger number would have fol- lowed, but for a timely exposure of the practices by which these immigrations had been promoted, which caused the authorities to issue a prohibition. from what is understood, however, of the views of the bri- tish government at the present time, it is believed that under certain restrictions the traffic will be largely renewed.* * the times of the st of august last gave insertion to the fol- lowing :-“hill coolies.—a correspondent informs us that the , coolies which government has allowed to be transported from calcutta and madras, are to be sent one half to demerara, and the remaining , in equal proportions to jamaica and trinidad ; these three colonies having given the requisite securities in regard to them. they are to leave the east indies some time between the months of october and march. each ship in which they are conveyed must carry a surgeon, and the number of coolies e the first immigrations to mauritius were charac- terized by singular atrocities. in a despatch to lord glenelg, dated the st of may, , sir w. nico- lay says, “ that very nefarious practices have been resorted to in many instances in order to procure labourers for embarkation, is beyond all doubt;" and mr. anderson, a member of the committee of inquiry on indian labourers, alleges, that “ many of them have been actually kidnapped from their own country, which they have all been induced to leave under cir- cumstances of gross fraud.” it is stated, that out of , coolies introduced, only were women. despite the most vigilant watch on board the ships in which they were trans- ported, many suicides were committed. on board one ship, the “ lancier,” there appears to have been five, and in another, the “ indian oak,” twelve attempts took place, of which three were successful. the general mortality appears to have been excessive both during the voyage and after their arrival. in british guiana, also, a dreadful loss of life is stated to have occurred. icces in each is to be regulated in terms of the passengers' act. it is expected that the cost of transporting them to the west indies will be about . per head. the transport of these, it is thought, will require from to vessels of tons each. it is under- stood that government mean to apply to parliament early next session for an act to permit the introduction of any number of coolies to the west indies.”—greenock advertiser. the last papers received from the west indies announce that the demerara legislature have voted, in accordance with the terms of a despatch from lord stanley, , l. for the encouragement of hill coolie emigration. the treatment of the labourers by their new masters seems to have been characterized in many instances by the grossest personal violence and in- justice; a fact which can hardly cause surprise, when the treatment previously endured by the negroes from the same hands is called to mind, together with the circumstance that after the slave-trade was abo- lished, the act of parliament regarding it was admitted by a secretary of state to have been violated to no less an extent than , times by the people of mauritius. * the fate of an ignorant * it is difficult to obtain information on which reliance can be placed regarding transactions in mauritius; but the following para- graph in the times of the th of july last tends to confirm existing suspicions, and to show that, after all that has passed, little sense of the duties of humanity has been awakened in that island :- “ the indian papers brought by the last overland mail record a shocking instance of mortality in a coolie ship,' employed to bring back from mauritius a number of coolies whose time had expired. when she left calcutta to go to the mauritius with coolies (the full number permitted), she only lost three of them, including a woman, who died in child-birth. when she returned, she brought coolies—nearly a third more than her permitted number—and of these she lost seventeen. to the fact that so much more than the proper number was carried, do the local writers, who take the humane view of the question, attribute the increase of mortality, and the melancholy event gives them an oppor- tunity of contrasting the conduct of the public authorities at the mau- ritius with that of the authorities of calcutta. at calcutta, as we have seen, no more than the right number could be shipped, and there are at the same place a variety of regulations concerning the supply of provisions for the voyage. at the mauritius, on the con- trary, no such regulations seem to exist, or if they do exist, they are completely inoperative ; and the assertion is well borne out, that after the engagement of the coolies has expired, all concern for their hindoo entrapped into such a community, unac- quainted with their language, without money, and unable to return to his own country for five years, (save at an expense, under the most fortunate cir- cumstances, of forty rupees,) can hardly be the sub- ject of favourable anticipations; and when it is taken into consideration that under the circumstances into which the immigrant is thrown, the sanctity of his pe- culiar religious views is unavoidably broken through, while at the same time the presence and exertions of christian missionaries are understood to have been discouraged as tending to render him restless and dis- satisfied, it will not be matter of wonder that in one of the despatches from sir lionel smith, the gover- nor, it is stated, that “the coolies already introduced had given themselves up to a degree of disgraceful licentiousness which no person acquainted with their character and habits in india (dissolute as they are known to be) could possibly believe.” * welfare ceases. there appears to be no necessity for providing medicine or medical attendance, and all that the captain is bound to furnish is a pound and a half of rice daily, two pounds of salt fish per week (which is found positively injurious), and some salt and wood, with accommodations for cooking. no regard is paid to the number of coolies put on board, and the owners may cram their vessels as much as they think fit. thus, while every pre- caution is taken on the voyage from india to the mauritius through the humane exertions of the bengal authorities, the very reverse is the case on the voyage back. the government of india is totally powerless in this matter, and the local writers urgently call for the interference of the home government. in two ships, it seems, no less than sixty-one persons have perished. * it is curious that, in the face of this, sir lionel smith has no the extent of the frauds by which these immi- grations were effected can hardly be conceived; yet it is quite evident that so long as immigration con- tinues it can only be by similar means. in support of the assertion that " in the absence of fraud no labourer from among the coolie race could be induced to leave his country,” a significant fact was mentioned a year or two back in the house of commons. it was stated that a mr. dowson, who had himself been engaged in exporting indian labourers to the mauritius, became so convinced of the fraudulent system by which the coolies were entrapped, that he determined not to employ the crimps and duffa- dars to procure them, but to send a special agent. " my orders,” he said, “ were to engage no coolie without first explaining to him the nature of the employment, and that he was to leave his country for a period of five years." it proved a fruitless mission, for he did not succeed in procuring a single coolie, and that at the very time that duffadars sent by another party were engaging coolies by hundreds in the immediate vicinity. on the possibility of hesitation in asserting that “although he will not promise that no injustice or oppression shall be practised towards those who may hereafter emigrate, they will be infinitely better off than in their own overstocked country, and that their mercenary habits will be gratified to the ultimate advantage of india and mauritius.” the bettering process appears from this view to consist in drawing a man from his home, family, and friends, in order to gratify his “mercenary habits,”-even though such gratification may lead to a “ disgraceful licentiousness” previously unknown. arranging a system by which fraud might be pre- vented, lord auckland, as governor-general of india, gave his opinion :-“i greatly fear that though amendment and caution would no doubt come with time, no strictness of regulation, no vigilance on the part of the authorities, would immediately pre- vent the frequent infliction of grievous oppressions and deceits upon large numbers of persons, helpless from their poverty and from their utter ignorance and inexperience.” it is impossible to convey to the ignorant coolie any idea of the nature of the engagement into which he enters when he consents to emigrate. he knows nothing of geography, nothing of the sea, nothing of the effects of separation from home; and although these things may be represented to him in due form, the representation will make little impression, espe- cially while it is sedulously coupled with appeals to those“ mercenary habits” which form the worst and most active feature of his character, and which it is the duty of his fellow men to endeavour to repress. if it can be shown that the coolie, when his ignorance is removed, is willing to serve in a foreign country, and to undertake an agreement after experience has rendered him competent to do so, there can be no objection to permission being granted; but there is but one way in which this experience can be conveyed to him. if he really understands the nature of a sea voyage and foreign labour at the time of consenting to emigrate, he will of course s a not wish to withdraw that consent when he finds that his views are confirmed. it would be very safe, therefore, for the government, if they felt sure that he had not been imposed upon, to adopt any method by which this fact might be tested and the doubts of their opponents effectually removed. they might, for instance, instruct the commander of each immigrant ship, after having been two days at sea, to call all the passengers before him, to acquaint them that the passage, of which they had now had forty-eight hours' experience, would last for many weeks, and that they had then the option of continuing or returning. if no deceit had been practised, they would of course proceed; and thus, as far as the sea voyage was concerned, it would be evident they acted of their own free will. again, as it might still happen that they had been grossly deceived regarding the nature of their destination and the work required of them, they might have an opportunity, say for three months after their arrival, of testing the lure which had been held out to them, and then of returning if they found that they had been misled. so far, how- ever, are those who tempt the coolie by the “infinite advantages” of emigration from being disposed to rely upon his satisfaction at these advantages when he comes to have experience of them, that a method the very opposite of this is considered necessary. once on board ship, and bound for the west indies, he has no opportunity of escape for five years; unless, indeed, at the end of a less time he may have succeeded in on accumulating . sterling, and should be willing to sacrifice it to purchase his deliverance. in a measure of emancipation, then, the defects of which has led to the adoption of remedies such as these, we can find nothing but what is to be shunned ; and even if the method above stated were adopted so as to prevent the coolie immigration from being what it now is—a new form of slavery, although one gross feature of injustice would be removed, the dis- astrous clumsiness of the whole would still stand forth. when we see the planters openly denied the full compensation admitted to be their due, the produce of the colonies reduced nearly one half, the coloured race perilled by habits of luxurious indolence, the slave-trade stimulated, and the prejudices of slave- holding countries confirmed, we almost come to the conclusion that further mischief is impossible; but when we are told that, in consequence of these things, a permanent protection is to be granted to the planters out of the pockets of the poor of england—that an immigration is to take place of thousands of labourers (to restore the country under freedom to its pros- perity under slavery), at an expense for each, for five years only, of . sterling—and that an influx is to be permitted amongst the coloured population of a new race, notoriously “ dissolute,” and prone to “ dis- graceful licentiousness,” we learn that the evil may yet by one means be increased, and that this means is to be found in the adoption of“ remedies” suggested by those who continue the disregard of principle in which alone it had its origin. in closing this section, it is necessary to touch upon an experiment in connexion with the slave question, which has been widely promoted for nearly thirty years,—that of the american colonization so- ciety, for shipping off to their settlement of liberia the free people of colour residing in the united states. whether this scheme, however, has any bear- ing on emancipation so as to bring it strictly within the scope of our inquiries, it is somewhat difficult to ascertain; its promoters having occasionally described it as comprehending “ the only possible mode of emancipation, at once safe and rational, that human ingenuity can devise,” and at other times, as dis- claiming all intention whatever of interfering in the smallest degree with the rights of property or the ob- ject of emancipation, gradual or immediate.” the total receipts of this society are alleged to have amounted to , or , dollars; and i find, by a recent new york journal, that “the colony of liberia now numbers , persons, of whom were born in africa." from this state- ment, taking into consideration that there are , free negroes in the united states, and , , slaves, and that the turn of the slaves for removal is not likely to come till the free blacks are got rid of, the society certainly does not seem to call for notice as an instrument of emancipation. the practices by which even the above limited results have been obtained are such also as to con- firm this conclusion. “if the free people of colour,” said the southern religious telegraph of the th of february, , “ were generally taught to read, it might be an inducement for them to remain in this country; we would offer them no such induce- ment.” a scheme which involves the keeping of nearly , persons in total ignorance, with the view to bring about a state of misery and degrada- tion that may drive them in desperation from their homes, and which is persisted in, though the emi- gration of less than one per cent. of the popula- tion thus debased has been its sole encouragement during thirty years, can hardly be shaken in the minds of its supporters by any appeal to reason or morality. they must have reached that last stage of infatuation, to which disaster, and not warning, must supply the cure.* dismissing, however, all consideration of the failure * “ it appears questionable whether liberia will ever raise food sufficient for a very moderate population ; and it certainly never can export any quantity of tropical produce. during the time we remained in the river st. paul, our vessels were crowded by respectable and intelligent mulattoes, all of whom, with the excep- tion of the coloured editor of the liberia gazette, and one or two others in the pay of the society by whom they are sent from america, complained bitterly of the deceit that had been practised towards them, and of the privations under which they were then suffering. an intelligent mulatto said to me, on my questioning him on the subject, . it was not exactly kidnapping, but we were inveigled away under false pretences.' “ as to civilizing africa by means of liberia, it is well known, that from the time the colony was first established it was constantly at war with the natives until their partial extermination left the strangers in peaceable possession.”—laird's expedition. len of this society, it seems inexplicable that at its first formation any one should have been found to regard it in the slightest degree as an aid to emancipa- tion. the getting rid of the free blacks would render slavery more safe, and slaves more valuable; and that men who now refuse to recognize the sin- fulness of the institution would, under such circum- stances of increased temptation, manifest a better disposition, is hardly to be expected. “without slaves the plantations would be worthless, there are no white men to cultivate them,” is one ground of protest against the views of the abolitionists; the destruction of the rights of property and the ruin of the proprietors, if freedom were granted without compensation, being another; both of which must be admitted valueless, if the scheme of the planters, voluntarily, and at a great expense, to ship away these cultivators and their own “right of property" at the same time, is to be received in good faith. the present value of the slave population is some- times estimated at two or three hundred millions sterling; and the supposition that there is an in- tention of sacrificing this amount, either at the shrine of prejudice or principle, is not warranted by any self-denying horror of slavery or of the co- loured race hitherto manifested by the southern states. but it will be urged that those who advocated the liberia scheme as an instrument of emancipation, did so with the understanding that its effects would be me- gradual, and that it would take " at least” a hundred years to accomplish its object. such was certainly the case, and this gives us an additional reason for dismissing it from our consideration. the scheme of sinners to insure that the advantages of sin shall be enjoyed by themselves and denied to those who may come after them, cannot present much that is in- structive. when the present race are called to their account, we may believe their best plea will be found in having sought virtue while it was yet permitted them, and not in having directed their efforts to an end, which has already been made known to us as fore-ordained of heaven, that their sins shall be repented of by a third and fourth generation. having arrived at the conclusion that in seeking the repression of slavery we can derive no help from precedent, we must now enter upon the question with minds as free as if it had never been the subject of legislation. in taking this step our only course is to recognize boldly the duties it involves—duties which were sought to be defined in the first section of these remarks—and to see if, by strictly attempting to fulfil them, we cannot render our task more easy than if we were to adopt the politician's plan, and to con- tent ourselves with expedients by which they might be evaded. · section iii. of the means by which emancipation should be effected. in looking at the points for which, in abolishing slavery, it is essential to provide, viz. the compensa- tion of the planter—the permanent productiveness of the state—and the welfare of the coloured race, we observe the simple fact that the accomplishment of the whole would at once be within our power, if we could fasten upon some method by which the industry of the negro in a state of freedom could be prevented from falling below what he yields in slavery, at the same time that the rate of remuneration should be such as is paid under natural circumstances for labour of an analogous kind in other parts of the world. if this object could be attained, the source whence the means of compensation to the planter for the loss of his exclusive title to the labour of the slave is to be derived would immediately become apparent; and the mere practical arrangement by which such compen- sation should be conveyed to him would alone remain to be considered, because, as no diminution of labour would take place, it would be impossible for the slave- owner to be deprived of any portion of it without some one else reaping the advantage, and there would, there- fore, be nothing to do but to adjust the balance between ma them; so that the loss sustained by one party from the labour-market being thrown open, might be made up by the other, who had taken the opportunity to come into it. the substitution of wages for the pre- sent cost of supporting the slave, supposing them to be at the same rate as is usually given for unskilled labour, would not act as a disturbing cause, since the slave never performs above half the work of a free man; and for this occupation a rate of wages that would supply him with all he now gets, viz., food, clothing, lodging, medical attendance, maintenance in old age, &c., would be more than equal to what is usually at- tained in free communities; few instances being known of a peasantry who, simply by working each other day, are able to insure these necessaries. * our chief object, then, must be to ascertain if there is any mode consistent with justice by which the na- tural powers of the negro may thus be developed so as to induce on his part an obedience to the great condition of all human progress-that each man shall exert such faculties as may have been bestowed upon him to the fullest extent that is consistent with the happiness of others. it will hardly be contended that the faculties of the negro in his present stage can be beneficially deve- *“in the laborious occupation of holing, the emancipated negroes perform double the work of a slave in a day. in road-making the day's task, under slavery, was to break four barrels of stone. now, by task-work, a weak hand will fill eight barrels, a strong one from ten to twelve barrels.”—gurney. wa. loped in any other way than by the rudest occupa- tions of agriculture or art, and it is therefore by con- stant diligence in this direction that he best fulfils the duties of his being. it is true he is capable of warm domestic feelings; but the proper action of these, so far from being inconsistent with healthy in- dustry, would render it light and cheerful. now the exercise of these powers of usefulness which he pos- sesses can only be drawn from him as it is drawn from others, by acting in some way upon his predo- minant desires. in a high state of civilization all the faculties of the mind are more or less in exercise, and everything in nature, therefore, stirs us to acti- vity; but in a lower stage the lower faculties are alone powerful, and the means of suggesting motives to ex- ertion are consequently very limited. that they are not so limited, however, in the present instance as to be inadequate to the desired end, we have sufficient reason to believe; because we have seen that even the slave-trader and slave-owner, acting in all the ignorance of selfish depravity, have been able in their blind way to achieve the object of compelling the negro to work; and it would be monstrous to suppose that a success which has been attained by such minds is beyond the reach of that wisdom which seeks its ends only by virtuous means; that the short-sighted cunning, in fact, of predominant pro- pensities can grasp even temporarily what the harmo- nious action of reason and morality would attempt in vain. in considering the negro in his present stage of mental development, we perceive manifestations of strong sensual appetites, intense domestic attachments, cautiousness, love of money, vanity, and a disposition to reverence. these then are the chief materials pre- sented for us to work upon in endeavouring to lead him to useful ends ; the remaining mental faculties being rarely, either singly or combined, so eager for gratification as to impel him to attain it by self-denial in other respects. but while we see that the gratifi- cation of the lower faculties which i have named would present the only inducement that would stimu- late him to exertion, we are required to bear in mind, that as they are already predominant, his advance- ment can only be aided by calling into play those which are at present inactive; so as to bring the various powers of the mind to that harmonious and active state to which they approach among more civi- lized races. this being the case, it must be improper to hold out as a bait any additional gratification of the inferior faculties, and hence a difficulty arises ; since, if we are forbidden to stimulate the only desires which are strong enough to act as inducements, it is not at first sight easy to discover by what means we are to operate upon him at all. “it may be very well,” it will be said, “to appeal to intellect, benevo- lence, conscience, taste, and all the finer powers, and to show how he might gratify them by the produce of his labour; but until by long training these powers have been rendered active, we shall only appeal to any and to refuse to associate with him until he became industrious, we should accomplish our end; but none of these means are open to us, since the former would be an outrage on his liberty, and the latter is an impossibility. by taking food, and by enjoying the society of his wife and children, he merely gratifies natural faculties without in any way interfering with the happiness of others. one of the strongest propensities of his nature, however, and intimately connected with his other domestic impulses, is his attachment to home or country. this feeling, innate in all men, has long been observed to display itself with singular force in the character of the negro. amongst all races there exists to a greater or less degree a blind attachment to the place they have long inhabited, apart from the mere effect of association, which can never be entirely overcome, and which has evidently been implanted by the creator for the wisest pur- poses. to man, in a rude stage of society, it seems especially essential, since as the first step towards founding communities, or the pursuit of agriculture, it is necessary for him to adopt a permanent loca- tion; a necessity to which he is adapted, and the fulfilment of which is rendered agreeable to him by the existence of this faculty. in many of the lower animals the same propensity is to be remarked, “mi- gratory animals,” it has been observed, “return thousands of miles to reach the same spot that they inhabited the year before. in doing this, they have no apparent motive but attachment to the place. it cannot be to find food, for they often pass other lo- cations which are superior in this respect to their own homes; nor can it be attachment to their former companions, for they go with them and return with them. in many instances they not only return to the same country, but to the same tree or bank, or house, and even to the same nest. the propensity seems also powerfully developed in the cat, who will leave all her old friends, and taking her kittens in her mouth, return several miles to her accustomed residence.” that this propensity exists in man, as well as in the lower animals, irrespective of the ef- fects of reason or association, is shown by the fact that it is usually strongest in the least cultivated minds, while if it were a consequence of the in- creased powers of association which high training brings, it would of course be found to increase in force with the progress of civilization. so far from this being the case, we have evidence of the feeling being manifested in the most intense form by the most barbarous races; cases of death from nostalgia, the peculiar disease caused by its morbid action, having been reported even amongst the aborigines of van dieman's land. it is from its activity, too, that much of the repugnance to emigration amongst the lower classes of society which is shown under the severest pressure, and where the opportunity is af- forded them of taking their entire families, and of accompanying their friends, is to be accounted for; se the peasantry are described to be in the “ deserted village.” “ of all beings in the world,” said mr. p. m. stewart, an advocate of the west india in- terests, “those most attached to localities are the negroes.” in the state of virginia, when the original bill for an appropriation to the colonization society was under discussion, a mr. brodnax is reported to have observed, in relation to a clause for the compulsory transportation of free blacks, “it is my opinion that few, very few, will voluntarily consent to emigrate, if no compulsory measures be adopted. without it, you will still, no doubt, have applicants for removal -people who will not only consent, but beg you to deport them. but what sort of consent?-a consent extorted by a species of oppression, calculated to render their situation among us insupportable!” to which another member, mr. fisher, added, “if we wait till the free negroes consent to leave the state, we shall wait till time is no more. they never will give their consent.” the best informed writers also allude to the same peculiarity. mr. gurney speaks of them as “fondly attached to their humble homes,” and alludes to the strength with which this feeling sways them, (whether they be “educated or uneducated,") to account for the fact that, in the island of dominica they prefer remaining to labour in the old districts, instead of giving way to the temptation of squatting in idleness on the wild lands. describing the antilles, and the re constant convulsions by which they are devastated, it is remarked by mr. breen, in his work just published on st. lucia, “ the fact is, between fires and hurri- canes and earthquakes, the bewildered inhabitant of these islands scarcely knows where to go or what to do; and yet with all their disadvantages and dangers, he still fondly clings to the wild western rocks of his birth.” mr. featherstonhaugh relates that mr. madi- son, the ex-president, once informed him that he had assembled all his slaves,—and they were numerous,- and offered to manumit them immediately, but that they instantly declined it, 'alleging, amongst other reasons, that they had been born on his estate, and that if they were made free they would have no home to go to. mr. burnley, of trinidad, by whom more than ordinary opportunities were possessed of observ- ing the negro character, says, “the african is found to be naturally attached to the spot which he inha- bits. even the peon who migrates annually from the adjoining continent to labour in trinidad, regularly returns when the crop is over to his accustomed home.” this kind of attachment is no less obsery- able even in the midst of his original barbarism. “ the great object of the krooman, or the fishman (the most prone to emigration of all the negro race) is to get,” says mr. laird, “ the means of purchasing as many wives as will keep him in idleness in his own country.” now the gratification of this propensity—this love of home-involves, as does also the gratification of v- ry- has consequently an incontestable right to demand at any time to be restored to the state whence he was so iniquitously removed. no social laws, therefore, can properly be enforced against him until the best atone- ment within reach has been offered for this original sin, and which must consist in giving him the option of living in that country which he is entitled to consider his own, and where he would now have existed but for our misdeeds. when this offer has been made, and the acceptance of it refused, he becomes at once and for the first time a voluntary member of our community, and, of course, bound to submit to every law which we may adopt; it being at the same time incumbent on the government that such laws shall be entirely consistent with the enjoyment on his part of life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. the plain course of duty, then, is at once to set him free, and to give him the option of a passage to africa; intimating to him that if he prefers to remain where he is, so far from being permitted to live in idleness or in the habitual indulgence of any other vice, such laws will be adopted with regard to him as may seem best calculated to promote his own advancement and his general usefulness to so- ciety. upon the condition of obedience to these laws the consent on the part of the government to his remaining should distinctly depend, and banish- ment should consequently be the penalty for their infringement. now, after what is known of the intense attachment of the negro to his accustomed home, no matter on what continent that home may be, after the in- effectual efforts that have been witnessed both in the british possessions and in america, by means of bribery, fraud, and persecution, to induce him, when it has been needed, to quit the soil to which he has become attached, it cannot be believed for one moment that if set free in the united states he would select transportation to africa rather than consent to the condition of continuing an amount of labour equal to that which he had executed during slavery,-an amount which, in a state of liberty, would be less than half of what he might with ease perform. let this condition, therefore, be enforced, and all danger of the negro becoming less useful in freedom than in slavery would be at once removed.* by a step of this kind, then, it is in the power of the united states to comply at once with that point of the moral law which requires that no parley should be held with sin. they have only to recog- nize the iniquity of slave-holding, and they may cast it off to-morrow. a little examination will show that by the plan now stated, not only would the great * in some of the older west india islands, where the coloured population is comparatively dense, the negroes, in order to obtain subsistence, find it necessary to perform an amount of work equal to their work as slaves. yet, although instead of the alternative of a voyage to africa, they have the power of merely removing to a neighbouring island, in order, by a tenth part of the labour, to attain the same profit, they are not only contented, but for the most part desirous to remain. objects of maintaining the prosperity of the country and the progress of the negro be accomplished, but —such is the harmony of just and natural legislation -it would also, in its practical arrangements, present full means, to the minutest fraction, of affording com- pensation to the proprietors. and first, as to the practical part of the plan, so far as it is to provide for the enforcement of continued industry. it is of course to be understood that the negro is to be set entirely at liberty, with the world before him where to choose his dwelling-place; nay, more, that he should have the option of a free passage to africa, so soon as arrangements could be made to that effect. but if, as assuredly would be the case, he should cling to his present home in preference to africa, it must be an imperative condition of his remain- ing in the united states that he shall pursue such a course as will prove consistent with his own happiness and the general happiness of the people ; that amongst an industrious race, actively using their various talents, it shall not be a permission to him alone to live in open disregard of the duty of contributing by the best exer- cise of his powers to the common weal. to gain the privilege of remaining he will, of course, accede to the condition; but his promise would soon be broken, unless means could be taken constantly to enforce it. to effect this, imprisonment would obviously be useless, and personal inflictions would be still more objection- able; the former would be disregarded by the indolent, and the latter would only debase and harden both the con са sufferer and his judge, while each alike would prove more or less inconsistent with the christian code. indolence is a peculiarity of his race, and if those amongst whom he desires to live cannot overcome this peculiarity by just and humane treatment, all that they are entitled to do is to forbid him to remain, and to banish him to the country in which alone he can rightfully claim a residence. this penalty, there- fore, is the only one that can legitimately be used ; but as it has been found in all countries to be the most severe, and such as, in the case of the negro, would be more terrible than death itself, it would prove amply sufficient for its object. it should, therefore, constantly be kept before his eyes as the immediate consequence of disobedience. towards this end a general registration of the co- loured population should be effected, and an amount of labour equal to the average labour of a slave should be fixed as the daily “ task” of each. at the end of every three or six months the negro should be re- quired to deliver or to transmit to an officer, ap- pointed by the government for that purpose, a cer- tificate or certificates from the employer whom he may have served, of his having performed the required amount of labour (of course bodily infirmity would prove an exemption) during the specified period ; fail- ing in which, he should be declared liable to deporta- tion. further details as to any grace which might be allowed after such failure, when the full consequences of his course were presented to him, and when he e might desire an opportunity of amendment, need not be considered here : he might perhaps be permitted in a second three months to make up the defalcation in the first, or he might be received on probation at some government depôt, and allowed an opportunity, by employment at road-making, or in some other manner, of working the required time and averting his sentence. forbearance of this kind, however should have well-defined limits, and, as an example to others, a second offence should be followed by his immediate departure. but although it will be seen that by this means the industry of the country will be kept up to its present amount, we must be careful to avoid a fallacy which found a prominent place in the debates of the british parliament, viz.: that if you do not take away the la- bourer from the soil, his former proprietor can have no claim for compensation for the loss of his services. it is true, when the supply of labour remains the same, if the slaves upon emancipation quit their master, he can easily supply their place by others, and at a rate of wages not exceeding his previous outlay; but, under these circumstances, what takes place ? during the old system, in order to cultivate an estate an outlay of capital was required to purchase the requisite num- ber of hands, and this outlay was, of course, so much to be taken off the value of the land. if a certain number of acres required an outlay of dollars to render them profitable, a person in purchasing those acres would not give so much for them by dol- e no plan presents itself. let each person granting cer- tificates of the employment of negroes be required to use annually for each a government stamp, say, for example, to the amount of thirty-two dollars, and to each proprietor of a slave at the date of emancipation let there be given a deed of exemption (to be called a compensation deed) from the use of such stamp. es- timating the value of a slave at dollars, the yearly interest upon this at per cent, would amount to thirty dollars ; and in order that the marketable nature of his slave property might still attach to the “ compensation deed,” by which it is represented, the holder should have the power of transferring his right of exemption either temporarily or permanently to others. as no one would be able to employ a negro without paying thirty-two dollars per annum, or the possession of one of these deeds, the annual market value of the privilege they convey could never, under any natural circumstances, fall below thirty or thirty- one dollars, because it would always be desirable for an employer to purchase at that price exemption from the stamp, and consequently the market value of the deed itself would stand at dollars. by this arrangement, therefore, the proprietor would receive full compensation, and the price of land would remain undisturbed, — since each person buying an estate would reckon as at present, that it would cost him dollars, or the annual interest of that sum for every labourer whom he might employ to work it.* * of course, in carrying out this plan, it would be essential not ey • g the final absorption of the compensation deeds thus created would take place at no distant day; as the negroes, by the influence of a well-regulated freedom, gradually attained to respectability and competence, certificates would be purchased by individuals amongst them desirous of getting rid of the necessity of speci- fied labour. such purchases would be analogous to any other investment, and would, in fact, supposing the compensation due to the proprietor had been trans- ferred, as in antigua, to the land, be the same as if they had purchased so much real estate. the annual income derivable from such estate will be represented by the artificial increase to the value of their labour, if they choose to work ; and in the event of their living upon their savings, it will be represented by the exemption from that taxation which property must have borne if they had been suffered to live in idle- ness on any other terms.* . nciple. to lose sight of the difference of value arising from sex, age, &c.; but as no difficulty would arise from this circumstance, it is enough, in this place, to indicate the general principle. to promote the convenience of the holders, the deeds of exemp- tion might be transferable with quarterly or half-yearly coupons attached, which could be forwarded to the government offices along with the labour certificates, in lieu of the stamp they must otherwise bear. supposing the holder had not employed any labour during the period, he would of course dispose of them in the market to those who had. * these regulations regarding labour should also apply to the coloured population already free; but, as in selling, or in voluntarily granting emancipation, their owners gave up to them the amount which, under a system for the due maintenance of industry, would inc it is plain from the foregoing considerations that it is in the power of the united states to turn from the sin of slavery, not only without even temporary damage to any worldly interest, but with the assurance of an increased prosperity. the half-time labour (for it would not amount to more) of the free coloured popu- lation would soon be voluntarily extended, and by every hour so gained the wealth of the country and the value of its soil would be proportionably increased. before dismissing these suggestions, i must not omit to mention a difficulty—the only one present to my mind—which, although slight in its nature, might be alleged as likely to interfere with their success. those who may be disposed to concede at once the utter improbability of the american negro preferring trans- portation to africa, to comfort, protection, and freedom in his native land, will still, perhaps, point to the west indies, and remind us that although he may, in the first instance, be landed in africa, he would soon find that he had it in his power to quit that continent for the british colonies ; that his passage would be eagerly provided by active agents, and that represen- tations would be industriously made to him of the luxurious indolence which he would there be permitted to enjoy. i do not believe that these representations would have the effect desired, because we have already seen that the negroes will not purchase exemption from toil at a cost of a sacrifice of home, even when the removal is only to a neighbouring colony ; but it is, nevertheless, desirable that their influence should be prevented. to this end it may be assumed that the british government (supposing them unable to devise means of bringing their colonies to a healthy condition) would readily undertake to prohibit the introduction into these possessions of immigrants transported to africa from the united states. despite the defective plans of their statesmen, it cannot be doubted that the people of england are sincere in their abhorrence of slavery ; and we may therefore fairly hope that they are not destined to the humiliation of finding that, instead of being the leaders of emancipa- tion, they form the only impediment to its course. to conclude. it will perhaps be asked by those who have paid attention to the general tenor of my views, if there is not, some contradiction to the doc- trine maintained in them throughout—that sin is in- variably the parent of disaster - in a plan which claims to abolish slavery in the united states without inflicting the slightest suffering ; and if it is not dan- gerous to assert that a crime so grievous can be sud- denly cast off, and, with it, all apprehension of the judgments of the creator ? i reply, that those judg- ments have already fallen, and that the immediate effect of a sincere repentance will be, not to wipe out the penalties thus far incurred, but to avert those which must, with every day's continuance of evil, inevitably accumulate, — penalties which, although unseen in their approach, are foreknown by those who eve un trust in the justice of heaven, and are not less present to them as things that must be, when the wrong-doer stands boastingly in the glare of success, than when the threatenings of his failing fortunes may be dis- tinctly heard. in the degrading terror avowed at the consequences of granting freedom to the negro—in the self-condemning caution with which the app roach of knowledge, the common foe of tyrants, is barred from his mind—in the impatience of contradiction which, even among equals, renders the bowie-knife an argu- ment–in the absence of steady enterprise and provi- dent cultivation — in the misgivings which, amidst every boast of national power, tell of three millions of enemies,— enemies that might have been friends, clustered on the soil — and in that wilful deadening of the moral sense which, manifested first in a denial of the primary right of humanity, ends in a reckless repudiation of every other claim, the penalties of slavery past and present are sufficiently unfolded. when to these we add that the “ union," which might have formed a type of the eventual brotherhood of nations, is rendered insecure and soulless; that in its legislative halls even the right of petition is denied, and that liberty, as she dwells in the land of wash- ington, is made a bye-word and a jest to distant regions of the earth, the conviction rises that the future can have little more of warning to impart, and that if america – reckless that the responsibility and peril of sin increases with the light bestowed-continues to cling, amidst the spreading radiance of christianity, to the darkest barbarism that ever disgraced the world, the hour of her severest doom must rapidly approach. that this doom may be averted, and that she may yet gain the course to which she once seemed destined, will be the earnest prayer of all who faithfully seek the advancement of mankind. note. " the right of petition.” since the date of the foregoing letter the rule of congress prohibiting the reception of petitions against slavery has been rescinded. “we think,” says the new york courier and enquirer of the th of de- cember last, “every person who appreciates the real character of the liberty we enjoy must be heartily gratified at the success at last achieved by john quincy adams, in his long-continued efforts to procure the rescinding of the disgraceful rule which has hereto- fore excluded a certain class of petitions from the floor of congress. the right to petition is certainly one of which no citizen should ever be deprived, and we sincerely rejoice that the representatives of the people have at last concluded to hear, with at least a show of respect, the petitions of those by whom they are chosen, and from whom they derive all the power are er they possess. we trust now that these petitions on the subject of slavery will be received, read, and referred to an appropriate committee like all other papers; and that the subject will be considered and presented to the country precisely as its great impor- tance and its merits deserve." london : printed by s. & j. bentley, wilson, and fley, bangor house, shoe lane. published by s. highley, , fleet street. clendon on extraction of teeth. nd edit. observations on the extraction of teeth, being a practical inquiry into the advantages and propriety attending the employment of properly constructed forceps, and an exposition of the dangers to which the use of the key is liable. by j. chitty clendon, surgeon-dentist, nd edit. enlarged, price s. fcap. vo, with plates. “ this little book, written in an excellent spirit, deserves to be examined by every person who gives ad ice on diseases of the teeth, or operates upon them for their removal. we have never seen a more satisfactory literary production devoted to a single subject (the extraction from the pen of a dentist. in the present case we have a sound practical work, evidently the result of a simple and sincere desire to be useful in the art, not hastily produced, but based on careful reflection and ex. perience, and well meriting the best character that can be given to it by a medical journalist."--lancet. cooper's osteology. lectures on osteology, including the ligaments which connect the bones of the human skeleton. by b. b. cooper, f.r.s., surgeon to guy's hospital, &c. vo, with plates, price s. mortimer on the teeth of children. nd ed. observations on the growth and irregularities of children's teeth, followed by remarks and advice on the teeth in general. by w. h. mortimer, late surgeon dentist to the british embassy, paris. just ready. pilcher on diseases, &c. of the ear. a treatise on the structure, economy, and diseases of the ear. by george pilcher, senior surgeon to the surrey dispensary. a new and improved edition, in which an entirely new set of plates is given, with additional illustrations, vo, price s. the perusal of this work has afforded us much pleasure-a work was wanted to place the whole subject within the grasp of all surgcons who choose to devote some little exclusive or particular study to the diseases of the ear, and this has fairly and well supplied the place."- johnson's med. chir. review. bell on diseases, &c. of the teeth. the anatomy, physiology, and diseases of the teeth. by thomas bell, f.r.s., f.l.s., f.g.s., lecturer on diseases of the teeth at guy's hospital, and professor of zoology in king's college. second edition, vo, price s. containing upwards of figures, illustrative of the structure, growth, diseases, &c., of the teeth. ramsbotham’s observations in midwifery. practical observations in midwifery, with a selection of cases. by john ramsbotham, m.d. a new edition, enlarged and revised. vol. vo. price s. "this is an excellent work, and well deserves a place in the first rank of practical treatises on the obstetric art. it is pleasing to read, neither repelling us by diffuseness or tediousness, nor ever admitting of our laying dowu the book dissatisfied with what we may have read as an insufficient development of the subject. it is characterised throughout by the eloquence of simplicity and plain good sense, and it has the inestimable merit of keeping perpetually close to the point."- johnson's med. chir. review. stowe’s chart of poisons. th edit. a toxicological chart, exhibiting at one view the symptoms, treatment, and mode of detecting the various poisons, mineral, vegetable, and animal; to which are added, concise directions for the treatment of suspended animation. by w. stowe, m.r.c.s. varnished and mounted on cloth, with roller, s., or s. the plain sheet. "we have placed the chart in own library, and we think that no medical practitioner should be without it. it should be hung up in the shops of all chemists and druggists, as well as in the dispensaries and surgeries of all general practitioners." johnson's med. chir. review. published by s. highley, , fleet street. morgan's surgery. first principles of surgery. by g. t. morgan. vo. price s. “a very excellent treatise on surgical pathology, in which the author explains the leading principles of that science with much clearness and method. the work is highly creditable not only to his talents and industry, but to his faculties of ob. servation and reflection. with a perfect knowledge of every thing done before him, and all the illustrations furnished by the diligence of contemporary inquirers, mr. morgan shows very considerable originality, and great strength as well as soundness of judgment on all the topics embraced by his plan. it may be safely recommended as an excellent treatise on the leading principles of surgical pathology." edinburgh medical and surgical journal, jan. phillips's pharmacopoeia. th edit. a translation of the pharmacopeia collegii regalis medicorum londinensis, mdcccxxxvi, with copious notes and illustrations; also a table of chemical equivalents. by richard phillips, f.r.s., l. and e. vo, price s. d. spratt's obstetric tables. th edit. these tables are designed on a similar principle to mr. tuson's anatomical plates,—the views being disposed in hinged layers, the raising of which shows a progressive advance in the subject under consideration. there are tables, most of which are made to furnish several successive views by means of this mechanical adaptation. vol. to, price s. coloured. insanity and crime. criminal jurisprudence considered in relation to cerebral organization. by m. b. sampson. nd edition with considerable additions, vo. price s. “we recommend this work to our readers with an assurance that they will find in it much food for reflection." johnson's med. chir. review. “statesmen and philanthropists, humanity and christianity, owe to mr. sampson a debt of gratitude, for having placed the question of capital punishment, and the insanity of criminals upon intelligible principles, which if adopted will put an end to the doubts and difficulties in which these topics have been hitherto involved, and will prepare the way for some rational and satisfactory legislation."-law times. procter on the sympathetic nerve. a treatise on the use of the sympathetic nerve and its gan. glions, with their influence on various diseases of the abdominal and pelvic viscera. by t. b. procter, m.d. to, price s. d. with plates. hocken's ophthalmic medicine. a complete condensed practical treatise on ophthalmic medicine. by e. o. hocken, m.d. fcap. vo, part , price s. to be completed in parts, price s. d. dr. james johnson's tour in ireland, with meditations and reflections. vo, price s. d. by the same author, excursions to the principal mineral waters of england, vo, s. pilgrimages to the german spas. vo, price s. change of air, or the pursuit of health and recreation. ( th edition) vo, price s. economy of health, or the stream of human life from the cradle to the grave. ( th edition), vo, price s. d. an essay on indigestion. ( th edition) vo, price s. d. practical researches on gout. vo, price s. d. the influence of tropical climates on european constitutions; ( h edition) with additions by j. r. martin, late presidency surgeon, and surgeon to the native hospital, calcutta. vo, price s. new medical works, published by samuel highley, , fleet street, opposite st. dunstan's church. ashwell on diseases of women. now completed. a practical treatise on the diseases peculiar to women, comprising their functional and organic affections. illustrated by cases derived from hospital and private practice. by samuel ashwell, m.d., member of the royal college of physicians in london, obstetric physician and lecturer to guy's hospital, vo. price £ ls. « in concluding our still imperfect analysis we must in justice to the author declare our conviction that his work on female diseases is the most able and certainly the most standard and practical we have yet seen. it will, now that it is completed, find its way into the library of every practitioner, and justly confer on its talented author, a very high place in the first class of obstetric physicians."-medico-chirurgical review "situated as is dr. ashwell in extensive practice, and at the head of the obstetric department of a large hospital, it could not be but that his work must contain very valuable information--the results of great experience. the book is full of important information and excellent practical description."-dublin medical journal. al review.confer on its taleen. it will, "o work on selecta e prÆscriptis; th edit., improved. selections from physicians' prescriptions; containing lists of the phrases, contractions, &c., used in prescriptions, with explanatory notes. the grammatical constructions of prescriptions. rules for the pronunciation of pharmaceutical terms. a series of ( ; abbreviated prescriptions, illustrating the use of the preceding terms-and a key, containing the same in an unabbreviated form, with literal translation. mo, price s. “a very useful work for students preparing for an examination in pharmacy.”- pharmaceutical journal. a series of anatomical sketches and diagrams. with descriptions and references. by thomas wormald and a. m. m whinnie, teachers of practical anatomy at st. bartholomew's hospital. vol. to. price s. “this work is now complete and is in every way calculated to fulfil its object--that of presenting a series of clear and simple views of the more important parts of the body-furnishing a useful guide to the student in the dissecting room, and from its character as a book on regional anatomy, cqually acceptable to the surgeon. the subjects have been judiciously chosen, and the lithographed drawings which are mostly coloured, are executed with great fidelity.” medico-chirurgical review. “ remarkable for their correctness, perspicuity, and neatness of execution.”-forbes' medical review. the anatomical remembrancer, or, complete pocket anatomist, nd edition. mo. price s. d. “the anatomy is correctly given, and the descriptions though condensed to the very highest degree, still remain clear und intelligible."-lancet. medico-chirurgical review, new series. arrangements have been completed to give to this journal a development in the review de- partment, that has not been attempted by any journal in great britain or elsewbere. each num. ber will contain three hundred pages of closely printed critical analysis of all the best works, foreign and domestic, forming a quarterly library of progkessive practical medicine and surgery. the first number of the new series was published on the st of january, . highley's general medical catalogue oi modern works, with their prices and dates. price ls. corrected to the end of . jan the barker library of t h r e e hundred volumes, the cheapest collection op works ever published. by desire is to spread knowledge and righteousness throughout the earth, and thus romote the present and eternal welfare of my fellow-men. i would have all men to understand, not only the great truths and duties of religion, but every thing else calculated to promote their comfort and their welfare. i am especially desirous that the young should have a large stock of useful fcuowledge, that they may be guided right, and be brought into the way of usefulness and happiness from their earlier years. i wish to see mankind at large, both male and female, raised to their proper level, and forming one vast society of wise, and good, and happy souls. but if men are to have knowledge, they must read: and if they are to read* they must have books. and they must have books of their own too. it is not enough for them to have access to ptiblie libraries; they must have libraries in their own houses. public libraries have their use, but nothing will supply the place of private libraries. if the great and glorious end at which we aim is to be accomplished, there must be a library in every house, and every man must be his own librarian. people must have access to books at all seasons; they must have a choice of books at hand ; they must have the opportunity of looking into this, or of reading a few pages of that, or of going through with the other, just as their wants or inclinations may lead them. public libraries are good things for those who have got the habit of reading, but not for those who have the habit yet to form. they are good for those who wish to consult scarce books, and they will come in well as supplements to private libraries ; but they will never do alone. people must have libraries of their own, if they are to feel that interest in books and reading, and to make that proficiency in knowledge, which is so much to be desired. many have wondered that public libraries have been so little used by the masses of the people : to me there seems no mystery about the matter. people, especially english people, must read and learn at home, if they are to real and learn at all. let people be supplied with libraries of their own in their own dwellings, and let them have the privilege of choosing at all times whafc books they will read, and of changing their book at what hours they pleases, without the troubles and difficulties connected with public libraries, and we shall have a reading and enlightened people without fail. but if people generally are to have libraries of their own, they must have books cheap. at present, books are so dear, that none but the rich can procure any tolerable supply. three hundred volumes, at six shillings a volume, would cost ninety pounds. but how is a poor man to raise a sum like this ? it is impossible. but suppose a good-sized volume could be sold for ninepence, instead of six shillings, and that a library of three hundred such volumes could be sold for eleven or twelve pounds, the case would be widely different. and this can be done. i have made my calculations, and i find, that with the help of a steam press, and of apparatus for binding the books myself, i can, if i can get persons to subscribe forfivethousand copies, publish tolumes nearly equal to my edition of channing, bound in cloth, embossed and lettered, for ninepence each. yes; volumes of nearly three hundred pages, printed on good paper, with good new type, in good style, can be sold for ninepence each. . this is what i propose to do. i propose to publish a library of three hundred of such volumes. and if i can get subscribers for five thousand libraries, i shall be able to publish one volume a week. already i have obtained many hundred subscribers, but not sufficient to justify a weekly issue; and i have therefore determined to commence with printing one volume a month, and to continue doing so as long as i can without running into debt, until i obtain five thousand subscribers, when the publication will go on as at first intended, at the rate of one volume per week. those who intend to sub ;ribe, are requested to send us their names at once, or to give them to any of prospectus. our regular agents. let^those who wish to see the work accomplished, get as many subscribers as theycan. the more they get, the sooner will the work be completed. we may observe, that the library will consist of the best books that we can procure, on a great variety of subjects.—several of the works will be on religious subjects, while others will be historical, scientific, poetical, and biographical. our object will be, , to suppply a complete library; as complete a library as possible, considering the number of volumes it will include ; and , to make the library as good, as instructive, and as profitable as we can. among the books that will be published first, will be the following : an improved version of the bible the history and portraiture of with notes. ancient quakerism._ a dictionary of the bible. select works of dr. isaac barrow, a common place book of the archbishop tulotson, bishop wilbible; or the passages of scripture kins, bishop hoadley, richard baxarranged under different heads, so as ter, and theophilus lindsey. to enable people to see at once all selections from the works of that the scriptures say on any parmalebranche, bacon, locke, reid, ticular subject. and others on the human mind, on an englishmen's greek concordthe pursuit of truth, &c. ance of the new testament, enabling paley's natural theology, or the every one, with comparatively little existence and perfections of god as trouble, to judge for himself, as to revealed in the works of creation. the meaning of the greek testament, two other volumes on the same and to test the criticisms of preachers subject. and theological writers. true and false religion, by a. an english concordance of the norton. bible. four volumes of discourses on the life of william penn, and a practical subjects, by j. barker. selection of his writingsseveral vols, on practical science. the life of john wesley, and a a volume on political economy. selection of his works. a volume on domestic economy. the works of the rajah rammobun roy, including his ' precepts of a volume on health and disease, jesus the guide to peace and happiand the sanatory improvement of the ness, and his three appeals to the people. british public.' some volumes on political and several volumes of poetry, selected social reform. from spencer, dryden, pope, cowper, a commentary on the new testamilton, young, wordsworth, bowment, in six volumes. ring, nichols, prince, and other truly a commentary on several parts of excellent poetical writers. the old testament. a system of grammar and logic. two or three volumes of anecdotes, selections from the most practical illustrating various branches of chrisworks of the greek and latin tian truth and duty. fathers. a work on temperance and teea volume of william law's, from totalism. his works on christian * perfection, a work on peace and war. *'ie spirit of love, and the spirit of a work on american slavery. trayer. the lives of several noted herselect works of robert hall. etics and reformers. a life of w. e. charming. the lives of several distinguished the cause and cure of infidelity. philanthropists. history of i(the corruptions of the lives of several distinguished christianity, by priestley. philosophers, with selections and letters to a philosophical unbeextracts from their writings. liever oto. the truth of religion, and two volumes of maxims and prosome other theological works, by verbs. priestley. several volumes of excellent extracts from several old writers, inlife of luther, and the history of cluding john hales of eaton, owen the reformation. prospectus. feltham, john howe, william dell, a treatise on moral philosophy, and others. a volume of facts and certainties, le clerc on the causes of increa volume of doubts and questions, dulity. paul and amicus, or a remarkable a history of the church. discussion between an american three or four volumes on natnral quaker of the old school, and an philosophy. american calvinist, on the seriptures, life of fenelon, and a selection of the light within, water baptism, the his works. lord's supper, justification by faith life of massilon,. and a selection alone, the trinity, the hired minof his works. istry, &c. live of saurin, and a selection of selections from the works of achis works. ton, belsham, carpenter, &c. natural history of birds, beasts, life of jeremy taylor, with his and fishes. liberty of prophesying, and some of advice on the pursuit of knowhis other works, ledge, on the formation of characlife of robert robinson, and some ter, on marriage, on parential duties, of his works, and on trade. other works will be named as we proceed. the works will be selected and composed so as to give the best information on every subject of importance that the extent of the library avm allow. and as to the order in which they will be published, that will depend in a great measure on the wants and wishes of the subscribers whose suggestions are invited. the books which i am proposing to publish, will be cheaper than the cheapest that have ever.yet been published. the price to those who do not subscribe for the works, but get them through the booksellers, will be one shilling, bound and lettered. the booksellers themselves cannot have them under ninepence. the best plan for those who wish to forward this great work, will be, for a number in every town or neighbourhood to join together, and as the names are obtained, forward them to me direct, without delay. expense will thus be saved in carriage and remittances. the books can come all in one parcel, and the money can be all sent in one post-office order. i recommend young persons to abstain from intoxicating drink, tobacco, and snuff. the cost of two pints of ale a. week, and an ounce of tobacco, will enable them in the course of four years, to furnish themselves and their children with means of instruction and profit without end. i should be glad if rich people would subscribe for four, eight, or ten libraries each. indeed, some have already done so to the extent of some hundreds of libraries. what would four, eight, or ten shillings a week be for some rich people? and what a vast amount of good they might do by lending or giving books, to such young persons as are too poor to purchase libraries for themselves, but who would yet be likely to make a good use of books, if they had them at command. it might not be necessary for them to give to each person a whole library; but a library might be divided among several. or they might sell them the faooks at reduced prices. some that could not pay ninepence a volume for:them, might be able to pay threepence or sixpence. in cases where youths could not afford more than twopence or threepence a week, two, three, or four might join together to purchase a library, if they could agree about using or dividing it. if i should die, i hope that the layman, or some other kind person would be found able to carry forward the work to its completion. if any of the subscribers should die, or become too poor to continue their subsbriptions; they will not be subject to any loss or penalty. at the same time, it is very desirable that those who give in their names, should do the "best in their power either to continue their subscriptions themselves, or induce-others to continue them in their places. if they should become so poor as to need the money they spend in the books, it is very likely, if they take care of their books, that they will at any ^nje be able to sell them for the price they gave for them, or even more. pr sfectu . it is a miserable book indeed that cannot be sold, in cloth boards, for ninepence, to any old bookseller. if i should be able to carry out my plan, i shall not only have supplied a lot of cheap books to the poor myself, but have stimulated or obliged others to supply books cheaper as well. let it once be seen that good and- useful books can be got for ninepence a volume, and the book trade will be revolutionised inevitably. the booksellers will not be able to sell good books of nine sheets, bound, for nine-pence, but they will come down one-half, or threequarters perhaps, and let you have their eight shilling books for two-and-sixpence, and their three shilling books for one. and this will be something gained. and this reduction in the price of books will not reduce the wages of printers, &c.; it will rather increase them. for it will increase.the demand for books beyond calculation. and when labour is in demand, it will always ibe well paid in countries like ours. i can supply books at ninepence a piece, and yet give better wages than any printer out of london is giving i should be ashamed to offer cheap books at the expense of my men. i would not do such a thing. i hope those who are friendly to the cause of reform, will assist me in this •work to the utmost of their power. i feel persuaded that we can never have an enlightened, a reformed, and a happy race of men, without a plentiful supply of useful books and tracts to the masses of the people. men may preach, and build schools, and form mechanics' institutes, and give courses of lectures, but nothing will do without a plentiful supply of tracts and books..— preaching, and lectures, and schools, and mechanics' institutions will all do good: but still they must be accompanied with a cheap literature, if the people are to be instructed. it is the press that must have the chief part in enlightening and governing the world, for the times to come. it is at home, by their own firesides, that men are to be educated. nine out of ten of those who gain much knowledge, gain it, not from the pulpit, not in the lecture room, not at the school, but at home. it is there that they learn to think. it is there that they form or modify their opinions. it is there that their souls get gradually fired with the love of truth, the love of righteousness, the love of god, and the love of man. it is there that reforms and revolutions are bred. it fe there that the world must be saved. let the country be supplied with abundance of good cheap tracts and books,. and great and glorious changes in society will take place inevitably. give me the press, and the power to keep it going, and i will shake every corrupt institution in the land. i will shake the whole world. i will undermine every false creed, and every false system of philosophy in the universe. i will paralyse the advocates of error at once. i will silence both the false priest and the blaspheming infidel; or if i do not silence them, i will make their talking like the idle wind, which men regard not. in short, let the followers of christ, —let the lovers of truth and righteousness, the friends of knowledge and the friends of man use the press as they ought, and they shall rule the world; they shall rule both the kings and the people; they shall rule both men's bodies and souls! it is known that i am myself what most of the sects call heterodox, and i do not wish to conceal the fact, that several of the theological works which i purpose to publish, are what would be called heterodox. still, my object in proposing to publish this library, is something far better and higher than the mere spread of heterodox opinions. what i want is, to make people truly •wise, and great, and good,—to lead forth to useful action their thinking and their moral powers, and make them christ-like and god-like men and women. only let them be brought to read, and taught to think, and led to live for god .and for their kind, and i will trust them to form their opinions for themselves. hence most of the books on religion, that i propose to publish, are of a general and practical character. i have chosen them, simply because they are calculated to rouse, invigorate, and free the soul, and fit it for the service of its maker, and for the seryice of mankind. joseph barker. interesting memoirs and documents relating to a m e r i c a n slavery, and the glorious struggle now making foe complete emancipation. london: chapman, brothers, , newgate street. printed by j. barker, w e t l e y, mdcccxlvi. near leeds, printed by j. barker, wortley, near leeds. preface. this volume is the first of a library which the publisher intends to send out. for the present, he expects to send out a volume a month, but so soon as the number of subscribers or purchasers reaches five thousand, he will send forth one a fortnight, or one a week. the second volume containing a life of wm. penn, with selections from his writings, may be looked for in about four weeks. the third, containing the most useful works of the late robert hall, may be looked for in march. as to the worth of the volumes, the readers must judge for themselves. all i can do, is, to publish such works as appear to me to be most needed, and most likely to prove useful. what i wish is, to improve, people's minds and characters, to make them wiser, and better, and happier men,—to bring them to live and labour like sons of god,—like that great instructor and example of our race set before us in the gospels. i wish to see men interesting themselves in every branch of useful knowledge, and in "fevery work of charity. i wish to see them labouring for the injured and unhappy everywhere; and toiling for the universal spread of truth and righteousness, of purity, and liberty, and joy. my first volume points to the american slave, and <jalls for help in his behalf. in the united states of america, there are upwards of three millions of persons held in the most abject and miserable slavery. the people of england can deliver those millions from their wretchedness, if they will. the object of this volume is, to awaken their will, and to direct its movements. it will give you first a view of the system of slavery, unfolding something of its crimes and horrors. it will show you next, the connexion of this system with the american and eng-* lish churches, making it,manifest, that slavery derives its strength from the silence or sanction of those churches, and that m once those churches can be brought to do their duty in this matter, the system will be overthrown. it will point out what preface. that duty is, and show how all may contribute towards inducing the churches to do their duty. i grant that the subject of slavery is not an enticing one for a specimen volume, but that cannot be helped. it is a subject of great importance, and it is time it was studied and understood. and our object should be, not to find pleasure, but to do good: not to divert ourselves, but to aid the cause of truth, of right" eousness, and of human happiness. if there be any who prefe a moment's personal pleasure, to the freedom and the welfare of their race, we are sorry for them. men calling themselves christians, ought to be pleased with nothing so much as plans and labours for the improvement and happiness of their race, kay, reason itself might show us, that the proper end of life is to do good, to honour god by blessing men. and the day will come when all who have reason left them, will think all things little, and low, and trifling but this; and when their only comfort will be the consciousness that they have done something for the improvement and the welfare of their brethren. he alone acts like a christian, or a rational being, and he alone can secure the full and proper blessedness of a human being, who makes the welfare of his fellow-men the great end and endeavour of his life. '" but we are far from thinking that the volume before us is not interesting; on the contrary, we consider it one of the most interesting volumes that has issued from the press. the narrative of lewis and milton clarke is as interesting as it well can be. it would please even a novel reader if it were only a tale. and the account of jonathan walker and his branded hand is much the same. and the other matters, though not fiction,, are stranger than fiction. still, if you cannot bring your minds to read the book, go and do something else that is good, and we shall be satisfied. others will read, and profit by their reading, and even you may come back in time. farewell, narrative of lewis clarke. i was born in march, as near as i can ascertain, in the year , in madison county, kentucky, about seven miles from richmond, upon the plantation of my grandfather, samuel campbell. he was considered a very respectable man, among his fellow-robbers, the slaveholders. it did not render him less honorable in their eyes, that he took to his bed mary, his slave, perhaps half white, by whom he had one daughter, letitia campbell. this was before his marriage. my father was from " beyond the flood "—from scotland, and by trade a weaver. he had been married in his own country, and lost his wife, who left to him, as i have been told, two sons. he came to this country in time to be in the earliest scenes of the american revolution. he was at the battle of bunker hill, and continued in the army to the close of the war. about the year , or before, he came to kentucky, and married miss letitia campbell, then held as a slave by her own father. my father died, as near as i can recollect, when i was about ten or twelve years of age. he had received a wound in the war, which made him lame as long as he lived. i have often heard him tell of scotland, sing the merry songs of his native land, and long to see its hills once more. mr. campbell promised my father that his daughter letitia should be made free in his will. it was with this promise that he married her. and i have no doubt that mr. campbell was as good as his word, and that, by his will, my mother and her nine children were made free. but ten persons in one family, each worth three hundred dollars, are not easily set free among those accustomed to live by continued robbery. we did not, thereb narrative of lewis clarke. fore, by an instrument from the hand of the dead, escape the avaricious grab of the slave-holder. it is the common belief that the will was destroyed by the heirs of mr. campbell. the night in which i was born, i have been told, was dark and terrible—black as the night for which job prayed, when he besought the clouds to pitch their tent round about the place of his birth; and my life of slavery was but too exactly prefigured by the stormy elements that hovered over the first hour of my being. it was with great difficulty that any one could be urged out for a necessary attendant for my mother. at length, one of the sons of mr. campbell, william, by the promise from his mother of the child that should be born, was induced to make an effort to obtain the necessary assistance. by going five or six miles, he obtained a female professor of the couch. william campbell, by virtue of this title, always claimed me as his property. and well would it have been for me if this claim had been regarded. at the age of six or seven years, i fell into the hands of his sister, mrs* betsey banton, whose character will be best known when i have told the horrid wrongs which she heaped upon me for ten years. if there are any she spirits that come up from hell, and take possession of one part of mankind, i am sure she is one of that sort. i was consigned to her under the following circumstances: when she was married, there was given her, as part of her dower, as is common among the algerines of kentucky, a girl, by the name of ruth, about fourteen or fifteen years old. in a short time, ruth was dejected and injured, by beating and abuse of different kinds, so that she was sold, for a half-fool, to the more tender mercies of the sugar-planter in louisiana. mrs. betsey obtained then, on loan frora her parents, another slave, named phillis. in six months phillis had suffered so severely, under the hand of thfe monster-woman, that she mad§"un attempt to kill herself^ and was taken home by the parents of mrs. bantoiw this produced a regular slave-holding family brawl; &: american slavery. regular war, of four years, between mrs. banton and her own parents. these wars are very common among the algerines in kentucky ; indeed, slave-holders have not arrived at that degree of civilization that enables them td live in tolerable peace, though united by the nearest family ties. in them is fulfilled what i have read in the bible—" the father is against the son, and the daughterin-law against the mother-in-law, and their foes are of their own household." some of the slave-holders may have a wide house ; but one of the cat-handed, snakeeyed, brawling women, which slavery produces, can fill it from cellar to garret. i have heard every place i could get into any way ring with their screech-owl voices. of all the animals on the face of this earth, i am most afraid of a real mad, passionate, raving, slave-holding woman. somebody told me, once, that edmund burke declared that the natives of india fled to the jungles, among tigers and lions, to escape the more barbarous cruelty of warren hastings. i am sure i would sooner lie down to sleep by the side of tigers than near a raging-mad slave-woman. but i must go back to mrs. banton. i have been describing her in the abstract. i will give a full-grown por* trait of her right away. for four years after the trouble about phillis, she never came near her father's house. at the end of this period, another of the sisters was to be married, and sister betsey could not repress the tide of curiosity urging her to be present at the nuptial ceremonies. beside, she had another motive. either shrewdlysuspecting that she might deserve less than any member of the family, or that some ungrounded partiality would be manifested toward her sister, she determined, at all hazards, to be present, and see that the scales which weighed out the children of the plantation, should be held with even hand. the wedding-day was appointed; the sons and daughters of this joyful occasion were gathered together, and then came also the fair-faced, but black-hearted, mrs. barton. satan, among the sons of god, was never less welcome than this fury among her kindred. they all knew what she came for, to make mischief, if possible, " well, now, if there aint ! narrative of l e w i s c l a r k e . bets ! " exclaimed the old lady. the father was moody and silent, knowing that she inherited largely of the disposition of her mother; but he had experienced too many of her retorts of courtesy to say as much, for dear experience had taught him the discretion of silence. the brothers smiled at the prospect of fun and frolic ; the sisters trembled for fear, and word flew round among the slaves, " the old she-bear has come home ! look out! look out ! " the wedding went forward. polly, a very good sort of a girl to be raised in that region, was married, and received, as the first instalment of her dower, agirl and a boy. now was the time for mrs. banton, and thus she began "poll has a girl and a hoy, and i only had that fool of a girl. i reckon, if i go home without a boy too, this house wont be left standing." this was said, too, while the sugar of the weddingcake was yet melting upon her tongue. how the bitter words would flow when the guests had retired, all began to imagine. to arrest this whirlwind of rising passion, her mother promised any boy upon the plantation, to be taken home on her return. now, my evil star was right in the top of the sky. every boy was ordered in, to pass before this female sorceress, that she might select a victim for her unprovoked malice, and on whom to pour the vials of her wrath for years. i was that unlucky fellow. mr. campbell, my grandfather, objected, because it would divide a family, and offered her moses, whose father and mother had been sold south. mrs. campbell put in for william's claim, dated ante natum—before i was born ; but objections and claims of every kind were swept away by the wild passion and shrill-toned voice of mrs. b. me she wtould have, and none else. mr. campbell went out to hunt, and drive away bad thoughts ; the old lady became quiet, for she was sure none of her blood run in my veins, and, if there was any of her husband's there, it was no fault of hers. slave women are always revengeful toward the children of slaves that have any,.pi the blood of their husbands in them. i was too youngi american slavery. only seven years of age, to understand what was going on. but my poor and affectionate mother understood and appreciated it all. when she left the kitchen of the mansion-house, where she was employed as cook, and came home to her own little cottage, the tear of anguish was in her eye, and the image of sorrow upon every feature of her face. she knew the female nero, whose rod was now to be over me. that night sleep departed from her eyes. with the youngest child clasped firmly to her bosom, she spent the night in walking the floor, coming ever and anon to lift up the clothes and look at me and my poor brother, who lay sleeping together. sleejring, i said. brother slept, but not i. i saw my mother when she first came to me, and i could not sleep. the vision of that night—its deep, ineffaceable impression -~is now before my mind with all the distinctness of yesterday. in the morning, i was put into the carriage with mrs. b. and her children, and my weary pilgrimage of suffering was fairly begun. it was her business on the road, for about twenty-five or thirty miles, to initiate her children into the art of tormenting their new victim. i was seated upon the bottom of the carriage, and these little imps were employed in pinching me, pulling my ears and hair ; and they were stirred up by their mother, like a litter of young wolves, to torment me in every way possible. in the mean time, i was compelled by the old she-wolf to call them "master," "mistress," and bow to them, and obey them at the first call. during that day, i had, indeed, no very agreeable foreboding of the torments to come ; but, sad as were my anticipations, the reality was infinitely beyond them. infinitely more bitter than death were the cruelties i experienced at the hand of this merciless woman. save from one or two slaves on the plantation, during my ten years of captivity here, i scarcely heard a kind word, or saw a smile toward me from any living being. and now that i am where people look kind, and act kindly toward me, it seems like a dream, i hardly seem to be in the same world that i was then. when i first got into the narrative of lewis clarke. free states, and saw every body look as if they loved one another, sure enough, i thought, this must be the " heaven" of love i had heard something about. but i must go back to what i suffered from that wicked woman. it is hard work to keep the mind upon i t ; i hate to think it over—but i must tell it—the world must know what is done in kentucky. i cannot, however, tell all the ways by which she tormented me. i can only give a few instances of my suffering, as specimens of the whole. a book of a thousand pages would not be large enough to tell of all the tears i shed, and the sufferings endured, in that ten years of purgatory. * a very trivial offence was sufficient to call forth a great burst of indignation from this woman of ungoverned passions. in my simplicity, i put my lips to the same vessel, and drank out of it, from which her children were accustomed to drink. she expressed her utter abhorrence of such an act, by throwing my head violently back, and clashing into my face two dippers of water. the shower of water was followed by a heavier shower of kicks / yes, delicate reader, this lady did not hesitate to kick, as well as cuff in a very plentiful manner ; but the words, bitter and cutting, that followed, were like a storm of hail upon my young heart. u she would teach me better manners than t h a t ; she would let me know i was to be brought up to her hand ; she would have one slave that knew his place ; if i wanted water, go to the spring, and not drink there in the house." this was new times for me ; for some days i was completely benumbed with my sorrow. i could neither eat nor sleep. if there is any human being on earth, who has been so blessed as never to have tasted the cup of sorrow, and therefore is unable to conceive of suffering; if there be one so lost to all feeling as even to say, that the slaves do not suffer when families are separated, let such a one go to the ragged quilt which was my couch and pillow, and stand there night after night, for long, weary hours, and see the bitter tears streaming down the face of that more than orphan american slavery. boy, while, with half-suppressed sighs and sobs, he calls again and again upon his absent mother. "say, mother, wast thou conscious of the tears i shed hovered thy spirit o'er thy sorrowing son * ? wretch even then ! life's journey just begun." let him stand by that couch of bitter sorrow through the terrible lonely night, and then wring out the wet end of those rags, and see how many tears yet remain, after the burning femples had absorbed all they could. he will not doutst, he cannot doubt, but the slave has feeling. there were several children in the family, and my first main business was to wait upon them. another young slave and myself have often been compelled to sit up by turns all night, to rock the cradle of a little peevish scion of slavery. if the cradle was stopped, the moment they awoke a dolorous cry was sent forth to mother and father that lewis had gone to sleep. the reply to this call would be a direction from the mother for these petty tyrants to get up and take the whip, and give the good-fornothing scoundrel a smart whipping. this was the midnight pastime of a child ten or twelve years old. what might you expect of the future man there were four house-slaves in this family, including myself; and though we had not, in all respects, so hard work as the field hands, yet in many things our condition was much worse. we were constantly exposed to the whims and passions of every member of the family ; from the least to the greatest, their anger was wreaked upon us. nor was our life an easy one, in the hours of our toil or in the amount of labor performed. we were always required to sit up until all the family had retired ; then we must be up at an early dawn in summer, and before day in winter. if we failed, through weariness or any other reason, to appear at the first morning summons, we were sure to have our hearing quickened by a severe chastisement. such horror has seized me, lest i might not hear the first shrill call, that i have often in dreams fancied i n a r r a t i v e of l e w i s c l a r k e . heard that unwelcome voice, and have leaped from my couch, and walked through the house and out of it before i awoke. i have gone and called the other slaves, in my sleep, and asked them if they did not hear master call. never, while i live, will the remembrance of those long, bitter nights of fear pass from my mind. but t want to give you a few specimens of the abuse which i received. during the ten years that i lived with mrs. banton, i do not think there were as many days, when she was at home, that i, or some other slave, did not receive some kind of beating or abuse at her hands* it seemed as though she could not live nor sleep unless some poor back was smarting, some head beating with pain, or some eye filled with tears, around her. her tender mercies were indeed cruel. she brought up her children to imitate their example. two of them manifested some dislike to the cruelties taught them by their mother, but they never stood high in favor with her ; indeed any thing like humanity or kindness to a slave, was looked upon by her as a great offence. her instruments of torture were ordinarily the raw hide, or a bunch of hickory-sprouts seasoned in the fire and tied together. but if these were not at hand, nothing came amiss. she could relish a beating with a chair, the broom, tongs, shovel, shears, knife-handle, the heavy heel of her slipper, or a bunch of keys ; her zeal was so active in these barbarous inflictions, that her invention was wonderfully quick, and some way of inflicting the requisite torture was soon found out. one instrument of torture is worthy of particular description. this was an oak club, a foot and a half in length, and an inch and a half square. with this delicate weapon she would beat us upon the hands and upon the feet until they were blistered. this instrument was carefully preserved for a period of four years. every day, for that time, i was compelled to see that hated tool of cruelty lying in the chair by my side. the least degree of delinquency either in not doing all the appointed work, or in look or behavior, was visited with a beating from american slavery. this oak club. that club will always be a prominent object in the picture of horrors of my life of more than twenty years of bitter bondage. when about nine years old, t was sent in the evening to catch and kill a turkey. they w^ere securely sleeping in a tree—their accustomed resting-place for the night. i approached as cautiously as possible, and selected the victim i was directed to catch ; but, just as i grasped him in my hand, my foot slipped, and he made his escape from the tree, and fled beyond my reach. i returned with a heavy heart to my mistress with the story of my misfortune. she was enraged beyond measure. she determined, at once, that i should have a whipping of the worst kind, and she wtas bent upon adding all the aggravations possible. master had gone to bed drunk, and was now as fast asleep as drunkards ever are. at any rate, he was filling the house with the noise of his snoring and with the perfume of his breath. i was ordered to go and call him—wake him up—and ask him to be kind enough to give me fifty good smart lashes. to be whipped is bad enough—to ash for it is worse— to ask a drunken man to whip you is too bad. i would sooner have gone to a nest of rattlesnakes, than to the bed of this drunkard. but go i must. softly i crept along, and gently shaking his arm, said, with a trembling voice, " master, master, mistress wants you to wake up." this did not go to the extent of her command, and in a great fury she called out, " what, you wont ask him to whip you, will you ? " i then added, " mistress wants you to give me fifty lashes." a bear at the smell of a lamb was never roused quicker. " yes, yes, that i will; i'll give you such a whipping as you will never want again." and, sure enough, so he did. he sprang from the bed, seized me by the hair, lashed me with a handful of switches, threw me my whole length upon the floor ; beat, kicked, and cuffed me worse than he would a dog, and then threw me, with all his strength, out of the door, more dead than alive. there i lay for a long time, scarcely able and not daring to move, till i could narrative of lewis clarke. hear no sound of the furies within, and then crept to my couch, longing for death to put an end to my misery. i had no friend in the world to whom i could utter one word of complaint, or to whom i could look for protection. mr. banton owned a blacksmith's shop, in which he spent some of his time, though he was not a very efficient hand at the forge. one day, mistress told me to go over to the shop and let master give me a flogging. i knew the mode of punishing there too well. i would rather die than go. the poor fellow who worked in the shop, a very skilful workman, one day came to the determination that he would work no more, unless he could be paid for his labor. the enraged master put a handful of nail-rods into the fire, and when they were red-hot> took them out, and cooled one after another of them in the blood and flesh of the poor slave's back. i knew this was the shop mode of punishment* i would not go j and mr. banton came home, and his wife told him the story of my refusal. he broke forth in a great rage, and gave me a most unmerciful beating ; adding that, if i had come, he would have burned the hot nail-rods into my back. mrs. banton, as is common among slave-holding women, seemed to hate and abuse me all the more, because i had some of the blood of her father in my veins. there are no slaves that are so badly abused, as those that are related to some of the women, or the children of their own husband ; it seems as though they never could hate these quite bad enough. my sisters were as white and good-looking as any of the young ladies in kentucky. it happened once of a time, that a young man called at the house of mr. campbell, to see a sister of mrs. banton. seeing one of my sisters in the house, pretty well dressed,-and with a strong family look, he thought it was miss campbell; and, with that supposition, addressed some conversation to her which he had intended for the private ear of miss c. the mistake was noised abroad, and occasioned some amusement to young peo^ american slavery. pie. mrs. ban ton heard of it, and it made her caldron of wrath sizzling hot ; every thing that diverted and amused other people seemed to enrage her. there are hot-springs in kentucky ; she was just like one of them, only brimful of boiling poison. she must wreak her vengeance, for this innocent mistake of the young man, upon me. "she would fix me, so that nobody should ever think i was white." accordingly, in a burning hot day, she made me tahe off every rag of clothes, go out into the garden, and pick herbs for hours, in order to burn me black. when i went out, she threw cold water on me, so that the sun might take effect upon me ; when i came in, she gave me a severe beating on my blistered back. after i had lived with mrs. b. three or four years, i was put to spinning hemp, flax, and tow, on an oldfashioned foot-wheel. there were four or five slaves at this business, a good part of the time. we were kept at our work from daylight to dark in summer, from long before day to nine or ten o'clock in the evening in winter. mrs. banton, for the most part, was near, or kept continually passing in and out, to see that each of us performed as much work as she thought we ought to do, being young, and sick at heart all the time, it was very hard work to go through the day and evening and not suffer exceedingly for want of more sleep. very often, too, i was compelled to work beyond the ordinary hour, to finish the appointed task of the day. sometimes i found it impossible not to drop asleep at the wheel. on these occasions, mrs. b. had her peculiar contrivances for keeping us awake. she would sometimes sit, by the hour, with a dipper of vinegar and salt, and throw it in my eyes to keep them open. my hair was pulled till there was no longer any pain from that source. and lean now suffer myself to be lifted by the hair of the head, without experiencing the least pain. she very often kept me from getting water to satisfy my thirst, and in one instance kept me for two entire days without a particle of food. this she did, in order narrative of l e w i s c l a r k e . that i might make up for lost time. but, of course, i lost rather than gained upon my task. every meal taken from me made me less able to work. it finally ended in a terrible beating. but all my severe labor, and bitter and cruel punishments, for these ten years of captivity with this worse than arab family, all these were as nothing to the sufferings i experienced by being separated from my mother, brothers, and sisters ; the same things, with them near to sympathize with me, to hear my story of sorrow, would have been comparatively tolerable. they were distant only about thirty miles ; and yet, in ten long, lonely years of childhood, i was only permitted to see them three times. my mother occasionally found an opportunity to send me some token of remembrance and affection, a sugarplum or an apple; but i scarcely ever ate them; they were laid up, and handled and wept over till they wasted away in my hand. my thoughts continually by day, and my dreams by night, were of mother and home ; and the horror experienced in the morning, when i awoke and behold it was a dream, is beyond the power of language to describe. but i am about to leave this den of robbers, where i had been so long imprisoned. i cannot, however, call the reader from his new and unpleasant acquaintance with this unlovely pair, without giving a few more incidents of their history. when this is done, and i have taken great pains, as i shall do, to put a copy of this portrait in the hands of this mrs. b., i shall bid her farewell. if she sees something awfully hideous in her picture, as here represented, she will be constrained to acknowledge it is true to nature. i have given it from no malice, no feeling of resentment towards her, but that the world may know what is done by slavery, and that slaveholders may know that their crimes will come to light. i hope and pray that mrs. b. will repent of her many and aggravated sins before it is too late. american slavery. the scenes between her and her husband, while i was with them, strongly illustrate the remark of jefferson, that slavery fosters the worst passions of the master. scarcely a day passed, in which bitter words were not bandied from one to the other. i have seen mrs. b., with a large knife drawn in her right hand, the other upon the collar of her husband, swearing and threatening to cut him square in two. they both drank freely, and swore like highwaymen. he was a gambler and a counterfeiter. i have seen and handled his moulds and his false coin. they finally quarrelled openly, and separated ; and the last i knew of them, he was living a sort of poor vagabond life in his native state, and she was engaged in a protracted lawsuit with some of her former friends, about her father's property. of course, such habits did not produce great thrift in their worldly condition, and myself and other slaves were mortgaged, from time to time, to make up the deficiency between their income and expenses. i was transferred, at the age of sixteen or seventeen, to a mr. k., whose name i shall forbear to mention, lest, if he or any other man should ever claim property where they never had any, this, my own testimony, might be brought in to aid their wicked purposes. in the exchange of masters, my condition was, in many respects, greatly improved. i was free, at any rate, from that kind of suffering experienced at the hand of mrs. b., as though she delighted in cruelty for its own sake. my situation, however, with mr. k. was far from enviable. taken from the work in and around the house, and put at once, at that early age, to the constant work of a full-grown man, i found it not an easy task always to escape the lash of the overseer. in the four or five years that i was with this man, the overseers were often changed. sometimes we had a man that seemed to have some consideration, some mercy ; but generally their eye seemed to be fixed upon one object, and that was, to get the greatest possible amount of work out of every narrative of lewis clarke. slave upon the plantation. when stopping to clear the tobacco-plants from the worms which infest them,—a work which draws most cruelly upon the back,—some of these men would not allow us a moment to rest at the end of the row ; but, at the crack of the whip, we were compelled to jump to our places, from row to row, for hours, while the poor back was crying out with torture. any complaint or remonstrance under such circumstances is sure to be answered in no other way than by the lash. as a sheep before her shearers is dum, so a slave is not permitted to open his mouth. there were about one hundred and fifteen slaves upon this plantation. generally, we had enough, in quantity, of food. we had, however^ but two meals a day, of corn-meal bread and soup, or meat of the poorest land. very often, so little care had been taken to cure and preserve the bacon, that, when it came to us, though it had been fairly killed once, it was more alive than dead. occasionally, we had some refreshment over and above the two meals, but this was extra, beyond the rules of the plantation. and, to balance this gratuity, we were also frequently deprived of our food, as a punishment. we suffered greatly, too, for want of water. the slave-drivers have the notion that slaves are more healthy, if allowed to drink but little, than they are if freely allowed nature's beverage. the slaves quite as confidently cherish the opinion that, if the master would drink less peach brandy and whisky, and give the slave more water, it would be better all around. as it is, the more the master and overseer drink, the less they seem to think the slave needs. in the winter, we took our meals before day in the morning, and after work at night; in the summer, at about nine o'clock in the morning, and at two in the afternoon. when we were cheated out of our two meals a day, either by the cruelty or caprice of the overseer, we always felt it a kind of special duty and privilege, to make up, in some way, the deficiency. to accomplish this ; american slavery. we had many devices ; and we sometimes resorted to our peculiar methods., when incited only by a desire to taste greater variety than our ordinary bill of fare afforded. this sometimes led to very disastrous results. the poor slave who was caught with a chicken or a pig. killed from the plantation, had his back scored most unmercifully. nevertheless, the pigs would die without beingsick or squealing once ; and the hens, chickens, and turkeys sometimes disappeared, and never stuck up a feather to tell where they were buried. the old goose would sometimes exchange her whole nest of eggs for round pebbles ; and patient as that animal is, this quality was exhausted, and she was obliged to leave her nest with no train of offspring behind her. one old slave woman upon this plantation was altogether too keen and shrewd for the best of them. she would go out to the corn-crib with her basket, watch her opportunity, with one effective blow pop over a little pig, slip him into her basket, and put the cobs on top, trudge off to her cabin, and look just as innocent as though she had a right to eat of the work of her own hands. it was a kind of first principle, too, in her code of morals, that they that worked had a right to eat. the moral of all questions in relation to taking food was easily settled by aunt peggy. the only question with her was, how and when to do it. it could not be done openly, that was plain. it must be done secretly: if not in the daytime, by all means in the night. with the dead pig in the cabin, and the water all hot for scalding, she was at one time warned by her son that the philistines were upon her. her resources were fully equal to the sudden emergency. quick as thought, the pig was thrown into the boiling kettle, a door was put over it, her daughter seated upon it, and, with a good, thick quilt around her, the overseer found little clara taking a steam-bath for a terrible cold. the daughter, acting well her part, groaned sadly; the mother was very busy in tucking in the quilt, and the over narrative of l e w i s c l a r k e . seer was blinded, and went away without seeing a bristle of the pig. aunt peggy cooked for herself, for another slave named george, and for me.: george was very successful in bringing home his share of the plunder. he could capture a pig or a turkey without exciting the least suspicion. the old lady often rallied me for want of courage for such enterprises. at length, i summoned resolution one rainy night, and determined there should be one from the herd of swine brought home by my hands. i went to the crib of corn, got my ear to shell, and my cart-stake to despatch a little roaster. i raised my arm to strike, summoned courage again and again, but to no purpose. the scattered kernels were all picked up, and no blow struck. again i visited the crib, selected my victim, and struck ! the blow glanced upon the side of the head, and, instead of falling, he ran off, squealing louder than ever i heard a pig squeal before. i ran as fast, in an opposite direction, made a large circuit, and reached the cabin, emptied the hot water, and made for my couch as soon as possible. i escaped detection, and only suffered from the ridicule of old peggy and young george. poor jess, upon the same plantation, did not so easily escape. more successful in his effort, he killed his pig, but he was found out. he was hung up by the hands, with a rail between his feet, and full three hundred lashes scored in upon his naked back. for a jong time his life hung in doubt; and his poor wife, for becoming a partaker after the fact, was most severely beaten. another slave, employed as a driver upon the plantation, was compelled to whip his own wife, for a similar offence, so severely that she never recovered from the cruelty. she was literally ivhipped to death by her oion husband. a slave, called hall, the hostler on the plantation, made a successful sally, one night, upon the animals forbidden to the jews. the next day, he went into the barn-loft, and fell asleep. while sleeping over his abun american slavery. dant supper, and dreaming, perhaps, of his feast, he heard the shrill voice of his master, crying out, " the hogs are at the horse-trough ; where is hall ? the "hogs " and " hall/' coupled together, were enough for the poor fellow. he sprung from the hay, and made the best of his way off the plantation. he was gone six months ; and at the end of this period, he procured the intercession of the son-in-law of his master, and returned, escaping the ordinary punishment. but the transgression was laid up. slave-holders seldom forgive, they only postpone the time of revenge. when about to be severely flogged, for some pretended offence, he took two of his grandsons, and escaped as far towards canada as indiana. he was followed, captured, brought back, and whipped most horribly. all the old score had been treasured up against him, and his poor back atoned for the whole at once. on this plantation was a slave, named sam, whose wife lived a few miles distant ; and sam was very seldom permitted to go and see his family. he worked in the blacksmith's shop. for a small offence, he was hung by the hands, a rail between his feet, and whipped in turn by the master, overseer, and one of the waiters, till his back was torn all to pieces ; and, in less than two months, sam was in his grave. his last words were, " mother, tell master he has killed me at last, for nothing ; but tell him if god will forgive him, t will." a very poor white woman lived within about a mile of the plantation house. a female slave, named flora, knowing she was in a very suffering condition, shelled out a peck of corn, and carried it to her in the night. next day, the old man found it out, and this deed of charity was atoned for by one hundred and fifty lashes upon the bare back of poor flora. the master with whom i now lived wras a very passionate man. at one time he thought the work on the plantation did not go on as it ought. one morning, when he and the overseer waked up from a drunken frolic, they swore the hands should not eat a morsel of anything, till c narrative of lewis clarke. a field of wheat of some sixty acres was all cradled; there were from thirty to forty hands to do the work. we were driven on to the extent of our strength, and, although a brook ran through the field, not one of us was permitted to stop and taste a drop of water. some of the men were so exhausted that they reeled for very weak~ ness ; two of the women fainted, and one of them was severely whipped, to revive her. they were at last carried helpless from the field and thrown down under the shade of a tree. at about five o'clock in the afternoon the wheat wras all cut, and we were permitted to eat. our suffering for want of water was excruciating. trembled all over from the inward gnawing of hunger, and from burning thirst. in view of the sufferings of this day, we felt fully justin fled in making a foraging expedition upon the milk-room that night. and when master, and overseer, and all hands were locked up in sleep, ten or twelve of us went down to the spring house ; a house built over a spring, to keep the milk and other things cool. we pressed' altogether against the door, and open it came. we found half a good baked pig, plenty of cream, milk, and other delicacies ; and, as we felt in some measure delegated to represent all that had been cheated of their meals the day before, we ate plentifully. but after a successful plundering expedition within the gates of the enemy's camp, it is not easy always to cover the retreat. we had a reserve in the pasture for this purpose. we went up to the herd of swine, and, with a milk-pail in hand, it was easy to persuade them there was more w here that came from, and the whole tribe followed readily into the springhouse, and we left them there to wash the dishes and wipe up the floor, while we retired to rest. this was not malice in us ; we did not love the waste which the hogs made ; but we must have something to eat, to pay for the cruel and reluctant fast; and when we had obtained this, we must of course cover up our track. they watch us narrowly; and to take an egg, a pound of meat^ american slavery* or any thing else, however hungry we may be, is considered a great crime ; we are compelled therefore, to waste a good deal sometimes, to get a little, i lived with this mr. k. about four or five years; i then fell into the hands of his son. he was a drinking, ignorant man, but not so cruel as his father. of him i hired my time at twelve dollars a month ; boarded and clothed myself. to meet my payments, i split rails, burned coal, peddled grass seed, and took hold of whatever i could find to do. this last master, or owner, as he would call himself, died about one year before i left kentucky. by the administrators i was hired out for a time, and at last put up upon the auction block, for sale. no bid could be obtained for me. there were two reasons in the way. one was, there were, two or three old mortgages which were not settled, and the second reason given by the bidders was, i had had too many privileges ; had been permitted to trade for myself and go over the state ; in short, to use their phrase, i was a " spoilt nigger." and sure enough i was, for all their purposes. i had long thought and dreamed of liberty ; i was now determined to make an effort to gain it. no tongue can tell the doubt, the perplexities, the anxiety which a slave feels, when making up his mind upon this subject. if he makes an effort and is not successful, he must be laughed at by his fellows ; he will be beaten unmercifully by the master, and then watched and used the harder for it all his life. and then, if he gets away, who, what will he find he is ignorant of the world. all the white part of mankind, that he has ever seen, are enemies to him and all his kindred. how can he venture where none but white faces shall greet him % the master tells him, that abolitionists decoy slaves off into the free states, to catch them and sell them to louisiana or missisippi; and if he goes to canada, the british will put him in a mine under ground, with both eyes put out, for life. how does he know what, or whom to believe % a horror of great darkness comes upon him, as he thinks over what may narrative of lewis c l a r k e . befal him. long, very long time did i think of escaping before i made the effort. at length, the report was started that i was to be sold for louisiana. then i thought it was time to act. my mind was made up. this was about two weeks before t started. the first plan was formed between a slave named isaac and myself, isaac proposed to take one of the horses of his mistress, and i was to take my pony, and we were to ride off together ; i as master, and he as slave. we started together, and went on five miles. my want of confidence in the plan induced me to turn back. poor isaac pleaded like a good fellow to go forward. i am satisfied from experience and observation, that both of us must have been captured and carried back, i did not know enough at that time to travel and manage a waiter. every thing would have been done in such an awkward manner, that a keen eye would have seen through our plot at once. i did not know the roads, and could not have read the guide-boards ; and ignorant as many people are in kentucky, they would have thought it strange to see a man with a waiter, who could not read a guide-board. i was sorry to leave isaac, but i am satisfied i could have done him no good in the way proposed. after this failure, i staid about two weeks; and after having arranged every thing to the best of my knowledge, i saddled my pony, went into the cellar where i kept my grass-seed apparatus, put my clothes into a pair of saddlebags, and them into my seed-bag, and, thus equipped, set sail for the north star. o what a day was that to me ! this was on saturday, in august, . i wore my common clothes, and was very careful to avoid special suspicion, as i already imagined the administrator was very watchful of me. the place from which i started was about fifty miles from lexington. the reason why i do not give the name of the place, and a more accurate location, must be obvious to any one who remembers that, in the eye of the law, i am yet accounted a slave, and no spot in the united states affords an asylum for american slavery. the wanderer. true, i feel protected in the hearts of the many warm friends of the slave by whom i am surrounded ; but this protection does not come from the laws of any one of the united states. but to return. after riding about fifteen miles, a baptist minister overtook me on the road, saying, " how do you do, boy are you free i always thought you were free, till i saw them try to sell you the other day." i then wished him a thousand miles off, preaching, if he would, to the whole plantation, " servants, obey your masters ; " but i wanted neither sermons, questions, nor advice from him. at length i mustered resolution to make^ some kind of a reply. " what made you think was free " he replied, that he had noticed i had great privileges, that i did much as i liked, and that i wag almost white. <j yes," i said, "but there are a great many slaves as white as i am." " yes," he said, and then went on to name several; among others, one who had lately, as he said, run away. this was touchingaltogether too near upon what i was thinking of. now, said i, he must know, or at least reckons, what i am at —running away. however, i blushed as little as possible, and made strange of the fellow who had lately run away, as though i knew nothing of it. the old fellow looked at me, as it seemed to me, as though he would read my thoughts, i wondered what in the world slaves could run away for, especially if they had such a chance as i had had for the last few years. he said, " i suppose you would not run away on any account, you are so well treated." " o," said t, " i do very well; very well, sir. if you should ever hear that i had run away, be certain it must be because there is some great change in my treatment." he then began to talk with me about the seed in my bag, and said that he should want to buy some. then, i thought, he means to get at the truth by looking in my seed bag, where, sure enough, he would not find grass seed, but the seeds of liberty. however, he dodged off soon, and left me alone. and although i have heard narrative of lewis clarke. say, poor company is better than none, i felt much better without him than with him, when i had gone on about twenty-five miles, i went down into a deep valley by the side of the road, and changed my clothes. i reached lexington about seven o'clock that evening, and put up with brother cyrus. as i had often been to lexington before, and stopped with him, it excited no attention from the slave-holding gentry. moreover, i had a pass from the administrator, of whom i had hired my time. i remained over the sabbath with cyrus, and we talked over a great many plans for future operations, if my efforts to escape should be successful. indeed, we talked over all sorts of ways for me to proceed. but both of us were very ignorant of the roads, and of the best way to escape suspicion. and i sometimes wonder that a slave, so ignorant, so timid as he is, ever makes the attempt to get his freedom. a without axe foes, within axe fears" monday morning, bright and early, i set my face in good earnest toward the ohio river, determined to see and tread the north bank of it, or die in the attempt. i said to myself, one of two things,—freedom or death ! the first night i reached mayslick, fifty odd miles from lexington. just before reaching this village, i stopped to think over my situation, and determine how i would pass the night. on that night hung all my hopes. i was within twenty miles of ohio. my horse was unable to reach the river that night. and besides, to travel and attempt to cross the river in the night, would excite suspicion. i must spend the night there. but how ? at one time, i thought, i will take my pony out into the ifield and give him some corn, and sleep myself on the grass. but then the dogs will be out in the evening, and if caught under such circumstances, they will take me for a thief if not for a runaway. that will not do. so, after weighing the matter all over, i made a plunge right into the heart of the village, and put up at the tavern. after seeing my pony disposed of, i looked into the bar-room, and saw some persons that i thought were american slavery. from my part of the country, and would know me. i shrunk back with horror. what to do i did not know. i looked across the street, and saw the shop of a silversmith. a thought of a pair of spectacles, to hide my face, struck me. i went across the way, and began to barter for a pair of double-eyed green spectacles. when i got them on, they blind-folded me, if they did not others. every thing seemed right up in my eyes. some people buy spectacles to see out of; i bought mine to keep from being seen. i hobbled back to the tavern, and called for supper. this i did to avoid notice, for i felt like any thing but eating. at tea, i had not learned to measure distances with my new eyes, and the first pass i made with my knife and fork at my plate went right into my lap. this confused me still more, and, after drinking one cup of tea, i left the table, and got off to bed as soon as possible. but not a wink of sleep that night. all was confusion, dreams, anxiety, and trembling. as soon as day dawned, i called for ray horse, paid my reckoning, and was on my way, rejoicing that that night was gone, any how. i made all diligence on my way, and was across the ohio, and in aberdeen by noon, that day ! what my feelings were, when i reached the free shore, can be better imagined than described. i trembled all over with deep emotion, and i could feel my hair rise upon my head. i was on what was called a free soil, among a people who had no slaves. i saw white men at work, and no slave smarting beneath the lash. every thing was indeed new and wonderful. not knowing where to find a friend, and being ignorant of the country—unwilling to inquire, lest i should betray my ignorance, it was a whole week before i reached cincinnati. at one place, where i put up, i had a great many more questions put to me than i wished to answer. at another place, i was very much annoyed by the officiousness of the landlord, who made it a point to supply every guest with newspapers. i took the copy handed me, narrative of lewis clarke. and turned it over, in a somewhat awkward manner, i ..suppose. he came to me to point out a veto, or some other very important news. i thought it best to decline his assistance, and gave up the paper, saying my eyes were not in a fit condition to read much. at another place, the neighbors, on learning that a kentuckian was at the tavern, came, in great earnestness, to find out what my business was. kentuckians sometimes came there to kidnap their citizens. they were in the habit of watching them close. i at length satisfied them, by assuring them that i was not, nor my father before me, any slave-holder at all ; but, lest their suspicions should be excited in another direction, i added, my grandfather was a slave-holder. at cincinnati, i found some old acquaintances, and spent several days. in passing through some of the streets, i several times saw a great slave-dealer from kentucky, who knew me, and, when i approached him, i was very careful to give him a wide berth. the only advice that i here received was from a man who had once been a slave. he urged me to sell my pony, go up the river, to portsmouth, then take the canal for cleveland, and cross over to canada. i acted upon this suggestion, sold my horse for a small sum, as he was pretty well used up, took passage for portsmouth, and soon found myself on the canal-boat, headed for cleveland. on the boat, i became acquainted with a mr. colony, from new york. he was very sick with fever and ague, and, as he was a stranger, and alone, i took the best possible care of him, for a time. one day, in conversation with him, he spoke of the slaves, in the most harsh and bitter language, and was especially severe on those who attempted to run away. thinks i, you are not the man for me to have much to do with. i found the spirit of slave-holding was not all south of the ohio river, no sooner had i reached cleveland, than a trouble came upon me from a very unexpected quarter. a rough,.swearing, reckless creature, in the shape of a man^ american slavery. came up to me, and declared i had passed a bad five dollar bill upon his wife, in the boat, and he demanded the silver for it. i had never seen him, nor his wife, before. he pursued me into the tavern, swearing and threatening all the way. the travellers, that had just arrived at the tavern,, were asked to give their names to the clerk, that he might enter them upon the book. he called on me for my name, just as this ruffian was in the midst of his assault upon me. on leaving kentucky, i thought it best for my own security, to take a new name, aud i had been entered on the boat as archibald campbell. i knew, with such a charge as this man was making against me, it would not do to change my name from the boat to the hotel. at the moment, i could not recollect what i had called myself, and, for a few minutes, i was in a complete puzzle. the clerk kept calling, and i made believe deaf, till, at length the name popped back again, and i was duly enrolled a guest at the tavern, in cleveland. t had heard, before, of persons being frightened out of their christian names, but i was fairly scared out of both mine for a while. the landlord soon protected me from the violence of the badmeaning man, and drove him away from the house. i was detained at cleveland several days, not knowing how to get across the lake, into canada. i went out to the shore of the lake again and again, to try and see the other side, but i could see no hill, mountain, nor city of the asylum i sought. i was afraid to inquire ivhere it was, lest it would betray such a degree of ignorance as to excite suspicion at once. one day, t heard a man ask another, employed on board a vessel, " and where does this vessel trade " well, i thought, if that is a proper question for you, it is for me. so i passed along, and asked of every vessel, " where does this vessel trade " at last, the answer came, " over here in kettle creek, near port stanley." " a n d where is t h a t ? " said t. v , right over here in canada," that was the sound for me ; " over here in canada." the captain asked me if i wanted a passage to canada. i thought it narrative of lewis c l a r k e . would not do to be too earnest .about it, lest it would betray me. i told him i had some thought of going, if i could get a passage cheap. we soon came to terms on this point, and that evening we set sail. after proceeding only nine miles, the wind changed, and the captain returned to port again. this, i thought, was a very bad omen. however, i stuck by, and the next evening, at nine o'clock, we set sail once more, and at daylight we were in canada. when i stepped ashore here, i said, sure enough, i am eree. good heaven ! what a sensation, when it first visits the bosom of the full-grown man ; one born to bondage—one who had been taught, from early infancy, that this was his inevitable lot for life. not till then did i dare to cherish, for a moment, the feeling that one of the limbs of my body was my own. the slaves often say, when cut in the hand or foot, " plague on the old foot," or e< the old hand ; it is master's—let him take care of it. nigger don't care, if he never get well." my hands, my feet, were now my own. but what to do with them, was the next question. a strange sky was over me, a new earth under me, strange voices all around ; even the animals were such as i had never seen. a flock of prairie-hens and some black geese were altogether new to me. i was entirely alone ; no human being, that i had ever seen before, where i could speak to him or he to me. and could i make that country ever seem like home ? some people are very much afraid all the slaves will run up north, if they are ever free. but i can assure them that they will run back again, if they do. if i could have been assured of my freedom in kentucky, then, i would have given any thing in the world for the prospect of spending my life among my old acquaintances, where i first saw the sky, and the sun rise and go down. it was a long time before i could make the sun work right at all. it would rise in the wrong place, and go down wrong ; and, finally, it behaved so bad, i thought it could not be the same sun. american slavery, there was a little something added to this feeling of strangeness. i could not forget all the horrid stories slave-holders tell about canada. they assure the slave that, when they get hold of slaves in canada, they make various uses of them. sometimes they skin the head, and wear the wool on their coat collars—put them into the lead-mines, with both eyes out—the young slaves they eat; and as for the red coats, they are sure death to the slave. however ridiculous to a well-informed person such stories may appear, they work powerfully upon the excited imagination of an ignorant slave. with these stories all fresh in mind, when i arrived at st. thomas, i kept a bright look-out for the red coats. as i was turning the corner of one of the streets, sure enough, there stood before me a red coat, in full uniform, with his tall bear-skin cap, a foot and a half high, his gun shouldered, and he standing as erect as a guide-post. sure enough, that is the fellow that they tell about catching the slave. i turned on my heel, and sought another street. on turning another corner, the same soldier, as i thought, faced me, with his black cap and stern look. sure enough, my time has come now. i was as near scared to death, then, as a man can be and breathe. i could not have felt any worse if he had shot me right through the heart. i made off again, as soon as i dared to move. i inquired for a tavern. when i came up to it, there was a great brazen lion sleeping over the door, and, although i knew it was not alive, i had been so well frightened that i was almost afraid to go in. hunger drove me to it at last, and i asked for something to eat. on my way to st. thomas i was also badly frightened. a man asked me who i was. i was afraid to tell him a runaway slave, lest he should have me to the mines. was afraid to say, " i am an american," lest he should shoot me, for i knew there had been trouble between the british and americans. i inquired, at length, for the place where the greatest number of colored soldiers were. i was told there were a great many at new london ; so for new london i started. i got a ride, with some $ narrative of lewis c l a r k e . countiy people, to the latter place. they asked me who i was, and i told them from kentucky; and they, in a familiar way, called me " old kentuck." i saw some soldiers, on the way, and asked the men what they had soldiers for. they said they were kept " to get drunk and be whipped ; " that was the chief use they made of them. at last, i reached new london, and here i found soldiers in great numbers. i attended at their parade, and saw the guard driving the people back ; but it required no guard to keep me off. i thought, " if you will let me alone, i will not trouble you." i was as much afraid of a red coat as i would have been of a bear. here i asked again for the colored soldiers. the answer was, " out at chatham, about seventy miles distant." i started for chatham. the first night, i stopped at a place called the indian settlement. the door was barred, at the house where i was, which i did not like so well, as i was yet somewhat afraid of the canadian tricks. just before i got to chatham, i met two colored soldiers, with a white man, bound, and driving him along befoie them. this was something quite new. i thought, then, sure enough, this is the land for me. i had seen a great many colored people bound, and in the hands of the whites, but this wtas changing things right about. this removed all my suspicions, and ever after, i felt quite easy in canada. i made diligent inquiry for several slaves, that i had known in kentucky, and at length found one, named henry. he told me of several others, with whom i had been acquainted, and from him, also, i received the first correct information about brother milton. i knew that he had left kentucky about a year before i did, and i supposed, until now, that he was in canada. henry told me he was at oberlin, ohio. at chatham, i hired myself for a while, to recruit my purse a little, as it had become pretty well drained by this time. i had only about sixty-four dollars, when i left kentucky, and i had been living upon it now for about six weeks. mr. everett, with whom i worked, treated me kindly, and urged me to stay in canada, offering me american slavery. business on his farm. he declared ((there was no ( free state ' in america ; all were slave states, bound to slavery, and the slave could have no asylum in any of them." there is certainly a great deal of tttjth in this remark. i have felt, wherever i may be in the united states, the kidnappers may be upon me at any moment. if i should creep up to the top of the monument on bunker's hill, beneath which my father fought, i should not be safe, even there. the slave-mongers have a right, by the laws of the united states, to seek me, even upon the top of the monument, whose base rests upon the bones of those who fought for freedom. i soon after made my way to sandwich, and crossed over to detroit, on my way to ohio, to see milton. while in canada, i swapped away my pistol, as i thought i should not need it, for an old watch. when i arrived at detroit, i found that my watch was gone. i put my baggage, with nearly every cent of money t had, on board the boat for cleveland, and went back to sandwich to search for the old watch. the ferry here was about threefourths of a mile, and, in my zeal for the old watch, i wandered so far that i did not get back in season for the boat, and had the satisfaction of hearing her last bell just as i was about to leave the canada shore. when i got back to detroit i was in a fine fix ; my money and my clothes gone, and i left to wander about in the streets of .detroit. a man may be a man for all clothes or money, but he don't feel quite so well, any how. what to do now i could hardly tell. tt was about the first of november. i wandered about and picked up something very cheap for supper, and paid nine-pence for lodging. all the next day no boat for cleveland. long days and nights to me. at length another boat was up for cleveland. i went to the captain, to tell him my story ; he 'was very cross and savage ; said a man had no business from home without money; that so many told stories about losing money that he did not know what to believe. he finally asked me how much money i had. i told him sixty-two and a half cents. well, he said, give me that, narrative of lewis clarke. and pay the balance when you get there. i gave him every cent i had. we were a day and a night on the passage, and i had nothing to eat except some cold potatoes, which i picked from a barrel of fragments, and cold victuals. i went to the steward, or cook, and asked for something to eat, but he told me his orders were strict to give away nothing, and, if he should do it, he would lose his place at once. when the boat came to cleveland it was in the night, and i thought i would spend the balance of the night in the boat. the steward soon came along, and asked if i did not know that the boat had landed, and the passengers had gone ashore. i told him i knew it, but i had paid the captain all the money i had, and could get no shelter for the night unless i remained in the boat. he was very harsh and unfeeling, and drove me ashore, although it wras very cold, and snow on the ground. i walked around awhile, till i saw a light in a small house of entertainment. i called for lodging. in the morning, the frenchman, who kept it, wanted to know if i would have breakfast. i told him, no. he said then i might pay for my lodging. i told him i would do so before i left, and that my outside coat might hang there till i paid him. i was obliged at once to start on an expedition for raising some cask. my resources were not very numerous. i took a hair brush, that i had paid three york shillings for a short time before, and sallied out to make a sale. but the wants of every person i met seemed to be in the same direction with my own ; they wanted money more than hair brushes. at last, i found a customer who paid me ninepence cash, and a small balance in the shape of something to eat for breakfast. i was started square for that day, and delivered out of my present distress. but hunger will return, and all the quicker when a man don't know how to satisfy it when it does come. i went to a plain boarding-house, and told the man just my situation ; that i was waiting for the boat to return from buffalo, hoping to get my baggage and money. he sai american slavery. he would board me two or three days and risk it. t tried to get work, but no one seemed inclined to employ me. at last, i gave up in despair, about my luggage, and concluded to start as soon as possible for oberlin, i sold my great-coat for two dollars, paid one for my board, and with the other i was going to pay my fare to oberlin. that night, after i had made all my arrangements to leave in the morning, the boat came. on hearing the bell of a steam-boat, in the night, i jumped up and went to the wharf, and found my baggage ; paid a quarter of a dollar. for the long journey it had been carried, and glad enough to get it again at that, the next morning, i took the stage for oberlin; found several abolitionists from that place in the coach. they mentioned a slave named milton clarke, who was living there, that he had a brother in canada, and that he expected him there soon. they spoke in a very friendly manner of milton, and of the slaves; so, after we had had a long conversation, and i perceived they were all friendly, i made myself known to them. to be thus surrounded at once with friends, in a land of strangers, was something quite new to me. the impression made by the kindness of these strangers upon my heart, will never be effaced. i thought, there must be some new principle at work here, such as i had not seen much of in kentucky. that evening i arrived at oberlin, and found milton boarding at a mrs. cole's. finding here so many friends, my first impression was that all the abolitionists in the country must live right there together. when milton spoke of going to massachusetts, " no," said i, ( i we had better stay here where the abolitionists live." and when they assured me that the friends of the slave were more numerous in massachusetts than in ohio, i was greatly surprised. milton and i had not seen each other for a year; during that time we had passed through the greatest change in outward condition, that can befall a man in this world. how glad we were to greet each other in what we then thought a free state may be easily imagined. we little narrative of lewis clarke. dreamed of the dangers sleeping around us. brother milton had not encountered so much danger in getting away as i had. but his time for suffering was soon to come. for several years before his escape, milton had hired his time of his master, and had been employed as a steward in different steamboats upon the river. he had paid as high as two hundred dollars a year for his time. "from his master he had a written pass, permitting him to go up and down the mississippi and ohio livers when he pleased. he found it easy, therefore, to land on the north side of the ohio river, and concluded to take his own time for returning. he had caused a letter to be written to mr. l., his pretended owner, telling him to give himself no anxiety on his account; that he had found by experience he had wit enough to take care of himself, and he thought the care of his master was not worth the two hundred dollars a year which he had been paying for it, for four years ; that, on the whole, if his master would be quiet and contented, he thought he should do very well. this letter, the escape of two persons belonging to the same family, and from the same region, in one year, waked up the fears and the spite of the slave-holders. however, they let us have a little respite, and, through the following winter and spring, we were employed in various kinds of work at oberlin and in the neighbourhood. all this time i was deliberating upon a plan by which to go down and rescue cyrus, our youngest brother from bondage. in july, , i gathered what little money i had saved, which was not a large sum, and started for kentucky again. as near as i remember, i had about twenty dollars. i did not tell my plan to but one or two at oberlin, because there were many slaves there, and i did not know but that it might get to kentucky in some way through them sooner than i should. on my way down through ohio, i advised with several well known friends of the slave. most of them pointed out the dangers i should encounter, and urged me not to go. one young man told me to go, and the god of heaven would american slavery. prosper me. i knew it was dangerous, but i did not then dream of all that i must suffer in body and mind before i was through with it. it is not a very comfortable feeling, to be creeping round day and night, for nearly two weeks together, in a den of lions, where, if one of them happens to put his paw on you, it is certain death, or something much worse. at ripley, i met a man who had lived in kentucky; he encouraged me to go forward, and directed me about the roads. he told me to keep on a back route not much travelled, and i should not be likely to be molested. i crossed the river at ripley, and when i reached the other side and was again upon the soil on which i had suffered so much, i trembled^ shuddered, at the thoughts of what might happen to me. my fears, my feelings, overcame for the moment all my resolution, and t was for a time completely overcome with emotion. tears flowed like a brook of water. i had just left kind friends ; i was now where every man i met would be my enemy. it was & long tinie before i could summon courage sufficient to proceed. i had with me a rude map, made by the kentuckian whom i saw at ripley. after examining this as well as i could, i proceeded. in the afternoon of the first day, as i was sitting in a stream to bathe and cool my feet, a man rode up on horseback, and entered into a long conversation with me. he asked me some questions about my travelling, but none but what i could easily answer. he pointed out to me a house where a white woman lived, who, he said, had recently suffered terribly from a fright. eight slaves, that were running away, called for something to eat, and the poor woman was sorely scared by them. for his part, the man said, he hoped they never would find the slaves again. slaverywas the curse of kentucky. he had been brought up to work, and he liked to work, but slavery made it disgraceful for any white man to work. from this conversation i had almost a good mind to trust this man, and tell him my story; but, on second thought, i concluded it might be just as safe not to do it. a hundred or two dollars d narrative of l e w i s c l a r k e . for returning a slave, for a poor man, is a heavy temptation. at night, i stopped at the house of a widow woman, not a tavern, exactly ; but they often entertained people there. the next day, when i got as far as cynthiana, within about twenty miles of lexington, i was gore all over, and lame, from having walked so far. i tried to hire a horse and carriage, to help me a few miles. at last, i agreed with a man to send me forward to a certain place, which he said was twelve miles, and for which i paid him, in advance, three dollars. it proved to be only seven miles. this was now sabbath day, as i had selected that as the most suitable day for making my entrance into lexington. there is much more passing in and out on that day, and i thought i should be much less observed than on any other day. when i approached the city, and met troops of idlers, on foot and on horseback, sauntering out of the city, i was very careful to keep my umbrella before my face, as people passed, and kept my eyes right before me. there were many persons in the place who had known me, and i did not care to be be recognized by any of them. just before entering the city, i turned off to the field, and lay down under a tree and waited for night. when its curtains were fairly over me, i started up, took two pockethandkerchiefs, tied one over my forehead, the other under my chin, and marched forward for the city. it was not then so dark as i wished it was. i met a young slave, driving cows. he was quite disposed to condole with me, and said, in a very sympathetic maniier, " massa &ick." "yes, boy," i said, "massa sick; drive along your cows." the next colored man i met, i knew him in a moment, but he did not recognise me. i made for the wash-house of the man with whom cyrus lived. i reached it without attracting any notice, and found there an old slave, as true as steel. i inquired for cyrus ; he said he was at home. he very soon recollected me ; and, while the boy had gone to call cyrus, he uttered a great many exclamations of wonder, to think i should return. t( ©ood heaven, boy ! what you back here for ? what american slavery. on arth you here for, my son ? , i scared for you ! they kill you just as sure as i alive, if they catch you ! why, in the name of liberty, didn't you stay away, when you gone so slick ? sartin, i never did 'spect to see you again !" i said, " don't be scared," but he kept repeating, " i scared for you ! i scared for you !" when i told him my errand, his wonder was somewhat abated ; but still his exclamations were repeated all the evening, " w h a t brought you back here!" in a few minutes, cyrus made his appearance, filled with little less of wonder than the old man had manifested. i had intended, when i left him about a year before, that i would return for him, if i was successful in my effort for freedom. he was very glad to see me, and entered, with great animation, upon the plan for his own escape. he had a wife, who was a free woman, and consequently he had a home. he soon went out, and left me in the wash-room with the old man. he went home to apprize his wife, and to prepare a room for my concealment. his wife is a very active, industrious woman, and they were enabled to rent a very comfortable house, and, at this time, had a spare : m in the attic, where i could be thoroughly concealed. he soon returned, and said every thing was ready. i went home with him, and, before ten o'clock at night, i was stowed away in a little room, that was to be my prison-house for about a week. it was a comfortable room ; still the confinement was close, and t was unable to take exercise, lest the people in the other part of the house should hear. i got out, and walked around a little, in the evening, but suffered a good deal, for want of more room to live and move in. during the day, cyrus was busy making arrangements for his departure. he had several little sums of money, in the hands of the foreman of the tan-yard, and in other hands. now, it would not do to go right boldly up and demand his pay of every one that owed him. this would lead to suspicion at once. so he contrived various ways to get in his little debts. he had seen the foreman one day, counting out some singular coin of some foreign nation. he pretended to take narrative of l e w i s c l a r k e . a great liking to that foreign money, and told the man if he would pay him what was due to him in that money, he would give him two or three dollars. from another person he took an order on a stoie ; and so, in various ways, he got in his little debts as well as he could. at night, we contrived to plan the ways and means of escaping. cyrus had never been much accustomed to walking, and he dreaded, very much, to undertake such a journey. he proposed to take a couple of horses, as he thought he had richly earned them, over and above all he had received. i objected to this, because, if we were caught, either in kentucky or out of it, they would bring against us the charge of stealing, and this would be far worse than the charge of running away. i firmly insisted, therefore, that we should go on foot. in the course of a week, cyrus had gathered something like twenty dollars, and we wtere ready for our journey. a family lived in the same house with cyrus, in a room below. how to get out, in the early part of the evening, and not be discovered, was not an easy question. finally, we agreed that cyrus should go down and get into conversation with them, while i slipped out with his bundle of clothes, and repaired to a certain street, where he was to meet me. as i passed silently out at the door, cyrus was cracking his best jokes, and raising a general laugh, which completely covered my retreat. cyrus soon took quiet and unexpected leave of his friends in that family, and leave, also, of his wife above, for a short time only. at a little past eight of the clock we were beyond the bounds of the city. his wife did all she could to assist him in his effort to gain his inalienable rights. she did not dare, however, to let the slave-holders know that she knew any thing of his attempt to run away. he had told the slaves that he was going to see his sister, about twelve miles off. it was saturday night when we left lexington. on entering the town, when i went in, i was so intent upon covering my face, that i took but little notice of the roads. we were very soon exceedingly perplexed to american slavery. know what road to take. the moon favored us, for it was a clear, beautiful night. on we came, but what to do at the cross of the roads we did not know. at length, i climbed one of the guide-posts, and spelled out the names as well as i could. we were on the road to freedom's boundary, and, with a strong step, we measured off the path: but again the cross roads perplexed us. this time we took hold of the sign-post and lifted it out of the ground, and turned it upon one of its horns, and spelled out the way again. as we started from this goal, i told cyrus we had not put up the sign-post. he pulled forward, and said he guessed we would do that when we came back. whether the sign-board is up or down, we have never been there to see. soon after leaving the city, we met a great many of the patrols ; but they did not arrest us, and we had no disposition to trouble them, while we were pressing on, by moonlight, and sometimes in great doubt about the road, cyrus was a good deal discouraged. he thought, if we got upon the wrong roacl, it would be almost certain death for us, or something worse. in the morning, we found that, on account of our embarrassment in regard to the roads, we had only made a progress of some twenty or twenty-five miles. but we were greatly cheered to find they were so many miles in the right direction. then we put the best foot forward, and urged our way as fast as possible. in the afternoon it rained very hard; the roads were muddy and slippery. we had slept none the night before, and had been, of course, very much excited. in this state of mind and of body, just before dark, we stopped in a little patch of bushes, to discuss the expediency of going to a house, which we saw at a distance, to spend the night. as we sat there, cyrus became much excited, and, pointing across the road, exclaimed, " don't you see that animal there v i looked, but saw nothing ; still he affirmed that he saw a dreadful ugly animal looking at us, and ready to make a spring. he began to feel for his narrative of lewis clarke. pistols, but i told him not to fire there ; but he persisted in pointing to the animal, although i am persuaded he saw nothing, only by the force of his imagination. i had some doubts about telling this story, lest people would not believe me ; but a friend has suggested to me that such things are not uncommon, when the imagination is strongly excited. in travelling through the rain and mud, this afternoon, we suffered beyond all power of description. sometimes we found ourselves just ready to stand, fast asleep, in the middle of the road. our feet were blistered all over. when cyrus would get almost discouraged, i urged him on, saying, we were walking for freedom noi&. u yes," he would say, " freedom is good, lewis, but this is a hard, h-a-r-d way to get it." this he would say, half asleep. we were so weak, before night, that we several times fell upon our knees in the road. we had crackers with us, but we had no appetite to eat. fears were behind us ; hope before ; and we were driven and drawn as hard as ever men were. our limbs and joints were so stiff that, if we took a step to the right hand or left, it seemed as though it would shake us to pieces. it was a dark, weary day to us both. at length, i succeeded in getting the consent of cyrus to go to a house for the night. we found a plain farmer's family. the good man was all taken up in talking about the camp-meeting held that day, about three miles from his house. he only asked us where we were from, and we told him our home was in ohio. he said the young men had behaved unaccountably bad at the campmeeting, and they had but little comfort of it. they mocked the preachers, and disturbed the meeting badly. we escaped suspicion more readily, as i have no doubt, from the supposition on the part of many, that we were going to the camp-meeting. next morning, we called at the meeting, as it was on our way, bought up a little extra gingerbread against the time of need, and marched forward for the ohio. when any one inquired why we left the meeting so soon, we had an answer ready : ,{ the american slavery. young men behave so ba$, we can get no good of the meeting." by this time we limped badly, and we were sore all over. a young lady whom we met, noticing that we walked lame, cried out, mocking us, " my feet, my feet, how sore !" at about eleven o'clock, we reached the river, two miles below ripley. the boatman was on the other side. we called for him. he asked us a few questions. this was a last point with us. we tried our best to appear unconcerned. i asked questions about the boats, as though i had been there before; went to cyrus, and said, " sir, i have no change ; will you lend me enough to pay my toll % i will pay you before we part." when we were fairly landed upon the northern bank, and had gone a few steps, cyrus stopped suddenly, on seeing the water gush out at the side of the hill. said he, " lewis, give me that tin cup." " what in the world do you want of a tin cup now we have not time to stop." the cup he would have. then he went up to the spring, dipped and drank, and dipped and drank; then he'would look round, and drink again. "what in the world," said i, " are you foolling there for ?" " o," said he, "this is the first time i ever had a chance to drink water that ran out of the free dirt." then we went a little further, and he sat down on a log. i urged him forward. " o," said he, " i must sit on this free timber a little while." a short distance further on, we saw a man, who seemed to watch us very closely. i asked him which was the best way to go, over the hill before us, or around it. i did this, to appear to know something about the location. he went off, without offering any obstacles to our journey. in going up the hill, cyrus would stop, and lay down and roll over. " what in the world are you about, cyrus ? don't you see kentucky is over there ?" he still continued to roll and kiss the ground ; said it was a game horse that could roll clear over. then he would put his face to the ground, and roll over and over. " first time," he said, " h e ever rolled on free grass." narrative of lewis clarke. after he had recovered a little from his sportive mood, we went up to the house of a good friend of the slave at ripley. we were weary and worn enough ; though ever since we left the river, it seemed as though cyrus was young and spry as a colt; but when we got where we could rest, we found ourselves tired. the good lady showted us into a good bed-room. cyrus was skittish. he would not go in and lie down. " i am afraid," said he, " of old mistress. she is too good—too good—can't be so—they want to catch us both." so, to pacify him, i had to go out into the orchard and rest there. when the young men came home, he soon got acquainted, and felt sure they were his friends. from this place we were sent on by the friends, from place to place, till we reached oberlin, ohio, in about five weeks after i left there to go for cyrus. i had encountered a good deal of peril ; had suffered much from anxiety of feeling ; but felt richly repaid in seeing another brother free. we stopped at oberlin a few days, and then cyrus started for canada. he did not feel exactly safe. when he reached the lake, he met a man from lexington who knew him perfectly ; indeed, the very man of whom his wife hired her house. this man asked him if he was free. he told him yes, he was free, and he was hunting for brother milton, to get him to go back and settle with the old man for his freedom. putnam told him that was all right. he asked cyrus if he should still want that house his wife lived in. " , yes," said cyrus, " we will notify you when we don't want it any more. you tell them, i shall be down there in a few days. i have heard of milton, and expect to have him soon to carry back with me." putnam went home, and, when he found what a fool cyrus had made of him, he was vexed enough. <{ a rascal," he said, " i could have caught him as well as not." cyrus hastened over to canada. he did not like that country so well as the states, and in a few weeks returned. he had already sent a letter to his wife, giving her an account of his successful escape, and urging her to american slavery. join him as soon as possible. h e had the pleasure of meeting his wife, and her three children by a former husband, and they have found a quiet resting-place, where, if the rumor of oppression reaches them, they do not feel its scourge, nor its chains. a n d there is no doubt entertained by any of his friends but he can take care of himself. h e begins already to appreciate his rights, and to maintain them as a freeman. the following paragraph concerning him was published in the liberty press about one year since :— "progress of " scene at hamilton freedom. village, n. y. " mr. cyrus clarke, a brother of the well-known milton and lewis clarke, (all of whom, till within a short time since, for some twenty-five years, were slaves in kentucky,) mildly, but firmly, presented his ballot at the town meeting board. be it known that said cyrus, as well as his brothers, are white, with only a sprinkling of the african; just enough to make them bright, quick, and intelligent, and scarcely observable in the color except by the keen and scenting slave-holder. mr. clarke had all the necessary qualifications of white men to vote. "slave. gentlemen, here is my ballot; i wish to vote. (board and by-standers well knowing him, all were aghast— the waters were troubled,—the slave legions were i up in their might.') " judge e. you can't vote ! are you not, and have you not been a slave ] " slave. i shall not lie to vote. i am and have been a slave, so called ; but i wish to vote, and i believe it my right and duty. " judge e. slaves can't vote. "slave. "will you just show me in your books, constitution, or whatever you call them, where it says a slave can't vote'? "judge e. (pretending to look over the law, &c, well knowing he was 'used up,') "well, well, you are a colored man, and can't vote without you are worth two-hundred and fifty dollars. " slave. i am as white as you ; and don't you vote ? narrative of l e w i s c l a r k e , " (mr. e. is well known to be very dark; indeed, as dark or darker than clarke. the current began to set against mr. e. by murmurs, sneers, laughs, and many other demonstrations of dislike.) " judge e. are you not a colored man ? and is not your hair curly " slave. we are both colored men; and all we differ in is* that you have not the handsome wavy curl; you raise goat's wool, and i come, as you see, a little nearer saxony. " a t this time the fire and fun was at its height, and was fast consuming the judge with public opprobrium. " judge e. i challenge this man's vote, he being a colored man, and not worth two hundred and fifty dollars. "friends and foes warmly contested what constituted a colored man by the new york statute. the board finally came to the honorable conclusion that, to be a colored man, he must be at least one half blood african. mr. clarke, the slave, then voted, he being nearly full white. i have the history of this transaction from mr. clarke, in person. in substance it is as told me, but varying more or less from his language used, j. thompson. " paris, march , . martha, the wife of cyrus, had a long story of the wrath of the slave-holders, because he ran away, monday morning she went down, in great distress, to the overseer to inquire for her husband. she, of course, was in great anxiety about him. mr. logan threatened her severely, but she, having a little mixture of the indian, saxon, and african blood, was quite too keen for them. she succeeded in so far lulling their suspicions as to make her escape, and was very fortunate in her journey to her husband. w e remained but a short time after this in ohio. i spent a few days in n e w y o r k ; found there a great many warm friends ; and, in the autumn of , i came to old massachusetts. since that time, i have been engaged a large part of the time in telling the story of what i have felt and seen of slavery. i have generally found large audiences, and a great desire to hear about slavery. i have been in all the n e w england states except connecticut ; have held, i suppose^ more than five hundred meetings in differen american slavery. places, sometimes two or three in a place. these meetings have been kindly noticed by many of the papers, of all parties and sects. others have been very bitter and unjust in their remarks, and tried to throw every possible obstacle in my way. a large majority of ministers have been willing to give notice of my meetings, and many of them have attended them. i find that most ministers say they are abolitionists, but truth compels me to add, that, in talking with them, i find many are more zealous to apologize for the slave-holders, than they are to take any active measures to do away slavery, since coming to the free states, i have been struck with great surprise at the quiet and peaceable manner in which families live. i had no conception that tvomen could live without quarrelling, till i came into the free states. after i had been in ohio a short time, and had not seen nor heard any scolding or quarrelling in the families where i was, i did not know how to account for it. i told milton, one day, " what a faculty these women have of keeping all their bad feelings to themselves ! i have not seen them quarrel with their husbands, nor with the girls, or children, since i have been here." " o," said milton, " these women are not like our women inkentucky; they don't fight at all." i told him i doubted that; " i guess they do it somewhere ; in the kitchen, or down cellar. it can't be," said i, " that a woman can live, and not scold or quarrel." milton laughed, and told me to watch them, and see if i could catch them at it. i have kept my eyes and ears open from that day to this, and i have not found the place where the women get mad and rave like they do in kentucky yet. if they da it here, they are uncommon sly ; but i have about concluded that they are altogether different here from what they are in the slave states. i reckon slavery must work upon their minds and dispositions, and make them ugly. it has been a matter of great wonder to me, also, to see all the children, rich and poor, going to school* every few miles i see a school-house, here; i did not narrative of lewis clarke. know what it meant when i saw these houses, when i first came to ohio. in kentucky, if you should feed your horse only when you come to a school-house, he would starve to death. i never had heard a church bell only at lexington, in my life. when i saw steeples and meeting-houses so thick, it seemed as if i had got into another world. nothing seems more wonderful to me now, than the different way they keep the sabbath there, and here. in the country, in summer, there the people gather in groups around the meeting-house, built of logs, or around in the groves where they often meet; one company, and perhaps the minister with them, are talking about the price of niggers, pork, and corn ; another group are playing cards ; others are swapping horses, or horse-racing ; all in sight of the meeting-house or place of worship. after a while the minister tells them it is time to begin. they stop playing and talking for a while. if they call him right smart, they hear him out; if he he is ei no account," they turn to their cards and horses, and finish their devotion in this manner. the slave-holders are continually telling how poor the white people are in the free states, and how much they suffer from poverty ; no masters to look out for them. when, therefore, i came into ohio, and found nearly every family living in more real comfort than almost any slave-holder, you may easily see i did not know what to make of it. i see how it is now ; every man in the free states works; and as they work for themselves, they do twice as much as they would do for another. in fact, my wonder at the contrast between the slave and the free states has not ceased yet. the more i see here, the more i know slavery curses the master as well as the slave. it curses the soil, the houses, the churches, the schools, the burying-grounds, the flocks, and the herds; it curses man and beast, male and female, old and young. it curses the child in the cradle, and heaps curses upon the old man as he lies in his grave. let all the people, then, of the civilized world get up upon american slavery. mount ebal, and curse it with a long and bitter curse,, and with a loud voice, till it withers and dies; till: the year of jubilee dawns upon the south, till the sun of a free day sends a beam of light and joy into every cabin. i wish here sincerely to recognize the hand of a kind providence in leading me from that terrible house of bondage, for raising me up friends in a land of strangers, and for leading me, as i hope, to a saving knowledge of the truth as it is in christ. a slave cannot be sure that he will always enjoy his religion in peace. some of them are beaten for acts of devotion. i can never express to god all the gratitude which i owe him for the many favors i now enjoy. i try to live in love with all men. nothing would delight me more than to take the worst slave-holder by the hand, even mrs. banton, and freely forgive her, if i thought she had repented of her sins. while she, or any other man or woman, is trampling down the image of god, and abusing the life out of the poor slave, i cannot believe they are christians, or that they ought to be allowed the christian name for one moment. i testify against them now, as having none of the spirit of christ. there will be a cloud of swift witnesses against them at the day of judgment. the testimony of the slave will be heard then. he has no voice at the tribunals of earthly justice, but he will one day be heard ; and then such revelations will be made, as will fully j ustify the opinion which i have been compelled to form of slave-holders. they are a seed of evil-doers— corrupt are they—they have done abominable works. narrative of milton clarke. the narrative of lewis clarke was published a year since ; &nd a large edition—three thousand copies—was exhausted in less than a year. there is a call for more; and milton clarke has concluded to add a few of the incidents of his life, and a more particular account of the attempt to kidnap him in ohio. it is not among the least interesting of the marks of progress in the cause of freedom, that now, from ohio, the assistant kidnappers of jerry phinney are calling loudly upon their principles in kentucky to help them out of prison, where they suffer justly. this shows that neither ohio, nor any other free state, can much longer be made the hunting-ground of the slaveholders. j. c. l. may, . w h e n i was about six years of age, the estate of samuel campbell, my grandfather, was sold at auction. his sons and daughters were all present at the sale except mrs, banton. among the articles and animals put upon the catalogue, and placed in the hands of the auctioneer, were a large number of slaves. w h e n every thing else had been disposed of, the question arose among the heirs, " w h a t shall be done with letty (my mother) and her children v j o h n and william campbell came to mother, and told her they would divide her family among t h e heirs, but none of them should go out of the family. one of the daughters-—to her everlasting honor be it spoken—remonstrated against any such proceeding. j u d i t h , the wife of joseph logan, told her brothers and sisters, " letty is our own half sister, and you know i t ; father never intended they should be sold." h e r protest was disregarded, and the auctioneer was ordered to proceed. my mother, and her infant son cyrus, about american slavery. one year old, were put up together and sold for five hundred dollars ! ! sisters and brothers selling their own sister and her children ! i my venerable old father, who was now in extreme old age, and debilitated from the wounds received in the war of the revolution, was nevertheless, roused by this outrage upon his rights and upon those of his children. " he had never expected," he said, " when fighting for the liberties of his country, to see his own wife and children sold in it to the highest bidder." but what were the entreaties of a quivering old man, in the sight of eight or ten hungry heirs the bidding went on ; and the whole family, consisting of mother and eight children, were sold at prices varying from three hundred to eight hundred dollars. lewis, the reader will recollect, had been previously given to that bad and violent woman, mrs. banton. tt was my fortune, with my mother, brother cyrus, and sister delia, to fall into the hands of aunt judith ; and had she lived many years, or had her husband shared with her the virtues of humanity, i should probably have had far less to complain of, for myself and some of the family. she was the only one of all the family that i was ever willing to own, or call my aunt. the third day after the sale, father, mother, delia, cyrus, and myself, started for our home at lexington, with mr. joseph logan, a tanner. he was a tall, lank, gray-eyed, hard-hearted, cruel wretch ; coarse, vulgar, debauched, corrupt and corrupting ; but in good and regular standing in the episcopalian church. we were always protected, however, from any very great hardships during the life of his first wife. at her death, which happened in about two years, we were sincere mourners ; although her husband was probably indulging for other emotions than those of sorrow. he had already entered, to a considerable extent, into arrangements for marrying a younger sister of his wife, miss minerva campbell. she was a half fool, besides being underwitted. if any body falls into such hands, they will know what solomon meant, when he said, narrative of milton c l a r k e . " let a bear robbed of her whelps meet a man, rather than a fool in his foliy." there are a great many bears in kentucky, but none of them quite equal to a slaveholding woman. i had a regular battle with this young mistress, when i was about eleven years old. she had lived in the family while her sister was alive, aud from the clemency of judith, in protecting the slaves, the authority of miss minerva was in a very doubtful state when she came to be installed mistress of the house. of course, every occasion was sought to show her authority. she attempted to give me a regular breaking-in, at the age above stated, i used the weapons of defence " god and nature gave me ;" i bit and scratched, and well nigh won the battle ;" but she sent for logan, whose shadow was more than six feet, and i had to join the non-resistance society right off. it was all over with me then. he dashed me down upon my head, took the raw hide and ploughed up my young back, and that grinning fool, his wife, was looking on ; this was a great aggravation of the flogging, that she should see it and rejoice over it. when i was about twelve years old, i was put to grinding bark in the tannery. not understanding the business, i did not make such progress, as logan thought i ought to make. many a severe beating was the consequence. at one time, the shoulder of the horse was very sore, and logan complained that i did not take good care of him. i tried to defend myself as well as i could, but his final argument was thumping my head against the post. kings have their last argument, and so have slave-holders. i took the old horse into the stable, and, as i had no one else to talk with, i held quite a dialogue with old dobbin. unluckily for me, logan was hid in another stall, to hear his servant curse him. i told the horse, " master complains that i don't grind bark enough ; complains that i work you too hard ; don't feed you enough ; now, you old rascal, you know it is a lie, the whole of i t ; i have given you fifteen ears of com three times a day, and that is enough for any horse ; american slavery. caesar says that is enough; and moses says that is enough ; now eat your corn • and grow fat." at the end of this apostrophe, i gave the old horse three good cuts on the face, and told him to walk up and eat the corn. i then stepped out into the floor and threw in fifteen ears more, and said, " see if the old man will think that is enough." scarcely had the words passed my lips, when i heard a rustling in the next stall, and joe logan was before me taller than ever i saw him before, and savage as a cannibal. i made for the door, but he shut it upon me, and caught me by one leg. he began kicking and cuffing, till, in my despair, i seized him, like a young bear, by the leg, with my teeth, and, with all his tearing and wrenching, he could not get me off, he called one of the white hands from the tanyard, and just as he came in, logan had his knife out, and was about to cut my throat. the man spoke, and told him not to do that. they tied me and gave me three hundred lashes; my back was peeled from my shoulders to my heels. mother was in the house, and heard my screams, but, did not dare to come near me. logan left me weltering in my blood ; mother then came and took me up, and carried me into her own room. about eight o'clock that evening, logan came out and asked mother if i was alive or dead. she told him i was alive. i laid there four weeks, before i went out of the door. let fathers and mothers think what it would be to see a child whipped to the very gate of death, and not be permitted to say a word in their behalf. words can never tell what i suffered, nor what mother suffered. i shuddered at the countenance of joseph logan for many months after. the recollection now makes me shudder, as i go back to that bitter day. such a cruel wretch could not, of course, manage with much discretion a silly, but high-tempered wife. their social intercourse was like the meeting of the sirocco and the earthquake. she would scorch terribly with her provoking tongue ; he would shake her terribly in his anger. finally, he held her out at arm's length and gave e narrative of milton c l a r k e . her the horsewhip to the tune of about thirty stripes. she hopped and danced at this, to the infinite amusement of the slaves when we were alone; of course, in their presence we are very serious. we had good reason for rejoicing in this flogging, for she was never known to prescribe raw hide for a slave after that. she soon, however, left her husband and went to live with mrs. anderson, where, by her cruelty, she showed her reform was only temporary. then began that series of bitter cruelties by which logan attempted to subdue sister delia to his diabolical wishes. she was, at this time, some sixteen or eighteen years of age. at first, persuasion was employed. this was soon exchanged for stripes one morning, i was a witness of the torture which he inflicted. sister asked me to speak to mother ; i ran and called her ; she hesitated a good deal, but the shrieks of her child at length overcame every fear, and she rushed into the presence of, and began to remonstrate with, this brute. he was only the, more enraged. he turned around with all the vengeance of a fury, and knocked poor mother down, and injured her severely ; when i saw the blood streaming from the shoulders of my sister, and my mother knocked down, i became completely frantic, and ran and caught an axe, and intended to cut him down at a blow. my mother had recovered her feet just in time to meet me at the door. she persuaded me not to go into the spinning-room, where this whipping took place. sister soon came out, covered with blood. mother washed her wounds as well as she could. in six days after this, sister was chained to a gang of a hundred and sixty slaves, and sent down to new orleans. mother begged for her daughter ; said she would get some one to buy her; a gentleman offered to do this, after she was sold to the slave-driver; but the inhuman monster was inexorable; this was the punishment threatened, if he was refused the sacrifice of her innocence. sister was therefore carried down the river to new orleans, kept three or four weeks, and ithen put up for american slavery, sale. the day before the sale, she was taken to the barber's, her hair dressed, and she was furnished with a new silk gown, and gold watch, and every thing to set off her personal attractions, previous to the time of the bidding. the first bid was five hundred dollars ; then eight hundred dollars. the auctioneer began to extol her virtues. then one thousand dollars was bid. the auctioneer says, " if you only knew the reason why she is sold, you would give any sum for her. she is a pious, good girl, member of the baptist church, tear ranted to be a virtuous girl." the bidding grew brisk. " twelve / " "thirteen," " fourteen," " fifteen," " sixteen hundred," was at length bid, and she was knocked off to a frenchman, named coval. he wanted her to live with him as his house-keeper and mistress. this she utterly refused, unless she were emancipated and made his wife. in about one month, he took her to mexico, emancipated, and married her. she visited france with her husband, spent a year or more there and in the west indies. in four or five years after her marriage, her husband died, leaving her a fortune of twenty or thirty thousand dollars. a more just and remarkable reward of sterling virtue in an unprotected girl, cannot be found in all the books of romance. but i must return to my own story. soon after the sale of my sister, the father of joseph logan, deacon archibald logan, purchased his estate in lexington, and all his slaves ; mother, cyrus, and myself, among the number. i was then valued at one thousand dollars. mother, i should rather say, was given away in her old age to old mrs. logan, the wife of the deacon. in three or four years after this, joseph logan came to the house of his father, sick with the consumption, and died. he professed to be penitent upon his death-bed, and asked forgiveness of mother and myself for all the wrong done to our family. i was then taken by the deacon for his body servant; travelled with him, and was often supposed to be his son. narrative of milton clarke. i have little complaint to make of the old man, except that he kept me a slave. cyrus was put into the tanyard, and fared very differently. for some reason, the old deacon treated him with great cruelty. in , my poor mother ended her sorrows, cut off very suddenly by the cholera. our condition was then desolate indeed. father had died several years before. the prospect before us was interminable, lonely bondage. the thought of it sometimes drove us almost to despair. i soon began to hire my time, by the day, or week, as i could make a bargain. i was a very good bass drummer, and had learned to play on the bugle. the deacon would hire me out to play for volunteers, that were then and soon after training for a campaign in texas. he received three dollars for half a day for my services. when i found this out, i sold my bugle and drum. he was very sorry i had sold them ; would have bought them himself, if he had known i wanted to sell. i told him, i was tired of playing. we soon compromised the matter, however: i bought my instruments, and was to have half i earned with them. i then began to lay up money, and had a shrewd notion that i could take care of myself. i frequently heard the declaration of independence read ; and listened with great wonder to the texas orators, as they talked about liberty. i thought it might be as good for me as for others. i could never reason myself into the belief, that the old deacon had any right to the annual rent which i paid for my own body. i then was paying to this old miser two hundred dollars a year for my time, boarding and clothing myself. i joined a company of musicians, and we made money fast and easy by attending balls and parties. but before leaving the deacon, i wish to give a few recollections of his family matters, to illustrate the workings of good society among slave-holders, the deacon lost his wife about the time of the death of my mother. he was an elder of the presbyterian church, and afterwards became a deacon of a congregational church ; and american slavery. there was a widow named robb, of the same communion ; a good name for the whole clan of slave-holding tyrants, male and female ; they are all robbers of the worst kind. the good women of the deacon's acquaintance visited him, and pitied his lonely condition, and hinted, that mrs. robb would be a great comfort to him in his affliction. the negotiation was commenced, and soon terminated, to the present satisfaction of both parties. but two old people, with habits firmly fixed, do not often, like kindred drops, mingle into one. each one wanted to keep their household fixings for their own children. she was younger than the deacon, more artful, and could easily outwit him. the daughters of mr. logan had come to the house, before the marriage, and carefully marked the bedding. the deacon gave me the keys of his rooms, and attempted to limit the freedom of his new spouse in the house of which she was installed mistress. this produced confusion and abundance of sparring. she treated her slaves better than she did his, and this set all the old servants against her. she got to the old man's closet, drank his wine, and then charged it to the slaves. we were not long in pointing out to the deacon the true channel in which his wine flowed. her servants were frequently despatched, with buckets of sugar and coffee, to the daughters of mrs, logan. it was nuts for us to find this out and tell the deacon. here wtas new fuel for the fires of dispute that crackled every day in this habitation of the patriarchs. they quarrelled openly ; it was a public scandal; till, one day, his old withered hand seized the horsewhip and crowned their bliss with a dozen or two good smart lashes. the flame was ail abroad, then. many waters could not quench the fires of this loving pair. she left him, and her son-in-law threatened the old man's back with the cow-skin. the church interposed and called him to account. he owned up, as to the whipping ; but justified, under the plea, that he afflicted the body for the good of the soul narrative of milton clarke. it would not do. he bought off from his wife, and she left him. the church excommunicated the deacon. he made application, very soon, for admission to a congregational church. they would not receive him, till he made some sort of a confession. he acknowledged the fact, but plead a good motive—the benefit of her soul. he was at length received, and presently began to garner the sanctuary of oppression—a southern church. the house was soon carpeted ; the pulpit was renovated, dressed in velvet; a new bell hung, and new life infused into the waning church, which had just received such an ornament to its virtues and holiness. the unlucky minister had a little bit of decency, if not of conscience left. he had opposed the whole proceeding. educated at the north, he one day dropped some word of condemnation of the sin of oppression. this was too much for the deacon. the minister was forthwith dismissed, and a more supple tool employed. the old man could hardly be trained to the exemplary habits becoming an office-bearer of the standard of zion. frequent attempts were made to discipline him ; but the deacon, with his great wealth,, had such ascendency over the minds of his brethren, that a vote of censure or suspension could never be obtained. he lived and died in " good and regular standing," so far as came to my knowledge or belief. the only beating that i had, after i came into the hands of deacon logan, was at the instigation of his son joseph. only about thirty lashes were put on by the public whipper, in the watch-house. i was tied, hands and feet, and whipped by the servile wretch, who doea this business at a dollar a head for men—the same for women. i did not witness as many scenes of cruelty among the slaves as many have ; i was usually employed about the house, and was not in a situation to see what others have seen. one or two instances i can mention of what i personally knew of the cruelty of slave-holders. joseph logan had a slave, named prisciua. she did the work in the kitchen. one morning, the biscuit came upon the table american slavery. badly scorched. mrs, minerva threw them in her face, struck her with the shovel, then heated the tongs, and took her by the nose. she raised her hand, to resist the act of wanton cruelty. logan was called for, came out, and knocked her down with a large club ; called in his men, and had her tied and beaten most unmercifully. he then put a log chain on her, and compelled her to drag it for days. she never recovered ; her mind was destroyed, and she was soon after sold, for little or nothing, as an idiot. joseph logan had another slave, named peter. the wife of peter was the slave of thomas kennedy, who lived forty-five miles from lexington. kennedy consented to sell milly only on condition that, if she was ever resold, he should have the refusal of her. she lived with her husband till she had two children, and then her mistress, minerva, resolved she should be sold. the tears and entreaties of her husband, the despair upon the countenance of the victim herself, were all in vain. she, with her two children, were sold to warren orford, one of the soul drivers, for twelve or thirteen hundred dollars. the husband became melancholy, sank down under his burden, turned to the intoxicating cup, and became a drunkard. in the year , i hired my time of deacon logan, for the purpose of going in a steamboat up and down the ohio and mississippi rivers. i was at new orleans three or four times before i could find any thing of sister delia. at last, however, through the assistance of an old acquaintance, i found where she lived. i went to the house, but i was so changed by the growth of seven or eight years, that she did not know me. when i told her who i was, she was very incredulous ; and, to test my identity, brought forward a small article of clothing and asked me if ever i had seen it. i told her it once belonged to mother. " ah ! then," she said, " you must be my brother." she was very glad to see me, and hear from her brothers and sisters. narrative of milton clarke. the next summer she visited kentucky with me, and spent two or three months. deacon logan treated her with great politeness ; said his son did very wrong to sell her as he did ; that, if he had then owned the family, it should not have been done. while in kentucky, she advanced the money, in part, to pay for the freedom of dennis, and, as soon as she returned to new orleans, she sent up the balance. she also made arrangements with deacon logan, to purchase brother cyrus and myself for sixteen hundred dollars. in the autumn of , started to go to new orleans, io get the money to pay for cyrus and myself. when i arrived at louisville, i met the sorrowful tidings that sister was dead ! this wras a sudden, withering blast of all my well-founded hopes of deliverance from slavery. the same letter that brought the tidings of her death also informed me that she had left her property, by will, to me, for the purpose of buying myself, and all the family, from bondage. i was now told that, if i went down and took the property, my master could claim and take the whole of it. i went directly back to lexington, and asked mr. logan to make me free, and would pay him a thousand dollars, the first money i received from the estate of my sister. this he said he would not do ; but he gave me a free paper, to pass up and down the river as i pleased, and to tiansact any business as though i was free. with this paper, i started for new orleans, but could get no more than sixty dollars and a suit of clothes. the person with whom it was left, said it was in real estate, and that he had no authority to sell it. t then began to think that the day of my freedom was a great way off. i concluded with a great many other persons in desperate circumstances, to go to texas. i took boat for galveston. here it looked worse than slavery, if any thing can be worse. i soon returned, and came up to louisville. here i met three slaves of doctor graham, of harrodsburg, kentucky, their names were henry, reuben, and george ; american slavery. all smart, fine fellows, good musicians, and yielding the doctor a handsome income. in the same company were three others, all of the same craft. " now," said i, "boys, is the time to strike for liberty. f go for ohio to-morrrow. what say you ] " they pondered the question, and we all determined to start, as a company of musicians, to attend a great ball in cincinnatti—and, sure enough, it was the grandest ball we ever played for. -we came to cincinnati, and the friends there advised us to go farther north. doctor graham's boys struck for canada, while i stopped at oberlin, ohio. it was well they did, for the doctor was close upon them, offering a large reward. he reached detroit within a few hours after they had crossed the ice to maiden. he attempted to hire some one to go over, and capture them ; no one would attempt this. he hired a man, at last, to go over and hire them to get on a boat, and go to toledo, to play for a ball. doctor graham was to be in the boat, when it touched at maiden. for some reason, the boys were quite cautious, and very reluctant to go. when the wolf in sheep's clothing offered them five hundred dollars to go and play for one ball, they were more suspicious than ever. when the boat touched at the wharf, the boys were on the wharf, playing a gipsy waltz, a great favorite of dr. graham's. when the doctor found his plan did not work, sure enough, he came out to hear his favorite singers. he landed, and spent several days in fruitless endeavors to persuade them to return to kentucky. they still persist in preferring a monarchy to the patriarchal form of government. while at oberlin, there was an attempt to capture a mr. johnson and his wife, residents in that place. they had once, to be sure, had a more southern home ; but they believed the world was free for them to choose a home in as well as for others. johnson worked in a blacksmith's shop, with another man. to this individual he confided the name and place of the robber who had claimed him in ohio. this wretch went to another, a narrative of milton c l a r k e . blacker-hearted one, named benedict, of illyria. let no mother ever use that name again for her new-born son. it was disgraced enough by benedict arnold—it should, with him, be covered in oblivion. but this lawyer, benedict of illyria, has made the infamy around that name thicker and blacker than it was before. he wrote to the pretended owner of johnson where he could be found. in hot haste he came ; but thanks to an honest justice, his evidence was not sufficient. he returned for better testimony ; as he came back, he was suddenly grasped by the hand of death, and died within ten miles of oberlin, with an oath upon his lips. johnson and his wife broke jail, and were carried forward to canada. there were a great many forwarding houses in ohio, at that time ; they have greatly increased since, and nearly all of them are doing a first-rate business. during the summer of , the emigration to canada. through oberlin, was very large. i had the pleasure of giving the "right hand of fellowship " to a goodly number of my former acquaintances and fellow-sufferers. the masters accused me of stealing several of them. this is a great lie. i never stole one in my life. i have assisted several to get into possession of the true owner, but i never assisted any man to steal another away from himself. god has given every man the true title-deed to himself, written upon his face. it cannot be blotted entirely out. the slave-holders try hard to do it, but it can yet be read ; all other titles are shams and forgeries. among others, i assisted a mrs. swift, and her two children, to get over to canada, where they can read titles more clearly than they do in some of the states. this was brought up as a heavy charge against me by mr. postlewaite, the illustrious catchpole of the slave-holders. in the autumn of this year, i was delighted to meet brother lewis at oberlin. the happiness which we both experienced at meeting each other, as we supposed, securely free, in a free state, may be well imagined. in , there were nine slaves reached oberlin by one arrival, all from one plantation. a mr. benningale. american s l a v e r y of kentucky, was close upon them, impiously claiming that he had property in these images of god ; aye, that they were property, arid entirely his, to all intents and purposes, this is not the doctrine taught by a great many good men in ohio. these men came to oberlin. the next day, benningale arrived. he lined the lake with watchmen. b ^ n ^ d ^ c ^ (d°> printers, put that name in ugly type, if you can) of illyria was on the alert ; thirty pieces of silver were always the full price of innocent blood with him. benningale, finding they were hid in the village, threatened to burn the town. the colored people were on guard all night. they met two persons, whom they suspected as spies of the kidnappers. they told them, if they caught them out again, they should be hung right up, as spies against liberty. the fugitives were at length put into a wagon, carried to the lake, and shipped for canada. the pursuers offered a thousand dollars for their arrest. no one was found sufficiently enterprising to claim the reward." they landed safe upon the other side. soon after this, there were seven more slaves arrived at oberlin. the miserable benedict, assisted by the chapmans, set their traps around the village. seven hundred dollars reward was offered for their arrest. power of attorney had been sent on to the traitor benedict. the slaves were kept concealed, till, as in the case of moses, it was no longer safe for them., there were six men and one woman in the company. a plan was contrived to put the kidnappers upon a false scent. six colored men were selected to personate the men, and i was dressed in female attire, to be passed off for the woman. a telltale was informed that the slaves would start for the lake at such a time, and go in a certain direction. he was solemnly enjoined not to tell a word of it, those who knew him understood what he would do. the secret was too precious for him to keep. he ran right to benedict with it. we left oberlin in one direction, and the real objects of pursuit started, soon after, upon another road. the ruse took ; benedict and company were in full pursuit, with sheriff, writ, and all narrative of milton c l a r k e . the implements of kidnapping. we selected one of our number, george perry, to act as spokesman for the gang. just as we arrived at the village of illyria, eight miles fiom oberlin, benedict and company surrounded our carriage, and ordered the driver to stop. piatt, the driver, challenged his authority. benedict pulled out his advertisement, six men and one woman, with the description of their persons. piatt told him he thought they were not the persons he was after. the traitor affirmed lie knew they were. the driver turned to his passengers, and said he could do no more for them. george then began to play his part: " well, 'den, 'dis nigger must get out." we accordingly left the carriage, and were conducted into the tavern. in the tavern were two travellers, who were very inquisitive. " where are you from ] " george answered, " don't care where i from." benedict, when he began to suspect that all was not exactly right, came up to me for a more minute examination of my person. i had kept my head and face under my hood and cloak. he ordered me to hold up my head. george says, " let 'dat gal alone, mr. white man : de nigger gal plague enough in slave state—you just let her alone, here, if you please. ' one of the travellers called for cider ; george stepped up and drank it for him. the table was furnished for some of the guests, and george, without any ceremony, declared " 'dis nigger hungry," and swept the table for himself and comrades. the landlord threatened to flog him. the colored men all spoke up together. " you strike 'dat nigger if you dare." at last, they got a justice of the peace ; but he had been let into the whole secret. benedict began his plea ; produced his evidence ; said that ungrateful girl (pointing to me) had left a kind mistress, right in the midst of a large honing ! ! i the justice finally said, he did not see but he must give us up to mr. benedict as slaves, fugitives from service. our friends then gave the signal, and i threw off my bonnet and cloak, and stood up a man. such a shout as the spectators raised would do the heart of freedom good. " why, your woman has turned into american slavery. a man, mr. benedict." " it maybe these others, that appear to be men, are all women." benedict saw through the plot, and took his saddle without any rejoinder to his plea. the tavern-keeper ordered us out of the house, and we took carriage for oberlin. meanwhile the real objects of pursuit were sailing on the waters of the blue lake. benedict was terribly angry at me. he swore he would have me captured; he wrote immediately to deacon logan, that no slaves could be captured there while milton clarke was at large. the slave-holders of lexington had a meeting, and determined to send a mr. postlewaite, a crack slavebreaker, and a mr. m'go wan, after me. they came and lingered about oberlin, watching their opportunity. they engaged two wretches named chapman, of illyria, to assist in the capture. brother lewtis and i went up to madison, lake county, to spend a few days. we had a meeting on sabbath evening, at which we addressed the people. there was a traitor there named warner, from lexington, who told postlewaite where we were. monday morning, my brother and myself rode up to dr. merriam's, accompanied by two or three of mr. winchester's family, with whom we had spent the sabbath. i sat a few minutes in the carriage ; and a little girl out of health, the niece of dr. merriam, and his own daughter, came out and wanted to ride. i took them in, and had not driven a mile when a close carriage overtook and passed me, wheeled right across the road, and four men leaped out of it and seized my horse. i had no conjecture who they were. i asked them what they wanted— "if money, i have only fifty cents in the world ; you arewelcome to that." " w e wants not money, but you / " the truth then flashed upon my mind in a moment— " they are kidnappers." i jumped from the carriage for the purpose of running for my life. my foot slipped, and i fell. in a moment, four men were upon me. they thrust my head down upon the ground, bound me hand and foot, put me into the carriage, and started for judge page's ; a judge pre narrative of milton c l a r k e . pared beforehand for their purposes. soon after we started, we met a man in the road. i spoke to him, and asked him to take care of the girls in the buggy, and to tell lewis the kidnappers from kentucky had got me. postlewaite and m'gowan took off my hat, and gave me a beating upon the head. one of the chapmans spoke and said, " now we have got you, my good fellow ; you are the chap that has enticed away so many slaves ; we will take care of you ; we will have lewis soon." they then took me to mr. judge page. the sheriff of the county was there. he asked me what i had done that they have tied me up so close. " have you murdered anybody " i said, " no." " have you been stealing ?" " no sir." "what have you done %" "nothing sir." " what have they tied you for, then " postlewaite told him it was none of his business. the sheriff said it was his business, and, " if he has committed no crime, you must untie him." he then came up to take off the cords from me. postlewaite drew his pistols, and threatened to shoot him. judge page told the sheriff he had better not touch the gentleman's property. the sheriff said he would see whose property he was. by this time the alarm was spread, and a large company had gathered around the tavern. the sheriff told the people to see that that man was not removed till he came back. he went out, and summoned the posse of farmers in every direction. they left their ploughs, and jumped upon their horses, with the collars yet on their necks, and rode with all speed for the scene of action. " the kidnappers had got the white nigger," was the watchword. postlewaite began to be alarmed. he asked mr. page which was the best way for him to go. could he go safely to the lake, and take a steamboat for cleveland ? "why, no, the abolitionists watch all the landing-places." could he go to painesville ? " why, no, general paine, a red-hot abolitionist, is there." postlewaite asked for a place to take me, where i should be secure. they carried me to the counting-room of the judge. they then began to coax. the judge said, " you better go back, clarke, american slavery. willingly ; it will be better for you, when you get there." " did not your master treat you well v asked the very gracious mr. postlewaite. " yes," i said, " h e treated me well; no fault to find with him on that score." " what did you run away for, then ? " " i came, sir, to get my freedom. i offered him eight hundred dollars for my liberty, and he would not take it. i had paid him about that much for my time, and i thought i might as well have what i earned, as to pay it to him." " well, sir, if you had come off alone, the deacon would not have cared so much about i t ; but you led others off; and now we are going to carry you back, and whip you, on the public square in lexington.'' the judge had appointed three o'clock in the afternoon for my trial, as my friends said they wished to procure evidence that i came away with the consent of deacon logan. in the mean time, postlewaite & co. were full of joy at their success, and despatched a letter to lexington, announcing the capture of milton clarke, and assuring their friends there, that they should have lewis before sundown. " we shall be in lexington with them about thursday or friday." this was great news to the deacon and his friends; but, alas for them, the result was not exactly to answer to the expectation. they assembled in great numbers on both days, as i have been told, and watched, with eager interest, the arrival of the stage ; but no clarke, and no postlewaite, were in it. many a triumph has been enjoyed only in anticipation. dinner came on, at length, and i was moved back into 'the tavern. postlewaite had a rope around me, which he kept in his hand all the time. they called for dinner for six—the driver and myself among the number. when they sat down, i was placed at a short distance from the table. the landlady asked if was not to sit down. postlewaite said, no nigger should sit at table with him. she belabored him in good womanly style ; told him he was a thief, and a scoundrel, and that if she was a man, he should never carry me away. the people; were ga- narrative of milton c l a r k e . thered, all this time, around the windows, and in theroad, discussing the matter, and getting up the steam, to meet the kentucky bowie knives and pistols. postlewaite sent out, and got a man to come in and watch me, while he eat his dinner. the people at the windows were preparing to take me out. he watched the movement, and had me brought up nearer to the table. at three o'clock, my trial came on. my friends claimed that i should have a trial as a white man. kobert harper pleaded for the oppressors, assisted by another, whose name is unknown to me. for me, lawyer chase, and another, appeared. to these gentlemen, and all others, who were friendly to me on this occasion, i feel an obligation which i can never express. it was to me, indeed, a dark hour, and they were friends in time of need. general paine arrived about the commencement of the trial, and presented a firm front to the tyrants. my lawyer asked by what law they claimed me. they said, under the black law of ohio. the reply was, that i was not a black man. postlewaite said he arrested me, as the property of archibald logan, under the article of the constitution, that persons "owing service" and fleeing from one state to another, shall be given up to the person to whom such service is due. he then read the power of attorney, from deacon logan to him, authorizing him to seize one milton clarke—describing me as a person five feet two and a half inches tall, probably trying to pass myself off as a white. " his hair is straight, and curls a little at the lower end." after reading this, he read his other papers, showing that i was the slave of logan. he produced a bill of sale, from joseph to deacon logan. he then asked me if i had not lived, for several years, with deacon logan. general paine said, if i spoke at all, i might tell the whole story—that i had a free pass to go where i chose, (and this was the fact.) the suggestion of general paine frightened postlewaite ; he told me to shut up my jaws, or he would smash my face in for me. the people cried out, " touch him if you dare ; we will string you up, short metre." he then said to me, " d—n american slavery, you ; we will pay you for all this, when we get home." the anxiety on my part, by this time, was beyond any thing i ever felt in my life. i sometimes hoped the people would rescue me, and then feared they would not. many of them showed sympathy in their countenances, and i could see that the savageism of postlewaite greatly increased it. my lawyer then asked me for what i oived service to deacon logan ; told harper and co., if mr. clarke owes the deacon, present his bill, and, if it is a reasonable one, his friends will pay it. he then asked me if i owed deacon logan, of kentucky. i told him no—the deacon owed me about eight hundred dollars ; i owed him nothing. postlewaite said, then, he arrested me as the goods and chattels of logan. mr. chase said, " mr. clarke had permission to come into the free states." ie yes/* said postlewaite, " but not to stay so long." finally, mr. chase asked, " where did joseph logan get his right to clarke !" on this point, he had no specific evidence. he then resorted to the general testimony of several letters, which he took from his pocket. one was from general coombs, another from mccauly, one from john crittenden, one from john morehead, governor leecher, john speed smith, and, last of all, from henry clay. these gentlemen all represented mr. postlewaite as a most pious and excellent man, whose word was to be taken in every thing ; stating, also, that they knew milton clarke, and that he was the property of deacon a. ogan. this array of names closed the testimony. bcb harper then made his infamous plea; said, finally, the judge could possibly do no otherwise than give me up, on the testimony of so many great names. judge page had received his fee, as i verily believe, before he gave judgment ; and he very soon came to the conclusion, that deacon logan had proved his claim. i was delivered over to the tender mercies of postlewaite and co. just as we were going out at the door, the sheriff met us, and arrested postlewaite, mcgowan, and the chapmans, for assault and battery on the person of milton clarke. they were told their trial would come on the next day, at ten p narrative of milton c l a r k e . o'clock, before justice cunningham. postlewaite swore terribly at this ; said it was an abolition concern. some one asked the sheriff what should be done with me. he said he did not want me—it was. the others that he had arrested. i was then tied to postlewaite. some one said, " cut him loose." postlewaite replied, " the first that attempts to touch him, i wtill blow him through." i asked the people if i should be carried back, as i had committed no crime. they said, " no, no; never." general paine said he would call out the militia, before i should be carried back. postlewaite ordered out his carriage, to accompany the sheriff. he drove me into it, came in with his partners, mcgowan and the chapmans, and judge page. we then started for unionville, distant about two miles from centre ville, a very great crowd followed us, on every side. my friends had not been idle ; they had been over to jeffersonville, in ashtabula county, and obtained a writ of habeas corpus for me. unionville was upon the border of two counties. the road through it divided them. the people had fixed their carriages so that ours must pass upon the ashtabula side. soon as the wheels passed the border of this county, the carriage was stopped, and the sheriff of ashtabula demanded the body of milton clarke. the people shouted, came up and unhitched the horses, and turned them face to the carriage. postlewaite cried out, "drive on." driver replied, " the horses are faced about." postlewaite began to be very angry. the people asked the driver what he was there for, assisting in such business as this. the poor fellow begged they would not harm his horses; he did not know what they wanted him for, or he never would have come. he begged for his horses, and himself. postlewate said, if they meddled with the horses, he would shoot a hundred of them. the people told him, if he put his head out of that carriage, he would never shoot again. at this stage of the business, robert harper, esq., came up, to tead the riot act. the people were acting under a charter l e a d e r and older than any statutes passed on earth, n american slavery, harper was glad to escape himself, or justice would have speedily been meted out to him. the friends came up to the carriage, and told me not to be alarmed ; they would have me, at any rate. among others in the crowd, was a huge buckeye blacksmith, six feet tall. at first, he took sides with the thieves ; said he wanted no niggers there. my friends told him to come up to the carriage, and pick out the nigger, if there was any there. he came, and looked into the carriage some time, and at last, pointing to postlewaite, said, " that is the nigger." the chivalric mr. postlewaite told him no man called him nigger with impunity, the buckeye insisted upon it he was the nigger. postlewaite told him he lied, three times. the northern lion was waked up, and he slapped the armed knight in the face. postlewaite drew his bowie knife, and threatened to cut him. the ohioan asked him what it was. he said, a bowie knife. " what are you going to do with it " "put it into you, if you put your head in here again." "ay, ay, you are going to booy me, are you ? then i'll booy you." he ran to the fence, and seized a sharp rail, and said he was going to booy, too. the sheriff, that had the writ to take me, let down the steps; and the people called out, "let us kill them." the man armed with the rail, began to beat the door, and told them to let me out. general paine spoke, and urged the multitude not to proceed to violence. judge page began to feel quite uneasy, in his new position. he exhorted me to keep still, or they would kill us all. the sheriff then gave postlewaite and company five minutes' time to release me, or take the consequences ; said the carriage would be demolished in two minutes, when he spoke the word to the people. the pistols and bowie knives were quietly put away, and the tone of the stationary passengers, inside the carriage, very suddenly changed. judge page said, " better let clarke get out; they will kill us, if you don't." the cowardly chapmans began to plead for mercy: " you can't say that we touched you, clarke." u yes you did," i told them ; " you all jumped on me at once*" the people became more and more narrative of milton clarke. clamorous outside the carriage—those inside more and more uneasy. they at length were more eager to get rid of me than they ever had been to catch me. " get out; get out, clarke," rung round on every side of me. soon as my feet touched the ground, the rope was cut, and once more felt free. i was hurried into* a waggon, and, under the care of the sheriff, driven off toward austinburg, while the other sheriff took the kidnappers in another direction into lake county. they soon stopped to give me something to eat; but i had no appetite foi* food, either then or for a week afterwards. postlewaite hired a man to follow and watch me. but my friends soon contrived to put him on a false scent. it was now dark, and i exchanged seats with a mr. winchester, and the watch-dog soon found he was on the wrong trail. the sheriff that had me in keeping was not very careful of his charge, and he soon lost all knowledge of my whereabouts. i was concealed for two or three days at austinburg, as lonely as mortal man could well be. one night i went out and slept upon the haystack in the field, fearing they might search the house. the man who owned it came next day to mr. austin's, where i stopped, to know if it wtas so ; said, if he had known that a nigger slept there, he would have burned the hay and him all up together. " let him go back, where he belongs/' he then turned to me, and asked me if i had seen that nigger. i told him i had ; i knew him very well. mr. austin asked him what he would say, if they should come and attempt to take me into slavery ; why, said he, ci i would shoot them." his philanthropy was graduated, like many others, upon nothing more substantial than «color. in a few days i had the pleasure to learn that postlewaile and company, after a trial before mr. cunningham, had returned to kentucky. i have since been told they crept into the city of lexington as silently as possible/; that they left the stage before it entered the city, ^n went in under the shade of night. when thev were. american slave&y. visible, the inquiries were thick and fast, " where are the clarkes ? what have you done with the clarkes ? both the little girls in the carriage when i left it, were thrown out, and one so injured that she never recovered. she died in a few days. the citizens called a meeting at austinburg, and lewis and i began to kcture on the subject of slavery. from that time to the present, we have had more calls for meetings than we could attend. we have been in eight different states, and hundreds of thousands have listened with interest to the story of our wrongs, and the wrongs of our countrymen in bonds. if god spares our lives, we hope to see the day when the trump of jubilee shall sound, and liberty shall be proclaimed throughout the land, to all the inhabitants thereof. appendix. a sketch of the clarke familyby lewis clarke. my mother was called a very handsome woman. she was very much esteemed by all who knew her; the slaves looked up to her for advice. she died, much lamented, of the cholera, in the year . i was not at home, and had not even the melancholy pleasure of following her to the grave. . the name of the oldest member of the family was archy. he never enjoyed very .good health, but was a man of great ingenuity, and very much beloved by all his associates, coloured and white. through his own exertions, and the kindness of c. m. clay, and one or two other friends, he procured his freedom. he lived to repay mr. clay and others the money advanced for him, but not long enough to enjoy fox many years the a sketch of t h e c l a r k e family. freedom for which he had struggled so hard. he paid six hundred dollars for himself. he died about seven years since, leaving a wife and four or five children in bondage ; the inheritance of the widow and poor orphans s, labor w i t h o u t w a g e s ; wrongs w i t h no redress ; s e p a r a t i o n from each other f o r l i f e , and no being to hear their complaint, but that god who is the widow^s god and judge. " shall i not be avenged on such a nation as this " . sister christiana was next to archy in age. she was first married to a free colored man. by him she had several children. her master did not like this connection, and her husband was driven away, and told never to be seen there again. the name of her master is oliver anderson ; he is a leading man in the presbyterian church, and is considered one of the best among slave-holders. mr. anderson married polly campbell at the time i was given to mrs. betsey ban ton. i believe she and mrs. banton have not spoken together since they divided the slaves at the death of their father. they are the only two sisters now living in the campbell family. . dennis is the third member of our family, lie is a free man in kentucky, and is doing a very good business there. he was assisted by a mr. william l. stevenson, and also by his sister, in getting his freedom. he never had any knowledge of our intention of running away, nor did he assist us in any manner whatever. . alexander is the fourth child of my mother. he is the slave of a br. richardson ; has with him a very easy time ; lives as well as a man can and be a slave ; has no intention of running away. he lives very much like a second-hand gentleman, and i do not know as he would leave kentucky on any condition. . my mother lost her fifth child soon after it was born. . deliah came next. hers was a most bitter and tragical history. she was so unfortunate as to be un* commonly handsome, and, when arrived at woman's estate, was considered a great prize for the guilty passions of the slave-holders. american slavery. . to no. i, lewis clarke, respond, and of me you have heard enough already. . milton comes next, and he is speaking for himself. he is almost constantly engaged in giving lectures upon the subject of slavery; has more calls usually than he can attend to. . man da, the ninth child, died when she wtas about fifteen or sixteen years of age. she suffered a good deal from joseph logan's second wife. . cyrus is the youngest of the family, and lives at hamilton, new york, questions and answers. by lewis clarke. the following questions are often asked me, when i meet the people in public, and i have thought it would be well to put down the answers here. how many holidays in a year do the slaves in kentucky have ?—they usually have six days at christmas, and two or three others in the course of the year. public opinion generally seems to require this much of slaveholders ; a few give more, some less ; some none, not a day nor an hour. how do slaves spend the sabbath ?—every way the master pleases. there are certain kinds of work which are respectable for sabbath day. slaves are often out to salt the cattle, collect and count the pigs and sheep, mend fences, drive the stock from one pasture to another. breaking young horses and mules, to send them to market, yoking young oxen, and training them, is proper sabbath work ; piling and burning brush, on the back part of the lot, grubbing brier patches that are out of the way, and where they will not be seen. sometimes corn must be shelled in the corn-crib ; hemp is baled in the hemp-house* the still-house must be attended on the questions and answers. sabbath. in these, and various other such like employments, the more avaricious slave-holders keep their slaves busy a good part of every sabbath. it is a great day for visiting and eating, and the house servants often have more to do on that than on any other day. what if strangers come along, and see you at ivork ?— we must quit shelling corn, and go to play with the cobs ; or else we must be clearing land, on our own account. we must cover up master's sins as much as possible, and take it all to ourselves. it is hardly fair ; for he ought rather to account for our sins, than we for his. why did you not learn to read ?—i did not dare to learn. i attempted to spell some words when a child. one of the children of mrs. banton went in, and told her that she heard lewis spelling. mrs. b. jumped up as though she had been shot. " let me ever know you to spell another word, i'll take your heart right out of you." i had a strong desire to learn. but it would not do to have slaves learn to read and write. they could read the guideboards. they could write passes for each other. they cannot leave the plantation on the sabbath without a written pass. what proportion of slaves attend church on the sabhath ?—in the country, not more than one in ten on an average. how many slaves have you ever hnown that could read ?—i never saw more than three or four that could properly read at all. i never saw but one that could write. what do slaves know about the bible ?—they generally believe there is somewhere a real bible, that came from god ; but they frequently say the bible now used is master's bible ; most that they hear from it being, " servants, obey your masters." are families often separated ? how many such cases hare you personally hnown ?—/ never hnew a whole family to live together till all were grown up, in my life* there is almost always, in every family, some one or more keen and fright, or else sullen and stubborn american slavery. slave, whose influence^ they are afraid of on the rest of the family, and such a one must take a walking ticket to the south. there are other causes of separation. the* death of a iarge owner is the occasion usually of many families being broken up. bankruptcy is another cause of separation, and the hard-heartedness of a majority of slave-holders another and a more fruitful cause than either or all the rest. generally there is but little more scruple about separating families than there is with a man who keeps sheep in selling off the lambs in the fall, on one plantation where i lived, there was an old slave named paris. he was from fifty to sixty years old, and a very honest and apparently pious slave. a slave-trader came along one day, gathering hands for the south. the old master ordered the waiter or coachman to take paris into the back room, pluck out all his gray hairs, rub his face with a greasy towel, and then had him brought forward and sold for a young man. his wife consented to go with him, upon a promise from the trader that they should be sold together, with their youngest child, which she carried in her arms. they left two behind them, who were only from four to six or eight years of age. the speculator collected his drove, started for the market, and, before he left the state, he sold that infant child to pay one of his tavern bills, and took the balance in cash. this was the news which came back to us, and was never -disputed. i saw one slave mother, named lucy, with seven children, put up by an administrator for sale. at first the mother and three small children were put up together. the purchasers objected : one says, " i want the woman and the babe, but not the other children ; " another says, " i want that little girl;" and another, " i want the boy." " well," says the administrator, " i must let you have them to the best advantage." so the children were taken away : the mother and infant were first sold, then child after child—the mother looking on in perfect agony ; and as one child after another came down from the questions and answers. auction block, they would run and cling, weeping, to her clothes. the poor mother stood, fill nature gave way ; she fainted and fell, with her child in her arms. the only sympathy she received from most of the hard-hearted monsters, who had riven her heart-strings asunder, was, " she is a d—d deceitful bitch ; i wish she was mine ; i would teach her better than to cut up such shines as that here." when she came to, she moaned wofully, and prayed that she might die, to be relieved from her sufferings. i knew another slave, named nathan, who had a slave woman for a wife. she was killed by hard usage. nathan then declared he would never have another slave wife. he selected a free woman for a companion. his master opposed it violently. but nathan persevered in his choice, and in consequence was sold to go down south. he returned once to see his wife, and she soon after died of grief and disappointment. on his return south, he leaped from the boat, and attempted to swim ashore ; his master, on board the boat, took a gun and deliberately shot him, and he drifted down the current of the river. on this subject of separation of families, i must plant one more rose in the garland that i have already tied upon the brow of mrs. ban ton, the reader cannot have forgotten her ; and in the delectable business of tearing families asunder, she,, of course would have a hand. a slave by the name of susan was taken by mrs. banton on mortgage. she had been well treated where she was brought up, had a husband, and they were very happy together. susan mourned in bitterness over her separation, and pined away under the cruel hand of mrs. banton. at length she ran away, and hid herself in the neighbourhood of her husband. when this came to the knowledge of mrs. b., she charged her husband to go for "suke," and never let her see his face unless she was with him. " no," said she, " if you are offered a double price, don't you take it. i want my satisfaction out of her, and then you may sell hey as soon as you please.'*' american slavery. susan was brought back in fetters, and mr. and mrs. b. both took their satisfaction ; they beat and tortured poor susan till her premature offspring perished, and she almost sank beneath their merciless hands, and then they sold her to be carried a hundred miles farther away from her husband. ah ! slavery is like running the dissecting knife around the heart, among all the tender fibres of our being. a man by the name of bill myers, in kentucky, went to a large number of auctions, and purchased women about forty years old, with their youngest children in their arms. as they are about to cease bearing at that age, they are sold qheap. the children he took and shut up in a log pen, and set some old worn-out slave women to make broth and feed them. the mothers he gathered in a large drove, and carried them south and sold them. he was detained there for months longer than he expected ; and, winter coming on, and no proper provision, having been made for the children, many of them perished with cold and hunger, some were frost-bitten, and all were emaciated to skeletons. this was the only attempt that i ever knew for gathering young children together, like a litter of pigs, to be raised for the market. the success was not such as to warrant a repetition on the part of myers. jockey billy barnett had a slave prison, where he gathered his droves of husbands, fathers, and wives, separated from their friends ; and he tried to keep up their spirits by employing one or two fiddlers to play for them, while they danced over and upon the torn-off fibres of their hearts. several women were known to have died in that worse than calcutta black hole of grief. they mourned for their children, and would not be comforted, because they were not. how are the slave-cabins usually built ?—they are made of small logs, and are about from ten to twenty feet square. the roof is covered with splits, and dirt is thrown in to raise the bottom, and then it is beat down hard for a floor. the chimneys are made of cut sticks questions and answers. and clay. in the corners, or at the sides, there are pens made, filled with straw, for sleeping. very commonly, two or three families are huddled together in one cabin, and in cold weather they sleep together promiscuously, old and young. some few families are indulged in the privilege of having a few hens or ducks around them ; but this is not very common. what amount of food do slaves have in kentucky ?— they are not put on allowance ; they generally have enough of corn-bread ; and meat and soup are dealt to them occasionally. what is the clothing of a slave for a year ?—for summer, he has usually a pair of tow and linen pants, and two shirts of the same material. he has a pair of shoes, a pair of woolsey pants, and a round jacket for winter. the account current of a slave with his master stands about thus:— ichabod live-without-work, in account with john work-without-pay. dr. to one man's work, one year contra, or. bushels of corn-meal, at fivepence, ... lbs. mean bacon and pork, at three farthings chickens, pigs, &c, taken without leave, say, nine yards of tow and linen, for shirts and pants, at sixpence farthing ... one pair of shoes cloth for jacket and winter pants, five and a half yards, at two shillings ... making clothes one blanket two hats or caps... £. s. d. s. d. ballance due the slave every year american slavery. the account stands unbalanced thus till the great day of reckoning comes. now, allow that one half of the slaves are capable of labor; that they can earn, on an average, one half the sum above named ; that would give us ten pounds a year for , , slaves, which would be seventy-five millions as the sum robbed from the slaves every year ! ! " woe unto him that useth his neighbor's service without wtages !" woe unto him that buildeth his house by iniquity, " for the stone shall cry out of the wall, and the beam out of the timber shall answer i t ! " " behold, the hire of the laborers, who have reaped down your fields, which is of you kept back by fraud, crieth ; and the cries of them which have reaped are entered into the ears of the lord of sabaoth. ye have lived in pleasure on the' earth, and been wanton; ye have nourished your hearts as in a day of slaughter." have you ever known a slave mother to hill her own children ? there was a slave mother near where i lived, who took her child into the cellar and killed it. she did it to prevent being separated from her child. another slave mother took her three children and threw them into a well, and then jumped in with them, aud they were all drowned. other instances i have frequently heard of. at the death of many and many a slave child, t have seen the two feelings struggling in the bosom of a mother—joy, that it was beyond the reach of the slave monsters, and the natural grief of a mother over her child. in the presence of the master, grief seems to predominate ; when away from them, they rejoice that there is one whom the slave-driver will never torment. how is it that masters kill their slaves, ivhen they are tvorth so much money ?—they do it to gratify passion ; this must be done, cost what it may. some say a man will not kill a horse worth one hundred dollars, much less a slave worth several hundred dollars. a horse has no such will of his own, as the slave has ; he does not provoke the man, as a slave does. the master knows ^ there is contrivance with the slave to outwit him ; the questions and answers. horse has no such contrivance. this conflict of the two wills is what makes the master so much more passionate with his slave than with a horse. a slave-holder must be master on the plantation or he knows the example would destroy all authority. what do they do with old slaves, who are past labor ' —contrive all ways to keep them at work till the last hour of life. make them shell corn and pack tobacco. they hunt and drive them as long as there is any life in them. sometimes they turn them out to do the best they can, or die. one man, on moving to missouri, sold an old slave for one dollar, to a man not worth a cent. the old slave was turned out to do the best he could ; he fought with age and starvation awhile, but was soon found, one morning, starved to death, out of doors, and half eaten up by animals. i have known several cases where slaves were left to starve to death in old age. generally, they sell them south, and let them die there : send them, i mean, before they get very old. what makes them wash slaves in salt and water after they ivhip them ? for two reasons ; one is to make them smart, and another to prevent mortification in the lacerated flesh. i have seen men and women both washed after they had been cruelly beaten. / have done it with my own hands, tt was the hardest work i ever did. the flesh would crawl and creep, and quiver, under my hands. this slave's name was tom. he had not started his team sunday morning early enough. the neighbors sai® that mr. banton had work done on the sabbath. dalton, the overseer, attempted to whip him. tom knocked him down and trod on him, and then ran away. the patrols caught him, and he was whipped—three hundred lashes. such a back i never saw ; such work i pray that i may never do again. do not slaves often say that they love their masters very much —say so ? yes, certainly. and this loving master and mistress is the hardest work that slaves have to do. when any stranger is present, we have to love them very much. when master is sick; we are in great trou american slavery. me. every night the slaves gather around the house, and send up one or two to see how master does. they creep up to the bed, and with a very soft voice, inquire, how is dear massa ? o massa, how we want to hear your voice out in the field again !" well, this is what they say up in the sick room. they come down to their anxious companions. " how is the old man v ic will he die v' " yes, yes ; he sure to go, this time ; he never whip the slave no more." " are you sure ? will he die v " o yes ! surely gone for it now." then they all look glad, and go to the cabin with a merry heart. two slaves were sent out to dig a grave for old master. they dug it very deep. as i passed by, i asked jess and bob what in the world they dug it so deep for. it was down six or seven feet. i told them there would be a fuss about it, and they had better fill it up some. jess said it suited him exactly. bob said he would not fill it up ; he wanted to get the old man as near home as possible. when we got a stone to put on his grave, we hauled the largest we could find, so as to fasten him down as strong as possible. another story illustrates the feeling of the slaves on taking leave of their masters. i will not vouch for the truth of it; but it is a story slaves delight to tell each other. the master called the slave to his sick bed. " good-by, jack ; i have a long journey to go ; farewell." " farewell, massa ! pleasant journey : you soon be dere, massa—all de way doivn hill who are the 'patrols ?—-they are men appointed by the county courts to look after all slaves without a pass. they have almost unlimited power over the slaves. they are the sons of run-down families. the greatest scoundrel is always captain of the band of patrols. they are the off-scouring of all things ; the refuse, the. fag end, the ears and tails of slavery ; the scales and fins of fish ; the tooth and tongues of serpents. they are the very fool's cap of baboons, the echo of parrots, hie wallet and satchel of polecats, the scum of stagnant pools, the questions and answers. exuvial, the worn-out skins of slave-holders ; they dress in their old clothes. they are, emphatically, the servant of servants, and slaves of the devil ; they are the meanest, and lowest, and worst of all creation. like starved wharf rats, they are out nights, creeping into slave cabins, to see if they have an old bone there ; drive out husbands from their own beds, and then take their places. they get up all sorts of pretences, false as their lying tongues can make them, and then whip the slaves and carry a gory lash to the master, for a piece of bread. the rascals run me with their dogs six miles, one night, and t was never nearer dead than when i reached home that night. i only escaped being half torn to pieces by the dogs, by turning their attention to some calves that were in the road. the dogs are so trained that they will seize a man as quick as any thing else. the dogs come very near being as mean as their masters. cyrus often suffered very much from these wretches. he was hired with a man named baird. this man was reputed to be very good to his slaves. the patrols, therefore, had a special spite toward his slaves. they would seek for an opportunity to abuse them. mr baird would generally give his slaves a pass to go to the neighbors, once or twice a week, if requested. he had been very good to cyrus in this respect, and therefore cyrus was unwilling to ask too often. once he went out without his pass. the patrols found him and some other slaves on another plantation without any passes. the other slaves belonged to a plantation where they were often whipped ; so they gave them a moderate punishment and sent them home. cyrus, they said, they would take to the woods, and have a regular whipping spree. it was a cold winter night, the moon shining brightly. when they had got into the woods, they ordered him to take off his outside coat, then his jacket ; then he said he had a new vest on ; he did not want that whipped all to pieces. there were seven men. standing in a ring around him. he looked for an opening, and started at full speed. they took after him, but american slavery. he was too spry for them. he came to the cabin where i slept, and i lent him a hat and a pair of shoes. he was very much excited ; said they were all around him, but couldn't whip him. he went over to mr. baird, and the patrols had got there before him, and had brought his clothes and told their story. it was now eight or nine o'clock in the evening. mr. baird, when a young man, had lived on the plantation of mr. logan, and had been treated very kindly by mother. he remembered this kindness to her children. when cyrus came in, mr. baird took his clothes and handed them to him, and told him, "well, boy, they came pretty near catching yoju." cyrus put on his clothes, went into the room where the patrols were, and said, " good evening, gentlemen. why, i did not think the patrols would be out to-night. i was thinking of going over to mr. reed's ; if i had, i should have gone without a pass. they would have caught me, sure enough. mr. baird, i wish you would be good enough to give me a pass, and then i won't be afraid of these fellows." mr. baird enjoyed the fun right well, and sat down and wrote him a pass ; and the patrols started, and hud to find the money for their peach brandy somewhere else. there were several other times when he had but a hair-breadth escape for his skin. he was generally a little too shrewd for them. after he had outwitted them several times, they offered a premium to any one who would whip him. hoiv do slaves get information of what is doing in the free states ?—in different ways. they get something from the waiters, that come out into the free states and then return with their masters. persons from the free states tell them many things ; the free blacks get something ; and slaves learn most of all from hearing their masters talk. dont slaves that run away return sometimes ?—yes; there was one returned from canada, very sorry he had run away. his master was delighted with him ; thought he had him sure for life, and made much of him. he g questions and answers. was sent round to tell how bad canada was. he had a sermon for the public,—the ear of the masters,—and another for the slaves. how many he enlightened about the best way to get there, i don't know. his master, at last was so sure of him, that he let him take his wife and children and go over to ohio, to a camp-meeting, all htted out in good style, with horse and waggon. they never stopped to hear any preaching, till they heard the waves of the lakes lift up their cheerful voices between them and the oppressor. george then wrote an affectionate note to his master, inviting him to take tea with him in canada, beyond the waters, the barrier of freedom. whether the old people ever went up to canada, to see their affectionate children, i have not learned, i have heard of several instances very much like the above. if the slaves were set free, would they cut the throats of their masters ?—they are far more likely to kill them, if they don't set them free. nothing but the hope of emancipation, and the fear they might not succeed, keeps them from rising to assert their rights. they are restrained, also, from affection for the children of those who so cruelly oppress them. if none would suffer but the masters themselves, the slaves would make many more efforts for freedom. and, sooner or later, unless the slaves are given freedom, they will take freedom, at all hazards. there are multitudes that chafe under the yoke, sorely enough. they could run away themselves, but they would hate to leave their families. did the slaves in kentucky hear of the emancipation in the west indies ?—they did, in a very short time after it took place. it was the occasion of great joy. they expected they would be free next. this event has done much to keep up the hopes of the slave to the present hour. what do slaves think of the piety of their masters ?— they have very little confidence in them about any thing. as a specimen of their feelings on this subject, i will tell an anecdote of a slave. a slave, named george, was the property of a man of american slavery. high standing in the church. the old gentleman was taken sick, and the doctor told him he would die. he called george, and told him if he would wait upon him attentively, and do every thing for him possible, he would remember him in his will: he would do something handsome for him. george was very much excited to know what it might be; hoped it might be in the heart of his master to give him his freedom. at last, the will was made. george was still more excited. the master noticed it, and asked what the matter was. "massa, you promise do something for me in your will. poor nigger ! what massa done for george ?" " george, don't be concerned; i have done a very handsome thing for you—such as any slave would be proud to have done for him." this did not satisfy george. he was still very eager to know what it was. at length the master saw it necessary to tell creorge, to keep him quiet, and make him attend to his duty. " well, george, i have made provision that when you die, you shall have a good coffin, and be put into the same vault with me. will not that satisfy you, george ^ " " well, massa, one way i am satisfied, and one way i am not." "what, what," said the old master, " what is the matter with that ? " " why," says george, " i like to have good coffin when i die." " well, don't you like to be in the same vault with me and other rich masters ? " "why, yes, massa, one way i like it, and one way i don't." "well, what don't you like ? " " why, i fraid, massa, when the debbil come take you body, he make mistake, and get mine." the slaves uniformly prefer to be buried at the greatest possible distance away from their master. they are superstitious, and fear that the slave-driver, having whipped so much when alive, will, somehow, be beating them when dead. i was actually as much afraid of my old master when dead, as i was when he was alive. i often dreamed of him, too, after he was dead, and thought ;he had actually come back again, to torment me more. n questions and answers. do slaves have conscientious scruples about talcing things from their masters?—they think it wrong to take from a neighbor, but not from their masters. the only question with them is, " can we keep it from master " tf they can keep their backs safe, conscience is quiet enough on this point. but a slave that will steal from a slave, is called mean as master. this is the lowest comparison slaves know how to use : "just as mean as white folks." " no right for to complain of white folks, who steal us all de days of our life ; nigger dat what steal from nigger, he meaner nor all." there is no standard of morality in the slave states. the master stands before the slave a robber and oppressor. his words count nothing with the slaves. the slaves are disrobed of the attributes of men, so that they cannot hold up the right standard, and there is none. the slaves frequently have discussions upon moral questions. sol and tom went, one night, to steal the chickens of a neighbor. tom went up, to^ hand them down to sol. while engaged in this operation, he paused a minute. "sol, you tink dis right, to steal dese chicken from h e r e ? " "what dat you- say, t o m ? " " i say, you tink him right to steal dese chicken, sol ? " " what you come talk dat way, now, for ? bat quession you ought settle 'fore you come here." " me did tink about it, but want to hear what you say, sol. don't you tink it kind of wrong to take dese here chicken " " i tell you, sol, no time for 'scuss dat now. dat is de great moral question. make haste ; hand me down anudder one ; let us git away from here 'fore de daylight come." bo you think it was right for you to run away, and not pay anything for yourself?—i would be willing to pay, if i knew who to pay it to. but when i think it over, t can't find any body that has any better right to me than myself. i can't pay father and mother, for they are dead. i don't owe mrs banton anything for bringing me up the way she did. i worked five or six years, and earned more than one hundred dollars a year, for mr. k, american slavery. and family, and received about a dozen dollars a year in clothing. who do i owe, then, in kentucky ? if i catch one of the administrators on here, i intend to sue him for wages, and interest, for six years' hard work. there will be a small bill of damages for abuse; old kentucky is not rich enough to pay me for that. soon after you came into ohio, did you let yourself to vjork ?—i did.— was there any difference in your feelings tvhile laboring there, and as a slave in kentucky ?—i made a bargain to work for a man in ohio. i took a job of digging a cellar. before i began, the people told me he was bad pay ; they would not do it for him. i told them i had agreed to do it. so at it i went, worked hard, and got it off as soon as possible, although i did not expect to get a cent for i t ; and yet i worked more readily, and with a better mind, than i ever did in kentucky. if i worked for nothing then, i knew i had made my own bargain ; and working with that thought made it easier than any day's work i ever did for a master in kentucky, that thought was worth more than any pay i ever got in slavery. however, i was more fortunate than many thought i should b e ; through the exertions of a good friend, i got my pay soon after the work was done. why do slaves dread so bad to go to the south—to mississippi or louisiana ?—because they know that slaves are driven very hard there, and worked to death in a few years. are those who ham good masters afraid of being sold south ?—they all suffer very much for fear master's circumstances will change, and that he may be compelled to sell them to the " soul-drivers," a name given to the dealers by the slaves. what is the highest price you ever knew a slave to sell for ?—i have known a man sold for one thousand four hundred and sixty-five dollars. he was a waiter-man, very intelligent, very humble, and a good house servant. a good blacksmith, as i was told, was once sold in kentucky for three thousand dollars. i have heard of hand questions anb answers. some girls being sold in new orleans for from two thousand dollars to three thousand dollars. the common? price of females is about from five hundred dollars to seven hundred dollars when sold for plantation hands, for house hands, or for breeders. why is a black slave-driver worse than a white one ?— he must be very strict and severe, or else he will be turned out. the master selects the hardest-hearted and most unprincipled slave upon the plantation. the overseers are usually a part of the patrols. which is the worst of the two characters, or officers, is hard to tell. are the masters afraid of insurrection ?—they live in constant and great fear upon this subject. the least unusual noise at night alarms them greatly. they cry out? " what is that " "are the boys all in " what is the worst thing you ever saw in kentucky ?— the worst thing i ever saw was a woman, stripped all naked, hung up by her hands, and then whipped till the blood ran down her back. sometimes this is done by a. young master,; or mistress, to an aged mother, or even a grandmother. nothing the slaves abhor as they do this* which is the worst, a master or a mistress —a mistress is far worse. she is forever and ever tormenting. when the master whips it is done with; but a mistress will blackguard, scold, and tease, and whip the life out of a slave. how soon do the children begin to exercise their authority ?—from the very breast of the mother. i have seen a child before he could talk a word, have a stick put into his hand, and he was permitted to whip a slave, in order to quiet him. and from the time they are born till they die, they live by whipping and abusing the slave. do you suffer from cold in kentucky ?—many people think it so warm there that we are safe on this score* they are much mistaken. the weather is far too cold for our thin clothing; and in winter, from rain, sleet, and snow, to which we are exposed, we suffer very severely. such a thing as a great coat the slave very seldom has. what do they raise in kentucky t—corn and hemp,, american slavery. tobacco, oats, some wheat and rye ; slaves, mules, hogs, and horses, for the southern market. do the masters drink a great deal ?—they are nearly all hard drinkers—many of them drunkards ; and you must not exclude mistress from the honor of drinking, as she is often drunk, too. are you not afraid they will send up and catch you, mid carry you back to kentucky ?—they may make the attempt; but i made up my mind, when i left slavery, never to go back there and continue alive. i fancy i should be a load for one or two of them to carry back, any how. besides, they well know that they could not take me out of any state this side of pennsylvania. there are very few in new england that would sell themselves to help a slave-holder ; and if they should, they would have to run their country. they would be hooted at as they walked the streets. now, in conclusion, i just want to say, that all the abuses which i have here related are necessary, if slavery must continue to exist. it is impossible to cut off these abuses and keep slavery alive. now, if you do not approve of these horrid sufferings, i entreat you to lift up your voice and your hand against the whole system, and, with one united effort, overturn the abominations of centuries, and restore scattered families to each other; pour light upon millions of dark minds, and make a thousand, yea, ten times ten thousand, abodes of wretchedness and woe to hail and bless you as angels of mercy sent for their deliverance. facts from the personal .knowledge of milton clarke. general leslie coombs, of lexington, owned a man named ennis, a house carpenter. he had bargained with a slave-trader to take him and carry him down the river. ennis was determined not to go. he took a breadaxe h i r e d slaves. and cut one hand off; then contrived to lift the axe, with his arm pressing it to his body, and let it fall upon the other, cutting off the ends of his fingers. his master sold him for a nominal price, and down he went to louisiana. a slave named jess, belonging to deacon logan, went out one sabbath evening for the same purpose that many young men have for making calls on that evening. jack white, a captain of the patrols, followed jess, and took him out and whipped him, in the presence of the family where jess was making his call. the indignation of poor jess was roused. he sought his way by stealthy steps at night, to the barn of jack white, and touched it with the match. jess was suspected, and his master told him, if guilty, he had better own it, and he would send him down the river to save him from being hung. jess was put in jail on suspicion. deacon logan sent his slaves by night ; they got jess out of jail; he was concealed by his master for a few days, and then sold for seven hundred dollars, and sent down the river. hired slaves-bagging factories. in and around lexington are numerous factories for spinning and weaving hemp bagging. young slaves, from ten to fifteen years old, are employed in spinning. .they are hired for twenty dollars to thirty dollars a year, and their condition is a very hard and cruel one. they have a weekly task. so much hemp is weighed out ; so much filling must be returned, all of the right size, and at the proper time. want of skill, mistakes of various kinds, subject them to frequent and unmerited stripes. an overseer of one of these factories, tom monks, would tie up his poor boys, and give them from forty to •fifty lashes. he kept them sometimes yoked with iron collars, with prongs sticking out, and the name of the owner* written on them. working in these factories takes american slavery. all the life and spirit out of a young slave, and he soon becomes little better than an idiot, this is the worst kind of slavery in kentucky. when the life is thus taken out of these poor lads, at the age of eighteen or twenty, they are sold for louisiana. here a short but bitter doom awaits them. they are first carried to new orleans, and put in pens. when a purchaser comes and inquires of the slave what he can do, he must make pretensions, of course, to great skill and ability, or the seller will abuse him. but what will be his condition with the purchaser, who finds that he cannot do half the things he promised ? the sugarplanter blames the slave. he came from the bag factory, but said he was a good field-hand ; could hold plough, hoe corn, or any other kind of farming work in kentucky. he has lied to his present master, for the benefit of his forme?' one. he atones for it by many a cruel flogging. when they find one that is very awkward and ignorant, the master tells the overseer to " put him through for what he is worth ;" " use him up as soon as you can ;" " get what you can out of him in a short time, and let him die." in a few years, the poor fellow ends his labors and his sorrows. the bell rings at four o'clock in the morning, and they have half an hour to get ready. men and women start together, and the women must work as steadily as the men, and perform the same tasks as the men. if the plantation is far from the house, the sucking children are taken out and kept in the field all day. if the cabins are near, the women are permitted to go in two or three times a day to their infant children. the mother is driven out when the child is three to four weeks old. the dews of the morning are very heavy, and wret the slaves all through. many, from the upper slave states, die from change of climate and diet. at the time of making sugar and molasses, the slaves are kept up half the night; and the worst-looking creatures i ever saw were the slaves that make the sugar for those sensitive ladies and gentlemen, who cannot bear the sight of a h i r e d slaves. colored person, but who are compelled to use the sugar made by the filthiest class of slaves. , how would liberty wash away the filth and the misery of millions ! then the slaves would be washed, and clothed, and fed, and instructed, and made happy. there is another and very different class of slaves sent south, when a body-servant refuses to be whipped, or his master breaks with him for any other reason, he is sold south. the purchaser questions him, and he tells the truth. " can you farm v " no sir." " what can you do v' " work in garden, drive horses, and work around the house." "aye ; gentleman nigger, are you ? well, you are gentleman nigger no longer." he is ordered upon the plantation, and soon acquires skill to perform his task. always sure to perform all that is required, he does not intend to be beaten by any human being. the overseer soon discovers this spirit, and seeks occasion for a a quarrel. the slave will not be whipped. a half a dozen overseers are called together, and the poor fellow is chained, and whipped to the border of his grave. in a week or two, the overseer tries his spirit again ; comes into the field and strikes him, by way of insult, and the slave knocks him down, and perhaps kills him with his hoe, and flies for the woods. then horses, dogs, overseers, planters, lawyers, doctors, ministers, are all summoned out on a grand nigger hunt, and poor bill turner is shot dead at the foot of a tree, and the trumpet sounds at once a triumph and a retreat. i expect nothing but there may be an attempt made to carry me back to slavery ; but i give fair warning to all concerned, that now, knowing the value of liberty, i prize it far above life ; and no year of suns will ever shine upon my chains as a slave. i can die, but i cannot be made a slave again. lewis says, " amen ! brother milton, give me your hand, you speak my mind exactly." president edwards-a testimony. on the th of september, , the younger edwards, then pastor of a church in new haven, preached a sermon before the connecticut society for the promotion of freedom, &c, in which he has the following remarks :-— " the arguments which have been urged against the slave-trade, are, with little variation, applicable to the holding of slaves. he who holds a slave, continues to deprive him of that liberty which was taken from him on the coast of africa. and if it were wrong to deprive him of it in the first instance, why not in the second ? if this be true, no man has a better right to retain his negro in slavery than he had to take him from his native african shores. and every man who cannot show that his negro hath, by his voluntary conduct, forfeited his liberty, is obliged immediately to manumit him. " i presume it will not be denied that to commit theft or robbery every day of a man's life, is as great a sin as to commit fornication in one instance. but to steal a man, or to rob him of his liberty, is a greater sin than to steal his property, or to take it by violence. and to hold a man in a state of slavery, who has a right to his liberty, is to be every day guilty of robbing him of his liberty, or of man-stealing. the consequence is inevitable, that, other things being the same, to hold a negro slave, unless he has forfeited his liberty, is a greater sin than concubinage and fornication, " to convince yourselves that, your information being the same, to hold a negro slave is a greater sin than fornication, theft, or robbery, you need only bring the matter home to yourselves. i am willing to appeal to your own consciousness, whether you would not judge it to be a greater sin for a man to hold you or your children, during p r e s i d e n t e d w a r d s . — a testimony. life, in such slavery as that of the negroes, than for him to indulge in one instance of licentious conduct, or in one instance to steal or rob. let conscience speak, and i will submit to its decision." if the above remarks were correct in , can they be wrong in if our good divines were coirect in calling slave-holders man-stealers, and slave-holding a greater sin in the sight of god than concubinage and fornication, what must we think of the moral state or the heart of those modern d. d's, who are willing to receive slave-holders into the church of god, and are ready to weave out of their own hearts a theological fiction, to palliate the enormous evil ? alas ! c. m. clay is right, when he says, " the disease is of the heart, and not of the head" we tell you, brothers, that the american people know well enough that the bloody stain is upon them— but they love its taint ! if we can't arouse the conscience, and ennoble the heart, our labour is lost. a seared conscience and a heart hardened by sin—these are the grand supporters of slavery in and out of the church. how can. these giants be subdued ?—from the charter oak. american slavery as it is : testimony of a thousand witnesses. the following extracts are from a work entitled american slavery as it is i testimony of a thousand witnesses, published by the american anti-slavery society. it must be borne in mind that the number at present in slavery in america is three millions or upwards. of these three millions of our fellow-men, the work before me speaks as follows: * we are about to show that the slaves in the united states are treated with barbarous inhumanity ; that they are overworked, underfed, wretchedly clad and lodged, and have insufficient sleep ; that they are often made to wear round their necks iron collars armed with prongs, to drag heavy chains and weights at their feet while working in the field, and to wear yokes and bells, and iron horns ; that they are often kept confined in the stocks day and night for weeks together, made to wear gags in their mouths for hours or days, have some of their front teeth torn out or broken off, that they may be easily detected when they run away ; that they are frequently flogged with terrible severity, have red pepper rubbed into their lacerated flesh, and hot brine, spirits of turpentine, &c, poured over the gashes to increase the torture ; that they are often stripped naked, their backs and limbs cut with knives, bruised and mangled by scores and hundreds of blows with the paddle, and terribly torn by the claws of cats, drawn over them by their tormentors ; that they are often hunted with blood-hounds and shot down like beasts, or torn in pieces by dogs ; that they are often suspended by the arms and whipped and beaten till they faint, and when revived by restoratives, beaten again till they faint, and sometimes till they die ; that their ears are often cut off, their eyes knocked out, questions and answers. their bones broken, their flesh branded with red hot irons ; that they are maimed, mutilated and burned to death over slow fires. all these things, and more, and worse, we shall prove. reader, we know whereof we affirm, we have weighed it well ; more and worse w e will prove. mark these words, and read on ; we will establish all these facts by the testimony of scores and hundreds of eye witnesses, by the testimony of slaveholders in all parts of the slave states, by slave-holding members of congress and of state legislatures, by ambassadors to foreign courts, by judges, by doctors of divinity, and clergymen of all denominations, by merchants, mechanics, lawyers and physicians, by presidents and professors in colleges and professional seminaries, by planters, overseers and drivers. we shall show, not merely that such deeds are committed, but that they are frequent; not done in corners, but before the sun ; not in one of the slave states, but in all of them; not perpetrated by brutal overseers and drivers merely, but by magistrates, by legislators, by professors of religion, by preachers of the gospel, by governors of states, by " gentlemen of property and standing," and by delicate females moving in the " highest circles of society." of the witnesses whose testimony is embodied in the following pages, a majority are slave-holders, many of the remainder have been slave-holders, but now reside in free states. another class whose testimony will be given, consists of those who have furnished the results of their own observation during periods of residence and travel in the slave states. we will first present the reader with a few personal narratives furnished by individuals, natives of slave states and others, embodying, in the main, the results of their own observation in the midst of slavery—facts and scenes of which they were eye witnesses. in the next place, to give the reader as clear and definite a view of the actual condition of slaves as possible, we propose to make specific points ; to pass in re testimony of a thousand witnesses. view the various particulars in the slave's condition, simply presenting sufficient testimony under each head to settle the question in every candid mind. the examination will be conducted by stating distinct propositions, and in the following order of topics : . the food of the slaves, the kinds, quality and quantity, also, the number and time of meals each day, & c . . . . . their their their their hours of labor and rest. clothing. dwellings. privations and inflictions. . in conclusion, a variety of objections and argu- ments will be considered which are used by the advocates of slaveryy to set aside the force of testimony, and to show that the slaves are kindly treated. between the larger divisions of the work, brief personal narratives will be inserted, containing a mass of facts and testimony, both general and specific. personal narratives. mr. nehemith caulkins, of waterford, new lon- don co., connecticut, has furnished the executive committee of the american anti-slavery society, with the following statements relative to the condition and treatment of slaves, in the south eastern part of north carolina. most of the facts related by mr. caulkins fell under his personal observation. the air of candor and honesty that pervades the narrative, the manner in which mr. c.,has drawn it up, the good sense, just views, conscience and heart which it exhibits, are sufficient of themselves to commend it to all who have ears to hear. mr. dwight p. janes, a member of the second congregational church in the city of new london, in a recent letter, says ; " mr. caulkins is a member of the baptist church in waterford, and in every respect a very worthy citizen. i have labored with him in the sabbath school, and jknow him to be a man of active piety. the most entire testimony of a thousand witnesses. confidence may be placed in the truth of his statements. where he is known, no one will call them in question." narrative of mr. caulkins. i feel it my duty to tell some things that i know about slavery, in order, if possible, to awaken more feeling at the north in behalf of the slave. the treatment of the slaves on the plantations where i had the greatest opportunity of getting knowledge, was not so bad as that on some neighboring estates, where the owners were noted for their cruelty. there were, however, other estates in the vicinity, where the treatment was better ; the slaves were better clothed and fed, were not worked so hard, and more attention was paid to their quarters. the scenes that i have witnessed are enough to harrow up the soul ; but could the slave be permitted to tell the story of his sufferings, which no white man, not linked with slavery, is allowed to know, the land would vomit out the horrible system, slave-holders and all, if they would not unclinch their grasp upon their defenceless victims. i spent eleven winters, between the years and , in the state of north carolina, mostly in the vicinity of wilmington ; and four out of the eleven on the estate of mr. john swan, five or six miles from that place. there were on his plantation about seventyslaves, male and female : some were married, and others lived together as man and wife, without even a mock ceremony. with their owners generally, it is a matter of indifference ; the marriage of slaves not being recognized by the slave code. the slaves, however, think much of being married by a clergyman. the cabins or huts of the slaves were small, and were built principally by the slaves themselves, as they could find time on sundays and moonlight nights. they went into the swamps, cut the logs, backed or hauled them to the quarters, and put up their cabins. when i first knew mr. swan's plantation, his overseer was a man who had been a methodist minister. american slavery. he treated the slaves with great cruelty. this man continued on the plantation about three years ; at the close of which, on settlement of accounts, mr. swan owed him about four hundred dollars, for which he gave him a snegro woman, and about twenty acres of land. he built a log hut, and took the woman to live with him ; since which, i have been at his hut, and seen four or five mulatto children. he has been appointed a justice of the peace, and his place as overseer was afterwards occupied by a mr. galloway. tt is customary in that part of the country, to let the hogs run in the woods. on one occasion a slave caught a pig about two months old, which he carried to his quarters. the overseer, getting information of the fact, went to the field where he was at work, and ordered him to come to him. the slave at once suspected it was something about the pig, and fearing punishment, dropped his hoe and ran for the woods. he had got but a few rods, when the overseer raised his gun, loaded with duck shot, and brought him down. he was taken up by the slaves and carried to the plantation hospital, and the physician sent for. a physician was employed by the year to take care of the sick or wounded slaves. in about six weeks this slave got better, and was able to come out of the hospital. he came to the mill where i was at work, and asked me to examine his body, which i did, and counted twenty-six duck shot still remaining in his flesh, though the doctor had removed a number while he was laid up. there was a slave on mr. swan's plantation, by the name of harry, who, during the absence of his master, ran away and secreted himself in the woods. this the slaves sometimes do, when the master is absent for several weeks, to escape the cruel treatment of the overseer. it is common for them to make preparations, by secreting a mortar, a hatchet, some cooking utensils, and whatever things they can get that will enable them * it is a common practice for overseers to go into the field armed with a gun or pistol, and sometimes both, h testimony of a thousand witnesses. to live while they are in the woods or swamps. harry staid about three months, and lived by robbing the rice grounds, and by such other means as came in his way. the slaves generally know where the runaway is secreted, and visit him at night and on sundays. on the return of his master, some of the slaves were sent for harry. when he came home he was seized and confined in the stocks. the stocks were built in the barn, and consisted of two heavy pieces of timber, ten or more feet in length, and about seven inches wide ; the lower one, on the floor, has a number of holes or places cut in it, for the ancles ; the upper piece, being of the same dimensions^ is fastened at one end by a hinge, and is brought down after the ancles are placed in the holes, and secured by a clasp and padlock at the other end. in this manner the person is left to sit on the floor. harry was kept in the stocks day and night for a weeh, and flogged every morning. after this, he was taken out one morning, a log chain fastened around his neck, the two ends dragging on the ground, and sent to the field, to do his task with the other slaves. at night he was again put in the stocks, in the morning he was sent to the field in the same manner, and thus dragged out another week. the overseer was a very miserly fellow, and restricted his wife in what are considered the comforts of life— such as tea, sugar, &c. to make up for this, she set her wits to work, and, by the help of a slave, named joe, used to take from the plantation whatever she could conveniently, and watch her opportunity during her husband's absence, and send joe to sell them and buy for her such things as she directed. once when her husband was away, she told joe to kill and dress one of the pigs, sell it, and get her some tea, sugar, &c. joe did as he was bid, and she gave him the offal for his services. when galloway returned, not suspecting his wife, he asked her if she knew what had become of his pig. she told him she suspected one of the slaves, naming him, had stolen it, for she had heard a pig squeal the evening before. the overseer called the slave m american slavery, up, and charged him with the theft. he denied it, and said he knew nothing about it. the overseer still charged him with it, and told him he would give him one week to think of it, and if he did not confess the theft, or find out who did steal the pig, he would flog every negro on the plantation ; before the week was up it was ascertained that joe had killed the pig. he was called up and questioned, and admitted that he had done so, and told the overseer that he did it by the order of mrs. galloway, and that she directed him to buy some sugar, &c. with the money, mrs. galloway gave joe the lie ; and he was terribly flogged. joe told me he had been several times to the smoke-house with mrs. g. and taken hams and sold them, which her husband told me he supposed were stolen by the negroes on a neighboring plantation. mr. swan, hearing of the circumstance, told me he believed joe's story, but that his statement would not be taken as proof; and if every slave on the plantation told the same story it could not be received as evidence against a white person. to show the manner in which old and worn-out slaves are sometimes treated, i will state a fact. galloway owned a man about seventy years of age. the old man was sick and went to his hut; laid himself down on some straw with his feet to the fire, covered by a piece of an old blanket, and there lay four or rye days, groaning in great distress, without any attention being paid him by his master, until death ended his miseries ; he was then taken out and buried with as little ceremony and respect as would be paid to a brute. there is a practice prevalent among the planters, of letting a negro off from severe and long continued punishment on account of the intercession of some white person, who pleads in his behalf, that he believes the negro will behave better, that he promises well, and he believes he will keep his promise, &c. the planters sometimes get tired of punishing a negro, and wanting his services in the field, they get some white person to come, and, in the presence of the slave, intercede testimony of a thousand witnesses. for him. at one time a negro, named charles, was confined in the stocks in the building where i was at work, and had been severely whipped several times. he begged me to intercede for him and try to get him released. t told him i would ; and when his master came in to whip him again, went up to him and told him i had been talking with charles, and he had promised to behave better, &c, and requested him not to punish him any more, but to let him go. he then said to charles, "as mr. caulkins has been pleading for you, i will let you go on his account; and accordingly released him. women are generally shown some little indulgence for three or four weeks previous to childbirth; they are at such times not often punished if they do not finish the task assigned them; it is, in some cases, passed over with a severe reprimand, and sometimes without any notice being taken of it. they are generally allowed four wteeks after the birth of a child, before they are compelled to go into the field ; they then take the child with them, attended sometimes by a little girl or boy, from the age of four to six, to take care of it while the mother is at work. when there is no child that can be spared, or not young enough for this service, the mother, after nursing, lays it under a tree, or by the side of a fence, and goes to her task, returning at stated intervals to nurse it. while i was on this plantation, a little negro girl, six years of age, destroyed the life of a child about two months old, which was left in her care. it seems this little nurse, so called, got tired of her charge and the labor of carrying it to the quarters at night, the mother being obliged to work as long as she could see. one evening she nursed the infant at sunset as usual, and sent it to the quarters. the little girl, on her way home, had to cross a run, or brook, which led down into the swamp ; when she came to the brook she followed it into the swamp, then took the infant and plunged it head foremost into the water and mud, where it stuck fast ; she there left it and went to the negro quarters. when the mother came in from the field, she american slavery. asked the girl where the child was ; she told her she had brought it home, but did not know where it was ; the overseer was immediately informed, search was made, and it was found as above stated, and dead. the little girl was shut up in the barn, and confined there two or three weeks, when a speculator came along and bought her for two hundred dollars. the slaves are obliged to work from daylight till dark, as -long as they can see. when they have tasks assigned, which is often the case, a few of the strongest and most expert, sometimes finish them before sunset; others will be obliged to work till eight or nine o'clock in the evening. all must finish their tasks or take a flogging. the whip and gun, or pistol, are companions of the overseer ; the former he uses very frequently upon the negroes, during the hours of labor, without regard to age or sex. scarcely a day passed while i was on the plantation, in which some of the slaves were not whipped ; i do not mean that they were struck a few bloi&s merely, but had a set flogging, the same labor is commonly assigned to men and women,—such as digging ditches in the rice marshes, clearing up land, chopping cord-wood, threshing, &c. t have known the women go into the barn as soon as they could see in the morning, and work as late as they could see at night, threshing rice with the flail, (they now have a thrashing machine,) and when they could see to thresh no longer, they had to gather up the rice, carry it up stairs, and deposit it in the granary. the allowance of clothing on this plantation to each slave, was given out at christmas for the year, and consisted of one pair of coarse shoes, and enough coarse cloth to make a jacket and trowsers. if the man has a wife she makes it up ; if not, it is made up in the house. the slaves on this plantation, being near wilmington, procured themselves extra clothing by working sundays and moonlight nights, cutting coi d-wood in the swamps, which they had to back about a quarter of a mile to the river ; they would then get a permit from their master, and taking the wood in their canoes, carry it to wil testimony of a thousand witnesses. mington, and sell it to the vessels, or dispose of it as they best could, and with the money buy an old jacket of the sailors, some coarse cloth for a shirt, &c. they sometimes gather the moss from the trees, which they cleanse and take to market. the women receive their allowance of the same kind of cloth which the men have. this they make into a frock ; if they have any under garments they must procure them for themselves. when the slaves get a permit to leave the plantation, they sometimes make all ring again by singing the following significant ditty, which shows that after all there is a flow of spirits in the human breast which for a while, at least, enables them to forget their wretchedness.* hurra, for good ole massa, he giv me de pass to go to de city, hurra, for good ole missis, she bile de pot, and giv me de licker. hurra, i'm going to de city. every saturday night the slaves receive their allowance of provisions, which must last them till the next saturday slight. " potatoe time," as it is called, begins about the middle of july. the slave may measure for himself, the overseer being present, half a bushel of sweet potatoes,f and heap the measure as long as they will lie on; i have, however, seen the overseer, if he think the negro is getting too many, kick the measure ; and if any fall off, tell him he has got his measure. no salt is furnished them to eat with their potatoes. when rice or corn is given, they give them a little salt; sometimes half a pint of molasses is given, but not often. the quantity of rice, which is of the small, broken, unsaleable kind, is one * slaves sometimes sing, and so do convicts in jails under sentence, and both for the same reason. their singing proves that they want to be happy, not that they are so. it is the means that they use to make themselves happy, not the evidence that they are so already. sometimes, doubtless, the excitement of song whelms their misery in momentary oblivion. he who argues from this that they have no conscious misery to forget, knows as little of human nature as of slavery.—editor. f as many as an irishman eats in two days. american slavery. peck. when corn is given them, their allowance is the same, and if they get it ground, (mr. swan had a mill on his plantation,) they must give one quart for grinding, thus reducing their weekly allowance to seven quarts. when fish (mullet) were plenty, they were allowed, in addition, one fish. as to meat, they seldom had any, i do not think they had an allowance of meat oftener than once in two or three months, and then the quantity was very small. when they went into the field to work, they took some of the meal or rice and a pot with them; the pots were given to an old woman, who placed two poles parallel, set the pots on them, and kindled a fire underneath for cooking ; she took salt with her and seasoned the messes as she thought proper. when their breakfast was ready, which was generally about ten or eleven o'clock, they were called from labour, ate, and returned to work; in the afternoon, dinner was prepared in the same way. they had but two meals a day while in the field ; if they wanted more, they cooked for themselves after they returned to their quarters at night. at the time of killing hogs on the plantation, the pluck, entrails, and blood were given to the slaves. when i first went upon mr. swan's plantation, i saw a slave in shakles or fetters, which were fastened around each ancle and firmly riveted, connected together by a chain. to the middle of this chain he had fastened a string, so as in a manner to suspend the shackles and keep them from galling his ankles. the slave, whose name was frank; was an intelligent, good looking man, and a very good mechanic. there was nothing vicious in his character, but he was one of those high-spirited and daring men, that whips, chains, fetters, and all the means of cruelty in the power of slavery, could not subdue. mr. s. had employed a mr. beckwith to repair a boat, and told him frank was a good mechanic, and he might have his services. frank was sent for, his shackles still on* mr. beckwith set him to work making trunnels, &c. i was employed in putting up a building, and after mr. beckwith had done with frank, he was sent for to assist testimony om a thousand wjxnksseo, me, mr. swan sent liim to a blacksmith's shop, and had his shackles cut of? with a cold chisel. frank was afterwards sold to a cotton planter. i will relate one circumstance, which shows the littleregard that is paid to the feelings of the slave. during the time that mr. isaiah bogers was superintending the building of a rice machine, one of the slaves complained of a severe toothache. swan asked mr. eogers to take his hammer and knock out the tooth. there was a slave on the plantation named ben. a, waiting man. i occupied a room in the same hut, and had frequent conversations with him. ben was a kindhearted man, and, i believe, a christian ; he would always ask a blessing before he sat down to eat, and was> in the constant practice of praying morning and night.— one day when i was at the hut, ben was sent for to go to the house. ben sighed deeply and went. he soon, returned with a girl about seventeen years of age, whom one of mr. swan's daughters had oidered him to flog* he brought her into the room where i was, and told her to stand there while he went into the next room: i heard him groan again as he went. while there i heard hisvoice, and he was engaged in prayer. after a few minutes he returned with a large cow-hide, and stood before the girl, without saying a word. t concluded he wished me to leave the hut, which i did; and immediately after i heaid the girl scream. at. every blow she wtould shriek, " do, ben ! oh do, ben!" this is a common expression of the slaves to the person whipping them: " do massa!" or, " do missus !" after she had gone, i asked ben what she was whipped for : he told me she had done something to displease her young missus; and in boxing her ears, and otherwise beating her, she had scratched her finger by a pin in the girl's dress, for which she sent her to be flogged. i asked him if he stripped her before flogging; he said, yes; he did not like to do this, but was obliged to: he said he was once ordered to whip a woman, which he did without stripping, her: on her return to the house, her. mistress examined her american slavery. back; and not seeing any marks, he was sent for, and asked why he had not whipped her: he replied that he had; she said she saw no marks, and asked him if he had made her pull her clothes off; he said, no. she then told him, that when he whipped any more of the women, he must make them strip off their clothes, as well as the men, and flog them on their bare backs, or he should be flogged himself. ben often appeared very gloomy and sad : i have frequently heard him, when in his room, mourning over his condition, and exclaim, " poor african slave! poor african slave !" whipping was so common an occurrence on this plantation, that it would be too great a repetition to state the many and severe floggings i have seen inflicted on the slaves. they were flogged for not performing their tasks, for being careless, slow, or not in time, for going to the fire to warm, &c, &c.; and it •ften seemed as if occasions were sought as an excuse for punishing them. on one occasion, i heard the overseer charge the hands, to be at a certain place the next morning at sun rise. i was present in the morning, in company with my brother,, when the hands arrived. joe, the slave already spoken of, came running, all out of breath, about five minutes behind the time, when, without asking any questions, the overseer told him to take off his jacket. joe took off his jacket. he had on a piece of a shirt; he told him to take it off; joe took it off: he then whipped him with a heavy cow-hide full six feet long. at every stroke joe would spring from the ground, and scream, " o my god ! do, massa galloway !" my brother was so exasperated,, that he turned to me and said, " if i were joe, i would kill the overseer if i knew i should be shot the next minute." in the winter the horn blew at about four in the morning, and all the threshers were required to be at the threshing floor in fifteen minutes after. they had to go about a quarter of a mile from their quarters. galloway would stand near the entrance, and all who did not come in time would get a blow over the back or head as heavy testimony of a thousand w i t n e s s ^ * - as he could strike. i have seen him, at such times, follow after them, striking furiously a number of blows, and every one followed by their screams. i have seen the women go to their work after such a flogging, crying and taking on most piteously. it is almost impossible to believe that human nature can endure such hardships and sufferings as the slaves have to go through : t have seen them driven into a ditch in a rice swamp to bail out the water, in order to put down a flood-gate, when they had to break the ice, and there stand in the water among the ice until it was bailed out. i have often known the hands to be taken from the field, sent down the river in flats or boats to wilmington, absent from twenty-four to thirty hours, without any thing to eat, no provision being made for these occasions. galloway kept medicine on hand, that in case any of the slaves were sick, he could give it to them without sending for the physician ; but he always kept a good look out that they did not sham sickness. when any of them excited his suspicions, he would make them take the medicine in his presence, and would give them a rap on the top of the head, to make them swallow it. a man once came to him, of whom he said he was suspicious : he gave him two potions of salts, and fastened him in the stocks for the night. his medicine soon began to operate; and there he lay in all his filth till he was taken out the next day one day, mr. swan beat a slave severely, for alleged carelessness in letting a boat get adrift. the slave was told to secure the boat: whether he took sufficient means for this purpose i do not know ; he was not allowed to make any defence. mr. swan called him up, and asked him why he did not secure the boat : he pulled off his hat and began to tell his story. swan told him he was a damned liar, and commenced beating him over the head with a hickory cane, and the slave retreated backwards ; swan followed him about two rods, threshing him over the head with the hickory as he went. american slavery, as i was one day standing near some slaves who were threshing, the driver, thinking one of the women did not use her flail quick enough, struck her over the head : the end of the whip hit her in the eye., i thought at the time he had put it out; but, after poulticing and doctoring for some days, she recovered. speaking to him about it, he said that he once struck a slave so as to put one of her eyes entirely out. a patrol is kept upon each estate, and every slave found off the plantation without a pass is whipped on the spot. i knew a slave who started without a pass, one night, for a neighboring plantation, to see his wife : he was caught, tied to a tree, and flogged. he stated his business to the patrol, who was well acquainted with him, but all to no purpose. j spoke to the patrol about it afterwards : he said he knew the negro, that he was a very clever fellow, but he had to whip him ; for, if he let him pass, he must another, &c. he stated that he had sometimes caught and flogged four in a night. in conversation with mr. swan about runaway slaves, he stated to me the following fact:—a slave, by the name of luke, was owned in wilmington ; he was sold to a speculator and carried to georgia. after an absence of about two months the slave returned; he watched an opportunity to enter his old master's house when the family were absent, no one being at home but a young waiting man. luke went to the room where his master kept his arms ; took his gun, with some ammunition, and went into the woods. on the return of his master, the waiting man told him what had been done ; this threw him into a violent passion ; he swore he would kill luke, or lose his own life. he loaded another gun, took two men, and made search, but could not find him: he then advertised him, offering a large reward if delivered to him or lodged in jail. his neighbors, however, advised him to offer a reward of two hundred dollars for him dead or alive, which he did. nothing however was heard of him for some months. mr. swan said, one of his slaves ran away, and was gone eight or ten weeks; on his return he testimony of a thousand witnesses. said he had found luke, and that he had a rifle, two pistols, and a sword. i left the plantation in the spring, and returned to the north. when i went out again, the" next fall, i asked mr. swan if any thing had been heard of luke ; he said he was shot, and related to me the manner of his death,, as follows :—luke went to one of the plantations, and entered a hut for something to eat. being fatigued, he sat down and fell asleep. there was only a woman in the hut at the time : as soon as she found he was asleep^ she ran and told her master, who took his rifle, and called two white men on another plantation : and the three, with their rifles, then went to the hut, and posted themselves in different positions, so that they could watch the door. when luke waked up he went to the door to look out, and saw them with their rifles ; he stepped back and raised his gun to his face. they called to him to surrender ; and stated that they had him in their power, and, said he had better give up. he said he would not; and if they tried to take him, he would kill one of them ; for, if he gave up, he knew they would kill him, and he was determined to sell his life as dear as he could. they told him, if he should shoot one of them, the other two would certainly kill him : he replied, he was determined not to give up, and kept his gun moving from one to the other; and while his rifle was turned toward one, another,, standing in a different direction, shot him through the head, and he fell lifeless to the ground. there was another slave shot while i was there ; this man had run away, and had been living in the woods a long time, and it was not known where he was, till one day he was discovered by two men, who went on the large island near belvidere to hunt turkeys; they shot him and carried his head home. it is common to keep dogs on the plantations, to pursue and catch runaway slaves. i was once bitten by one of them. i went to the overseer's house, the dog lay in the piazza, as soon as i put my foot upon the floor : he sprang and bit me just above the knee, but not severely; ( american slavery. he tore my pantaloons badly. the overseer apologized for his dog, saying he never knew him to bite a white man before. he said he once had a dog, when he lived on another plantation, {hat was very useful to him in hunting runaway negroes. he said that a slave on the plantation xmce ran away ; as soon as he found the course he took, he put the dog on the track, and he soon came so close upon him that the man had to climb a tree : he followed with his gun, and brought the slave home. the slaves have a great dread of being sold and carried south. it is generally said, and i have no doubt of its truth, that they are much worse treated farther south. the following are a few among the many facts related to me while i lived among the slave-holders. the names of the planters and plantations, i shall not give, as they did net come wider my oion observation, i however place the fullest confidence in their truth. a planter not far from mr. swan's employed an overseer to whom he paid four hundred dollars a year ; he became dissatisfied with him, because he did not drive the slaves hard enough, and get more work out of them. he therefore ;sent to south carolina, or georgia, and got a man to whom he paid believe eight hundred dollars a year. he proved to be a cruel fellow, and drove the slaves almost to death. there was a slave on this plantation, who had repeatedly run away, and had been severely flogged evety time. the last time he was caught, a hole was dug in the ground, and he buried up to the chin, his arms being secured down by his sides. he was kept in this situation four or five days. the following was told me by an intimate friend ; it took place on a plantation containing about one hundred slaves. one day the owner ordered the women into the barn, he then went in among them, whip in hand, and told them he meant to flog them all to death; they began immediately to cry out " w h a t have i done massa?" he replied ; " d—n you, i will let you know what you have done, you don't breed, i haven't had a young one from one of you for several months." they told him they could * testimony ? a thousand witnesses. not breed while they had to work in the rice ditches. (the rice grounds are low and marshy, and have to be drained, and while digging or clearing the ditches, the women had to work in mud and water from one to two feet in depth; they were obliged to draw up and secure their frocks about their waist, to keep them out of the water, in this manner they frequently had to work from daylight in the morning till it was so dark they could see no longer.) after swearing and threatening for some time, he told them to tell the overseer's wife, when they got in that way, and he would put them upon the land to work. this same planter had a female slave who was a member of the methodist church ; for a slave she was intelligent and conscientious. he proposed a criminal intercourse with her. she would not comply. he left her and sent for the overseer, and told him to have her flogged. it was done. not long after, he renewed hig proposal. she again refused. she was again whipped. he then told her why she had been twice flogged, and told her he intended to whip her till she should yield. the girl, seeing that her case was hopeless, her back smarting with the scourging she had received, and dreading a repetition, gave herself up to be the victim of his brutal lusts. one of the slaves on another plantation, gave birth to a child which lived but two or three weeks. after its death the planter called the woman to him, and asked her how she came to let the child die ; said it was all owing to her carelessness, and that he meant to flog her for it. she told him, with all the feeling of a mother, the circumstances of its death, but her story availed her nothing against the savage brutality of her master. she was severely whipped. a healthy child four months old was then considered worth one hundred dollars in north carolina. the foregoing facts were related to me by white persons of character and respectability. the following fact was related to me on a plantation where i have spent con~ american slavery, siderable time, and where the punishment was inflicted* i have no doubt of its truth. a slave ran away from his master, and got as far as newbern. he took provisions that lasted him a week ; but having eaten all, he went to a house to get something to satisfy his hunger. a white man suspecting him to be a runaway, demanded his pass : as he had none, he was seized and put in newbern jail. he was there advertised, his description, &e« his master saw the advertisement and sent for him. when he was brought back, his wrists were tied together and drawn over his knees. a stick was then passed over his arms and under his knees, and he secured in this manner, his trowsers were then stripped down, and he turned over on his side, and severely beaten with the paddle, then turned over and severely beaten on the other side, and then turned back again, and tortured by another bruising and beating. he was afterwards kept in the stocks a week, and whipped every morning. to show the disgusting pollutions of slavery, and how it covers with moral filth every thing it touches, i will state two or three facts, which i have on such evidence i cannot doubt their truth. a planter offered a white man of my acquaintance twenty dollars for every one of his female slaves, who should be in the family way to him. this offer was no doubt made for the purpose of improving the stock, on the same principle that farmers endeavour to improve their cattle by crossing the breed. slaves belonging to merchants and others in the city*, often hire their own time, for which they pay various prices per week or month, according to the capacity of the slave. the females who thus hire their time, pursue various modes to procure the money ; their masters making no inquiry how they get it, provided the money comes. if it is not regularly paid, they are flogged. some take in washing,, some cook on board vessels, pick oakum, sell peanuts, &c,, while others, younger and more comely, often resort to the vilest pursuits. i knew a man from the north who, though married to a respectable southern woman, kept two of these mulatto girls in an testimony of a thousand witnesses. upper room at his store; his wife told some of her friends that he had not lodged at home for two weeks together. i have seen these two kept misses, as they are there called, at his store; he was afterwards stabbed in an attempt to arrest a runaway slave, and died in about ten <iays. the clergy at the north cringe beneath the corrupting influence of slavery, and their moral courage is borne down by it. not the hypocritical and unprincipled alone, but even such as can hardly be supposed to be destitute of sincerity. going one morning to the baptist sunday school, in wilmington, m which i was engaged, i fell in with the rev. thomas p. hunt, who was going to the presbyterian school. i asked him how he could bear to see the little negro children beating their hoops, hallooing, and running about the streets, as we then saw them, their moral condition entirely neglected, while the whites were so carefully gathered into the schools. his reply was substantially this :—" i can't bear it, mr. caulkins. t feel as deeply as any one can on this subject, but what can i do ? m y hands are tied." now, if mr. hunt was guilty of neglecting his duty, as a servant of him who never failed to rebuke sin in high places, what shall be said of those clergymen at the north, where the power that closed his mouth is comparatively unfelt, who refuse to tell their people how god abhors oppression, and who seldom open their mouths on this subject, but to denounce the friends of emancipation, thus giving the strongest support to the accursed system of slavery. i believe mr. hunt has since become an agent of the temperance society. in stating the foregoing facts, my object has been to show the practical workings of the system of slavery, and if possible to correct the misapprehension on this subject, so common at the north. in doing this i am not at war with slave-holders. no, my soul is moved for them as well as for the poor slaves. may god send them repentance to the acknowledgement of the truth ! principle^ american slavery. on a subject of this nature, is dearer to me than the applause of men, and should not be sacrificed on any subject, even though the ties of friendship may be broken. we have too long been silent on this subject, the slave has been too much considered, by our northern states, as being kept by necessity in his present condition.—were we to ask, in the language of pilate, " what evil have they done "—we may search their history, we cannot find that they have taken up arms against our government, nor insulted us as a nation—that they are thus compelled to drag out a life in chains, subjected to the most terrible inflictions if in any way they manifest a wish to be released.—let us reverse the question. what evil has been done to them by those who call themselves masters i first let us look at their persons, " neither clothed nor naked "—i have seen instances where this phrase would not apply to boys and girls, and that too in winter. i knew one young man seventeen years of ago, by the name of dave, on mr. j. swan's plantation, worked day after < ay in the rice machine as naked as when he was born. the reason of his being so, his master said in my hearing, was, that he could not keep clothes on him—he would get into the fire and burn them of£ follow them next to their huts ; some with and some xvithout floors :—go at night, view their means of lodging, see them lying on benches, some on the floor or ground, some sitting on stools, dozing away the night;— others, of younger age, with a bare blanket wrapped about them ; and one or two lying in the ashes. these things i have often seen with my own eyes. examine their means of subsistence, which consists generally of seven quarts of meal or eight quarts of small rice for one week ; then follow them to their work, with driver and overseer pushing them to the utmost of their strength, by threatening and whipping. if they are sick from fatigue and exposure, go to their huts, as f have often been, and see them groaning under & burning fever or pleurisy, lying on some straw, their i testimony of a thousand witnesses. feet to the fire, with barely a- blanket to cover them; or on some boards nailed together in form of a bedstead. and after seeing all this, and hearing them tell of their sufferings, need i ask, is there any evil connected with their condition and if so; upon whom is it to be charged? i answer for myself, and the reader can do the same. our government stands first chargeable for allowing slavery to exist, under its own jurisdiction. second, the states for enacting laws to secure their victims. third, the slave-holder for carrying out such enactments, in horrid form enough to chill the blood. fourth, every person who knows what slavery is, and does not raise his voice against this crying sin, but by silence gives consent to its continuance, is chargeable with guilt in the sight of gocl. k< the blood of zacharias who was slain between the temple and altar," says christ, " w i l l i r e q u i r e of t h i s g e n e r a t i o n . " look at the slave : his condition is but little, if at all, better than that of the brute ; chained down by the law, and the will of his master ; and every avenue closed against relief; and the names of those who plead for him, cast out as evil;—must not humanity let its voice be heard, and tell israel their transgressions and judah their sins may god look upon their afflictions, and deliver them from their cruel task-masters ! i verily believe he will, if there be any efficacy in prayer. i have been to their prayer-meetings, and with them offered prayer in their behalf. i have heard some of them in their huts before day-light praying in their simple broken language, telling their heavenly father of their trials, in the following and similar language. " fader in heaven, look upon de poor slave, dat have to work all de day long, dat cant have de time to pray only in de night, and den massa mus not know it.* fader have mercy on massa and missus. fader, when shall poor slave get through de world! when will death come* * at this time there was some fear of insurrection, and^the slaves were forbidden to hold meetings. american slavery. and de poor slave go to heaven ; " and in their meetings they frequently add, " fader, bless de white man dat come to hear de slave pray, bless his family," and so on. they uniformly begin their meetings by singing the following— "and are we yet alive to see each other's face," &c. is the ear of the most high deaf to the prayer of the slave i do firmly believe that their deliverance will come, and that the prayer of this poor afflicted people will be answered. emancipation would be safe. i have had eleven win' ters to learn the disposition of the slaves, and am satisfied that they would peaceably and cheerfully work for pay. give them education, equal and just laws, and they will become a most interesting people. oh, let a cry be raised which shall awaken the conscience of this guilty nation, to demand for the slaves immediate and unconditional emancipation. nehemiah caulkins. narrative and testimony of rey. horace moulton. mr. moulton is an esteemed minister of the methodist episcopal church, in marlborough, massachusetts. he spent five years in georgia, between and . the following communication has been recently received from him. marlborough, massachusetts, feb. , dear brother— yours of feb. nd. requesting me to write out a few facts on the subject of slavery, as it exists at the south, has come to hand. i hasten to comply with your request. were it not, however, for the claims of those "who are drawn unto death," and the responsibility resting upon me, in consequence of this request, i should testimony op a thousand witnesses. for ever hold my peace. for i well know that i shall bring upon myself a flood of persecution, for attempting to speak out for the dumb. but i am willing to be set at nought by men, if i can be the means of promoting the welfare of the oppressed of our land. i shall not relate many particular cases of cruelty, though i might a great number; but shall give some general information as to their mode of treatment, their food, clothing, dwellings, deprivations, &c. let me say, in the first place, that i spent nearly five years in savannah, georgia, and in its vicinity, between the years and . my object in going to the south, was to engage in making and burning brick ; but not immediately succeeding, i engaged in no business of much profit until late in the winter, when i took charge of a set of hands and went to work. during my leisure, however, i was an observer, at the auctions, upon the plantations, and in almost every department of business. the next year, during the cold months, i had several two-horse teams under my care, with which we used to haul brick, boards, and other articles from the wharf into the city, and cotton, rice, corn, and wood from the country. this gave me an extensive acquaintance with merchants, mechanics, and planters. i had slaves under my control some portions of every year when at the south. all the brick yards, except one, on which t was engaged, were connected either with a corn field, potatoe patch, rice field, cotton field, tan works, or with a wood lot. my business, usually, was to take charge of the brickmaking department. at those jobs i have sometimes taken in charge both the field and brick-yard hands. i have been on the plantations in south carolina, but have never been an overseer of slaves in that state, as has been said in the public papers. i think the above facts and explanations are necessary to be connected with the account i may give of slavery, that the reader may have some knowledge of my acquaintance with practical slavery : for many mechanics and merchants, who go to the south, and stay there for american slavery years, know but little of the dark side of slavery. my account of slavery will apply to field hands, who compose much the largest portion of the black population, (probably nine-tenths,) and not to those who are kept for kitchen maids, nurses, waiters, &c, about the houses of the planters and public hotels, where persons from the north obtain most of their knowledge of the evils of slavery. i will now proceed to take up specific points, the labor of the slaves males and females work together promiscuously on all the plantations. on many plantations tasks are given; them. the best working hands can have some leisure time ; but the feeble and unskilful ones, together with slender females, have indeed a hard time of it, and very often answer for non-performance of tasks at the ivhippingposts. none who worked with me had tasks at any time. the rule was to work them from sun to sun„ but when i was burning brick, they were obliged to take turns, and sit up all night about every other night, and work all day. on one plantation, where i spent a few weeks, the slaves were called up to work long before daylight, when business pressed, and worked until late at night; and sometimes some of them all night, a large portion of the slaves are owned by masters who keep them on purpose to hire out—and they usually let them to those who will give the highest wages for them, irrespective of their mode of treatment; and those who hire them, will of course try to get the greatest possible amount of work performed, with the least possible expense. women are seen bringing their infants* into the field to their work, and leading others who are not old enough to stay at the cabins wtith safety. when they get there, they must set them down in the dirt, and go to work. sometimes they are left to cry until they fall asleep. others are left at home, shut up in their huts. now, is it not barbarous, that the mother, with her child or children around her, half starved, must be whipped at night if she does not perform her task ? but so it is testimony of a thousand witnesses. some who have very young ones, fix a little sack on their backs, and place the infants in it, and work. one reason, i presume is, that they will not cry so much when they can hear their mothers voice. another is, the mother's fear that the poisonous vipers and snakes will bite them. truly, i never knew any place where the land is so infested with all kinds of the most venomous snakes, as in the low lands round about savannah. the mocassin snakes, so called, and water rattle-snakes —the bites of both of which are as poisonous as our upland rattle-snakes at the north,—are found in myriads about the stagnant waters and swamps of the south. the females, in order to secure their infants from these poisonous snakes, do, as i have said, often work with, their infants on their backs. females are sometimes called to take the hardest part of the work. on some brick yards where i have been, the women have been selected as the moulders of brick, instead of the men. ii. the food of the slaves it was a general custom, wheiever i have been, for the masters to give each of his slaves, male and female, one peck of com per week for their food. this at fifty cents per bushel, which was all that it was worth when i was there, would amouat to twelve and a half cents per week for board per head, or sixpence half-penny. it cost me upon an average, when at the south, one dollar per day for board. the price of fourteen bushels of corn per week. this would make my board equal in amount to the board offorty six slaves ? this is all that good or bad masters allow their slaves round about savannah on the plantations. one peck of gourd-seed corn is to be measured out to each slave once every week. one man with whom i labored, however, being desirous to get all the work out of his hands he could, before i left, (about fifty in number,) bought for them every week, or twice a week, a beef's head from market. with this, they made a soup in a large iron kettle, around which the hands came at meal-time, and dipping out the soup ; american slavery. would mix it with their hommony, and eat it as though it were a feast. this man permitted his slaves to eat twice a day while i was doing a job for him. he promised me a beaver hat, and as good a suit of clothes as could be bought in the city, if i would accomplish so much for him before i returned to the north ; giving me the entire control over his slaves. thus you may see the temptations overseers sometimes have, to get all the work they can out of the poor slaves. the above is an exception to the general rule of feeding. for in all other places where i worked and visited ; the slaves had nothing from their masters bat the com, or its equivalent in potatoes or rice, and to this, they were not permitted to come but once a day the custom was to blow the horn early in the morning, as a signal for the hands to rise and go to work; when commenced, they continued work until about eleven o'clock, a. m., when, at the signal, all hands left off and went into their huts, made their fires, made their corn-meal into hommony or cake, ate it, and went to work again at the signal of the horn, and worked until night, or until their tasks were done. some cooked their breakfast in the field while at work. each slave must grind his own corn in a hand-mill after he has done his work at night. there is generally one hand-mill on every plantation for the use of the slaves. some of the planters have no corn, others often get out. the substitute for it is, the equivalent of one peck of corn, either in rice or sweet potatoes ; neither of which is as good for the slaves as corn. they complain more of being faint, when fed on rice or potatoes, than when fed on corn. i was with one man a few weeks who gave me his hands to do a job of work, and to save time one cooked for all the rest. the following course was taken, —twocrotched sticks were driven down at one end of the yard, and a small pole being laid on the crotches, •they swung a large iron kettle on the middle of the pole ; then made up a fire under the kettle and boiled the hommony ; when ready, the hands were called around this kettle with their wooden plates and spoons. they dipped testimony of a thousand witnesses. out and ate standing around the kettle, or sitting upor) the ground, as best suited their convenience. when they had potatoes they took them out with their hands,, and ate them. as soon as it was thought they had had sufficient time to swallow their food, they were called to their work again. this was the only meal they ate through the day. now think of the little, almost naked, and halfstarved children, nibbling upon a piece of cold indian cake, or a potatoe ! think of the poor female, just ready to be confined, without any thing that can be called convenient or comfortable ! think of the old toil-worn father and mother, without anything to eat but the coarsest of food, and not half enough of that! then think of home. when sick, their physicians are their masters and overseers, in most cases, whose skill consists in bleeding, and in administering large potions of epsom salts, when the whip and cursing will not stait them from their cabins. i i i . houses. the huts of the slaves are mostly of the poorest kind. they are not as good as those temporary shanties which are thrown up beside railroads. they are erected with posts and crotches, with but little or no frame-work about them. they have no stoves or chimneys ; some of them have something like a fire-place at one end, and a boaid or two off at that side, or on the roof, to let off the smoke, others have nothing like a fire-place in them : in these the fire is sometimes made in the middle of the hut. these buildings have but one apartment in them ; the places where they pass in and out, serve both for doors and windows ; the sides and roofs are covered with coarse, and in many instances with refuse boards. in warm weather, especially in the spring, the slaves keep up a smoke, or fire and smoke, all night, to drive away the gnats and musketoes, which are very troublesome in all the low country of the south ; so much so that the whites sleep under frames with nets over them, knit so fine, that the musketoes cannot fly through them. american slavery. some of the slaves have rugs to cover them in the coldest weather, but i should think more have not, during driving storms they frequently have to run from one hut to another for shelter. in the coldest weather, where they can get wood or stumps, they keep up fires all night in their huts, and lay around them, with their feet towards the blaze. men, women, and children all lie down together, in most instances. there may be exceptions to the above statements in regard to their houses, but so far as my observations have extended, i have given a fair description, and i have been on a large number of plantations in georgia and s. carolina, up and down the savannah liver. their huts are generally built compactly on the plantations, forming villages of huts, their size proportioned to the number of slaves on them. in these miserable huts the poor blacks are herded at night like swine, without any conveniences of bedsteads, tables, or chairs. o misery to the full ! to see the aged sire beating off the swarms of gnats and musketoes in the warm weather, and shivering in the straw, or bending over a few coals in the winter, clothed in rags. i should think males and females, both lie down at night with their working clothes on them. god alone knows how much the poor slaves suffer for the want of convenient houses to secure them from the piercing winds and howling storms of winter, especially the aged, sick, and dying. although it is much warmer there than here, yet i suffered for a number of weeks in the winter, almost as much in georgia as i do in massachusetts. i v . clothing. the masters [in georgia] make a practice of getting two suits of clothes for each slave per year, a thick suit for winter, and a thin one for summer. they provide also one pair of northern made sale shoes for each slave in winter. these shoes usually begin to lip in a few weeks. the negroes' mode of mending them is, to wire them together, in many instances. do our northern shoemakers know that they are augmenting the sufferings testimony of a thousand witnesses. of the poor slaves with their almost good for nothing sale shoes ? inasmuch as it is done unto one of those poor sufferers it is done unto our saviour. the above practice of clothing the slave is customary to some extent. how many, however, fail of this, god only knows. the children and old slaves are, i should think, exceptions to the above rule. the males and females have their suits from the same cloth for their winter dresses. these winter garments appear to be made of a mixture of cotton and wool, very coarse and sleazy. the whole suit for the men consists of a pair of pantaloons and a short sailor jacket, ivithout shirt, vest, hat, stochings, or any hind of loose garments ? these, if worn steadily when at work, would not probably last more than one or two months ; therefore, for the sake of saving them, many of them work, especially in the summer, with no clothing on them except a cloth tied round their waist, and almost all with nothing more on them than pantaloons, and these frequently so torn that they do not serve the purposes of common decency. the women have for clothing a short petticoat, and a short loose gown, something like the male's sailor-jacket, ivithout any under garment, stockings, bonnets, hoods, caps, or any hind of over-clothes. when at work in warm weather, they usually strip off the loose gown, and have nothing on but a short petticoat" with some kind of covering over their breasts. many children may be seen in the summer months as naked as they came into the world. i think, as a whole, they suffer more for the want of comfortable bed-clothes, than they do for wearing apparel. it is true, that some by begging or buying, have more clothes than above described, but the masters provide them with no more. they are miserable objects of pity. it may be said of many of them, " i was naked and ye clothed me not." it,is enough to melt the hardest heart, to see the ragged mothers nursing their almost naked children, with but a morsel of the coarsest food to eat. the southern horses and dogs have enough to eat, and good care taken of them, but southern negroes, who can describe their misery ? american slavery. v punishments. the ordinary mode of punishing the slaves is both cruel and barbarous. the masters seldom, if ever, try to govern their slaves by moral influence, but by whipping, kicking, beating, starving, branding, cat-hauling, loading with irons, imprisoning, or by some other cruel mode of torturing. they .often boast of having invented some new mode of torture, by which they have " tamed the rascals.'' what is called a moderate flogging at the south is horribly cruel. should we whip our horses for any offence as they whip their slaves for small offences, we should expose ourselves to the penalty of the law. the masters >vhip for the smallest offences, such as not performing their tasks, being caught by the guard or patrol by night, or for taking anything from the master's yard without leave. for these, and the like crimes, the slaves are whipped thirty-nine lashes, and sometimes seventy or a hundred, on the bare back. one slave, who was under my care,, was whipped, t think one hundred lashes, for getting a small handfull of wood from his master's yard without leave. i heard an overseer boasting to this same, master that he gave one of the boys seventy lashes, for not doing a job of work just as he thought it ought to be done. the owner of the slave appeared to be pleased that the overseer had been so faithful. the apology they make for whipping so cruelly is, that it is to frighten the rest of the gang. the masters say, that what we call an. ordinary flogging will not subdue the slaves ; hence the most cruel and barbarous scourgings ever witnessed by man are daily and hourly inflicted upon the naked bodies of those miserable bondmen ; not by masters and negrodrivers only, but by the constables in the common markets and jailors in their yards. when the slaves are whipped, either in public or private, they have their hands fastened by the wrists, with a rope or cord prepared for the purpose : this being thrown over a beam, a limb of a tree, or something else, the culprit is drawn up and stretched by the arms as high. -as possible, without raising his feet from the ground or testimony of a thousand witnesses, floor: and sometimes they are made to stand on tip-toe ; then the feet are made fast to something prepared for them. in this distorted posture the monster flies at them, sometimes in great rage, with his implements of torture, and cuts on with all his might, over the shoulders, under the arms, and sometimes over the head and ears,, or on parts of the body where he can inflict the greatest torment. occasionally the whipper, especially if his victim does not beg enough to suit him, while under the lash, will fly into a passion, uttering the most horrid oaths ; while the victim of his rage is crying, at every stroke, " lord have mercy ! lord have mercy !" the scenes exhibited at the whipping post are awfully terrific and frightful to one whose heart has not turned to stone ; i never could look on for a moment. while under the lash, the bleeding victim writhes in agony, convulsed with torture. thirty-nine lashes on the bare back, which tear the skin at almost every stroke, is what the south calls a very moderate punishment ! many masters whip until they are tired—until the back is a gore of blood—then rest upon it : after a short cessation, get up and go at it again ; and after having satiated their revenge in the blood of their victims, they sometimes leave them tied, for hours together, bleeding at every wound.—sometimes, after being whipped, they are bathed with a brine of salt and water. now and then a master, but more frequently a mistress who has no husband, will send them to jail a few days, giving orders to have them wthipped, so manylashes, once or twice a day. sometimes, after being whipped, some have been shut up in a dark place and deprived of food, in order to increase their torments : and i have heard of some who have, in such circumstances, died of their wounds and starvation. such scenes of horror as above described are so common in georgia that they attract no attention. to threaten them with death, or with breaking in their teeth or jaws, or cracking their heads, is common talk, when scolding at the slaves.—those who run away from their masters and are caught again generally fare the worst. american slaveby. they are generally lodged in jail, with instructions from the owner to have them cruelly whipped. some, order the constables to whip them publicly in the market. constables at the south are generally savage, brutal men; they have become so accustomed to catching and whipping negroes, that they are as fierce as tigers. slaves who are absent from their yards or plantations after eight o'clock, p. m., and are taken by the guard in the cities, or by the patrols in the country, are, if not called for before nine o'clock, a. m., the next day, secured in prisons ; and hardly ever escape, until their backs are torn up by the cow-hide. on plantations, the evenings usually present scenes of horror. those slaves against whom charges are preferred for not having performed their tasks, and for various faults, must, after work-hours at night, undergo their torments. i have often heard the sound of the lash, the curses of the whipper, and the cries of the poor negro rending the air, late in the evening, and long before day-light in the morning. it is very common for masters to say to the overseers or drivers, " put it on to them," " don't spare that fellow," "give that scoundrel one hundred lashes," &c. whipping the women when in delicate circumstances, as they sometimes do, without any regard to their entreaties or the entreaties of their nearest friends, is truly barbarous. if negroes could testify, they would tell you of instances of women being whipped until they have miscarried at the whipping-post. i heard of such things at the south—they are undoubtedly facts. children are whipped unmercifully for the smallest offences, and that before their mothers. a large proportion of the blacks have their shoulders, backs, and arms all scarred up, and not a few of them have had their heads laid open with clubs, stones, and brick-bats, and with the butt-end of whips and canes—some have had their jaws broken, others their teeth knocked in or out ; while others have had their ears cropped and the sides of their cheeks gashed out. some of the poor creatures have lost the sight of testimony of a thousand witnesses. one of their eyes by the careless blows of the whipped or by some other violence. but punishing of slaves as above described, is not the only mode of torture. some tie them up in a very uneasy posture, where they must stand all night, and they will then work them hard all clay—that is, work them hard all day and torment them all night. others punish by fastening them down on a log, or something else, and strike them on the bare skin with a board paddle full of holes. this breaks the skin, in many cases, at every hole where it comes in contact with it. others, when other modes of punishment will not subdue them, cathaul them—that is, take a cat by the nape of the neck and tail, or by the hind legs, and drag the claws across the back until satisfied. this kind of punishment poisons the flesh much worse than the whip, and is more dreaded by the slave. some are branded by a hot iron, others have their flesh cut out in large gashes, to mark them. some who are prone to run away, have iron fetters riveted around their ancles, sometimes they are put only on one foot, and are dragged on" the ground. others have large iron collars or yokes upon their necks, or clogs riveted upon their wrists or ancles. some have bells put upon them, hung upon a sort of frame to an iron collar. some masters fly into a rage at trifles and knock down their negroes with their fists, or with the first thing that they can get hold of. the whip-lash-knots, or raw hide, have sometimes, by a reckless stroke, reached round to the front of the body and cut through to the bowels. one slave-holder with whom i lived, whipped one of his slaves one day, as many, i should think, as one hundred lashes, and then turned the butt-end and went to beating him over the head and ears, and truly i was amazed that the slave was not killed on the spot. not a few slaveholders whip their slaves to death, and then say that they died under a "moderate correction." i wonder that ten are not killed where one is ! were they not much hardier than the whites, many more of them must die than do. one young mulatto man, with whom t was well ac~ american slavery. quainted, was killed by his master in his yard with impunity. i boarded at the same time near the place where this glaring murder was committed, and knew the master well. he had a plantation, on which he enacted, almost daily, cruel barbarities, some of them, i was informed, more terrific, if possible, than death itself. little notice was taken of this murder, and it all passed off without any action being taken against the murderer. the masters used to try to make me whip their negroes. they said i could not get along with them without flog« ging them—but i found i could get along better with them by coaxing and encouraging them than by beating and flogging them. i had not a heart to beat and kick about those beings. i never was guilty of having but one whipped, and he was whipped but eight or nine blows. the circumstances were as follows: several negroes were put under my care, one spring, who were fresh from congo and guinea. i could not understand them, neither could they me, in one word t spoke. i therefore pointed to them to go to work ; all obeyed me willingly but one—he refused. i told the driver that he must tie him up and whip him. after he had tied him, by the help of some others, we struck him eight or nine blows, and he yielded. i told the driver not to strike him another blow. we untied him, and he went to work, and continued faithful all the time he was with me. this one was not a sample, however—many of them have such exalted views of freedom that it is hard work for the masters to whip them into brutes, that is, to subdue their noble spirits. the negroes being put under my care, did not prevent the masters from whipping them when they pleased, but they never whipped much in r y presence. this work was usually left until i had lismissed the hands. on the plantations, the masters chose to have the slaves whipped in the presence of all the hands, to strike them with terror, vi. runaways. numbers of poor slaves run away from their masters ; some of whom doubtless perish in the swamps and other testimony of a thousand witnesses. secret places, rather than return back again to their masters ; others stay away until they almost famish with hunger, and then return home rather than die, while others who abscond are caught by the negro-hunters, in various ways. sometimes the master will hire some of his most trusty negroes to secure any stray negroes, who come on to their plantations, for many come at night to beg food of their friends on the plantations. the slaves assist one another usually when they can, and not be found out in it. the master can now and then, however, get some of his hands to betray the runaways. some obtain their living by hunting after lost slaves. the most common way is to train up young dogs to follow them. this can easily be done by obliging a slave to go out into the woods, and climb a tree, and then put the young dog on his track, and with a little assistance he can be taught to follow him to the tree, and when found, of course the dog would bark at such game as a poor negro on a tree. there was a man living in savannah when i was there, who kept a large number of dogs for no other purpose than to hunt runaway negroes. and he always had enough of this work to do, for hundreds of runaways are never found, but could he get news soon after one had iled, he was almost sure to catch him. and this fear of the dogs restrains multitudes from running off. when he went out on a hunting excursion, to be gone •several days, he took several persons with him, armed generally with rifles and followed by the dogs. the dogs were as true to the track of a negro, if one had passed recently, as a hound is to the track of a fox when he has found it. when the dogs draw near to their game, the slave must turn and fight them or climb a tree. if the latter, the dogs will stay and bark until the pursuers come. the blacks frequently deceive the dogs by crossing and recrossing the creeks. should the hunters who have no dogs, start a slave from his hiding-place, and the slave not to stop at the hunter's call, he will shoot at him, as soon as he would at a deer. some masters advertise so much for a runaway slave, dead or alive. american slavery. it undoubtedly gives such more satisfaction to know that their property is dead, than to know that it is alive without being able to get it. some slaves run away who never mean to be taken alive. i will mention one. he ran off and was pursued by the dogs, but having a weapon with him he succeeded in killing two or three of the dogs ; but was afterwards shot. he had declared, that he never would be taken alive. the people rejoiced at the death of the slave, but lamented the death of the dogs, they were such ravenous hunters. poor fellow, he fought for life and liberty like a hero ; but the bullets brought him down. a negro can harldly walk unmolested at the south.—every colored stranger that walks the streets is suspected of being a runaway slave, hence he must be interrogated by every negro-hater whom he meets, and should he not have a pass, he must be arrested and hurried off to jail. some masters boast that their slaves would not be free if they could. how little they know of their slaves ! they are all sighing and groaning for freedom. may god hasten the time ! vii. confinement at night. when the slaves have done their day's work, they must be herded together like sheep in their yards, or on their plantations. they have not as much liberty as northern men have, who are sent to jail for debt, for they have kberty to walk a larger yard than the slaves have. the slaves must all be at their homes precisely at eight o'clock, p. m. at this hour the drums beat in the cities, as a signal for every slave to be in his den. in the country, the signal is given by firing guns, or some other way by which they may know the hour when to be at home. after this hour, the guard in the cities, and patrols in the country, being well armed, are on duty until daylight in the morning. if they catch any negroes during the night without a pass, they are immediately seized and hurried away to the guard-house, or if in the country to some place of confinement, where they are kept until aine o'clock, a. m., the next day ; if not called for by k testimony of a thousand witnesses. that time, they are hurried off to jail, and there remain until called for by their master, and his j ail and guardhouse fees are paid. the guards and patrols receive one dollar extra for every one they can catch, who has not a pass from his master, or overseer, but few masters will give their slaves passes to be out at night unless on some special business: notwithstanding, many venture out., watching every step they take for the guard or patrol : the consequence is, some are caught almost every night, and some nights many are taken ; some, fleeing after being hailed by the watch, are shot down in attempting thek ©scape, others are crippled for life. horace moulton, l&aerative axd testimony of sarah m. grimke. miss grimke is a daughter of the late judge grimke', of the supreme court of south carolina, and sister of the late hon. thomas s. grimke. the following is her testimony. as i left my native state on account of slavery, and deserted the home of my fathers to escape the sound of the lash and the shrieks of tortured victims, i would gladly bury in oblivion the recollection of those scenes with which i have been familiar ; but this may not, cannot be ; they come over my memory like gory spectres, and implore me with resistless power, in the name of a god of mercy, in the name of a crucified saviour, in the name of humanity ; for the sake of the slave-holder, as well as the slave, to bear witness to the horrors of the southern prison house. i feel impelled by a sacred sense of duty, by my obligations to my country, by sympathy for the bleeding victims of tyranny and lust, to give my testimony respecting the system of american slavery,—• to detail a few facts, most of which came under my personal observation. and here i may premise, that the actors in these tragedies were all men and women of the highest respectability, and of the first families in south testimony of a thousand witnesses. ironed while at his work. his master one day accused him of a fault, in the usual terms dictated by passion and arbitrary power; the man protested his innocence, but was not credited. he again repelled the charge with honest indignation. his master's temper rose almost to frenzy ; and seizing a fork, he made a deadly plunge at the breast of the slave. the man being far his superior in strength, caught his arm, and dashed the weapon on the floor. his master grasped at his throat, but the slave disengaged himself, and rushed from the apartment. having made his escape, he fled to the woods; and after wandering about for many months, living on roots and berries, and enduring every hardship, he was arrested and committed to jail. here he lay for a considerable time, allowed scarcely food enough to sustain life, whipped in the most shocking manner, and confined in a cell so loathsome, that when his master visited him, he said the stench was enough to knock a man down. the filth had never been removed from the apartment since the poor creature had been immured in it. although a black man, such had been the effect of starvation and suffering, that his master declared he hardly recognized him—his complexion was so yellow, and his hair, naturally thick and black, had become red and scanty ; an infallible sign of long continued living on bad and insufficient food. stripes, imprisonment, and the gnawings of hunger, had broken his lofty spirit for a season ; and, to use his master's own exulting expression, " he was as humble as a dog." after a time he made another attempt to escape, and was absent so long, that a reward was offered for him, dead or cdive. he eluded every attempt to take him, and his master, despairing of ever getting him again, offered to pardon him if he would return home. it is always understood that such intelligence will reach the runaway ; and accordingly, at the entreaties of his wife and mother, the fugitive once more consented to return to his bitter bondage. i believe this was the last effort to obtain his mberty. his heart became touched with the power of the gospel; and the spirit, which no inflictions could subdue, american slavery. bowed at the cross of jesus, and with the language on his lips—" the cup that my father hath given me, shall i not drink it v submitted to the yoke of the oppressor, and wore his chains in unmurmuring patience till death released him. the master who perpetrated these wrongs upon his slave, was one of the most influential and honoured citizens of south carolina, and to his equals was bland, and courteous, and benevolent even to a proverb. a slave who had been separated from his wife, because it best suited the convenience of his owner, ran away. he was taken up on the plantation where his wife, to whom he was tenderly attached, then lived. his only object in running away was to return to her—no other fault was attributed to him. for this offence he was confined in the stocks six weeks, in a miserable hovel, not weather-tight. he received fifty lashes weekly during that time, was allowed food barely sufficient to sustain him, and when released from confinement, was not permitted to return to his wife. his master, although himself a husband and a father, was unmoved by the touching appeals of the slave, who entreated that he might only remain with his wife, promising to discharge his duties faithfully ; his master continued inexorable, and he was torn from his wife and family. the owner of this slave was a professing christian, in full membership with the church, and this circumstance occurred when he was confined to his chamber during his last illness. a punishment dreaded more by the slaves than whipping, unless it is unusually severe, is one which was invented by a female acquaintance of mine in charleston—» i heard her say so with much satisfaction. it is standing on one foot and holding the other in the hand. afterwards it was improved upon, a strap was contrived to fasten around the ankle, and pass around the neck ; so that the least weight of the foot resting on the strap would choke the person. the pain occasioned by this unnatural position was great ; and when continued, as it sometimes was, for an hour or more, produced intense agony. i heard this same woman say, that she had the ears of her testimony of a thousand witnesses. waiting maid slit for some petty theft. this she told me in the presence of the girl, who was standing in the room. she often had the helpless victims of her cruelty severely whipped, not scrupling herself to wield the instrument of torture, and with her own hands inflict severe chastisement. her husband was less inhuman than his wife, but he was often goaded on by her to acts of great severity. in his last illness i was sent for, and watched beside his death couch. the girl on whom he had so often inflicted punishment, haunted his dying hours ; and when at length the king of terrors approached, he shrieked in utter agony of spirit, " oh, the blackness of darkness, the black imps, i can see them all around me—take them away !" and amid such exclamations he expired. these persons- were of one of the first families in charleston. a friend of mine, in whose veracity t have entire confidence, told me that about two years ago, a woman in charleston, with whom i was well acquainted, had starved a female slave to death. she was confined in a solitary apartment, kept constantly tied, and condemned to the slow and horrible death of starvation. this woman was notoriously cruel. to those who have read the narrative of james williams i need only say, that the character of young larimore's wife is an exact description of this female tyrant, whose countenance was ever dressed in smiles when in the presence of strangers, but whose heart was as the nether millstone toward her slaves. as i was travelling in the lower country in south carolina, a number of years since, my attention was suddenly arrested by an exclamation of horror from the coachman, who called out, " look there, miss sarah, don't you see ?"—i looked in the direction he pointed, and saw a human head stuck up on a high pole. on inquiry, i found that a runaway slave, who was outlawed, had been shot there, his head severed from his body, and put upon the public highway, as a terror to deter slaves from running away. on a plantation in north carolina, where i was visiting, i happened one day, in my rambles, to step into a american slavery. negro cabin ; my compassion was instantly called forth by the object which presented itself. a slave, whose head was white with age, was lying in one corner of the hovel; he had under his head a few filthy rags, but the boards were his only bed : it was the depth of winter, and the wind whistled through every part of the dilapidated building—he opened his languid eyes when i spoke, and in reply to my question, " what is the matter v he said, <{ i am dying of a cancer in my side."— as he removed the rags which covered the sore, i found that it extended half round the body, and was shockingly neglected. i inquired if he had any nurse. " no, missey," was his answer, " but de people (the slaves) very kind to me, dey often steal time to run and see me and fetch me someting to eat; if dey did not, i might starve." the master and mistress of this man, who had been worn out in their service, were remarkable for their intelligence, and their hospitality knew no bounds towards those who were of their own grade in society : the master had for some time held the highest military office in north carolina, and not long previous to the time of which i speak, was the governor of the state. on a plantation in south carolina, i witnessed a similar case of suffering—an aged woman suffering under an incurable disease in the same miserably neglected situation. the "owner" of this slave was proverbially kind to her negroes ; so much so, that the planters in the neighbourhood said she spoiled them, and set a bad example, which might produce discontent among the surrounding slaves; yet i have seen this woman tremble with rage, when her slaves displeased her, and heard her use language to them which could only be expected from an inmate of bridewell; and have known her in a gust of passion send a favorite slave to the work-house to be severely whipped. another fact occurs to me. a young woman about eighteen, stated some circumstances relative to her young master, which were thought derogatory to his character ; whether true or false, i am unable to say ; she was testimony of a thousand witnesses. threatened with punishment, but persisted in affirming that she had only spoken the truth. finding her incorrigible, it was concluded to send her to the charleston work-house and have her whipt ; she pleaded in vain for a commutation of her sentence, not so much because she dreaded the actual suffering, as because her delicate mind shrunk from the shocking exposure of her person to the eyes of brutal and licentious men : she declared to me that death would be preferable ; but her entreaties were vain, and as there were no means of escaping but by running away, she resorted to it as a desperate remedy, for her timid nature never could have braved the perils necessarily encountered by fugitive slaves, had not her mind been thrown into a state of despair.—she was apprehended after a few weeks, by two slave-catchers, in a deserted house, and as it was late in the evening they concluded to spend the night there. what inhuman treatment she received from them has never been revealed. they tied her with cords to their bodies, and supposing they had secured their victim, soon fell into a deep sleep, probably rendered more profound by intoxication and fatigue ; but the miserable captive slumbered not: by some means she disengaged herself from her bonds, and again fled through the lone wilderness. after a few days she was discovered in a wretched hut, which seemed to have been long uninhabited ; she was speechless ; a raging fever had consumed her vitals, and when a physician saw her, he said, she was dying of a disease brought on by over fatigue ; her mother was permitted to visit her, but ere she reached her, the damps of death stood upon her brow, and she had only the sad consolation of looking on the death-struck form and convulsive agonies of her child. a beloved friend in south carolina, the wife of a slaveholder, with whom i often mingled my tears, when helpless arid hopeless we deplored together the horrors of slavery, related to me some years since the following circumstance. on the plantation adjoining her husband's, there was a american slavery. slave of pre-eminent piety. his master was not a professor of religion, but the superior excellence of this disciple of christ was not unmarked by him, and i believe he was so sensible of the good influence of his piety, that he did not deprive him of: the few religious privileges within his reach. a planter was one day dining with the owner of this slave, and in the course of conversation observed, that all profession of religion among slaves was mere hypocrisy. the other asserted a contrary opinion, adding, i have a slave, who i believe would rather die than deny his saviour. this was ridiculed, and the master urged to prove the assertion. he accordingly sent for this man of god, and peremptorily ordered him to deny his belief in the lord jesus christ. the slave pleaded to be excused^ constantly affirming that he would rather die than deny the redeemer, whose blood was shed for him. his master, after vainly trying to induce obedience by threats, had him terribly whipped. the fortitude of the sufferer was not to be shaken ; he nobly rejected the offer of exemption from further chastisement at the expense of destroying his soul, and this blessed martyr died in consequence oj this severe infliction. oh, how bright a gem will this victim of irresponsible power be, in that crown which sparkles on the redeemer's brow ; and that many such will cluster there, i have not the shadow of a doubt, sarah m. grimke. fort lee, bergen county, new jersey, rd month, th, . testimony of the late key. john graham, of townsend, mass,, who resided in south carolina, from , to the latter part of . mr. graham graduated at amherst college in , spent some time at the theological seminary, in new haven, ct., and went to south carolina for his health in . he resided principally on the island of st. helena, s. c , and most of the time in the family of james tripp> esq., a wealthy slave-holding planter. during his residence at st. helena, testimony of a thousand witnesses. he was engaged as an instructer, and was most of the time the stated preacher on the island. mr. gr. was extensively known in massachusetts ; and his fellow students and instructers, at amherst college, and at yale theological seminary, can bear testimony to his integrity and moral worth. the following are extracts of letters, which he wrote while in south carolina, to an intimate friend in concord, massachusetts, who has kindly furnished them for publication. extracts. springfield, st. helena isl, s. c, oct. , . " last night, about one o'clock, i was awakened by the report of a musket. i was out of bed almost instantly. on opening my window, i found the report proceeded from my host's chamber. he had let off his pistol, which he usually keeps by him night and clay, at a slave, who had come into the yard, and as it appears, had been with with one of his house servants. he did not hit him. the ball, taken from a pine tree the next morning, i will show you, should i be spared by providence ever to return to you. the house-servant was called to the master's chamber, where he received seventy-five lashes, very severe too ; and i could not only hear every lash, but each groan which succeeded very distinctly as i lay in. my bed. what was then done with the servant i know not. nothing was said of this to me in the morning, and i presume it will ever be kept from me with care, if i may judge of kindred acts. shall make no comment." in the same letter, mr. graham says :-*~ " you ask me of my hostess "—then after giving an idea of her character, he says ;—" to-day, she has i verily believe laid, in a very severe manner too, more than three hundred stripes, upon the house servants," (seventeen in number.) darlington, court house, s. c. march th, . " i walked up to the court house to-day, where i "heard one of the most interesting cases i ever heard. i say interesting, on account of its novelty to me, though it had no novelty for the people, as such cases are of fre american slavery. -quent occurrence. the case was this ; to know whether two ladies, present in court, were white or black. the ladies were dressed well, seemed modest, and were retiring and neat in their look, having blue eyes, black hair, and appeared to understand much of the etiquette of southern behaviour. " a man, more avaricious than humane, as is the case with most of the rich planters, laid a remote claim to those two modest, unassuming, innocent and free young ladies as his property, with the design of putting them into the field, and thus increasing his stock ! as well as the people of concord are known for their peaceful disposition, and for their love of good order, i verily believe if a similar trial should be brought forward there, and conducted as this was, the good people would drive the lawyers out of the house. such would be their indignation at their language, and at the mean under-handed manner of trying to ruin those young ladies, as to their standing in society in this district, if they could not succeed in dooming them for life to the degraded condition of slavery, and all its intolerable cruelties. oh slavery \ if statues of marble could curse you, they would speak. if bricks could speak, they would all surely thunder out their anathemas against you, accursed thing ! how many white sons and daughters, have bled and groaned under the lash in this sultry climate," &c. under the date of march, , mr. g. writes, " i have been doing what i hope never to be called to do again, and what i fear i have badly done, though performed to the best of my ability, namely, sewing up a very bad wound made by a wild hog. the slave was hunting wild hogs, when one, being closely pursued, turned upon his pursuer, who, turning to run, was caught by the animal, thrown down, and badly wounded in the thigh. the wound is about five inches long and very deep. it was made by the tusk of the animal. the slaves brought him to one of the huts, on mr. tripp's plantation, and made every exertion to stop the blood by filling the wound with ashes, (their remedy for stopping testimony of a thousand witnesses. blood,) but finding this to fail, they came to me (there being no other white person on the plantation, as it is now holidays) to know if i could stop the blood. i went and found that the poor creature must bleed to death unless it could be stopped soon. i called for a needle and succeeded in sewing it up as well as i could, and in stopping the blood. in a short time his master, who had been sent for, came ; and oh, you would have shuddered if you had heard the awful oaths that fell from his lips, threatening in the same breath, " to pay him for that" i left him as soon as decency would permit, with his hearty thanks that i had saved him five hundred dollars ! oh, may heaven \ jtect the poor, suffering, fainting slave, and show his master his wanton cruelty—oh slavery ! slavery !" under date of july, , mr. g. writes, " i wish you could have been at the breakfast table with me this morning to have seen and heard what i saw and heard, not that i wish your ear and heart and soul pained as mine is, i with every day's' observation c of wrong and outrage' with which this place is filled, but that you might have auricular and ocular evidence of the cruelty of slavery, of cruelties that mortal language can never describe—that you might see the tender mercies of a hardened slave-holder, one who bears the name of being one of the mildest and most merciful masters of which this island can boast. oh, my friend, another is screaming under the lash, in the shed-room, but for what i know not. the scene this morniug was truly distressing to me. it was this :—after the blessing ivas asked at the breakfast table, one of the servants, a woman gro wn, in giving one of the children some molasses, happened to pour out a little more than usual, though not more than the child usually eats. her master was angry at the petty and indifferent mistake, or slip of the hand. he rose from the table, took both of her hands in one of his, and with the other began" i^o beat her, first on one side of her head and then on the other, and repeating this, till, as he said on sitting down at table, it hurt his hand too much to coil american slavery* tinue it longer. he then took off his shoe, and with the heel began in the same manner as with his hand, till the poor creature could no longer endure it without screeches and raising her elbow as it is natural to ward off the blows. he then called a great overgrown negro to hold her hands behind her while he should wreak his vengeance upon the poor servant. in this position he began again to beat the poor suffering wretch. it now became intolerable to bear ; she fell, screaming to me for help. after she fell, he beat her until i thought she would have died in his hands. she got up, however, went out and washed off the blood, and came in before we rose from the table, one of the most pitiable objects i ever saw till i came to the south. her ears were almost as thick as my hand, and her eyes awfully blood-shotten, her lips, nose, cheeks, chin, and whole head swollen so that no one would have known it was etta—and for all this, she had to turn round as she was going out and thank her master ! now, all this was done while i was sitting at breakfast with the rest of the family. think you not i wished myself sitting with the peaceful and happy circle around your table \ think of my feelings, but pity the poor negro slave, who not only fans his cruel master when he eats and sleeps, but bears the stripes his caprice may inflict. think of this, and let heaven hear your prayers." in a letter dated st. helena island, s. c„ dec. , , mr. g. writes, " if a slave here complains to his master, that his task is too great, his master at once calls him a scoundrel and tells him it is only because he has not enough to do, and orders the driver to increase his task, however unable he may be for the performance of it. i saw twenty-seven whipped at one time just because they did not do more, when the poor creatures were so tired that they could scarcely drag one foot after the other." testimony op mr. william poe. mr, poe is a native of kichmond, virginia, and was testimony of a thousand witnesses. formerly a slave-holder. he was for several years a merchant in richmond, and subsequently in lynchburg? virginia. a few years since, he emancipated his slaves^ and removed to hamilton county, ohio, near cincinnati ^ where he is a highly respected ruling elder in the presbyterian church. he says,— " i am pained exceedingly, and nothing but my duty to god, to the oppressors, and to the poor down-trodden slaves, who go mourning all their days, could move me to say a word. i will state to you &fei® cases of the abuse of the slaves, but time would fail, if i had language to tell how many and great are the inflictions of slavery, even in its mildest form. benjaimin james harris, a wealthy tobacconist of eichmond, virginia, whipped a slave girl fifteen years old to death. while he was whipping her, his wife heated a smoothing iron, put it on her body in various places, and burned her severely. the verdict of the coroner's inquest was, " died of excessive whipping." he was tried in richmond, and acquitted. t attended the trial. some years after, this same harris whipped another slave to death. the man had not done so much work as was required of him. after a number of protracted and violent scourgings, with short intervals between, the slave died under the lash. harris was tried, and again acquitted, because none but blacks saw it done. the same man afterwards whipped another slave severely, for not doing work to please him. after repeated and severe floggings in quick succession, for the same cause, the slave, in despair of pleasing him, cut off his own hand. harris soon after became a bankrupt, went to new orleans to recruit his finances, failed, returned to kentucky, became a maniac, and died. a captain in the united states' navy, who married a daughter of the collector of the port of richmond, and resided there, became offended with his negro boy, took him into the meat-house, put him upon a stool, crossed his hands before him, tied a rope to them, threw it over a joist in the building, drew the boy up so that he could american slavery. just stand on the stool with his toes, and kept him in that position, iloggeing him severely at intervals, until the boy became so exhausted that he reeled off the stool, and swung by his hands until he died. the master was tried and acquitted. in goochland county, virginia, an overseer tied a slave to a tree, flogged him again and again with great severity, then piled brush round him, set it on fire, and burned him to death. the overseer was tried and imprisoned. the whole transaction may be found on tho records of the court. in travelling, one day, from petersburg to richmond, virginia, i heard cries of distress at a distance, on the road. i rode up, and found two white men beating a slave. one of them had hold of a rope, which wtas passed under the bottom of a fence ; the other end was fastened around the neck of the slave, who was thrown flat on the ground, on his face, with his back bared. the other was beating him furiously with a large hickory. a slave-holder in henrico county, virginia, had a slave who used frequently to work for my father. one morning he came into the field with his back completely cut up, and mangled from his head to his heels. the man was so stiff and sore he could scarcely walk. this same person got offended with another of his slaves, knocked him dow n, and struck out one of his eyes with a maul. the eyes of several of his slaves were injured by similar violence. in richmond, virginia, a company occupied as a dwelling a large warehouse. they got angry with f negro lad, » one of their slaves, took him into the cellar, tied his hands with a rope, bored a hole through the floor, and passed the rope up through it. some of the family drew up the boy, while others whipped. this they continued until the boy died. the warehouse was owned by a mr, whitlock, on the,site of one formerly owned by a mr. •philpot. joseph chilton, a resident of campbell county, virginia, purchased a quart of tanners' oil, for the purpose, testimony of a thousand w i t n e s s e s . as he said, of putting it on one of his negro's head, that he had sometime previous pitched or tarred over for running away. in the town of lynchburg, virginia, there was a negro man put in prison, charged with having pillaged some packages of goods, which he, as head man of a boat, received at richmond, to be delivered at lynchburg. the goods belonged to a. b. nichols, of liberty, bedford county, virginia. he came to lynchburg, and desired the jailer to permit him to whip the negro, to make him confess, as there was no proof against him. mr, williams, (i think that is his name,) a pious methodist man, a great stickler for law and good order, professedly a great friend to the black man, delivered the negro into the hands of nichols. nichols told me that he took the slave, tied his wrists together, then drew his arms down so far below his knees as to permit a staff to pass above the arms under the knees, thereby placing the slave in a situation that he could not move hand or foot. he then commenced his bloody work, and continued at intervals, until five hundred blows were inflicted. i received this statement from nichols himself. further proofs of the particular privations of the slaves. i. food. we begin with the food of the slaves, because if they are ill treated in this respect, we may be sure that they will be ill treated in other respects, and generally in a greater degree. for a man habitually to stint his dependents in their food, is the extreme of meanness and cruelty, and the greatest evidence he can give of utter indifference to their comfort. the father who stints his children or domestics, or the master his apprentices, or the employer his laborers, or the officer his soldiers, or the captain his crew, when able to furnish them with sufficient food, is every where looked upon as unfeeling and cruel. all mankind agree to call such a character inhuman, u american slavery. if any thing can move a hard heart, it is the appeal of hunger. the arab robber whose whole life is a prowl for plunder, will freely divide his camel's milk with the hungry stranger who halts at his tent door, though he may have just waylaid him and stripped him of his money. even savages take pity on hunger. who ever went famishing from an indian's wigwam as much as hunger craves, is the indian's free gift even to an enemy. the necessity for food is such a universal want, so constant, manifest, and imperative, that the heart is more touched with pity by the plea of hunger, and more ready to supply that want than any other. he who can habitually inflict on others the pain of hunger by giving them insufficient food, can habitually inflict on them any other pain. he can kick and cuff and flog and brand theim, put them in irons or the stocks, can overwork them, deprive them of sleep, lacerate their backs, make them work without clothing, and sleep without covering. other cruelties may be perpetrated in hot blood and the acts regretted as soon as done—the feeling that prompts them is not a permanent state of mind, but a violent impulse stung up by sudden provocation. but he who habitually withholds from his dependents sufficient sustenance, can plead no such palliation. the fact itself shows, that his permanent state of mind toward them is a brutal indifference to their wants and sufferings—a state of mind which will naturally, necessarily, show itself in innumerable privations and inflictions upon them, when it can be done with impunity. if, therefore, we find upon examination, that the slaveholders do not furnish their slaves with sufficient food, and do thus habitually inflict upon them the pain of hunger, we have a clue furnished to their treatment in other respects, and may fairly infer habitual and severe privations and inflictions; not merely from the fact that men are quick to feel for those who suffer from hunger, and perhaps more ready tox relieve that want than any other ; but also, because it is more for the interest of the slaveholder to supply that want than any other; consequently, h us testimony of a thousand witnesses. if the slave suffer in this respect, he must, as the general' rule, suffer more in other respects. we now proceed to show that the slaves have insufficient food. this will be* shown first from the express declarations of slave-holders, and other competent witnesses who are, or have been residents of slave states, that the slaves generally underfed and then, by the laws of slave states, and by thetestimony of slave-holders and others, the kind, quantity, and cjiialtily, of their allowance will be given, and the reader left to judge for himself whether the slave must' riot be a sufferer. the slaves suffer from hunger—declarations of slave-holders and others. witnesses and their testimony. hon. alexander smyth, a slave-holder, and for ten-' years, member of congress from virginia.—" by confining the slaves to the southern states, where crops are raised for exportation, and bread and meat are purchased, you doom them to scarcity and hunger. it is proposed tot hem in the blacks where they are ill fed." rev. george whitefield.—" my blood has frequently run cold within me, to think how many of your slaveshave not sufficient food to eat; they are scarcely permitted to pick up the crumbs that fall from their master'stable." rev. john rankin, of ripley, ohio.—" thousands of the slaves are pressed with the gnawings of cruel hunger during their whole lives." report of the gradual emancipation society, of nortti carolina, . signed moses swain, president, and william swain, secretary.—speaking of the condition of slaves, in the eastern part of that state, the report says,— " the master puts the unfortunate wretches upon short allowances, scarcely sufficient for their sustenance, so that & great part of them go half starved much of the time." mr. asa. a. stone, a theological student.—ic on almost every plantation, the hands suffer more or less fronv american slavery. hunger at some seasons of almost every year. there is always a good deal of suffering from hunger. on many plantations, and particularly in louisiana, the slaves are in a condition of almost utter famishment, during a great portion of the year." mr. tobias boudinot, st albans, ohio, a member of the methodist church.—" the slaves down the mississippi, are half starved : the boats, when they stop at night, are constantly boarded by slaves, begging for something to eat." ii. kinds of food. hon. robert turnbull.—"the subsistence of the slaves consist, from march until august, of corn ground into grits, or meal, made into what is called hominy, or baked into corn bread. the other six months, they are fed upon the sweet potatoe. meat, when given, is only by way of indulgence or favor. mr. eleazar powell, chippewa, beaver co., penn.— " the food of the slaves was generally corn bread, and sometimes meat or molasses." reuben g. macy, a member of the society of friends, hudson, n. y.—" the slaves had no food allowed them besides corn, excepting at christmas, when they had beef." william ladd, esq., of minot, me., president of the american peace society, and formerly a slave-holder of lorida, gives the following testimony as to the allowance of food to slaves. " the usual food of the slaves was corn, with a modi* cum of salt. in some cases the master allowed no saltj, but the slaves boiled the sea water for salt, in their little pots. for about eight days near christmas, i. e., from the saturday evening before, to the sunday evening after christmas day, they were allowed some meat. they always, with one single exception, ground their corn in a hand-mill, and cooked their food themselves. extract of a letter from rev. d. c. eastman, a preacher of the methodist episcopal church, in fayette county, ohio. teestimony of a thousand witnesses. " in march, , mr. thomas larrimer, a deacon of the presbyterian church, in bloomingbury, fayette county, ohio, mr. gr. s. fullerton, merchant, and member of the same church, and mr. william a. ustick, an elder of the same church, spent a night with a mr. shepherd, about miles north of charleston, s. c , on the monk's corner road. he owned five families of negroes, who, he said, were fed from the same meal and meat tubs as himself, but that out of of all the slaves in that county saw meat but once a year, which was on christmas holidays." as an illustration of the inhuman experiments sometimes tried upon slaves, in respect to the hind as well as the quality and quantity of their food, we solicit the attention of the reader to the testimony of the late gene* ral wade hampton, of south carolina. general hampton was for some time commander in chief of the army on the canada frontier during the last war, and at the time of his death, about three years since, was the largest slave-holder in the united states. the general's testimony is contained in the following extract of a letter, just received from a distinguished clergyman in the west, extensively known both as a preacher and a writer. his name is with the executive committee of the american anti-slavery society. " you refer in your letter to a statement made to you while in this place, respecting the late general wade hampton, of south carolina, and task me to write out for you the circumstances of the case—considering them well calculated to illustrate two points in the history of slavery: st, that the habit of slave-holding dreadfully blunts the feelings toward the slave, producing such insensibility that his sufferings and death are regarded with indifference. nd. that the slave often has insufficient food, both in quantity and quality. " i received my information from a lady in the west, of high respectability and great moral worth,—but think it best to withhold her name, although the statement was not made in confidence. american slavery, "my informant stated that she sat at dinner once in company with general wade hampton, and several others ; that the conversation turned upon the treatment of their servants, &c.; when the general undertook to entertain the company with the relation of an experiment he had made in the feeding of his slaves on cotton seed. he said that he first mingled one-fourth cotton seed with three-fourths corn, on which they seemed to thrive tolerably well; that he then had measured out to them equal quantities of each, which did not seem to produce any important change; afterwards he increased the quantity of cotton seed to three-fourths, mingled with one-fourth corn, and then he declared, with an oath, that (they died like rotten sheep ! !' it is but justice to the lady to state that she spoke of his conduct with the utmost indignation ; and she mentioned also that he received no countenance from the company present, but that all seemed to look at each other with astonishment. i give it to you just as i received it from one who was present, and whose character for veracity is unquestionable. " it is proper to add that i had previously formed an acquantance with dr. witherspoon, now of alabama, if alive ; whose former residence was in south carolina; from whom i received a particular account of the manner of feeding and treating slaves on the plantations of general wade hampton, and others in the same part of the state ; and certainly no one could listen to the recital without concluding that such masters and overseers as he described must have hearts like the nether millstone. the cotton seed experiment i had heard of before, also, as having been made in other parts of the south ; conse-quently, i was prepared to receive as true the above statement, even if i had not been so well acquainted with the high character of my informant." i i . quantity of pood. the legal allowance of food for slaves in north carolina, is in the words of the law, " a quart of corn per day." see haywood's manual, . the legal allowance in testimony of a thousand w i t n e s s e s . louisiana is more, a barrel [flour barrel] of corn, [in the ear,] or its equivalent in other grain, and a pint of salt a month. in the other slave states the amount of food for the slaves is left to the option of the master. witnesses and their testimony. mr. f. g. macy, nantucket, mass.,—" the food of the slaves was three pecks of potatoes a week during the potatoe season, and one peck of corn, during the remainder of the year." mr. nehemiah gaulkins, a member of the baptist church in waterford, conn.—"the subsistence of the slaves consists of seven quarts of meal, or eight quarts of small rice jor one tveek ! richard macy, hudson, n. y., a member of the society of friends.—" their usual allowance of food was one peck of corn per week, which was dealt out to them every first day of the week. they had nothing allowed them besides the corn, except one quarter of beef at christmas." rev. g. . renshaw, of quincy, ., (the testimony of a virginian.)—" the slaves are generally allowanced : a pint of corn meal and a salt herring is the allowance, or in lieu of the herring a " dab" of fat meat of about the same value. i have known the sour milk, and clauber to be served out to the hands, when there was an abundance of milk on the plantation. this is a luxury not often afforded." testimony of mr. george w. westgate, member of the congregational church, of quincy, illinois. mr. w. has been engaged in the low country trade for twelve years, more than half of each year, principally on the mississippi, and its tributary streams in the south-western slave states. " feeding is not sufficient.—-let facts speak. on the coast, i, e,, natchez and the gulf of mexico, the allowance was one barrel of ears of corn, and a pint of salt per month. they may cook this in what manner they please, but it must be done after dark ; they have no daylight to american slavery. prepare it by. some few planters, but only a few, let them prepare their corn on saturday afternoon. planters, overseers, and negroes, have told me, that in pinching times, i. e., when corn is high, they did not get near that quantity. in miss., i know some planters who allowed their hands three and a half pounds of meat per week, when it was cheap. many prepare their corn on the sabbath, when they are not worked on that day, which 'however, is frequently the case on sugar plantations* there are very many masters on " the coast" who will not suffer their slaves to come to the boats, because they •steal molasses to barter for meat; indeed they generally trade more or less with stolen property. but it is impossible to find out what and when, as their articles of barter are of such trifling importance. they would often come on board our boats to beg a bone, and would tell how bad y they were fed, that they were almost starved ; anany a time i have set up all night, to prevent them from stealing something to eat." i i i . quality oe food. having ascertained the kind and quantity of food allowed to the slaves, it is important to know something t)f its quality, that we may judge of the amount of sustenance which it contains. for, if their provisions are of an inferior quality, or in a damaged state, their power to sustain labor must be greatly diminished. witnesses and their testimony. thomas clay, esq., of georgia, in an address to the georgia presbytery, , speaking of the quality of corn given to the slaves, says,—" there is often a defect here" rev. horace moulton, a methodist clergyman at marlboro , mass.—" the food, or i feed' of slaves is generally of the poorest kind." the " western medical reformer"—" they live on a coarse, crude, unwholesome diet." professor a. g. smith, of the new york medical college.—" i have myself known numerous instances of large families of badly fed negroes swept off by a prevail testimony" of a thousand witnesses, ing epidemic ; and it is well known to many intelligent planters in the south, that the best method of preventing that horrible malady, chachexia africana, is to feed the negroes with nutritious food, iv. number and time of meals each day. in determining whether or not the slaves suffer for want of food, the number of hours intervening, and the labor performed between their meals, and the number of meals each day, should be taken into consideration. witnesses and their testimony. philemon bliss, esq., a lawyer in elyria, ohio.— u the slaves go to the field in the morning ; they carry with them corn meal wet with water, and at noon build a fire on the ground and bake it in the ashes. after the labors of the day are over, they take their second meal of ashcake." mr. meazar powell, chippewa, beaver county, penn.— ic the slaves received two meals during the day. those who have their food cooked for them get their breakfast about eleven o'clock, and their other meal after night" the preceding testimony establishes the following ointso st. that the slaves are allowed, in general, no meat this appears from the fact, that in the only slave states which regulate the slaves' rations by law, (north carolina and louisiana,) the legal ration contains no meat besides, the late hon. r. j. turnbull, one of the largest planters in south carolina, says expressly, " meat, when given, is only by the way of indulgence or favor." it is shown also by the direct testimony recorded above, of slave-holders and others, in all parts of the slave-holding south and west, that the general allowance on plantations is corn or meal and salt merely. to this there are doubtless many exceptions, but they are only exceptions ; the number of slave-holders who furnish meat for their field-hands, is small, in comparison with the number of those who do not. the house slaves, that is, the cooks, american slavery. chambermaids, waiters, &c, generally get some meat every day; the remainder bits and bones of their masters tables. but that the great body of the slaves, those that compose the field gangs, whose labor and exposure, and consequent exhaustion, are vastly greater than those of house slaves, toiling as they do from day light till dark, in the fogs of the early morning, under the scorchings of mid-day, and amid the damps of evening, are in general provided with no meat, is abundantly established by the preceding testimony. now we do not say that meat is necessary to sustain men under hard and long continued labor, nor that it is not. this is not a treatise on dietetics ; but it is a notorious fact, that the medical faculty in this country, with very few exceptions, do most strenuously insist that it is necessary ; and that working men in all parts of the country do believe that meat is indispensable to sustain them, even those who work within doors, and only ten hours a day, every one knows. further, it is notorious, that the slave-holders themselves believe the daily use of meat to be absolutely necessary to the comfort, not merely of those who labor, but of those who are idle, as is proved by the fact of meat being a part of the daily ration of food provided for convicts in the prisons, in every one of the slave states, except in those rare cases where meat is: expressly prohibited, and the convict is, by way of extra punishment confined to bread and water ; he is occasionally, and for a little time only, confined to bread and water ; that is, to the ordinary diet of slaves, with this difference in favor of the convict, his bread is made for him, whereas the slave is forced to pound or grind his own corn and make his own bread, when exhausted with toil. the preceding testimony shows also, that vegetables form generally no part of the slaves' allowance. the sole food of the majority is com : at every meal—from day to day—from week to week—from month to month, corn. in south carolina, georgia, and florida, the sweet pofca testimony of a thousand witnesses. toe is, to a considerable extent, substituted for corn during a part of the year. nd. the preceding testimony proves conclusively, that the quantity of food generally allowed to a full-grown field-hand, is a peck of corn a week, or a fraction over a quart and a gill of corn a day. the legal ration of north carolina is less—in louisiana it is more. of the slaveholders and other witnesses, who give the foregoing testimony, the reader will perceive that no one testifies to a larger allowance of corn than a peck for a week ; though a number testify, that within the circle of their knowledge, seven quarts was the usual allowance. frequently a small quantity of meat is added ; but this, as has already been shown, is not the general rule for field-hands. we may add, also, that in the season of " pumpkins," "cimblins," iecabbages," "greens," &c, the slaves, on small plantations, are, to some extent, furnished with those articles. now, without entering upon the vexed question of how much food is necessary to sustain the human system, under severe toil and exposure, and without giving the opinions of physiologists as to the insufficiency or sufficiency of the slaves' allowance, we affirm that all civilized nations have, in ail ages, and in the most emphatic manner, declared, that eight quarts of com a week, (the usual allowance of our slaves,) is utterly insufficient to sustain the human body, under such toil and exposure as that to which the slaves are subjected. to show this fully, it will be necessary to make some estimates, and present some statistics. and first, the northern reader must bear in mind, that the corn furnished to the slaves at the south, is almost invariably the white gourd seed corn, and that a quart of this kind of corn weighs five or six ounces less than a quart of "flint corn," the kind generally raised in the northern and eastern states ; consequently a peck of the corn generally given to the slaves, would be only equivalent to a fraction more than six quarts and a pint of the corn commonly raised in the new england states, new york, new jersey, &c* american slavery. now, what would be said of the northern capitalist, who should allow his laborers but six quarts and five gills of corn for a week's provisions further, it appears in evidence, that the corn given to the slaves is often defective. this, the reader will recollect, is the voluntary testimony of thomas clay, esq., the georgia planter, whose testimony is given above. when this is the case, the amount of actual nutriment contained in a peck of the "gourd seed," may not be more than in five, or four, or even three quarts of " hint corn." as a quart of southern corn weighs at least five ounces less than a quart of northern corn, it requires little arithmetic to perceive, that the daily allowance of the slave fed upon that kind of corn, would contain about one-third oi a pound less nutriment than though his daily ration were the same quantity of northern corn, which would amount, in a year, to more than a hundred and twenty pounds of human sustenance ! which would furnish the slave with his full allowance of a peck of corn a week for two months ! it is unnecessary to add, that this difference in the weight of the two kinds of corn, is an item too important to be overlooked. as one quart of the southern corn weighs one pound and eleven-sixteenths of a pound, it follows that it would be about one pound and six-eights of a pound. we now solicit the attention of the reader to the following unanimous testimony, of the civilized world, to the utter insufficiency of this amount of food to sustain human beings under labor. this testimony is to be found in the laws of all civilized nations, which regulate the rations of soldiers and sailors, disbursement made by governients for the support of citizens in times of public calamity, the allowance to convicts in prisons &c. we will begin with the united states. the daily ration for each united states' soldier, established by act of congress, may , , was the following : one pound of beef, one pound of bread, half a gill of spirits ; and at the rate of one quart of salt, two quarts of vinegar, two pounds of soap, and one pound of testimony ov a thousand w i t n e s s e s . candles to every hundred rations. to those soldiers "who were on the frontiers," (where the labor and exposure were greater,) the ration was one pound two ounces of beef and one pound two ounces of bread. laws u. s, vol. rd, sec. , p. . after an experiment of two years, the preceding ration being found insufficient, it was increased, by act of congress, july , , and was as follows: beef one pound and a quarter, bread one pound two ounces ; salt two quarts, vinegar four quarts, soap four pounds, and candles one and a half pounds to the hundred rations. the preceding allowance was afterwards still further increased. the present daily ration for the united states' soldiers,, is, as we learn from an advertisement of captain fulton, of the united states' army, in a late number of the richmond (va.) enquirer, as follows : one and a quarter pounds of beef, one and three-sixths pounds of bread; and at the rate of eight quarts of beans, eight pounds of sugar, four pounds of coffee, two quarts of salt, four pounds of candles, and four pounds of soap, to every hundred rations. we have before us the daily rations provided for the emigrating ottawa indians, two years since, and for the emigrating cherokees last fall. they were the s a m e one pound of fresh beef, one pound of flour, &c. the daily ration for the united states' navy, is fourteen ounces of bread, half a pound of beef, six ounces of pork, three ounces of rice, three ounces of peas, one ounce of cheese, one ounce of sugar, half an ounce of tea, onethird of a gill molasses. the daily ration in the british army is one and a quarter pounds of beef, one pound of bread, &c. the daily ration in the french army is one pound of beef, and one and a half pounds of bread, one pint of wine, &c. the common daily ration for foot soldiers on the continent, is one pound of meat, and one and a half pounds of bread. the sea ration among the portuguese, has become the ie? american slavery. usual ration in the navies of european powers generally. it is as follows : " one and a half pounds of biscuit, one pound of salt meat, one pint of wine, with some dried fish and onions. prison eations.—before giving the usual daily rations of food allowed to convicts, in the principal prisons in the united states, we will quote the testimony of the "american prison discipline society," which is as fol* lows : " the common allowance of food in the penitentiaries, is equivalent to one pound of meat, one pound of bread, and one pound of vegetables per day. it varies a little from this in some of them, but it is generally equivalent to it." first report of american prison discipline society, page . the daily ration of food to each convict, in the principal prisons in this country, is as follows : in the new hampshire state prison, one and a quarter pounds of meal, and fourteen ounces of beef, for break* fast and dinner ; and for supper, a soup or porridge of potatoes and beans, or peas, the quantity not limited. in the vermont prison, the convicts are allowed to eat as much as they wish. in the massachusetts' penitentiary, one and a half pounds of bread, fourteen ounces of meat, half a pint of potatoes, and one gill of molasses, or one pint of milk. in the connecticutt state prison, one pound of beef, one pound of bread, two and a half pounds of potatoes, half a gill of molasses, with salt, pepper, and vinegar. in the new york state prison at auburn, one pound of beef, twenty-two ounces of flour and meal, half a gill of molasses ; with two quarts of rye, four quarts of salt; with two quarts of vinegar, one and a half ounces of pepper, and two and a half bushels of potatoes to every hundred rations. in the new york state prison at sing sing, one pound of beef, eighteen ounces of flour and meal, besides potatoes, rye, coffee, and molasses. in the new york city prison^ one pound of beef, testimony of a thousand witnesses. one pound of flour, and three pecks of potatoes to every hundred rations, with other small articles. in the new jersey state prison, one pound of bread, half a pound of beef, with potatoes and cabbage, (quantity not specified,) one gill of molasses, and a bowl of mush, for supper. in the late walnut street prison, philadelphia, one and a half pounds of bread and meat, half a pound of beef, one pint of potatoes, one gill of molasses, and half a gill of rye, for coffee. in the baltimore prison, we believe the ration is the same with the preceding. in the pennsylvania eastern penitentiary, one pound of bread and one pint of coffee for breakfast, one pint of meat soup, with potatoes without limit, for dinner, and mush and molasses for supper. in the penitentiary for the district of columbia., washington city, one pound of beef, twelve ounces of indian meal, ten ounces of wheat flour, half a gill of molasses ; with two quarts of rye, four quarts of salt, four quarts of vinegar, and two and a half bushels of potatoes to every hundred rations. rations in english prisons.—the daily ration of food in the bedfordshire penitentiary, .is two pounds of oread ; and if at hard labor, a quart of soap for dinner. in the cambridge county house of correction, three pounds of bread, and one pint of beer. in the millbank general penitentiary, one and a half pounds of bread, one pound of potatoes, six ounces of beef, with half a pint of broth therefrom. in the gloucestershire penitentiaiy, one and a half pounds of bread, three-fourths of a pint of peas, made into soup, with beef, quantity not stated. also gruel, made of vegetables, quantity not stated, and one and a half ounces of oatmeal mixed with it. in the leicestershire house of correction, two pounds of bread, and three pints of gruel; and when at hard labor, one pint of milk in addition, and twice a week a pint of meat soup at dinner, instead of gruel. american slavery. in the buxton house of correction, one and a half pounds of bread, one and a half pints of gruel, one and a half pints of soup, four-fifths of a pound of potatoes, and two-sevenths of an ounce of beef. notwithstanding the preceding daily ration in the buxton prison is about double the usual daily allowance of our slaves, yet the visiting physicians decided, that for those prisoners who were required to work the tread-mill it was entirely insufficient. this question was considered at length, and publicly discussed at the sessions of the surry magistrates, with the benefit of medical advice ; which resulted in large additions to the rations of those whoworked on the tread-mill. see london morning chronicle, jan. , . to the preceding we add " the ration of the roman: slaves." the monthly allowance of food to slaves in rome was called " dimensum." the " dimensum" was an allowance of wheat or of other grain, which consisted of five " modii " a month to each slave. ainsworth, in his latin dictionary estimates the "modius," when used for the measurement of grain, at a peck and a half our measure, which would make the roman slave's allowance two quarts of grain a day, just double the allowance provided for the slave by law in north carolina, and sixquarts more per week, than the ordinary allowance of slaves in the slave states generally, as already established by the testimony of slave-holders themselves. but it must by no means be overlooked that this " dimensum," or monthly allowance, was far from being the sole allowance of food to roman slaves. in addition to this, they had a stated daily allowance (" diarium ") besides a monthly allowance of money, amounting to about a cent a day. now without further trenching on the reader's time, we add, compare the preceding daily allowances of food to soldiers and sailors in this and other conntries; to convicts in this and other countries ; to bodies of emigants rationed at public expense ; and finally, with the fixed allowance given to the roman slaves, and we find ths testimony of a thousand witnesses. states of this union, the slave states as well as the free, the united states' government, the different european governments, the old roman empire, in fine, we may add, the worlds ancient and modern, uniting in the testimony that to furnish men at hard labor from day-light till dark with but one seven-eighths of a pound of corn per day, their sole sustenance, is to murder them by piece-meal. the reader will perceive by examining the preceding statistics that the average daily ration throughout this country and europe exceeds the usual slave's allowance at least a pound a day ; also that one-third of this ration for soldiers and convicts in the united states, and for soldiers and sailors in europe, is meat, generally beef; whereas the allowance of the mass of our slaves is corn, only. further, the convicts in our prisons are sheltered from the heat of the sun, and from the damps of the early morning and evening, from cold rain, &c. ; whereas, the great body of the slaves are exposed to all of these, in their season from daylight till dark ; besides this, they labor more hours in the day than convicts, as will be shown under another head, and are obliged to prepare and cook their own food after they have finished the labor of the day, while the con* victs have theirs prepared for them. these, with other circumstances, necessarily make larger and longer draughts upon the strength of the slave, produce consequently greater exhaustion, and demand a larger amount of food to restore and sustain the laborer than is required by the convict in his briefer, less exposed, and less exhausting toils. that the slave-holders themselves regard the usual allowance of food to slaves as insufficient, both in kind and quantity, for hard-working men is shown by the fact, that all the slave states, we believe without exception, white convicts at hard labor, have a much larger allowance of food than the usual one of slaves ; and generally more than one-third of this daily allowance is meat. this conviction of slave-holders shows itself in various forms. when persons wish to hire slaves to labor on public works, in addition to the inducement of testimony of a thousand witnesses. the slaves, is in the sugar and cotton-growing region, where the crops are exported and the corn generally purchased from the upper country. where this is the case there cannot but be suffering. the contingencies of bad crops, difficult transportation, high prices, &c., &c, naturally occasion short and often precarious allowances. the following extract from a new orleans paper of april , , affords an illustration. the writer in describing the effects of the money pressure in mississippi, says : " they, (the planters) are now left without provisions, and the means of living and using their industry, for the present year. in this dilemma, planters whose crops have been from one hundred to seven hundred bales, find themselves forced to sacrifice many of their slaves in order to get the common necessaries of life for the support of themselves and the rest of their negroes. in many places, heavy planters compel their slaves to fish for the means of subsistence rather than sell them at such ruinous rates. there are at this moment thousands of slaves, in mississippi, that know not where the next morsel is to come from. the master must be ruined to save the wretches from being starved." ii. labor. the slaves are overworked. this is abundantly proved by the number of hours that the slaves are obliged to be in the field. but before furnishing testimony as to their hours of labor and rest, we will present the express declarations of slave-holders and others, that the slaves are severely driven in the field. witnesses and their testimony. the senate and house of representatives of the state of south carolina—" many owners of slaves, and others who have the management of slaves, do confine them so closely at hard labor that they have not sufficient time for natural rest.—see brevard's digest of the laws of south carolina, ." american slavery. history of carolina.— vol, , page .—"so laborious is the task of raising, beating, and cleaning rice, that had it been possible to obtain european servants in sufficient numbers, thousands and tens of thousands must have perished." "travels in louisiana"—"at the rolling of sugars, an interval of from two to three months, they work both bight and day. abridged of their sleep, they scarce retire to rest during the whole period." the western review.—" the work is admitted to be severe for the hands, (slaves,) requiring when the process is commenced to be pushed night and day." mr. asa a. stone.—"every body here knows overdriving to be one of the most common occurrences, the planters do not deny it, except, perhaps, to northerners" philemon bliss, esq.—"during the cotton-picking season they usually labor in the field during the whole of the day-light, and then spend a good part of the night in ginning and baling. the labor required is very frequently excessive, and speedily impairs the constitution." hon. r. j. turnbull of south carolina, a slave-holder, speaking of the harvesting of cotton, says:—" all the pregnant women even, on the plantation, and weak and sickly negroes incapable of other labor are then in requisition. hours op labor and rest. mr. cornelius johnson, of farming ton, ohio.—" it is the common rule for the slaves to be kept at work fifteen hours in the day, and in the time of picking cotton a certain number of pounds is required of each. if this amount is not brought in at night, the slave is whipped, and the number of pounds lacking is added to the next day's j o b ; this course is often repeated from day to day." w. c. cildersleeve, esq., wilkesbarre pain.—" i t was customary for the overseers to call out the gangs long "before day, say three o'clock, in the winter, while dressing out the crops ; such work as could be done by firelight (pitch pine was abundant,) was provided." testimony of a thousand witnesses. mr. henry e. knapp.-—" the slaves were made to work, from as soon as they could see in the morning, till as late as they could see at night. sometimes they were made to work till nine o'clock at night, in such work as they could do, as burning cotton stalks, &c." mr. george w. westgate, a member of the congregational church at quincy, illinois, who lived in the south western slave states a number of years, says, " the slaves are driven to the field in the morning about four o'clock, the general calculation is to get them at work by daylight ; the time for breakfast is between nine and ten o'clock : this meal is sometimes eaten ' bite and work, others allow fifteen minutes, and this is the only rest the slave has while in the field. i have never known a case of stopping an hour, in louisiana ; in mississippi the rule is milder, though entirely subject to the will of the master. on cotton plantations, in cotton picking time., that is from october to christmas, each hand has a certain quantity to pick, and is flogged if his task is not accomplished ; their tasks are such as to keep them all the while busy." the preceding testimony under this head has sole reference to the actual labor of the slaves in the field* in order to determine how many hours are left for sleep^ we must take into the account, the time spent in going to and from the field, which is often at a distance of one two and sometimes three miles ; also the time necessary for pounding, or grinding their corn, and preparing, over night, their food for the next day ; also the preparation of tools, getting fuel and preparing it, making fires and cooking their suppers, if they have any, the occasional mending and washing of their clothes, <fec. besides this^ as every one knows who has lived on a southern plantation, many little errands and chores are to be done for their masters and mistresses, old and young, which have accumulated during the day and been kept in reserve till the slaves return from the field at night. to this we may add that the slaves are social beings, and that during the day, silence is generally enforced by the whip of the american slavery. overseer or driver.* when they return at night, their pent up social feelings will seek vent : it is a law of nature, and though the body may be greatly worn with toil, this law cannot be wholly stifled. sharers of the same woes, they are drawn together by strong affinities, and seek the society and sympathy of their fellows ; even " tired nature " will joyfully forego for a time needful rest, to minister to a want equally permanent and imperative as the want of sleep, and as much more profound, as the yearnings of the higher nature surpass the instincts of its animal appendage. all these things make drafts upon time. to show how much of the slave's time, which is absolutely indispensable for rest and sleep, is necessarily spent in various labors after his return from the field at night, we subjoin a few testimonies. mr cornelius johnson, farmington, ohio, who lived in mississippi in the years and , says : £t on all the plantations where i was acquainted, the slaves were kept in the field till dark ; after which, those who had to grind their own corn, had that to attend to, get their supper, attend to other family affairs of their own and of their master, such as bringing water, washing clothes, &c. &c., and be in the field as soon as it was sufficiently light to commence work in the morning." mr. george w. westgate, of quincy, illinois, who has spent several years in the south western slave states, says : " their time, after full dark until four o'clock in the morning is their own ; this fact alone would seem to say they have sufficient rest, but there are other things to be considered ; much of their making, mending and washing of clothes, preparing and cooking food, hauling and chopping wood, fixing and preparing tools, and a variety of little nameless jobs must be done between those hours/' * we do not mean that they are not suffered to speak, but that, as conversation would be a hindrance to labour, they are generally permitted to indulge in it but little. testimony of a thousand witnesses. philemon bliss, esq., of elyria, ohio, who resided im florida, in and , gives the following testimony : " after having finished their field labors, they are occupied till nine or ten o'clock in doing chores, such as grinding corn, (as all the com in the vicinity is ground by hand,) chopping wood, taking care of horses, mules, &c, and a thousand things necessary to be done on a large plantation. tf any extra job is to be done, it must not hinder the { niggers ' from their work, but must be dons in the night." w. c. gildersleeve, esq., a native of georgia, am elder of the presbyterian church, at wilkesbarre, pa. says : " the corn is ground in a handmill by the slave after his task is done—generally there is but one mill on a plantation, and as but one can grind at a time, the mill is going sometimes very late at night" the following testimony of rev. dr. channing, of bos> ton, who resided some time in virginia, shows that the over-working of slaves, to such an extent as to abridge life, and cause a decrease of population, is not confined to the far south and south-west. " i heard of an estate managed by an individual wh® was considered as singularly successful, and who wtas able to govern the slaves without the use of the whip. i was anxious to see him, and trusted that some discovery had been made favourable to humanity. i asked him how he was able to dispense with corporal punishment. he replied to me, with a very determined look, ' the slaves know that the work must be done, and that it is better to do it without punishment than with it.' in other words, the certainty and dread of chastisement were so impressed on them, that they never incurred it. ' i then found that the slaves on this well-managed estate, decreased in number. i asked the cause. he replied, with perfect frankness and ease, 'the gang is not large enough for the estate.' in other words, they were not equal to the work of the plantation, and yet were made to do it, though with the certainty of abridging life- american slavery. < on this plantation the huts were uncommonly conve« nient. there was an unusal air of neatness. a superficial observer would have called the slaves happy. yet they were living under a severe, subduing discipline, and were over-worked to a degree that shortened life"— charming on slavery, page , first edition. philemon bliss, esq., a lawyer of elyria, ohio, who spent some time in florida, gives the following testimony to the over-working of the slaves : " it is not uncommon for hands, in hurrying times, beside working all day, to labor half the night. this is usually the case on sugar plantations, during the sugarboiling season ; and on cotton, during its gathering. beside the regular taslf of picking cotton, averaging of the short staple, when the crop is good, pounds a day to the hand, the ginning (extracting the seed,) and baling was done in the night. said mr. to me, while conversing upon the customary labor of slaves, work my niggers in a hurrying time till or o'clock at night, and have them up by four in the morning.' beside the common inducement, the desire of gain, to make a large crop, the desire is increased by that spirit of gambling, so common at the south. it is very common to bet on the issue of a crop, a. lays a wager that, from a given number of hands, he will make more cotton than b. the wager is accepted, and then begins the contest; and who bears the burden of it how many tears, yea, how many broken constitutions, and premature deaths, have been the effect of this spirit from the desperate energy of purpose with which the gambler pursues his object, from the passions which the practice calls into exercise, we might conjecture many. such is the fact. in middle florida, a broken-winded negro is more common than a broken-ioinded horse ; though usually, when they are declared unsound, or when their constitution is so broken that their recovery is despaired of, they are exported to new orleans, to drag out the remainder of their days in the cane-field and sugar-house. i would testimony of a thousand witnesses. not insinuate that all planters gamble upon their crops ; but i mention the practice as one of the common inducements to 'push niggers.' neither would i assert that all planters drive the hands to the injury of their health. i give it as a general rule in the district of middle florida, and i have no reason to think that negroes are driven worse there than in other fertile sections. people there told me that the situation of the slaves was far better than in mississippi and louisiana. and from comparing the crops with those made in the latter states, and for other reasons, i am convinced of the truth of their statements. iii. clothing. we propose to show under this head, that the clothing of the slaves by day, and their covering by night are inadequate, either for comfort or decency. witnesses and their testimony. hon. t. t. jbouldin.—mr. bouldin said, " he knew that many negroes had died from exposure to weather," and added, " they are clad in a flimsey fabric, that will turn neither wind nor water." george buchanan, m. d., of baltimore.—" the slaves, naked and starved, often fall victims to the inclemencies of the weather." rev. phineas smith, centreville, allegany, co., n. y.—" the apparel of the slaves is of the coarsest sort, and exceedingly deficient in quantity. i have been on many plantations, where children of eight and ten years old, were in a state of perfect nudity. slaves are in general wretchedly clad." richard macy, a member of the society of friends, hudson, n. y.—" for bedding each slave was allowed one blanket, in which they rolled themselves up. i examined their houses, but could not find any thing like a bed." w. . gildersleeve, $sq., wilkesbarre, pa.—" it is an every day sight to see women as well as men, with no american slavery, other covering than a few filthy rags fastened above the hips, reaching midway to the ancles. i never knew any kind of covering for the head given. children of both sexes, from infancy to ten years, are seen in companies on the plantations, in a state of perfect nudity. this was so common that the most refined and delicate beheld them unmoved." mr. george a. avery, an elder in the fourth congregational church, rochester, n. y., who spent four years in virginia, says, " the slave children, very commonly of both sexes, up to the ages of eight and ten years, and^ i think in some instances beyond this age, go in a state of disgusting nudity. i have often seen them with their tow shirt (their only article of summer clothing) which, to all human appearance, had not been taken off from the time it was first put on, worn off from the bottom upwards, shred by shred, until nothing remained but the straps which passed over their shoulders, and the less exposed portions extending a very little way below the arms, leaving the principal pa.rt of the chest, as well as the limbs, entirely uncovered." samuel ellison, a member of the society of friends, formerly of southampton co., virginia, now of marlborough, stark co., ohio, says, " i knew a methodist who was the owner of a number of slaves. the children of both sexes, belonging to him, under twelve years of age, were entirely destitute of clothing. i have seen an old man compelled to labor in the fields, not having rags enough to cover his nakedness." rev. h. lyman, late pastor of the free presbyterian church, in buffalo, n. y., in describing a tour down and up the mississippi river in the winter of - , says, " a t the wood yards where the boats stop, it is not uncommon to see female slaves employed in carrying wood. their dress which was quite uniform was provided without any reference to comfort. they had no covering for their heads ; the stuff which constituted the outer garment was sackcloth, similar to that in which brown domestic goods are done up. it was then december, and testimony of a thousand witnesses, i thought that in such a dress, and being as they were, without stockings, they must suffer from the cold." mr. benjamin clendenon, colerain, lancaster co., pa., a member of the society of friends, in a recent letter describing a short tour through the northern part of maryland in the winter of , thus speaks of a place a few miles from chestertown. "about this place there were a number of slaves ; very few, if any, had either stockings or shoes; the weather was intensely cold, and the ground covered with snow." iv. dwellings. the slaves are wretchedly sheltered and lodged. mr. steven e. maltby.—" the huts where the slaves slept, generally contained but one apartment, and that without floor.'' mr. george a. avery, elder of the th presbyterian church, eochester, n . y.—"amongst all the negro cabins which i saw in va., i cannot call to mind one in which there was any other floor than the earth ; any thing that a northern laborer, or mechanic, white or colored, would call a bed, nor a solitary partition, to separate the sexes." mr. william leftivich, a native of virginia.—" the dwellings of the slaves are log huts, from ten to twelve feet square, often without windows, doors, or floors : they have neither chairs, table, nor bedstead." reuben l macy, of hudson, n . y.—" the houses for the field slaves were about feet square, built in the coarsest manner, with one room, without any chimney or flooring, with a hole in the roof to let the smoke out." v. treatment of the sick. the slaves suiter from inhuman neglect when sick. in proof of this we subjoin the following testimony : rev. dr. channing of boston, who once resided in virginia in his work on slavery, page , st edition. american slavery. " i cannot forget my feelings on visiting a hospital belonging to the plantation of a gentleman highly esteemed for his virtues, and whose manners and conversation expressed much benevolence and conscientiousness. when i entered with him the hospital, the first object on which my eye fell was a young woman, very ill, probably approaching death. she was stretched on the floor. her head rested on something like a pillow ; but her body and limbs were extended on the hard boards. the owner, i doubt not, had at least as much kindness as myself; but he was so used to see the slaves living without common comforts, that the idea of unkindness in the present instance did not enter his mind." this dying young woman "was stretched on the floor "—" her body and limbs extended upon the hard boards,"—and yet her master " was highly esteemed for his virtues," and his general demeanor produced upon dr. channing the impression of " benevolence and conscientiousness." if the sick and dying female slaves of such a master, suffer such barbarous neglect, whose heart does not fail him, at the thought of that inhumanity, exercised by the majority of slave-holders, towards their aged, sick, and dying victims. the following testimony is furnished by sarah m. grimke, a sister of the late hon. thomas s. grimke, of charleston, south carolina. " when the ladies' benevolent society in charleston, s. c , of which i was a visiting commissioner, first went into operation, we were applied to for the relief of several sick and aged colored persons; one case i particularly remember, of an aged woman who was dreadfully burnt from having fallen into the fire ; she was living with some free blacks who had taken her out of compassion. on inquiry, we found that nearly all the colored persons who had solicited aid, were slaves, who being no longer able to work for their " owners," were thus inhumanly cast out in their sickness and old age, and must have perished, but for the kindness of their friends. i was once visiting a sick slave in whose spiritual wel testimony of a thousand witnesses. fare peculiar circumstances had led me to be deeply interested. i knew that she had been early seduced from the path of virtue, as nearly all the female slaves are. i knew also that her mistress, though a professor of religion, had never taught her a single precept of christianity, yet that she had had her severely punished for this departure from them, and that the poor girl was then ill of an incurable disease, occasioned partly by her own misconduct, and partly by the cruel treatment she had received, in a situation that called for tenderness and care. her lieart seemed truly touched with repentance for her sins, and she was inquiring, " what shall i do to be saved " i was sitting by her as she lay on the floor upon a blanket, and was trying to establish her trembling spirit in the fulness of jesus, when i heard the voice of her mistress in loud and angry tones, as she approached the door. i read in the countenance of the prostrate sufferer, the terror which she felt at the prospect of seeing her mistress. i knew my presence would be very unwelcome, but staid, hoping that it might restrain, in some measure, the passions of the mistress. in this, however, i was mistaken ; she passed me without apparently observing that i was there, and seated herself on the other side of the sick slave. she made no inquiry how she was, but in a tone of anger commenced a tirade of abuse, violently reproaching her with her past misconduct, and telling her in the most unfeeling manner, that eternal destruction awaited her. no word of kindness escaped her. what had then roused her temper i do not know. she continued in this strain several minutes, when i attempted to soften her by remarking, that the girl was very ill, and she ought not thus to torment her, and that i believed jesus had granted her forgiveness. but i might as well have tried to stop the tempest in its career, as to calm the infuriated passions nurtured by the exercise of arbitrary power. she looked at me with ineffable scorn, and continued to pour forth a torrent of abuse and reproach. her helpless victim listened in terrified silence, until mature could endure no more, when she uttered a wild american slavery. shriek, and casting on her tormentor a look of unutterable agony, exclaimed, ' oh, mistress, i am dying ! * this appeal arrested her attention, and she soon left the room, but in the same spirit with which she entered it. the girl survived but a few days, and, i believe, saw her mistress no more." rev. william t. allan, son of rev. dr. allan,, a slaveholder, of huntsville, alabama, says in a letter now before us : " colonel robert h. watkins, of laurence county^ alabama, who owned about three-hundred slaves, after employing a physician among them for some time, ceased to do so, alleging as the reason, that it was cheaper to lose a few negroes every year than to pay a physician. this colonel watkins was a presidential elector in ." a. a. guthrie, esq., elder in the presbyterian church at putnam, muskingum county, ohio, furnishes the testimony which follows. " a near female friend of mine in company with another young lady, in attempting to visit a sick woman on washington's bottom, wood county, virginia, missed the wayy and stopping to ask directions of a group of colored children on the outskirts of the plantation of francis keen, sen., they were told to ask ' aunty, in the house.' on entering the hut, says my informant, i beheld such a sight as i hope never to see again ; its sole occupant was a female slave of the said keen—her whole wearing apparel consisted of a frock, made of the coarsest tow clothr and so scanty, that it could not have been made more tight around her person. in the hut there was neither table, chair, nor chest—a stool and a rude fixture in one corner, were all its furniture. on this last were a little straw and a few old remnants of what had been bedding— all exceedingly filthy. the woman thus situated had been for more than a day in travail, without any assistance, any nurse, or any kind of proper provision—duiing the night she said some fellow slave women would stay with her, and the aforesaid children through the day. from a woman, who was. trial of j . walker. a slave of keen's at the same time, my informant learned, that this poor woman suffered for three days, and then died—when too late to save her life her master sent assistance. it was understood to be a rule of his, to neglect his women entirely in such times of trial, unless they previously came and informed him, and asked for aid." the way in which americans use the friends of t h e slaye, as shown in the tbial and imprisonment of jonathan walker. at pensacola, florida, for aiding slaves to escape from bondage. preface. on ms return from florida, after his release, captain walker called on me with the manuscript narrative of his trial and imprisonment. in common with very many of the members of the american anti-slavery society, i had long known his character as a man of the strictest veracity and the highest conscientiousness : and his narrative seemed to me to cast so strong a light upon the religious, the moral, and the political condition of the united states, from the practical workings of their great organic law—the constitution—down to the minutest of the territorial usages and enactments which result from that law; and to exhibit in so clear a view the contrast between the principles and ideas which at present govern the public mind, and those which are beginning to struggle for the mastery, that i could not but warmly urge this publication. there are those who doubt whether the north is as guilty as the south with respect to slavery : whether the system is degrading to the slave and disgraceful to the master; whether the slave is cruelly treated ; whether the system is injurious to the reputation of this country ; a reproach to its christianity, and ruinous to the character of its people. there are also those who, while they condemn slavery, at the same time assert that its extinction may be best promoted by studied silence, and by a quiet waiting for the gradual operations of a moral and religious system which declares that it is not in american slavery, its nature sinful, and justifies it from the scriptures; and of a political and governmental system which is a solemn guaranty in its favor. there are those, too, who believe the abolitionists to be instigated by a bitter, unkind, fanatical, and insurrectionary spirit; hostile to law and order, sectional in their views, and possessed by one idea. and there are others, who, honoring the holy cause, and respecting the disinterestedness of abolitionists, yet justify themselves in standing aloof from the movement under the idea of being better able to befriend the cause by refusing to be numbered among its adherents, and suffering themselves to be numbered among the ranks of the opponents. it was for the sake of all these classes that i most earnestly urged captain walker to give to the public, whose great majority they compose, the manuscript which he had prepared for the satisfaction of his friends. when they see in its unstudied pages, the good, forgiving, self-denying spirit of the christian, the indomitable determination of the freeman, and the severe devotedness of the puritan, all uniting in an unconscious exhibition of the uncompromising abolitionist, i cannot but hope that their hearts will be touched by the excellence of the example. it is to be lamented that many interesting and illustrative incidents must be suppressed, out of regard to the safety of individuals, whose liberties and lives their publication would endanger; yet what could, better than such a fact, illustrate the condition of slaves and free-men in the united states of north america; or better plead the cause of those few of the inhabitants who are pronounced by the rest to be over zealous, because they have been the first to perceive what all will soon be obliged to acknowledge—that the liberties of our land are gone ! it was a deep observation of facts that led montesquieu to say, " a republic may lose its liberties in a day, and not find it out for a century." the day that sunk ours, was that of the adoption of the federal constitution—the day when we perpetrated, as a nation, an eternal wrong for the sake of guilty prosperity and peace. but it now begins to be very plainly discerned, that between slavery and freedom there can be no covenant. the futile hope of our fathers, in attempting such a one, was peace; after the lapse of sixty years, their descendants hear from that guilty past, " ancestral voices, prophesying war !" the narrative of frederick douglass gives a picture of the condition of a slave in the land that their folly and their fear betrayed. that of jonathan walker shows the condition of the freeman whose lot is cast in the same land little more than half a •century only after the perpetration of that treason to humanity. trial of j . walker. the most ignominious tortures are now the lot of him who, in the united states of america, determines to be truly a freeman, nor lose his own liberties with the sinking ones of the republic; of him whose liberty it is to choose his part with the enslaved, and not with the slave-holder. it may but prove, in the language of those old puritans whose blood yet floods a massachusett's heart so strongly, "a greater liberty to suffer, a more freedom to die." yet whatever be the result, god grant, throughout the land, a continual outpouring of that free, devoted spirit to us and to our children; a spirit which, by the might of its good will, by the strength of its sense of duty, shall overcome tyranny, prejudice, and cruelty; bigotry^ avarice, and knavery; and the whole array of sins of which slavery is at once the cause and the effect. this is a painful tale for an american to read, and think, meanwhile, that it is circulating through the civilized world; but, if worthy of the name, he will find comfort in the thought that it is confirming the abolitionist and confuting the slaveholder, showing an example to both of the dutiful obedience to right, which is mighty to save a nation from utter reproach and destruction. it will be a painful tale for all, to whom the carefully concealed features and inevitable consequences of the slave-system. have never before been exhibited. such are to be found at the south as well as at the north; and both will do well, in the> intensity of their pain and disgust, to remember the words of garrison. " let us not sentimentally shrink from such knowledge; we will know what we have to do, that we may more surely do it. we go forth to take off chains; and there is need that our virtue should be robust." yery consoling is the reflection that this uprising of the heart against wrong is not a sectional one, but felt at the south as well as at the north, by men of all parties and of all sects. yery exalting is the idea that the virtual slave-holder of the north, not merely reproaching the planter, the overseer and the driver, has begun the work of self-sacrificing reform with his own heart, by refusing all political and ecclesiastical participation in their deed. the abolition of slavery is sure, since these most guilty and efficient slave-holders begin to make abolitionism not only an ethical statement, but a christian life. maria weston chapman. boston, august, . chapter i. having been arraigned before the publk by prcmden american slavery. tial circumstances of a somewhat unusual nature, and having been the subject of much remark and ridicule ; passing "through evil report and good report,'' throughout the united states, and having received tokens of sympathy from abroad in consequence of the treatment i received from the tribunals of my own country for an attempted act of kindness towards some of the downtrodden of my own countrymen ; and confident that but a scanty and imperfect knowledge of the case has found its way to the people, who have a right to know the real facts ; it appears to be a matter of duty to them and the cause for which i have suffered, that i should relate the substance of the whole transaction as it actually occurred. this i have endeavoured to do with much carefulness, avoiding all false coloring, or deviation from the simple truth. having never been favored with an education, and laboring under the disadvantage of writing hastily, on my passage home, as i found opportunity, the narrative will not be so attractive as it otherwise might be. but such readers as desire a simple, ungarnished statement of the case, will, i hope, find their minds led by it to a subject of the first consideration to every american citizen. i look upon the southern states as naturally the most favored part of my country, which providence seems to have done, and to be doing much more for, than for the northern states. their soft and genial climate, their rich and luxuriant soil, their long and uniform summers, their short and mild winters, their beautiful timber-forests and great water-privileges, all far exceed those of new england, in my opinion; and i am fully under the impression that i could support my family at the south for less than half the labor and exertions than i can at the north. neither are the customs of the people there more repugnant to my feelings than the customs of the northern people generally, with the exception of what belongs to the system of slavery. i have long since cast into oblivion all sectional and hostile feelings toward my fellow-men. i have no ill-will to the slave-holders, or the advocates of •x trial of j . walker. slavery ; but i pity them for their awful depravity in regarding as property those who are, by the rules of right and the laws of god, entitled to the same privileges and benefits as themselves. it is the system of slavery that sheds mildew upon the fair prospects of our country— blasting its social, political, moral, and religious prosperity -—which i do unhesitatingly contend against ; since the master's true interests and rights do not suffer in consequence of his slaves becoming free laborers ; for they cannot, i say it emphatically, be his property, nor can his rights consist in other people's wrongs. i have spent a good deal of time in the southern states, and have closely and carefully observed the mode and operation of the slave system in several of them ; and have lived five or six years with my family in pensacola, florida ; being known by the people generally to be hostile to the system of slavery. twice, while living there, i was called upon by different persons, the chief executive officers or mayors for the time being,—in consequence of the reports in circulation that i was on good terms with the colored people ; and it was intimated that there was danger in regard to my peace and safety, for should the people be excited in consequence of my discontinuance of some of their rules and customs respecting the association of white with colored men, it would be out of their power to shield me from violence. chapter ii. late in the fall of , i left my home in harwich, massachusetts, and took passage on board of a vessel bound for mobile, where i spent the winter and spring -—mostly in working at the ship-wright business, which is my trade. i left mobile on the nd june, , for pensacola, in a boat belonging to myself ; chiefly for the purpose of raising a part of the wreck of a vessel sunk near the latter place, for the sake of getting the copper that was attached to it. i arrived on the th, made some ex ami american slavery. sitaion and some inquiry about the wreck, and was informed that it was claimed by a citizen of the place. although it had been sunk there more than thirty years, no effort had been made to raise it. i called on the person who claimed it, but we could not agree on terms. i passed up the bay thirty or forty miles, to see an old friend or two, stayed a few days, and returned to pensacola again. soon after, i had an interview with three or four persons that were disposed to leave the place. i gave them to understand that if they chose to go to the bahama islands in my boat, i would share the risk with them. preparations were made, and on the evening of the nd., seven men came on board the boat, and we left the place, went out of the harbour, and followed in the direction of the coast to the eastward. we had for several days strong head winds, with frequent squalls and rain. i had for two days been somewhat unwell, having been much exposed to the violence of the sun, and had been what is called, sun« struck, and was now exposed to the sudden changing elements night and day in an open boat. on the th, we arrived at st. andre's harbor, where we stopped part of the day, dried our clothing, cooked some provisions, recruited the water-barrel, and i took an emetic. in the evening we left, and the next day run up st. joseph's bay, with the intention of taking the boat across into st. george's sound, to avoid going round cape st. blass ; but we found the distance too great, abandoned the idea, and passed out of the ibay again, and went round the cape. on the - th, went through st. george's sound, stopping a few hours at st, 'george's island to cook a little, and recruit our water. "we passed apalacha bay, following somewhat the direction of the coast, and on the st of july were in the vicinity of cedar keys.* up to this time my sickness had still increased, and i was so unwell as to be obliged to leave the management of the boat pretty much entirely * from the shore of the west and south part of the peninsula of florida, shoal ground extends to a considerable distance, on •which are numerous small islands, denominated keys, each having its own separate name. trial of j , walker. to those that were with me, for at times i was somewhat delirious, i remember looking at the red horizon in the west, soon after sun-down, as i thought for the last time in this world, not expecting to behold that glorious luminary shedding its scorching rays on me more. while using the remaining faculties which i possessed, in aid of the slave's escape from his master, the reader may be anxious to know the state of my mind at that time, when in prospect of speedy dissolution, on the subject of slavery ; or, more properly, of my anti-slavery feeling. among other things, my mind was occupied on that subject also, and i calmly and deliberately thought it over; and as on other occasions, came to the conclusion that slavery was evil and only evil, and that continually ; and that any mode or process of emancipation^ short of blood-shed, or the sacrifice of principle, would not be in violation of right or duty, but the contrary ; and therefore calculated to secure the approbation of that great "judge of all the earth, who doeth right," and before whose presence i soon expected to appear. after passing this night, t scarcely know how, the next morning i found myself more comfortable, and felt some relief. in a day or two after, (for i was now unable to keep the run of time,) we landed on one of st. martin's keys, and cooked provisions, but could get no water. for several days nature and my disease seemed to be about on a balance, and it was doubtful which would rule the day ; i took another emetic, made free use of cayenne pepper and bitters, which appeared to have a good effect, and in a few days my face was nearly covered with sores, and my whole system, which had been so much oppressed that i could with difficulty respire, felt much relieved. but my strength and flesh were nearly gone, and the system so much reduced, that it is a wonder to me how, after undergoing so much privation, exposure, and the treatment that followed, i was enabled to recover at all. we continued down the coast, landing several times in search of water, without being able to get any, but ameeican slavery. feeing confident that we should find some at cape florida, where we intended to stop before crossing the gulf. but fortunately, or unfortunately, which, i cannot tell, at day-break on the morning of july the th, we saw two sloops * within a short distance, standing towards us. in a few moments they came within hail, and inquired, i( where are you from, and where are you bound " i answered, " from st. joseph's, bound to cape florida.f" the captain of one of the sloops said, " i am going that way, and will give you a tow ; " at the same time he ran alongside of the boat and made a rope fast to it, and invited us on board the sloop. the men were going on board when i advised them to stay in the boat. four of them had stepped on board, but one immediately returned. the others were not allowed to return. the sloop directly reversed her course, and ran back where she had come from, and anchored. i requested the captain to allow the men to return in the boat; he made no reply, but took his boat and went on board of the other sloop, which had followed him back to the anchorage. soon after he returned, and requested me to come on board the vessel. i, being then exposed to the violent ^heat of the sun, thought it prudent to comply, confident that we should be detained at all events. while on board i was treated with civility, and permitted to pass the time in the cabin or on deck, as i chose for my convenience or comfort. we were then forty or fifty miles from cape floiida, and if we had not been detained, would have got there before night, and been ready to cross the gulph * the sloops were wrecking vessels of eighty or ninety tons, manned withfifteenor twenty men each, and sailed very fast. they are employed for the sake of saving or getting what they <jan from vessels wrecked on the coast. they hailed from key west. f the reader has seen that st. joseph's was the last port we left, and we intended to call at cape florida. this has been iised to make it appear that i resorted to falsehood, because we had started from pensacola, and were bound, ultimately, to jfassaa, hew providence. t r i a l of j . walker. the next morning. but our voyage was up, and we* had other prospects now before us. we had now been fourteen days on our passage, and had sailed and rowed more than seven hundred miles y but for the last eight or ten days the weather had proved more uniform and mild, and the winds favourable but light. had t been well, it is probable we should not have been more than ten or twelve days to this place> and saved much distance by running more direct courses. if we had been one hour sooner or later in passing this place, we should not have come in contact with those vessels. since leaving st. martin's keys, whenever we landed, we were harassed with swarms of musquitoes, each anxious to have his bill entered without examination or delay. the sloop lay at anchor until night, then got under way and run for key west, with the boat in tow^ where she arrived the next day afternoon. chapter iii. i was now taken before a magistrate, borne by two men, not being able to walk along. there i was required to give bail in the sum of one thousand dollars, for my appearance at the next november court; but being unable to do so, i was committed to jail, or rather to the house in which the constable lived. i was placed in a small room., on the second floor, with three other prisoners, but slept in the room with the constable and family ; the prisoners eat at the same table the family did, after thej had eaten. i was handcuffed one night, but was permitted to use my hands the rest of the time while there, in fighting musquitoes, which were very annoying at all times. most of my things which i had in the boat, were brought from the vessel by the sheriff, and placed m charge of the constable, with the exception of a trunk and bundle of clothing which i was allowed to retain for my own use. i begged to be allowed to retain a small trunk of botanic medicine which i had,, but was refused* american slavery. after remaining at this place three days, it was said there was much excitement in the village, and i was escorted by the constable, sheriff, esquire, and district attorney., to the soldiers' barracks, and confined in a room with another prisoner, where i stayed but one night, and the next day was put on board the steamboat general taylor, in the united states' employ, to be taken to pensacola, i requested that my effects, which were in charge of the constable, might be taken with me, but it was not complied with ; and i have not been able to learn anything of them since, except that they were sold. i subsequently wrote twice to the sheriff, but received no answer. they were of no great value, but to one in my circumstances, it was a good deal. i had an excellent spy-glass, for which i paid twenty dollars, and a chest of carpenter's tools, and several other articles, besides some things that the sheriff said he could not find on board of the sloop. my boat and the seven men were put on board of another sloop, (named the reform,) and sent to pensacola, previous to my leaving key west. i was placed down in the hold of the steamboat, on the ceiling, where it was very filthy, and put in double irons, (both hands and feet,) where i was kept for six days^ with the exception of being permitted to come on deck a few hours in a day, and sit or lie upon the hatches. the food given me was salt beef, pork, and navy-bread, with a slight exception. we left key west on the th, went to tampa bay, took in some wood, and on the night of the th arrived at pensacola navy-yard. the next day i was conducted to pensacola by the deputy-marshal, in a small boat, and in a rain storm, (distance eight miles.) on landing at the wharf, there was a large collection of people, who appeared to be very talkative, and some were noisy; but no violence was attempted. by summoning all the strength i could muster, i succeeded in walking to the court-house. the court was already convened, whether solely on my account or not, i do not know. my trunk and bundle were searched, but nothing taken therefrom, i was required to giye bail in the sum trial op j . walker. of ten thousand dollars, or be committed to prison to await my trial whenever it should take place : with me there wtas no alternative but to comply with the latter. i attempted to walk to the jail in company with the marshal and constable, but gave up by the way, and was carried there in a cart, placed in a room by myself, and secured to a ring-bolt by a large size log chain, and a shackle of round iron, weighing about five pounds, round the ancle. the marshal searched my person, found on me about fifteen dollars in money, which he took, but afterwards gave me again. the floor was my bed, seat, and table; and it was nearly a month before i could procure anything to lie upon, other than a few clothes which t had with me. but i finally succeeded in getting a chair, small table, and some straw, of which i made a pallet on the floor, and it served for my bed during my imprisonment. although the rage of my disease had much abated, i was still kept low, and suffered from alternate chills and fever, attended with much pain in the head and distress at the stomach ; but i gradually gained strength, and by eating a large quantity of red-peppers got rid of the chills, and in about three months was nearly restored to health again. in three or four days after i had arrived in pensacola, the sloop reform arrived with the other men and my boat. soon after, robert c. caldwell called to see me, and appeared very friendly, saying that he did not intend to punish his servants for going away with me ; and intimated that the custom-house and the wreckers both had claims on the boat, and it was very doubtful whether i should be able to realize anything for her; and as he had lost a good deal by his servants' going away with me, if i would consent for him to have the boat, he would try to compromise with the claimants and might get something for it. placing some confidence in what he said, and thinking that a refusal might excite a spirit of revenge, and that if disposed, he could make my situation more desperate than it was already, and being of the opinion american slavery. that i should not be able to realize anything from it if i refused him, i consented for him to get what he could from it; and so put an end to what i had there in the shape of property. i should be no further harassed on that point. the jail is a brick building of two stories, about eightteen by thirty-six feet, having upon each floor two rooms, the lower part for the occupation of the prisoners, and the upper part for the jailor's family. the rooms for the prisoners are fifteen to sixteen feet square, with double doors, and two small grated windows, from six to eight feet from the lower floor. overhead is a single board floor, which but little obstructs the noise of the upper part from being distinctly heard below, and vice versa. about twenty feet from the jail, and fronting the windows, was a wooden building denominated the kitchen. its door having previously taken refuge in the fire, and the wooden windows shutting only as the wind blew them to, i had a pretty fair view of what was transacted there from the only window which i could look out of, and from which i was often compelled to turn away, for the scene was too disgusting to look upon. there was scolding and cowhiding dealt out without measure, and the filthiness far exceded anything i ever saw before connected with cooking. the place was a common resort for all the lank and starving domestics about the premises, seeking to pacify their hungry rage where the cook performed: and one might truly say that the cook and the hens for the kitchen went snacks, with two horses, three dogs, and five cats; for there the cook, the poultry, and the horse might be seen helping themselves from the same meal barrel, and the dogs cleaning the cooking utensils, and sometimes taking a favourite bit trom the market basket, before its contents had been otherwise disposed of. the board on which the food was prepared for cooking, was common to the tread of the cats and the poultry. the cook was a slave woman, and had a small straight-haired child, whose lungs were the strongest of any human being i trial of j . walker. ever saw of its size, and it made the freest use of them. for hours and hours of each day, for months, my ears rang with its tormenting screams, for it could not be called crying. and to make the matter still worse, there were three more small children of the family, all, alas ! having the same habits; and no reasonable means or effort appeared to be put forth to reduce their noise. the young band were allowed to continue or to cease their music at their pleasure. for many years i have been in the habit of being much among children, and am passionately fond of them, and delight to mingle in their company and sports ; and i well know that children will cry, and that to stop them entirely, could only be done by stopping their breath. but there is a vast difference between crying naturally and occasionally, and screaming at the top of one's voice with rage and passion, trying at each breath to exceed the previous note for hours together. i do not wish to exaggerate, but to speak within bounds, i honestly think that for the first three months i was there, crying would occupy six hours per day ; and frequently two or three would be under way at a time. the reader may imagine me worn down by exposure and disease almost to a skelton ; and that delicate organ^ the brain, which is the seat of the nerves, having been powerfully affected by violent action upon it, was now rendered much more susceptible to the least impression* my stomach, from weakness and loss of digestive powers, rejected and loathed most of the common food of life ; and, while the system was harassed with violent chills and fever, i was chained to the sleepers of a solitary cell, rolling from side to side, and shifting from one position to another on the floor to relieve my aching bones, which were covered with little more than the skin wrapped over them. let the reader imagine him or herself in this situation, and it will be clearly seen that these, with other things of a kindred nature, must have had a very sensible effect to aggravate the misery and sufferings of imprisonment* american slavery. one of my first objects after i was incarcerated, was to* procure such nourishment as would not quarrel with nature, and this i found rather difficult at first; a part of the jail-feed i could not relish, and if i attempted to eat it, it would sicken and distress me. the bread, a dish of soup once a day, and sometimes a little fish, was all that i could eat of my rations, and it was difficult to get any one to bring me any thing for two or three weeks. but i finally succeeded in getting a dane, who kept a grocery, to let his boy bring me such things as i needed, and by this means i obtained much relief and accommodation throughout my confinement ; and both the father and his little son, who was very attentive to my wants, are entitled to my grateful and warmest thanks. for several months my feet and legs were much swelled, and the first irons i had on were partly buried m the flesh, but after some weeks' entreaty they were taken off and replaced by others larger. on the th september i was moved to the adjoining room ; and here were two objects which attracted my attention. on one side of the room, much of the floor was stained with the blood of a slave, who had three days before committed suicide by cutting open his belly and throat with a razor ; he had been committed that morning, charged with stealing, but it was subsequently ascertained that the article which he was accused of stealing had only been removed by some other person to another place, and nothing had the appearance of dishonesty in the case. but life had gone, and neither innocence nor skill could restore it. i have no doubt but his miserable condition as a slave to a severe master, and the expectation of undergoing severe punishment for the alleged offence, was the cause of his putting an end to his degraded existence. this was one of the seven slaves whom i had vainly endeavored to save from bondage, and on whose account i was now imprisoned. the other object was the chain to which i was attached, it being the same which i had noticed fastened to the leg of isaac, a slave man under sentence of death, nearly three years preyious, the day before he was executed, i trial of j . walker. called to see him. he had undergone three trials, charged with committing a rape upon a woman of doubtful character. the two first juries did not agree, but the third rendered a verdict of guilty, and consequently he was sentenced to be hung the day following my visit. he still persisted in his innocence, forgiving his accusers, and appeared much resigned to his expected fate. his mind appeared calm, and he manifested confidence in the mercy of god as revealed through his son. a petition, numerously signed, had been forwarded to the governor of the territory, but as yet no intelligence had arrived. i had conversed with the prisoner a few moments, and we had knelt together in supplication, to him who is able to take away the sting of death, and smooth its rough passage, rendering it safe to all who truly and faithfully trust in him for divine aid. we had scarcely risen, when the marshal entered, and read a letter from the governor containing the full pardon of the condemned man, and ordered his irons to be taken off, and delivered him up to his master ; and i saw him no more. but while i am writing this, i can see and feel the same chain attached to my leg. but few, if any, believed isaac to be guilty of the charge against him, but that the prosecution was raised, on pecuniary considerations, out of revenge towards his master. and what is my crime ? what have i done ? i have attempted to assist a few of my fellow-beings to escape from bondage, to which they were subjected for no cause over which they or their ancestors had any control; but because they wtere of the weaker party, and had not the power to assert their rights among men. from about the year , i began to go amongst slavery, and from that time, on all occasions which presented, i tried to inform myself of its mode of operation, and have, in several of the slave states, scrutinized it in the parlor and in the kitchen, in the cottage and in the field, in the city and in the country ; and have long since made up my mind that it ranked with the highest wrongs and crimes that ever were invented by the enemy of man, american slavery. and ingeniously contrived to destroy the social and kind feelings existing between man and man, and the virtue and morals of both the master and the slave ; subjecting one to the deepest degradation and misery, and the other to dissipation, and contempt of the laws and government of god. it is a family, community, political, and national poison ;—obstructing the circulation of friendly and christian sympathy, and giving vent to the worst passions and most debasing and corroding feelings that human nature can experience. chapter iv. in addition to what has been already said respecting the jail, and what was transacted there, i will make a short abstract from a journal i kept while there, and in so doing, shall have to be somewhat personal—which i should be glad to avoid if i could do justice to the subject ; but shall be careful to avoid every thing which is not strictly true, and void of false coloring ; and if some individuals find their names here brought in juxtaposition with some improper transactions, they will have no occasion to charge me with falsehood or malignity. i had scarcely been secured in my cage like some rabid, dangerous animal, before found i had to encounter a species of torment which i had not counted on, in the terrible amount of noise from the domestics about the premises ; for i was continually afflicted with a severe headache, and now it was brought in contact with circumstances directly calculated to increase it. the family consisted of f. t. the jailer—l. t. his wife, and six children ; a mulatto woman and her child^ five or six months old. of course the work about the yard and kitchen devolved on the slave woman, who, by the bye, was not without her faults. she had been brought up in the family under the lash, as the only stimulant, which, as a natural consequence, had instilled the most bitter hatred and carelessness, with other kindred qualifications. trial of j . walker. july . when i was committed, there was one slave man in the adjoining room, for what i know not. . l. t. whipped the cook.* . l. t. whipped the cook. . i wrote to benj. d. wright, counsellor at law, arequesting an interview. l. t. whipped the cook twice four of the slaves who had left with me were brough t here and put in the adjoining room. l. t. whipped the cook. . my health a little improved ; could sit up half the day, wrote to my wife. aug. . l. t. whipped the cook. . l. t. whipped the cook. . the four fugitive slaves in the adjoining room whipped fifty blows each, with a paddle. . were taken out; with much difficulty could walk, being very sore. cook whipped twice, once by l. t. and once by f. t. . a fugitive slave man caught and committed. l. t. whipped the cook. . l. t. whipped the cook. . l. t. whipped the cook four times. mistress dreadfully cross. . l. t. whipped the cook. . l. t. whipped the cook twice. . the slave man committed on the th, taken out and sent to alabama. . l. t. whipped the cook; children got some too ; lots of scolding dealt out, in both english and french. slave woman committed ; had been brought from new orleans by mistake on board steam boat. so. l. t. whipped the cook. l. t. confined ; brought forth a fine boy. . the slave woman, put in on the th, was taken out and sent back. * whenever the cook was whipped, it was done, with a few exceptions, with a raw-hide switch, about three feet in length, generally from twenty tofiftystrokes at a time. american slavery. sept. . a slave man was committed on suspicion of larceny ; he committed suicide same day by cutting his throat and belly open, and lived but two or three hours after. . i received a letter from my wife, parent, and children, and another from j. p. nickerson, of harwich ; also one from s. underwood and e. nickerson, junr. . received twenty-five dollars cash, from an old shipmate, by remittance from new york. . i was shifted to the adjoining room ; received a letter from b. d. wright, counsellor at law, in answer to a note i sent him the th july. . wrote to my wife, s. uunderwood, and e. nickerson, junr. a white man committed ; had difficulty with his wife. . let out again. we have had quite still times since the th of august, but scolding revives again. . a slave man brought to jail—whipped twenty blows with a paddle, and sent back. if the reader is not acquainted with paddle-whipping, he may form some idea of it from the following description. the paddles which i have seen, are about twenty inches in length, made of pitch-pine board, from an inch to an inch and a quarter thick, and seven or eight inches of one end is three and a half, or four inches wide, having from ten to fifteen holes through it the size of a large nail gimblet, and the other part is made round for the handle. the unfortunate subjects who are to feel the effects of this inhuman drubbing, are first tied, his or her wrists together, then made to sit down on the floor or ground, and put the knees through between the arms, then a stick or broom-handle is inserted through the angle of the legs, directly under the knees and over the arms, which confines them in a doubled and helpless condition. previous to this arrangement, the victims are made naked from the waist down. the operator now takes hold with one hand of one end of the stick which has been inserted to confine the legs and arms together, and cants them on t r i a l of j . w a l k e r . one side, and in the other hand holds the before mentioned paddle, which he applies to the backside of his helpless fellow-creature ; stopping at short intervals to allow the sufferer to answer such questions as are asked, or make such promises as it is thought best to extort; and to give the numbness which has been excited by repeated blows, time to subside, which renders the next blows more acute and painful. after a requisite number of blows with the paddle are given, which is generally from ten to fifty, as the master or mistress may dictate, the raw-hide switch is next applied to the bruised and blistered parts,, with as many or more blows laid on ; after which the sufferer is loosed and suffered to get over it the best way he cart. not only men but women are subject to the same mode of punishment. there is no precise rule to be observed in regard to punishment, but the masters or mistresses are the sole judges as to method and quantity ; and whenever the paddle is brought in requisition, it means that the raw-hide (more commonly called cowhide) is not equal to the offence. the reader will pardon me for this digression, while i return to the memorandum again. sept. . a u. s. seaman committed for not being down to the boat in time to go on board. . he was taken out and sent on board steamer union. cook whipped severely by l. t.'s brother, at her request. . a white man from the navy-yard committed ; he had come to the city without permission. . he was taken out and sent back. eeceived a letter from j. p. nickerson, esq., of harwich. . i wrote to the same. . a white man committed for being noisy in the streets. . he was let out again, and another committed for feeing too drunk to take care of himself. . i wrote to the sheriff at key west. . l. t. whipped the cook. . a large fire in the city. a number of houses. american slaveey. burnt. a white man committed on suspicion of setting the fire, he was examined and discharged. another white man committed, charged with larceny. . he was examined and discharged. a slave man committed, charged with attempting to steal fruit. he was whipped four blows with a paddle, and twenty-four with the cow-hide, and let out. a white man committed, charged with larceny, . the white man committed on the th, discharged. tremendous scolding about this time. . slave man committed ; did not stay at home enough on the sabbath to do chores; next morning let out. the noisy white man, mentioned the th, committed again for the like offence. oct. . l. t. whipped the cook; children cry by wholesale. . l. t. whipped the cook. a slave man committed for debt. . two sailors from brig wetomka committed; they were intoxicated, and quarrelled. three sailors committed, who had taken french leave from u. s. steamer union. the whole number now confined in the adjoining room is seven. . the slave man, put in on the th, discharged. a sailor belonging to u. s. vessel vandalia, committed, and taken out the same day. . three men, attached to the u. s. steamer, taken out and sent on board. . l. t. whipped the cook severely, with both ends of the cow-hide. . a white man committed on suspicion of participating in murder. three seamen from the u. s. steamer general taylor, committed for having some difficulty with the clerk on shore. . two of them taken out and sent on board. the two seamen from brig wetomka, committed on the rd, were let out. . the white man committed the th, on suspicion, discharged. o trial of j . walker. . the other man, (the boatswain,) belonging to the it. s. steamer general taylor, let out. he went on board, and made me a present of a pair of blankets. one white man in the adjoining room and myself are the only remaining prisoners. . l. t.'s mother whipped the cook. . a sailor, a deserter from the u. s. service, caught and committed. . l. t. whipped the cook. . the other prisoner discharged. . rather squally overhead and about the kitchen, l. t. whipped the cook twice, and another servant once>; the children got some, scolding dealt out unsparingly. . a white man committed for fighting. . discharged. at night the prisoner in the adjoining room broke out and went off. nov. . l. t. whipped the cook severely with a broomstick ; scolds tremendously ; gives unlimited scope to passion, and tapers off by crying herself. . white man committed for quarrelling with his wife. <?. received a letter from a. b. merrill, of boston, counsellor at law. l. t. whipped the cook. . a slave man committed for leaving wood at the wrong place. . the white man, committed on the th, discharged. received a visit from the district attorney, walker anderson. . the slave man, committed on the th, discharged, and a free colored woman put in for allowing the slave man to put wood in her yard. i was taken to court for trial ; had it put off till the th ; remanded again. . the colored woman, committed yesterday, discharged, and another committed for attempting to defend herself when about to be flogged by a naval officer, but discharged same day. . i was again conducted to court ; tried ; jury rendered a verdict of guilty on four indictments, viz,, aiding and inducing two slaves to run away, and stealing two others, american slavery. . f. t. whipped the cook. . i was again taken to court, sentenced, placed in the pillory one hour, pelted with rotten eggs, branded in the right hand, and remanded to prison again ; the sheriff called soon after and served three writs upon me for trespass and damage, to the amount of one-hundred and six thousand dollars ; i was not put in irons as before. received a visit and some money from a naval officer, who had witnessed the acts of attempted degradation which i had undergone, and expressed his sympathy in my behalf. . slave man committed for being out too late. . was flogged twenty-four blows with paddle and discharged. received a letter from a. chase ; also one from j. p. nicholson, esq., of south harwich. chapter v. the following are the particulars of my trial. on the th nov., between and , a. m., i was taken from prison, conducted to the court-house, and placed in the prisoner's box, and was asked by the judge if i had counsel. replied that i had not, and that my means weie too limited to provide counsel ; but that i was daily expecting advice from friends in regard to that point; and i requested that my trial might be put off a fewr days. the judge informed me that if i was not able to provide counsel for myself, he would furnish me with counsel, and that t could have any one from the bar that i chose, to defend me, (there being three, besides the prosecuting attorney.) i said, that i would be glad to have my trial deferred a few days ; and that if i was not then provided with counsel, i would avail myself of his honor's proffer, so the trial was postponed until the th, and i was again placed in jail. soon after , a. m., on the th, i was again conducted to court, and, not having any more information from my friends, chose benjamin d. wright, a member of the bar, to defend me. t r i a l op j . w a l k e r . the district attorney, who was the prosecuting officer, presented four indictments against me, which were as follows—omitting the forms of the three last, being the same, and beginning at : [ st.] in the superior court of escambia county, in the district of west florida, november term, . territory of florida. escambia county, to wit : the grand jurors of and for the territory of florida summoned and swtorn to inquire in and for the body of the county of escambia, upon their oaths present that jonathan walker, late of the county of escambia, laborer, on the first day of july, in the year of our lord eighteen hundred and forty-four, with force and arms, in the county aforesaid, one negro man slave, named silas scott, of the value of six hundred dollars, of the goods and chattels of one robert c. caldwell, then and there being found, feloniously and unlawfully did aid and assist to run away, thereby wilfully causing a loss of labor of the said slave to the said robert c. caldwell, against the dignity of the territory of florida, and against the form of the statute in such case made and provided. walker anderson, u. s. attorney for west florida, and prosecuting officer for the territory of florida. [ nd. ] in the county aforesaid, one negro man slave, known by the name of anthony catlett, of the value of six hundred dollars, of the goods and chattels of one byrd c. willis, then and there being found, feloniously, unlawfully, and with force and arms, did steal, take, and carry away, against the peace and dignity cf the territory of florida, and against the form of the statute in such case made and provided. walker anderson, u. s. attorney, fyc. american slavery, [ rd.] with force and arms, in the county aforesaid, forcibly, wilfully, and unlawfully did steal and carry away a certain negro slave, named moses johnson, of the goods and chattels of one robert c. caldwell, then and there being found, of the value of six hundred dollars, against the peace and dignity of the territory of florida, and the form of the statute in such case made and provided. walker anderson, u. s. attorney, fyc. [ th.] —— with force and arms, in the county aforesaid, one negro man slave, named charles johnson, of the value of six hundred dollars, of the goods and chattels of one george willis, then and there being found, feloniously and unlawfully did entice to run away, thereby wilfully causing the loss of the labor of the said slave to the said george willis ; to the great damage of the said willis, against the peace and the dignity of the territory of florida, and against the form of the statute in such gase made and provided. walker anderson, u. . attorney, spc. my counsel objected to four indictments being arrayed against me for one act of offence, if it was an act at all. on this point, a discussion of some length took place between him and the prosecuting attorney ; but the judge decided, that in order to come at the subject properly, one case should be tried. accordingly, the jury were selected and sworn, and took their seats. robert c. caldwell, being qualified as witness, testified that he accompanied the district marshal to the steamboat gen. taylor, at the navy-yard^ to conduct the prisoner to pensacola, and in conversation with him, prisoner said that silas came to his boat a little below the city, and got in with some others, but that he did not know him, and did not recollect ever seeing him before. this trial of j . walker. he (witness, believed to be correct, for it agreed with what the boy (silas) had told him ; and that prisoner also said that he had for a long time been of the opinion that he would aid slaves to secure their liberty, if opportunity offered. richard roberts, called and sworn, testified, that at day-break, on the morning of the th of july, about five leagues to the westward of the light ship on carryfut's reef, he fell in with the prisoner and seven black men in a boat. he was suspicious that the black men were runaway slaves ; he went alongside of the boat with his vessel, and told his mate to make fast to the boat, and requested prisoner and the black men to come on board his sloop, and said that he was bound the same way, and would give them a tow ; but he found out, by some of the black men, that they were runaway slaves ; consequently, he took them all to key west, and delivered them up to the authorities at that place. the prisoner was very sick at the time, but requested that he might be allowed to have his boat and proceed on, saying that he had a family that were dependent on him for support, and, if deprived of his services, would suffer in consequence. . the jury were charged, in a few formal words, and the first indictment handed to them. they retired to their room, and in about half an hour returned with the verdict, that they had found the prisoner guilty, and awarded him to be branded on the right hand with the letters s s. the same jury was sworn again, and by the judge charged on the other three indictments. they withdrew, and were out between two and three hours, and returned with the following verdict: that they had found the prisoner guilty of all the charges preferred against him in the other three indictments, and awarded him to stand in the pillory one hour, to be imprisoned fifteen days, and to pay a fine of one hundred and fifty dollars. i was again remanded to prison, until the th, at , a. m . ; when i was conducted to court, and on arriving at the court-house, (in front of which was the pillory,) the american slavery* marshal proceeded to place me in the pillory. i told him that i had not yet received sentence. the marshal replied that this was sentence enough—referring to the pillory. but before i was properly secured, the deputy marshal ordered me to be brought into court. this order was obeyed ; and i was again arraigned before the court, to receive the following sentence :—to be placed in the pillory for one hour; then brought into courts and branded in the right hand with the letters ss.; and then remanded to prison for fifteen days, and remain there until the fine {one hundred and fifty dollars) and the costs of prosecution should be paid.* i was then placed in the pillory, and when i had been there about half an hour, george willis, mentioned in the fourth indictment, stepped from the crowd of spectators, who were standing by, (quietly beholding the inhuman administration of the laws of florida,) and snatched from my head a handkerchief, which had been placed there by the deputy marshal, to screen me from the sun ; saying, that he had offered a dollar to any person that would do i t ; but, as no one else would, he would do it himself. he then took from his coat pocket two rotten eggs, and hurled them very spitefully at my head, which took effect, and excited a burst of indignation from the bystanders. the said willis was heard to offer the boys a great price for rotten eggs ; but he could find none vile enough to accommodate him. he was indicted, and appealed to the december court in saint tlosa (adjoining) county, and was there tried, and fined six and a quarter cents. (threepence.) after the expiration of the hour, i was taken back to the court-house, and water given me to wash with, and then conducted into court again, to receive the remainder of my sentence. when about to be branded, i was placed in the prisoner's box. the marshal, ebenezer dorr, formerly of maine, proceeded to tie my hand to a part of the railing in front. i remarked that there was * after repeated solicitations, i was able to get at the amount of the costs, the th of december, twenty-one days after my trial. trial of j . walker. no need of tying it, for i would hold it still. he observed that it was best to make sure, and tied it firmly to the post, in fair view ; he then took from the iire the branding-iron, of a slight red heat, and applied it to the ball of my hand,- and pressed it on firmly, for fifteen or twenty seconds. it made a spattering noise, like a handful of salt in the fire, as the skin seared and gave way to the hot iron. the pain was severe while the iron was on, and for some time afterwards. there appeared to be but few that wished to witness the scene ; but my friend, george willis, placed himself where he could have a fair view, and feasted his eyes upon it, apparently with great delight. i was then remanded to prison, but not put in irons as before, a few hours after my re-commitment, the marshal called and served three writs upon me, for trespass and damage, to the amount of one hundred and six thousand dollars, on the property of robert c. caldwell, byrd c. willis, and george willis. the territory of .florida was established by a law of the united states, passed march so, . the fifth section of this act provides, " that the legislative power shall be vested in the governor, and in thirteen of the most fit and discreet persons of the territory, to be called the legislative council, "* &c.; that "their legislative power shall also extend to all the rightful subjects of legislation; hut no law shall he valid which isinconsistent with the constitution and laws of the united states, or which shall lay any person under restraint, burthen, or disability, on account of his religious opinions, professions or worship, in all which he shall be free to maintain his own and not burthened with those of another." the tenth section of the same act provides, " that tothe end that the inhabitants may be protected in their liberty, property, and the exercise of their religion, no law shall ever be valid which shall impair, or in any way restrain, the freedom of religious opinions, professions, or worship ; they shall be entitled to the benefit of the. american slavery. writ of habeas corpus ; they shall be bailable in all cases, except for capital offences, where the proof is evident, or the presumption great ; all fines shall be moderate and proportioned to the offence, and excessive bail shall not be required, nor cruel nor unusual punishments inflicted" the act of march rd, , contains the same provisions. the law under which i was indicted, was enacted by the territorial government,, and provides as the punishment for the crime therein recited, imprisonment not exceeding six months ; standing in the pillory ; branding, or a fine not exceeding one thousand dollars, at the discretion of the jury. it seems plain, that the law of the united states having prohibited cruel and unusual punishments, and having declared that no law of the territorial government, inconsistent wtth the united states' laws, shall ever be valid; this territorial law, under which i was punished, is therefore void. chapter vi. nov. . i will conclude my memorandum. l. t. and mother whipped the cook, alternately, spell and spell. f. t. whipped the cook severely. dec. . received a visit from t. m. blunt, of new york. he had been in the city thirteen days. . a slave woman committed for not staying at home enough, and taken out next day. . received a letter from john scoble, london, and a resolution adopted by a committee of the british and foreign anti-slavery society in regard to charles t. torrey and myself. . a slave man committed for being in liquor and quarrelsome, and let out next day. trial of j . walker. . a slave man committed for disobedience ; whipped ten blows with a paddle, and let out next day. . two seamen committed from brig hazard, of portland, for attempting to obtain their discharge. they had refused to do duty on board. . a slave man committed, he was intoxicated. . he was let out again ; and one of the seamen put in on the th, was discharged. . l. t. whipped the cook. • jan. . . l. t. whipped the cook twice. . two white men committed for debt, and discharged. received a letter from j. p. nickerson, esq. . l. t. whipped the cook. a slave man committed for going out of town at christmas, and staying too long. a slave boy put in with me. he had played truant. he was let out next morning. is. a white man committed, on suspicion of plotting to rob the mail. . l. t. whipped the cook. . a white man put in with me, to get sober, to use in evidence. he was taken out next day. . l. t. whipped the cook twice. . the white man committed the th, on suspicion, was discharged. . a slave boy committed for running away. . the other seaman, put in from brig hazard, on the th ult., was discharged. a deserting soldier caught, committed, taken out, and sent to the navyyard. . the slave man put in on the th, taken out, cind sent to new orleans, to be sold. . a slave woman committed for attempting to defend herself when about to be whipped by her mistress. the next day she was flogged twenty-four blows with the paddle, and twelve with the cow-hide, and sent home. feb. . i will detail the following circumstance, for which i have been almost censured by warm friends. my readers can make their own comments. while eat american slavery. ing my dinner, i was informed, by what i thought good authority, that the marshal would take me, at , p. m., before a magistrate, to be examined on other charges— what, my informant would not, or could not tell; but said that he heard the marshal say he was coming for me at four o'clock. i was somewhat apprehensive that it was a device of some persons ill-disposed towards me, and not satisfied with the course which the law had taken, and who were disposed to make use of other than legal means. i hinted this to my informant. his reply was, " they are going to play the devil with you." my suspicion was strengthened by the district attorney and judge being abroad at the time, and by the lateness of the hour selected for taking me from prison; so t did not think it prudent for me to leave the prison, except i could be convinced that i should be subject to no illegal dealings. at the above mentioned time, the marshal called, and requested me to go with him before a magistrate. i declined going, and gave him some reasons why ; and told him, that whatever examination i was to undergo, i preferred it should take place where i was. the marshal left, and some time after returned, saying that the magistrate refused to come to the jail ; and again requested me to go with him. i still declined. he then started to leave, wthen the jailer spoke to him a few minutes. he then returned, and read to me a letter from the district judge, who was then at talahassee, (middle florida,) with instructions to take me before a magisrrate for examination, on a charge of inducing three slaves to leave the service of their masters. the marshal then left me ; and the reader may picture to his mind my feelings, as well as he can ; for i have no faculty to express them on paper. i had for several weeks been expecting to be liberated from my disagreeable situation, through the liberality of friends who had been imposed upon in regard to my true situation, and prevented from doing for me what they had attempted, by supplying the pecuniary means to satisfy the demands of the court; and had been twice disappointed ; but now it seemed that the most favourable t r i a l of j . walker. issue which i could expect, was to be chained up for three or four months longer in that woman whippingshop, and go through another trial for the same offence ; with the continual accumulation of obstacles to my release ; and for my family to remain objects of chanty ; my aged parents and other near friends, suffering affliction; and all to gratify a few god-haters and man-haters, who were.feasting their rage upon one helpless object, whom providence had in some measure placed where they could wreak their vengeance on him. these were some of the most favourable considerations which occured to my mind ; and which have since been realized. knowing that my enemies would spare no pains in doing me all the injury in their power, i thought it no harm to use some pacific means to place myself beyond their power ; feeling confident that right did not demand the punishment my persecutors intended for me. neither had i much time to reflect on the subject; for i was confident that the next day i should be put in irons again, and then about all chance to rescue myself would be cut off. seeing that it required but little effort or ingenuity to open the doors myself, i gave way to the impulse of present feeling, and without any difficulty succeeded in opening the doors, without doing them one dollar's worth of injury ; although i was charged ten dollars for repairing the door, including a new lock. for what purpose the lock was used i know not. i am sure it was not used on any of the jail doors, for the same locks that were on the doors when i went there, were on the doors when i left. but, as a very slight noise could be heard in the rooms above, the family took the alarm, and prevented my departure. i was made secure till next day, when the marshal called, and without any ceremony, took me before three magistrates. satisfactory evidence against me was produced to insure my committal until the next term of court in may, unless t gave bail in the sum of three thousand dollars. so was remanded to prison again and put in irons, to await the result of what might follow. american slavery. i shall mention but a few more items from my memorandum, and then, briefly notice some other points. feb. . a slave man and woman were committed for being out too late, but discharged the next day. . the slave boy committed the st of last month, taken out, and sent to new orleans, to sell. none but myself now in jail. . two slave women and one man brought to jail and whipped ten blows each, on the bare back, and discharged. they were accused of using some of their master's money without his permission. . l. t. whipped the cook. the jailer's family moved to another house. . a slave boy committed, who received twenty blows with the paddle, and was then sent home. he had played the truant. . a slave man brought to jail and whipped twentyfive blows with cow-hide. his master was intoxicated ; lost some change ; the slave picked it up, and attempted to use some of it. a white man committed for being intoxicated and quarrelsome. march . a slave man committed, to gratify a drunken master, and released again the same day. . the white man committed on the th ult. was released. . a slave man brought to jail and flogged twentyfive blows with a paddle, and twenty with a cow-hide. he was charged with not doing work enough. . a slave boy committed; flogged for playing truant, and let out the same day. . a sick slave man committed, i do not know for what, and let out the next day. - a slave man committed for getting intoxicated, and let out the next day. april . a slave man committed ; he had been sent to new orleans for sale, but was returned* . a white man committed at his own request; he had been on a drinking spree, and was afraid he should do something to get him into trouble. trial ov j . walker. . he was discharged. . a slave woman brought to jail and flogged: severely. the slave man committed on the st, flogged twenty-four blows with the paddle, and thirty with the cow-hide, to gratify his drunken mistress, as they could not sell him to their mind, in new orleans. the hogging made him quite sick for several days, a white man committed, charged with assault and battery. . a slave man committed for allowing a horse to run with him in the street. . he was flogged fifteen blows with a cow-hide, and discharged. . the slave man flogged on the th, was taken from jail and sent to mobile to be sold. this is the slave that was committed on the th of january, for staying too long with his wife and children at christmas. his master had a plantation thirty or forty miles from pensacola, where he had lived for a number of years, but had lately moved to pensacola and offered his plantation for sale ; and, not having employment for his slaves, was desirious to conveit some of them into other property. and although the slave was permitted at christmas to go and see his family, who still lived in the neighbourhood he had formerly lived in, and were claimed as property by another man, yet his staying over his time, gave sufficient cause (as per slave code) for removing him for ever from them, notwithstanding he offered to produce the proof of his inability to return at the time appointed, on account of sickness. nevertheless, he was kept in jail sixteen days, and then sent to new orleans. but being too old to meet with a ready sale in that market, he was returned again the st of april, and lodged in jail until the th, when his mistress came there in a rage, under the influence of liquor, and caused him to be flogged as mentioned above ; and during the performance, she stood by and gave directions to the operator, yelping all the while at the mangled victim of her anger. a few days after, he was sent to mobile for sale. he did not meet with a market, and was sent american slavery. back ; but soon after his return escaped from his tormen tors, and i have since heard no more of him. . i received a letter from b. d. wright, counsellor at law, enclosing a letter to him from h. i. bowditch of boston, relating to my circumstances. may . a fugitive slave apprehended and committed ; he had straight hair, and looked more like an indian than a negro, and tried to pass himself for one. chapter vii. may th, soon after a. m., i was conducted to the court-house by the marshal and constable. the judge inquired if i had counsel. i replied that i had not. he then appointed alfred l. woodward to defend me, and also w. w. j. kelly, esq., assistant counsel. as mr. woodward was not duly informed in the case, we thought it best to have the trial put off untill the next day. had no desire to have counsel to manage my defence, not thinking it would be to my advantage, but to submit the case to the magnanimity of the jury ; but as the judge had appointed counsel, i did not deem it advisable to reject it,—confident that it would excite his displeasure, which would be likely to have an unfavorable effect on my case. i remarked to my counsel that i consented to a present trial, only on condition, that all relating to the charges preferred against me, should be placed before the court for final action ; and that no part or section be kept back or reserved for a future consideration. i was remanded to jail again, and that afternoon had an interview with mr. woodward. may th, between and i i a. m., i was arraigned before the court, and soon after a juiy was called and qualified. the district attorney produced three indictments against me, charging me with assisting as many slaves to escape from their masters, &c. a short discussion followed between the district attorney and counsel for the defendant, respecting the validity of the law in the multiplication of punishments for the same offence and at trial of j . w a l k e r . -different periods ; but the court decided that i was liable to be tried separately for each charge alleged against me, although there was but one act in the commission. eobert c. caldwell, the only witness in the case, was sworn, and testified that he accompanied the deputy marshal to and from the steam-boat general taylor, where he went to conduct the defendant from said steamboat to the city, about the th july last, and on the passage to the city in the boat, he heard defendant say that he took from the shore near the city, the slaves mentioned in the indictments, on board his boat on the evening of the nd june last, and went to sea with them, and was taken by a sloop not far from cape florida, and carried to key west, and that defendant told him that he had been for a long time of the opinion that whenever an opportunity offered, he would assist slaves to obtain their freedom. the district attorney addressed the jury for a few minutes, pourtraying the magnitude of the offence, the abuse of rights, &c, stating the result of the trials of charles t. torrey and calvin fairbanks, in maryland, and kentucky—not forgetting to direct a few shots at the northern " fanatical abolitionists." w. w. j. kelly next made some very appropriate and feeling remarks upon the administration and severity of the law already inflicted on the prisoner for the same offence, and his long confinement in prison and in chains, and the deprivation entailed upon his deeply afflicted tfamily, &c. he was followed by a. l. woodward, commenting on the multiplicity of punishments for the same offence when no act of an incendiary, or violent character had appeared, to aggravate the case, but the prisoner had quietly submitted, without a murmur, to the heaviest punishment the law could inflict upon him. he appealed to the magnanimity and humanity of the jury to put a stop to this persecution ; neither the law nor the interest and welfare of the country demanded more ; even common sense forbade it. he requested them to render a verdict which their conscience would approve, and not american slavery. to heap vengeance on the head of their helpless fellowbeing, &c.j &c. the judge charged the jury to find the prisoner guilty, •and not to allow any sympathy for the accused to sway them from inflicting strict justice on him, for it was not the accused who had a right to complain of the seventy of the law, or demand their sympathy ; but those that were dead and their friends.* the rights, safety, and honor of the country demanded justice from its courts. the cases were submitted to the jury at about m., and j was soon after remanded to jail again, and placed 'in irons as usual. the next day i received a note from w. w. j. kelly, stating that the jury had that morning returned in couit, and rendered a verdict of guilty in each case, and assessed me a fine of five dollars in each case; and that i was to remain in custody until the fines and .costs were paid. the judge, distiict attorney, and my counsel were ^slave-holders, and some of the jury also. surrounded by slave-holders, and in a section of the country where slavery k hel.d one of their most sacred rights, what had t to expect at 'their hands; well in own and thoroughly proved to be hostile in the highest degree to the system of american slavery, and placed in their power, subject io their will, for the commission of an act which is now r held to be a capital offence, and punishable with death. in consideration of these, and some other,..things which might be brought into the account, it shows that vengeance has not yet buried humanity, nor destroyed all the sympathy existing between men and those whose opinion differs from their own upon subjects of great importance. the jury was an intelligent one, and among them was 'the city mayor, and i submitted my case cheerfully to ?their decision, confident that the verdict would be as miild as their responsible situation would admit of; and my expectations were mors than realized : for which * i know not what he meant by this expression, except he had his eye on that old st. domingo hobby horse so often backed hj the advocates of slavery. p t r i a l of j . w a l k e r . mild and humane verdict they are entitled to my grateful thanks and high consideration, for they have shown themselves to be untrammelled by prejudice, or actuated by revenge towaid their helpless fellow-being. i thought the judge manifested a considerable degree of prejudice against me, especially in this last trial ," s u r e l y oppression maketh a wise man m a d . " but i saw no display of any unkind feelings from an}' other persons, in or out of court, except by those who considered themselves so grievously injured and imposed upon by my allowing some of their two legged chattels to walk off in company with me ; or rather, to allow the wind to blow them away from that mill which is constantly grinding the faces of the poor, and whose owner, like t h e greedy horseleech, thirsts for more, " and saith, it is not enough." appendix. having gone through with the principal events in relation to my capture, return, imprisonment, and legal dealings, shall notice a few points which may not be altogether improper or unimportant. i have before said, that captain richard roberts, of the sloop eliza catherine, treated me with civility while on board of his vessel. but who delegated to him the right to take charge of me and my boat by force on the high seas, without consent or ceremony, and convey me more than a hundred miles from my course, to a distant island, where i could have no means of selfdefence, without any knowledge of my being in any way liable? is not this food for scepticism here are two individuals brought in contact, both professing the same religious faith, both having privately and publicly declared, before god and man, that they have resolved to be followers of him who taught his disciples to have compassion on, and extend their aid to their suffering fellow-men, and who illlustrated the same by numerous precepts and examples of his own life;—one endeavoring to rescue some of those who had fallen among thieves and been cruelly dealt with, and trying to assist them to obtain their lost but natural rights, to which they are entitled by the declaration of american independence, and by the laws of god given to men ; the other, being in possession of superior american slavery. power, not only opposing the efforts of the former, and preventing him from complying with the command of their divine master, of doing unto others as he would that others would do unto him, were he in similar circumstances,'—but placing his helpless brother in a situation where his life would be in jeopardy, and his dependant family and friends made miserableo i do not wish to cast any undue reflections upon captain .roberts; but i do lament the lack of moral courage, and the deep depravity of such professors of christianity : for surely he that hath no pity on those of his fellow-creatures "whom he hath seen, can have no love for god whom he hath not seen. " for saith jesus, "as ye have not done it unto one of these,, ye have not done it unto me." captain koberts manifested great seriousness and devotion to the cause of religion. yet profanity passed freely in the cabin and about his vessel's decks unrebuked. and i could not but think that he did not pay any too strict regard for honesty, as several articles that were taken from my boat on board of his vessel, could not be found by the sheiiff* who went on board for them. i tried to have some conversation with him while on board, but that he carefully avoided by keeping at a distance. but captain koberts may be assured that i have no unkind feelings toward him; if he acted under the conviction of duty and justice, he has nothing to fear; but if otherwise, his conscience and his judge will adjust it. the treatment of sheriff page, at key west, was kind and obliging, and of him i should have no occasion to complain, if he had, as i requested, informed me what disposition was made of my effects which were in his charge. esquire balany (i think that was the name of the magistrate to whom my case was submitted) manifested no unkind feelings towards me, and allowed ine as much indulgence as circumstances would admit of. but the district attorney, whom i saw on two occasions, appeared to have " taken pepper in his nose," and soon gave me to understand that i had no favors to expect from that quarter. also received kind treatment from the jailer at that place—but did not stay long enough at the soldiers' barracks to form any acquaintance there. as to commander eerrand, of the steamboat general taylor, on board of which i was shipped to pensacola, he did not make any great display of good feeling in my behalf, he subjected me to a steam bath a considerable part of the passage, by having me placed in the hold of the boat, where the engine and fire were, to my no small discomfort. also good care was taken that i should neither dance nor play on the ficjdle, by closely confining both hands and feet in irons. the lieutenant was a south carolina chicken, well stuffed with mcduffieism, from whom no answer to any question could be obtained, or any appendix. reply directly to me. his name, i think, was anderson. he had got his lesson from the nullification roost, and was prepared to look daggers at every thing in the shape of abolitionism. soon after my committal to jail in pensacola, a printed handbill was presented to me, offering a reward of one thousand seven hundred dollars for the apprehension and delivery at pensacola of seven slaves, at one hundred dollars each, if taken out of the territory; and if within its limits, fifty dollars each; and after giving some description of each, it goes on at a considerable length in detailing some truths and some falsehoods, and concludes in the following words : " from these and other circumstances, the belief exists that said j onathan walker has carried these slaves off in his boat. and therefore, for his apprehension and conviction of said offence, the subscribers will pay a further reward of one thousand dollars. this explains the zeal of the religious professor, captain e. roberts, to secure me. "r. c. caldwell, geo. willis, by jas. quigles, agent." it may not be improper to introduce to the reader john m'kinlay, editor of the pensacola gazette. although he had no control over me, yet, as he had control over the only paper published in pensacola, it was in his power to give an unfair statement of the circumstances, which he did not fail to do. in the number for july th, he crowded into a part of a column of that small paper, twenty odd lies at my expense. whether that libellous statement was voluntary on the part of its crouching editor, or whether he was dictated to, i know not. his guilt is the same. i have before stated that i was escorted from the steamboat general taylor to the court-house by the deputy marshal. although this officer had but little to do with me, yet so far as he had any thing to do with me, he manifested a kind and friendly feeling. those who have never been in critical circumstances cannot tell how sensibly every look, action, and word is felt by one in my situation. the name of this officer is james gonzalez, who is entitled to my thanks for his humane deportment towards me. the marshal of the district, ebenezer dorr, was formerly from the state of maine, with whom i had been well acquainted for eight or nine years, and we had always been on terms of friendship ; but now our mutual feelings were about to be tested ; for circumstances having rendered our situations very different, there was no more equality, he was a practical slave-holder and a strong advocate of the system; i an uncompromising opponent of american slavery in all its forms; he holding a high office tinder the territorial government; i, a prisoner for a violation of the territorial law, placed in his custody, and subject almost american slavery. entirely to his control. i do not pretend that our former acquaintance or friendly intercourse entitled me to any unusual indulgence, or that he should violate any duty, or deviate from the path of justice to accommodate me, or ameliorate my condition ; but i did suppose that there should be some consideration made on the score of humanity, towards any one in so feeble a state as i was at the time of my committal, which might aid in the restoration of health, or that would not tend to reduce me vstill more ; for the reader has already been informed that i was placed in heavy irons, without even a handful of straw to lie on, or anything clone to provide me with food suitable for a sick person—for it was impossible for me to recover solely on my jail fare. not but the quantity was sufficient, but the quality was not suitable for one out of health; and i deprived, as was supposed, of what money i had for several days; so that all means were thwarted of providing for myself. but, as i wish not to forget any favour shown me, i pass to his credit a bottle of milk which he gave me, and an occasional call and inquiry after my health, and the loan of some newspapers, &c. my correspondence had to pass under his inspection, and for one or two words in a private letter to my wife, respecting my situation, i received from him a severe reprimand. but suffice it to say, that he might have made my situation more irksome, or he might have ameliorated it, without infringing upon his official duties. he permitted george willis to take from my head a handkerchief which his deputy had placed there to keep off the violence of the sun, and heave rotten eggs at me, whilst standing in the pillory, without interfering other than saying, " don't, mr. willis, for we have got to take him into court,"— as much as to say, "he would appear indecent," or "some one's senses will be oftended." walker anderson, the district attorney, who, by the bye, was the prosecuting officer, is entitled to my thanks for his kindness and humanity towards me, both in his private and official capacity. he is a mild, considerate, and intelligent man; and were he not surrounded by a powerful slavery influence, any society might be proud of such a member. i have for a number of years known him, and can say that he is of the most amiable disposition of any person i ever knew in pensacola—notwithstanding a few misstatements in his letter to the governor of mori da, in reply to a letter from the secretary of massachusetts to that functionary. for a considerable part of my confinement, he furnished me with reading matter and the news of the day; and in his absence, his kind and amiable wife would supply me with literary food. it may not be out of place here to make mention of george willis and eobert c. caldwell, the claimants of the slaves that went away with me. george willis claims a high standing in appendix. society, is considered a man of considerable property; said to be the owner of a considerable number of slaves, with whom he is very severe ; he is a haughty, overbearing, and cruel man, and associates with but few. he was marshal of the west district of florida, two or three years, whilst i lived in pcnsacola; during which time he had the honor of hanging three or four colored men. from my previous knowledge of him, i was prepared to expect no favor from that quarter, and had he been at home "when i was brought back to pensacola, i have no doubt he would have sought illegal revenge upon me ;—the manner in which he displayed his feelings at the court-house, avhen undergoing the penalties of my first trial, may be considered a specimen of the man. e. c. caldwell was at this time, a second lieutenant in the navy, but has since been promoted to a first lieutenancy. he is from the state of ohio : and, as i have been credibly informed, had studied for the ministry, but finally entered the navy; and two or three years ago, married a wealthy young woman in pensacola, who had a number of slaves, and in this way became in possession of property and slaves. thus he is year after year receiving pay from the united states government, for overseeing his own or his wife's slaves. my first personal acquaintance with this man took place in the boat in which i was brought from the steamboat general taylor to pensacola, while in charge of the deputy marshal. he visited me several times soon after my committal, appeared very friendly, and seemed disposed to urge upon my mind some religious considerations, and had the politeness to bring me some pound-cake, as he called it; but no sooner had he succeeded in getting possession of what little i had in the shape of property, than every friendly and social consideration was abandoned, and he spared no pains to persecute me to the extent of his ability; and was still anxious to gratify his malignant appetite on the victim of his rage, to the very last. with some reluctance, i introduce to the reader francis torward, the jailer, or constable, but more commonly designated by the title of city marshal. the jail is the property of the city, and the jailer (city marshal) is chosen yearly by a vote of the city, and is paid a salary per month. his duty is to look after the peace and quiet of the city; to commit and release all prisoners; to ring the city bell on all proper occasions, especially at the hours of , p. m., in winter, and , p. m., in summer ; and to take up all slaves found in the streets without a pass after the bell has been rung, &c. he provides the prisoners with their food and drink, for which he is allowed thirty-seven and a half cents each, per day. he also inflicts punishment upon slaves sent there by their masters or mistresses to be punished. i know not whether he is under any official obligation to per american slavery form this task, or whether custom has made it a rule. for this •service, i believe he is entitled to extra pay from the persons who employ him for that purpose. it is by no means a general rule for masters or mistresses to have their slaves flogged by the city marshal, for it frequently costs them some loss of their service or time, besides what they have to pay the marshal; so that but few are disposed to incur the expense, when they cart save it by a few minutes' exertion of their own muscular powers, •and at the same time feed their rapacious revenge upon their helpless slaves. i am not prepared to say what the compensation is for flogging, or whether it is in all cases the same, or proportioned to the degree of infliction; but i am inclined to think there is a stipulated price, and i had grounds for the conclusion that it is seventy-five cents, each time. there appears to be no amount of punishment fixed by any law or rule, but the kind and quantity is prescribed by;; the master or mistress, as their feelings or inclination may influence them. suppose the slave whom i have so often mentioned as being flogged by her mistress, had cost her master seventy-five cents for each whipping, the amount would have been about thirty dollars from the th july, when i was committed, to the th februaiy, when the family moved from the jail. the reader will have perceived that those whippings were much more frequent in the warm weather than in the cold, and also before her mistress' confinement, than afterwards. the reader is at liberty to make his comments or conjectures as to the cause of this. it may be thought that those whippings were of no great severity, and merely administered as a parent would correct a child; but to test the quality let a person be covered only with a thin cotton frock, and let a woman, excited to uncontrolled passion, apply a raw-hide switch to the back of the other with her greatest strength from twenty to fifty blows, and they would not need a repetition of it to ascertain its mildness. but some of those floggings were applied by a more powerful arm than that of the mistress; and the marks and scars were visible upon the slave's neck and face from the time i was first committed to the day of my release. my senses have conveyed to my heart inexpressible feelings of disgust and abhorrence for such a mode of discipline or punishment upon rational human beings. often when these exhibitions have taken place, have i thought of the following lines: " hate's quivering lip, the fix'd, the starting eye, the grin of vengeance, and the forehead pale, the deep drawn "breath, the short hyena cry, all in connection tell the dreadful tale where covr-hide, paddle, chains, and slavery do prevail. " if any parents, guardians or masters, wish their child, minor, or servant, to hate them with a perfect hatred, let them flog appendix. them ! if parents, guardians, or their masters, wish to destroy all good will and ready obedience to* superiors, and all self-re spect in their children, minors, or servants, let them flog them, and they may be assured that.they are in a fair way to obtain that object. i was somewhat acquainted with thejailer before my incarceration, but not at all with any of his family ; but soon found that what st. paul called the weaker vessel was the stronger vessel, for none could carry so great a press of sail as my hostess. ilei colors were nailed at mast-head, and all about the premises were to be controlled by her undisputed s^ ay. it may be asked what treatment received at their hands] answer, that for the most part of the time, it was better than that which fell to the lot of other prisoners ; after being there foi sometime, by*some cause or other, i seemed to get paitly into their good .grace, and was treated by her with perfect civility and some degree of kindness ; and frequently found in my dish some little luxuries, unusual, i presume, for prisoners to receive except at their own expense, or by the kindness of friends. but, if i had had no,means to provide anything for myself, should much of the time have gone hungn, as the portion riven me which i could eat, was insufficient. my food consisted mostly of bread and fish for breakfast, and bread and a dish of soup or some calavanee beans for dinner. the bread was generally good,. made of flour, and most of the time raised; and the rest was mixed up and baked in thin cakes without raising. i had the curiosity to weigh it for two weeks, and the result was ten pounds seven ounces for fourteen successive days, two pounds thirteen and one half ounces of which was johnny-cake, or flour and water kneaded up and baked by the fire as above. some days i had but little other than bread given me. the district attorney says in his letter to governor branch, kov. th, , that i "informed him .that was in perfect health," and that " i assured him that i had nothing to complain of in the treatment of the jailor and his family." he should have said that i informed him, that my health was as good as my situation would admit of; and that i did not complain of the treatment of tfce jailor or his family. was for my benefit to make as little complaint as possible, and therefore, having a little money, i supplied at my own expense, what was lacking on their part, which amounted to little more than a dollar per week during my imprisonment, for food, washing, and a little clothing. the reader may not readily understand how i ascertained the weight of the bread i hare spoken off*by the use of a small stick and a little paper and twine, i made a balance, and for weightsi used&l&rer<x>ia; and in this way i also weighed the *hainattached $o my leg^ hy weighing one link of medium siz% american slavery and multiplying the others by that, which product was twenty two and one-half pounds, beside the shackle which encircled my ancle. as to the persons, whose names i have here heen using, i have no inclination to misrepresent or abuse them, for delight not in vilifying my fellow-creatures, hut would far rather speak well of them ; and what i have here said, has been under a sense of deep nioral feeling, and have suppressed much that might have been said with propriety, and in strict accordance with truth but if any, whose names i ha\o here dealt with, or may deal with, can show in any instance where i have misused them, i will hasten to make public confession, and beg their pardon.' i now intioducc some correspondence, and the expressions of others in relation to my case ifaririch, any j th, j . my very dear suffering friend jonathan ;—after much concern, we have had a letter from thine own hand; the truth of which we can confide in. thy family are all in health. home days after the news of thy capture came, i went over to see thy wife and thy parents, and they expressed much concern ahont thee. i mentioned to them the well-known passage of scripture: "if ye suffer for righteousness, happy are ye," kc. "be not afraid of their terror, neither be troubled, but sanctify the lord god in your hearts." at a meeting' on the fir*t day of august, we made a small collection for thy family we also chose a committee to we thy family. it was a consolation to many, to have a letter from thee; many sympathize with thee. i think i can see the good hand of god with you, in chastening and afflicting you. rejoice to see thy integrity and thy confidence in christ; thy believing that he has stood by thee, and that thon canst nof part with him ! yea, let everything else go first! yea, let life go before him. jesus says, *' he came not to do hi own will, but the will of his father that sent him !" and he has left us aa example that we should walk in his steps; " for he that bath suffered- in the flesh, hath ceased from sin." when liberty, truth, and right, have been trampled upon for a long time; the authority, law, and government of god been disregarded; htuaaa inventions set up; the laws, usages, and customs of men beep considered paramount to the will, law, or government of t r o ^ it will, surely, cost more or less suffering to make*change. e . hxckkbsojf. in a subsequent lettet the same person «aya, uj&$ <$e*r brother, you have a glorious trial; make a right use of iv* harwich, aug, , #t. capt. j. walks* : bear sib,—wiea your coadiiioa became kaow& hem, a appendix. good deal of interest was excited in your behalf. a meeting of the citizens was held at the congregational meeting-house yesterday, ( th,) agreeably to previous notice, to take into consideration your case; and the undersigned were made a committee, to ascertain through you, your friends, or the authorities of pensacola, in what way, if at all, your condition may be ameliorated. we learn that you were committed to prison for want of bail; and we wish to know whether you would be now released from confinement, if the necessary bail should be obtained ? do you wish for bail] or had you rather remain confined until your trial? have you any counsel ] and if not, do you wish for any \ and if so, have you the means of employing counsel! or does the government furnish counsel for you you state in your letter that you are chained so that you cannot walk your room. this we cannot but regret; as we know that a little exercise would afford you much relief, and we trust that the humanity of those who have you in keeping, will prompt them to afford you some relief in this particular. is the room in which you are confined, so ventilated, that you can have a supply of fresh air are you confined alone, or are there others in the room with you ] if so, how many ? will there be a special court for your trial, or shall you wait till the regular term, in november] an early answer to the above inquiries, or so many of them as may be of importance to you, is desired. prom our long acquaintance with you, we are assured, that the act for which you have been arrested, and are now suffering, -was done under a high sense of moral obligation. how far that sense has been mistaken, is not for us to determine. we can only regret the occmrence; leaving the adjustment of its morality between you and your own conscience. have you a comfortable supply of good and wholesome food is there any way in which we can be of any service to you % if so, inform us, and our efforts to render your condition more comfortable shall not be wanting. sidney underwood. elkanah nickekson, jr. through the kindness of a friend in new york, i received the following resolution and the annexed epistle, just two months from its adoption. but the original paper, with some others, was wrested by force from me, and laid before a committee of the legislative council of the territory of florida, for their action, which report i place below. by some exertion i succeeded in obtaining all the papers except the one of which i place a copy here. british and foreign anti-slavery society, for the abolition of slavery, and the slave trade throughout the world. american slavery , new broad street, london. at a meeting of the british and foreign anti-slavery society, held at , stew broad street, ©n friday, october , , george stacy, esq., in the chair, it was resolved unanimously, that, considering the enormous wickedness of american slavery, whether viewed in relation to the iniquity of its principle, which deprives nearly three millions of human beings of their personal rights, or to the atrocity of its practice, which subjects them to the deepest degradation and misery; this committee feel it to be their duty, publicly and warmly, to express their sympathy with those devoted friends of humanity, the rev. charles t. torrey, and captain jonathan walker—who are now incarcerated in the prisons of maryland and west florida, for having aided, or attempted to aid, some of their countrymen in their escape from bondage; and to assure those christian philanthrophists that they consider the cause for which they may hereafter be called to suffer, honorable to them as men, and as christians; and the laws under which they are to be arrainged, as utterly disgraceful to a civilized community, and in the highest degree repugnant to the spirit and precepts of the gospel. on behalf of the committee, thomas clarkson, president. john scoble, secretary. to capt. jonathan walker, october ; . , new broad street, london. dear sin—the painful circumstances in which you have been placed by your humane and christian attempt to deliver some of your fellow-men from the sufferings and degradation of slavery, are not, as you will perceive by the accompanying resolution, unknown to the abolitionists in great britain. they truly sympathize with you in your affliction, and they trust that the efforts which are to be made for your deliverance from the power of evil men and evil laws, will )je succeeded by the divine blessing. your faith and patience may be greatly tried, but i trust you will be divinely sustained through the conflict, and that you will have a large share in the prayers, as well as in the sympathies and assistance of your friends. trusting that you will meet with becoming fortitude your approaching trial, and that whatever may be its issue, you may ffnd the joy of the lord to be your strength," i am, dear sir, with great respect and esteem, yours very truly, john scoble, secretary. to capt. jonathan walker. to the committee op the british and foreign anti-slavery society, london. new york city, july , . very kind and highly esteemed friends : i arrived this day in this city, and embrace the earliest con appendix. venient opportunity to acknowledge the reception of the kind letter of your worthy secretary, john scoble, and the aecompanying resolution adopted at your meeting in london, on the th of october, , expressive of your opinion of, and feelings towards, charles t. torrey and myself. the letter was forwarded through the kindness of a friend in kew york, and reached me just two months after its date. but it is impossible for me to express upon paper the feelings which the reception of the letter and resolution excited, i am an american-born citizen, and have lived forty-five years under this republican form of government, but i am ashamed to acknowledge that, while enjoying the greatest social and religious privileges of any nation upon the earth, boasting of our liberal and free institutions, of the inherent right of all men to "life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness," of our arts and sciences, civilization, and the dispensation of the gospel; yet we cherish in our midst the most heinous, unjust, oppressive, and god-provoking system that ever cursed the dwellers of earth, nourishing jealousy and discord through the land, poisoning the life-streams of our union, corroding the vitals of this young and growing nation, and destroying the mental and moral faculties of one portion of its inhabitants, to corrupt and debase the other; and if any one is found among her sons whose humane feelings prompt him to extend an act of sympathy towards his deeply injured fellow-subjects—who have nowhere to look with any earthly hope for the mitigation of their wretchedness but in the hearts of the few, and are denied the privilege of seeking redress from the laws and counsels of their country— such an one is sought out and hunted like a beast of prey, and dealt with as a traitor to his country, and as a slayer of his fellow-men ; and this, notwithstanding every precaution has been used to prevent any act of violence on the part of the truly wronged, and none but pacific means are countenanced to obtain relief. while my mind has been filled with such considerations, and while undergoing the most degrading punishments that human invention has produced, from the hands of my own countrymen, i receive from a high and honorable source in a foreign and monarchical country, the warm and cordial sympathies, and favorable consideration and approbation of the cause for which i suffer, and detestation of the course pursued against me, from entire strangers, whom i never saw, and probably never shall see this side of another world. i heartily respond, gentlemen, to the declaration in the last clause of the resolution which you adopted, that " the laws under which we were to be arraigned are utterly disgraceful to a civilized community, and in the highest degree repugnant to the spirit and precepts of the gospel. american slavery. you are probably aware ere this, of the result of my first trial in november last, under four indictments. since that time i have been detained in prison until the th of june, when, after having undergone a second trial, on the th of may, under three indictments, i was released by the liberality of friends, in paying the fines and costs of prosecution, which were charged against me. with the exception of two' and a half months, i was kept in chains during the whole of my imprisonment. let me assure you again, my dear friends, of my gratitude for j o u r kind and humane consideration. it is a source of deep regret to me that the original letter and resolution were taken from me while in prison by the authorities, but not however till i had secured a copy of each, which i hold invaluable. they were laid before the legislative council of florida, and a report made thereon, a copy of which i enclose. trusting that all needful blessings from our divine lord may attend you individually and collectively in all coming time, and enable you to accomplish much in the righteous cause you have espoused for the amelioration of the condition of the deeply injured and oppressed children of men, i remain, respectfully, your grateful friend, jonathan walker. the reader has already seen that i have repeatedly been stigmatised with the epithet of " slave-stealer;" to which charge i did, and do still plead not guilty—although punished for that offence; neither was it ever my intention to commit it, and god forbid it ever should be. have not the fathers of our nation proclaimed to the world, by the declaration of independence, that " all men are "bom. free and equal.?" and that they " are endowed by their creator''' with an inalienable right to life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness v and is peaceably assisting those who have been robbed of these rights, without in any way infringing upon the rights of others, slave-stealing was the benevolent and humane conduct of the samaritan, in assisting the man who had fallen among thieves, and was 'robbed, to get to the inn where he could be provided for, stealing is practising on that invaluable rule, of doing to others as we would they should do unto us under similar circumstances—enjoined upon all christians, by jesus christ himself—slave-stealing % as to my infringing upon any man's rights, or trespassing upon any man's property, i deny it, in toto. neither byrd c. willis, george willis, nor robert c. caldwell had any more right to anthony catlet, charles johnson, or silas scott, than i or any other person had ; nor did they ever have a right to those men. under god, they had a right to themselves, which they iiad never forfeited : and those who claim them as property or appendix. chattels, assume authority oyer the almighty ceeator of all things. much has been said about invading the rights of the slaveholder, by opposing the system of slavery. as to any of the honestly gained property of the slave-holder, or any one else, have nothing to say; but i deny that he has any right or just claim to his fellow-beings, without their forfeiture or consent, in the shape of property or chattels ;—one american-born citizen being the property of another american-born citizen is ridiculous in the highest degree, and repugnant to every true republican and christian feeling, and should never be countenanced for a moment by any one having the least idea of liberty or equal rights. all that can be said in iavor of american slavery can be said in support of robber// or piracy. i know that many are ready to say, they are guaranteed to their holders by the laws of this government, and so are held by right. but neither this government nor these states have the right to guarantee one part of the home-born citizens to become the property of another part, nor to delegate the inherent rights and liberties of one portion to the absolute control and disposal of another portion. from whence do their rights proceed i repeat again that they never had such rights. what the slave-holder calls his right of property in human beings, consists of the slave's wrongs ; handed over from the inhuman kidnapper, who stole his human prey, and transferred if to the human flesh-buyer ; and how many such flagrant wrongs does it take to make one reasonable right % if there be a just god, to whom man is accountable, what is our hope for the perpetrators of these repeated wrongs, when they shall have passed on through life down to the oppressor's grave? " but -what beyond that goal may be— w h a t portion in eternity, for those who oppress to gain their wealth, and die without a hope in death i know not—and i dare not think; awhile i shudder o'er the brink of that unfathomable deep, in ythich heaven's secret judgments sleep." " your riches are corrupted, and your garments are motheaten ; your gold and silver is cankered, and the rust of them shall be a witness against you and shall eat your flesh as it were fire."—"ye have lived in pleasure on the earth, and been wanton; ye have nourished your hearts, as in a day of slaughter ; ye have condemned and killed the just,—and he did not resist you." " remember that in thy life-time thou hast received thy good things," &c. luke xvi. . american slavery. no community, society, sect, creed, or any persons or individuals, are accountable for, or chargeable with my opinions or conduct, with respect to the system of slavery,—i alone am re^ sponsible; and, as i trust, under the influence of the spirit of god. if i have erred through the weakness of human judgment, then be the offence mine, and the mercy-seat my resort for pardon. to those who charge me with having by over-zeal gone too far in aid of suffering humanity, i would say, let none other be charged with participating in what has taken place in ray case—i will bear the blame alone. be it known to all people, that i made no bargain, contract, or agreement with any of those persons for any pecuniary remuneration for the aid and expense which i devoted to their escape from bondage, other than this : that i remarked to one or two of the men, that if they succeeded in getting where they could be free, and accumulate something for themselves, they might give me what they felt able or disposed to give, in payment of the expense of their passage, as it might suit their convenience or circumstances; and when we arrived at new providence, they would be at liberty to go where they pleased, or remain there. it seems to have been a matter of wonder to many here at the north, to know what i expected to gain by aiding those slaves to escape from their masters. in reply, i will also ask what did the good samaritan expect to gain by helping the man who had fallen among thieves,, and was robbed and wounded, to a place of refuge and health in pensacola, and in the south generally, i believe there is but one opinion in regard to my motive—that it was to aid the slaves in obtaining their freedom, because i considered it their right. the following is the bill of costs brought against me by the territory of florida :— tejrritoky of florida ) abducting seven slaves: vs. > yerdict, jonathan walker. ) guilty. cost of court, and fines in seven suits, paid witness from key west, do. k. c. caldwell, do. , c. caldwell, do. deputy for travelling to navy-yard, to arrest, paid lock for gaol, do. blacksmith, repairing gaol, do. d. quind, for guarding gaol, &c, . ... do. city of pensacola for use of gaol, do. city gaoler, for board up to may rd, , (signed) £ s. d. i ' . i e. doiui, u. s. marshal appendix. eemarks. " city of pensacola, to use of jail, twenty five dollars.' this to me, i confess, is rather a singular charge to bring against a prisoner. " city marshal's bill for board," was at the rate of thirty seven and a half cents per day; but a small part of which was expended for me, as i was under the necessity of using about forty dollars, to provide myself with food, which consisted mostly of bread and molasses. il cost of court and fines, in seven suits, two hundred and '.ninety-five dollars and five cents." the fines were one hundred and sixty-five dollars, and the cost of court consisted of the district attorney's, marshal's, and clerk's fees, and the evidence before the grand jury. there were other charges in the case, and i suppose they were brought against the united (states; and the whole cost and expense would have been charged to the united states, if my friends had not paid it, in order to my release. it may not be improper to remark here that i had no witness, nor asked for any ; and those whose fees are charged, in the bill are—.richard roberts, of key west, master of the vessel that took me, near cape florida, and the other, robert c. caldwell, who claimed to be an owner of three of the slaves that left pensacola in my boat. these were summoned by the prosecution to testify against me. the charge for guarding the jail, eighty seven dollars and fifty cents, is a mooted point with me ; at one time i was told that it was guarded to prevent people without from molesting me, and at another time, that it was guarded to prevent my escape from prison; but i think, probably, more to make a show than anything else. "blacksmith—repairing jail, &c, nine dollars and thirteen •cents." a slave man came to jail one day, and worked on the doors about two hours, and fastened a piece of iron athwart an aperture in the door, through which had been in the habit of receiving my food; and i do not know what the " &c." is for, except for riveting the irons on my leg, and making the branding iron. the lock was not used on or about the jail. since my return home, i have often heard the expressions used, " we never expected to see you here again;" and " how is it that they let you come so soon " my answer is this :-— although what they term the laws of florida could have been executed with greater severity, and i subjected to more cost and longer imprisonment, yet there was a strong abhorrence on the part of the citizens of pensacola, generally, to any further inflic american slavery. tion of punishment; and many were opposed to its execution thus far. during my residence in pensacola, i had formed an acquaintance with most of the people of that place, and was on social and friendly terms with all; never having any difficulty or misunderstanding with any. another reason is,—that there was, as i believe i have before stated, but one opinion as to the motives which induced me to commit the act for which i was called to suffer;—all seeing that i was acting upon the principle which i believed to be true, just and right—that " god has made of one blood all nations of men to dwell on the face of the whole earth," and " that all men are born free and equal," and are entitled to the same rights, by the laws of god and nature. all the people saw that i was not influenced by pecuniary considerations, and that i had no intention of trespass or fraud upon the rights or property of any one. there was less indignant feeling towards me on another account. a large part of the inhabitants were creoles, (descendants of french and spanish parents,) and not generally so irresistibly devoted to the system of slavery as the american-born and bred citizens were; and this creole population manifested more sympathy for me than the rest of the community did. there has also been much inquiry of me in regard to the doings of thomas m. blunt, who was employed in new york to manage my defence at the november court, in pensacola,—or to take an appeal to the united states' supreme court, and have the case presented there. i have not attempted to give any account of him, other than noting his visits to me at the prison in december last; feeling that his being sent was nearly the greatest insult that friends at the north could impose on me. i was sufficiently well acquainted with the man, and his course of behaviour and conduct, for seven or eight years, and knew him to be void of any good principle, and pro-slavery to the backbone ; bred and practised in the hot-bed of that soul-destroying system, which is one of the greatest scourges arrayed against the well-being and happiness of man, and one of the highest insults against the authority and government of god, who has provided ample means for the happiness and welfare of the great human family. thomas m. blunt was also looked upon by the inhabitants there as a very corrupt-minded man, and a base and common swindler. the first knowledge i had of his having anything to do with my case, was the nd of december last, eighteen days after i had my trial. he then called at the prison, and talked with me a few minutes through the window, without offering to come in. he stated to me that he had seen amos b. merrill before he left new york, and he got him to attend to my case ; but in consequence of the high (!) or low (!) stage of the water in some of the rivers near there, he was prevented from being in the q trial of j . walker. place in time to attend to my trial. he had then been in the place twelve or thirteen days, and said he had told people there, that he was paid two hundred dollars to manage my case, and that my friends wished to take an appeal to the supreme court of the united states, and wanted to know if i would consent to an appeal. i told him that i would, in case i could be bailed out, and not be subjected to illegal treatment. he said he would try to get an appeal on the case. he wanted to know what the expense amounted t o ; i told him that i had not yet been able to ascertain what it was. he left me, and, after a few days, called again; when i gave him a schedule of the charges then against me, which had been handed me a day or two before by the marshal, the amount of which was four hundred and twenty-one dollars, forty-five cents. i informed him that the " fine, one hundred and fifty dollars," could be paid in territorial scrip, which could be bought at a large discount, and that a sum of less then four hundred dollars would be sufficient to effect my release. i asked him if he could not make some arrangement to satisfy the demand, so that i might leave the place. he said that he was going to the next county, where he had some money owing him, and if he could get that, he would release me; but that he could not get an appeal on the case, for the bail would, be so high that it could not be given. he handed me a paper in which was enclosed a letter, and resolution from the british and foreign anti-slavery society, and left, until the th, when he called again, and said he was then going to kew york, and would stir up my friends about the matter, and urge them to have the means necessary to my release forthcoming. this is the substance of my positive knowledge of the doings of thomas m. blunt, in regard to my case; but since my return, i have been informed that he received from a committee, who had been acting in the case, seven hundred and fifty dollars, which had been subscribed to provide me with counsel, and my family with such aid as they might need. [what villainy ! ed.] e x t r a c t s from a w o r k entitled "facts and arguments on american slavery," by the rev. la roy sunderland. laws belating to amebican slayeby. by american slavery is meant the condition of those americans who are claimed, held and treated, in these united states, as property. a slave is one who is in the power of a master to whom he belongs. the master may sell him, dispose of his person, his industry, and his labour; he can do nothing, possess nothing, nor acquire any thing, but what must belong to his master.— louisiana code. the same code, speaking of the legal nature of slave property, says :— slaves, though movable by their nature, are considered immovable by the operation of the law. " goods they are," says the civil code, " and goods they shall be esteemed."—taylor's elements, p. . slaves shall be deemed, sold, taken, and reputed to be chattels personal in the hands of their owners and possessors, their executors, administrators, and assigns, to all intents, constructions, and purposes whatsoever.—laws of south carolina, stroud, p. — . this dominion of the master is as unlimited as that which is tolerated by the laws of any civilized community in relation to brute animals—to ' quadrupeds,' to use the words of the civil law.—stroud, p. . in case the personal property of a ward shall consist of specific articles, such as slaves, working beasts, animals of any kind, «tock, furniture, plate, books, and so forth, the court, if it shall deem it advantageous for the ward/may, at any time, pass an order for the sale thereof.—laws of maryland, . slaves shall always be reputed and considered real estate; ;shall be, as such, subject to be mortgaged, according to the rules american slavery. who may be held as slaves. a law of south carolina reads as follows :— all negroes, indians, (free indians in amity with this government, and negroes, mulattoes, and mestizoes, who are now free, excepted,) mulattoes, or mestizoes, who are now or shall hereafter be in this province, and all their issue and offspring born, or to be born, shall be, and they are hereby declared to be and and remain forever hereafter, absolute slaves, and shall follow the condition of the mother.—act of , brevard's digest, . similar laws are now in force in georgia, mississippi, virginia, and louisiana. i n virginia the enslavement of indians was authorized by statute from to . those whose maternal ancestors have been reduced toslavery since the latter period, have been decided by the highest courts in that state to be free. so late as , it was decided by the supreme court of n e w jersey, chief justice kinsey, that indians might be held as slaves. they (indians) have been so long recognized as slaves, in our law, that it would be as great a violation of the rights of property to establish a contrary doctrine at the present day, as it would in the case of the africans; and as useless to investigate the manner in which they originally lost their freedom.—the state vs. waggoner, halstead's reports, to . persons emancipated, but not in the prescribed form of law, are liable to be re-enslaved. thus in south carolina, in case any slave shall be emancipated or set free, otherwise than according to the act (of ) regulating emancipation, it shall be lawful for any person whosoever to seize and convert to his or her own use, and to keep as his or her property the gaid slave so illegally emancipated or set free.— brevard's digest, . and in virginia," if any emancipated slave (infants excepted) shall remain within the state more than twelve months after his or her right to freedom shall have accrued, he or she shall forfeit all such right, and may be apprehended and sold by the overseers of the poor, &c, for the benefit of the literary fund ! !"— bev. code, . hence it will be perceived, that slavery has no limits. i t lays its bloody hands not only on native americans of m laws b e l a t i n g to african descent, and their children, forever, b u t ore indians. " nor is it confined to color," says mr. paxton of virginia. " the best blood in virginia flows in the veins of the slaves." many who are now held in slavery, in this nation, are as white as the masters by whom they are oppressed. civil condition of the enslaved. color a legal evidence of slaveby. a w h i t e man may enslave any colored one, and, as between himself and the slave, the law does not require him to establish his claim ; the slave is compelled to remain so. if he cannot prove his freedom. the south carolina act of , permits persons held as slaves and claiming to be free, to petition the judges of the court of common pleas, who, if they see cause, may allow a guardian to bring an action for freedom against the master. the sequel of this law shows how poor is the encouragement for both the suitor and his guardian. and if judgment shall be given for the plaintiff, a special entry shall be made, declaring that the ward of the plaintiff m free, and the jury shall assess damages which the plaintiff's ward hath sustained, and the court shall give judgment, and award execution against the defendant for such damages, with full cost of suit; but in case judgment shall be given for the defendant, the said court is hereby fully empowered to inflct such coporalpunisfoment, not extending to life or limb, on the ward of the plaintiff, as they, in their discretion, shall think fit. provided, that in any action or suit to be brought in pursuance of the direction of this act, the burden of the proof shall lay upon the plaintiff, and it shall be always persumed, that every negro, indian, mulatto, and mestizo, is a slave, unless the contrary be made to appear, (the indians in amity with this goverment excepted, in which case, the burden of the proof shall be on the defendant.)— brevard's digest, , . virginia shows her hostility to the claim for freedom by the following provision of her eevised code : for aiding and abetting a slave in a trial for freedom, if the claimant shall fail in his suit, a fine of one hundred dollars is. imposed.— rev. code, . the only known exception to this principle of throwing laws relating to either before the rising of the sun or after the going down of the same.— brevard's digest, - . virginia passed the following in : that all meetings or assemblages of slaves or free negroes, or mulattoes, mixing and associating with such slaves at any meeting house, or houses, or any other place, &c. in the night, or at any school or schools for teaching them reading or writing either in the day or night, under whatsoever pretext, shall be deemed and considered an unlawful assembly; and any justice of a county, &c. wherein such assemblage shall be, either from his own knowledge, or the information of others, of such unlawful assemblage, &c. may issue his warrant directed to any sworn officer or officers, authorizing him or them to enter the house or houses wheie such unlawful assemblages, &c. may be, for the purpose of apprehending or dispersing such slaves, and to inflict corporal punishment on the offender or offenders, at the discretion of any justice of the peace, not exceeding tiventy lashes.— rev. code, - . similar laws exist in most of the slave states, and in all mental instruction is practically discouraged. prohibition op religious worship. many extracts from the laws of the southern states might be given under this head. the following is but a specimen ; it is from the south carolina act of : it shall not be lawful for any number of slaves, free negroes, mulattoes, or mestizoes, even in company with white persons, to meet together and assemble for the purpose of mental instruction or religious worship, either before the rising of the sun or after the going down of the same. and all magistrates, sheriffs, militia officers, &c. are hereby vested with power, &c. for dispersing such assemblies, &c.— brevard's digest, - . prohibition of self-defence. if any slave shall presume to strike any white person, such slave, upon trial and conviction before the justice or justices, according to the directions of this act, shall, for the first offence, suffer such punishment as the said justice or justices shall, in his or their discretion, think fit, not extending to life or limb ; and, for the second offence, suffer death. the law is similar in south carolina ; in both states the slave is not punished, however, when he strikes, " by the command, and in the defence of the person or property of the owner, & c . " american slavery. unqualified submission to the will of the whites bequibed of the slaves. the code of louisiana gravely lays down the following principle : free people of color ought never to insult or strike white people, nor presume to conceive themselves equal to the whites; but on the contrary, they ought to yield to them on every occasion, and never speak or answer them, but with respect, under the penalty of imprisonment, according to the nature of the offence.— martin's digest, - . the following are specimens of the laws by which the whole white community have made themselves tyrants over the slaves : if any slave shall happen to be slain for refusing to surrender him or herself, contrary to law, or in unlawful resisting any officer or other person, who shall apprehend or endeavor to apprehend, such slave or slaves, &c, such officer or other person so killing such slave as aforesaid, making resistance, shall be, and he is by this act, indemnified from any prosecution ior such killing aforesaid, &c.—maryland laws, act of , chap. xiv. §*. a n d by the negro act of , of south carolina, it is declared : if any slave, who shall be out of the house or plantation where such slave shall live, or shall be usually employed, or without some white person in company with such slave, shall refuse to submit to undergo the examination of any ivhite person, it shall be lawful for such white person to pursue, apprehend, and moderately correct such slave; and if such slave shall assault and strike such white person, such slave may be lawfully killed !! — brevard's digest, . poweb of the slave-holdeb. whereas, by another act of the assembly, passed in the year , the killing of a slave, however wanton, cruel and deliberate, is only punishable in the first instance by imprisonment and paying the value thereof to the owner, which distinction of criminality between the murder of a white person and one who is equally a human creature, but merely of a different complexion, is disgraceful to humanity, and degrading in the highest degree to the laws and principles of a free, christian, and enlightened country, be it enacted, &c, that if any person shall hereafter be guilty of wilfully and maliciously killing a slave, such offender shall, upon the first conviction thereof, be adjudged guilty of murder, and shall suffer the same punishment as if he laws relating to had killed a free man ; provided always this act shall not extend to the person hilling a slave outlawed by virtue of any act of assembly of this state, or to any slave in the act of resistance to his lawful owner or master, or to any slave dying under moderate correction.—haywood's manual ; and see laws of tennesse, act of oct. rd, , with a like [neutralising] proviso. any person who shall maliciously dismember or deprive a slave of life, shall suffer such punishment as would be inflicted in case the like offence had been committed on a free white person, and on the like proof, except in case of insurrection of such slave, and unless such death should happen by accident in giving such slave moderate correction.— constitution of georgia, art. , § . prince's digest, . judge stroud remarks, that a proclamation of outlawry against a slave is authorized, whenever he runs away from his master, conceals himself in some obscure retreat, and to sustain life, kills a hog, or some animal of the cattle kind ! see haywood's manual, ; act of , ch. , § . i n south carolina by the act of the a wilful murder " of a slave was punished by a fine of " seven hundred pounds current money," and inability to hold office, but another description of murder, more likely to occur, was punished as follows :— if any person shall, on a sudden heat or passion, or by undue correction, kill his own slave, or the slave of any other person, he shall forfeit the sum of three hundred and fifty pounds, current money.—brevard's digest, . b y an act of , the former provision was abolished, but the latter was continued, diminishing the price to five hundred dollars, and authorizing an imprisonment of six months.—james' digest, . it is the imperative duty of the judges to recognize the full dominion of the owner over the slave, except where the exercise of it is forbidden by statute.—judge kuffin, n". carolina. in case any person shall wilfully cut out the tongue, put out the eye, castrate, or cruelly scald, burn, or deprive any slave of any limb, or member, or shall inflict any other cruel punishment, other than by whipping or beating with a horse-whip, cow-skin, switch, or small stick, or bj putting irons on, or confining or imprisoning such slave, every such person shall, for every such offence, forfeit the sum of one hundred pounds, current money.— brevard's digest, . louisiana imposes a heavier penaltv for taking off irona american slavery. t h a n she does for the " cruel punishments," specified above, as appears from this :—• if any person or persons, &c., shall cut or break any iron chain or collar, which any master of slaves should have used in order to prevent the running away or escape of any such slave or slaves, such person or persons so offending shall, on conviction, &c. be fined not less than two hundred dollars, nor exceeding one thousand dollars; and suffer imprisonment for a term not exceeding two years, nor less than six months.—act of assembly of march th, , pamphlet, page . n o w , in the same state, the law before quoted from south carolina is in force, and the penalty is a fine of not more than five hundred dollars, nor less than two hundred i i n missouri, the master is assisted in punishing as follows :— if any slave resist his or her master, mistress, overseer or employer, or refuse to obey his or her lawful commands, it shall be lawful for such master, &c, to commit such slave to the common gaol of the county, there to remain at the pleasure of the master, &c; and the sheriff shall receive such slave, and keep him, &c, in confinement, at the expense of the person committing him or her.— missouri laws, . delegated power op the master. according to the universal practice of the slave states, the master may delegate his tremendous power to any other person whom he pleases. louisiana has the following express law :— the condition of a slave being merely a passive one, his subordination to his master, and to all who represent him, is not susceptible of any modification or restriction (except in what can incite the slave to the commission of crime,) in such manner that he owes to his master and to all his family a respect without bounds and an absolute obedience, and he is consequently to execute all the orders which he receives from him, his said master, or from them.— martin's digest, . right of marriage. the following is, unquestionably, law and fact through* out the slave states :— a slave has never maintained an action against the violator of his bed. a slave is not admonished for incontinence, or punished for fornication or adultery; never prosecuted for laws r e l a t i n g to bigamy, or petty treason for killing a husband being a slave, any more than admitted to an appeal for murder.—opinion of daniel dulany,esq., attorney general of maryland, , maryland reports, , . right op property it shall not be lawful for any slave to buy, sell, trade, &c, for any goods, &c, without a license from the owner, kc, nor shall any slave be permitted to keep any boat, periauger, or canoe, or raise and breed, for the benefit of such slave, any horses, mares, cattle, sheep, or hogs, under pain of forfeiting all the goods, &c, and all the boats, periaugers, or canoes, horses, mares, cattle, sheep, or hogs. and it shall be lawful for any person whatsoever, to seize and take away from any slave, all such goods, &c, boats, &c, and to deliver the same into the hands of any justice of the peace, nearest the place where the seizure shall be made, and such justice shall take the oath of the person making such seizure, concerning the manner thereof: and if the said justice shall be satisfied that such seizure has been made according to law, he shall pronounce and declare the goods so seized, to be forfeited, and order the same to be sold at public outcry, one half of the monies arising from such sale to go to the state, and the other half to him or them that sue for the same.—james digest, - . act of , s. car. i n georgia, to prevent the master from permitting the slave to hire himself for his own benefit, there is a penalty of thirty dollars " for every weekly offence, on the part of t h e master, unless the labor be done on his own premises."—prince's digest, t . in kentucky, mississippi, tennessee, virginia, and missouri, there are similar laws. as early as the year , n o r t h carolina interposed as follows : — all horses, cattle, hogs or sheep, that one month after the passing of this act, shall belong to any slave, or be of any slave's mark, in this state, shall be seized and sold by the county wardens, and by them applied, the one half to the support of the poor of the country, and the other half to the informer.—haywood's manual, . i n mississippi, the master incurs a fine of fifty dollars toy permitting the slave to cultivate cotton for his own use ; rev. code, ; also fifty dollars for permitting t h e slave to go at large and trade as a freeman. rev. code, . american slavery. the civil code of louisiana lays down the following principles :— all that a slave possesses belongs to his master—he possesses nothing of his own, except his peculium, that is to say, the sum of money or movable estate, which his master chooses he should possess. art. , and see martin's digest, . slaves are incapable of inheriting or transmitting property, qjvil code, art. . colored persons cannot be witnesses against a white criminal. in virginia, and some others of the slave states, and in one of the free, there is the following law : any negro or mulatto, bond or free, shall be a good witness in pleas of the commonwealth for or against negroes or mulattoes, bond or free, or in civil pleas where negroes or mulattoes shall alone be parties, and in no other cases whatever. r. y. c. . similar in missouri, missouri laws, . in mississippi. mississippi rev. code, . in kentucky, litt. and swi. . in alabama, toxdmirts digest, . in maryland, maryland laws, act of , ch. , § , & , and an act of , ch. , § . in north carolina and tennessee, act of , ch. , § . and in ohio, act of assembly, of january , . restraints upon emancipation. in south carolina, georgia, and alabama, emancipation can take place only by special act of the legislature. in north carolina no negro or mulatto slave can be set free "except for meritorious services to be adjudged of and allowed by the county court." in tennessee the court is authorized to emancipate upon petition, if the measures set forth in the petition, are in the opinion of the court, i( consistent with the interest and policy of the state." in mississippi the legislature only can emancipate, by special act, and that only upon proof of meritorious services, &c. in kentucky, missouri, virginia, and maryland, emancipation may be effected by deeds registered in court, saving the " rights of creditors," and giving bonds for maintenance if required by the court. in virginia, however, if the emancipated be over twentyone, he must leave the state before the expiration of twelve months, or be reduced into slavery. in louisiana emancipation is regulated as follows : laws relating to the master who wishes to emancipate his slave, is bound to make a declaration of his intention to the judge of the parish where he resides; the judge must order notice of it to be published during forty days by advertisement posted at the door of the court house, and if at the expiration of this delay, no opposition be made, he shall authorize the master to pass the act of emancipation. art. . the general powers thus conferred, are subject nevertheless, to these limitations; " n o one can emancipate his slave unless the slave has attained the age of thirty years, and has behaved well at least for four years previous to his emancipation; art. , except " a slave who has saved the life of his master, his master's wife, or one of his children," for such a one "may be emancipated at any age." art. . slaves emancipated otherwise than by these formalities are liable to be reduced to slavery, and in probably all the states except n o r t h carolina, they are liable to be sold for the debts of their emancipators contracted before their emancipation. the state of georgia has the following barbarous enactment-: if any person or persons shall, after the passing of this act ( ,) set free any slave or slaves, in any other manner and form than the one prescribed herein, (i. e, by special legislative act,) he shall forfeit for every such offence two hundred dollars, to be recovered by action of debt, or indictment, the one half to be applied to the use of the county in which the offence may have been committed, the other half to the use of the informer, and the said slave or slaves so manumitted and set free, shall be still to all intents and purposes as much in a state of slavery as before they were manumitted and set free by the party or parties so offending. prince's digest , i n this unrighteous edict was fortified by the following: all and every will and testament, deed, whether by way of trust or otherwise, contract, agreement or stipulation, or other instrument in writing, or by parole, made and executed for the purpose of effecting or endeavouring to effect the manumission of any slave or slaves, either directly by conferring or attempting to confer freedom on such slave or slaves, or indirectly or virtually, by allowing and securing or attempting to allow and secure to such slave or slaves the right or privilege of working for his, her or themselves, free from the control of the master or •owner of such slave or slaves, or of enjoying the profits of his, her or their labor or skill, shall be and the same are hereby declared to be utterly null and void; and the person or persons so american slavery. making, &c. any such deed, &c &c, and all and every person or persons concerned in giving or attempting to give effect thereto, •whether by accepting the trust created or attempted to be created, or in any way or manner whatsoever, shall be severally liable to a penalty not exceeding one thousand dollars, to be recovered, &c, and each and every slave or slaves in whose behalf such will or testament, &c, shall have been made, shall be liable to be arrested by warrant under the hand and seal of any magistrate of this state, and being thereof convicted, &c. shall be liable to be sold as a slave or slaves, by public outcry, and the proceeds of such sales shall be appropriated, &c. &c. princes digest, , . from the foregoing and similar laws it appears : . the master may determine the kind, and degree, and time of labor, to which the slave shall be subjected. . the master may supply the slave with such food and clothing only, both as to quantity and quality, as he may think proper, or find convenient. . the master may, at his discretion, inflict any punishment upon the person of his slave. . slaves have no legal right to any property in things real or personal; but whatever they may acquire, belongs in point of law to their masters. . the slave, being a personal chattel, is at all times liable to be sold absolutely, or mortgaged, or leased, at the will of his master. . he may also be sold by process of law, for the satisfaction of the debts of a living, or the debts and bequests of a deceased master, at the suit of creditors or legatees. . a slave cannot be a party before a judicial tribunal, in any species of action, against his master, no matter how atrocious may have been the injury received from him. . slaves cannot redeem themselves, nor obtain a change of masters, though cruel treatment may have rendered such change necessary for their personal safety. . slaves can make no contracts. . slavery is hereditary and perpetual. . a slave cannot be a witness against a white person, either in a civil or criminal cause. on american slavery. topics, equally copious and important, because tliey have been repeatedly discussed by abler pens than mine, and because i know you have been long sensible of their force. page . if a female negro is childless, it is the fault of nature alone. ibid, page . testimony op mb. johnson. mr. johnson, in the convention for revising the constitution of virginia, in , said :— slavery has been the foundation of that impiety and dissipation, which has been so much disseminated among our countrymen. if it were totally abolished it would do much good.— debates in virginia convention, page , testimony of mr. moore. mr. moore, in the legislature of virginia in , said :— permit me now, sir, to direct your attention to some of the evil consequences of slavery, by way of argument, in favor of your maturely deliberating on the whole subject, and adopting some efficient measures to remove the cause from which those evils spring. in the first place, i shall confine my remarks ta such of those evils as affect the white population exclusively. and even in that point of view, i think that slavery as it exists among us, may be regarded as the heaviest calamity which has ever befallen any portion of the human race. if we look back through the long course of time which has elapsed since the creation to the present moment, we shall scarcely be able to point out a people whose situation was not in many respectspreferable to our own, and that of the other states in which negro-slavery exists.—richmond whig. testimony op mb. summers. said mr. summers, in the same great debate •— a slave population, exercises the most pernicious influence upon the manners, habits, and character, of those among whom it exists. lisping infancy learns the vocabulary of abusive epithets, and struts the embryo tyrant of its little domain. the consciousness of superior destiny takes possession of his mind at* its earliest dawning, and love of power and rule " grows with his growth, and strengthens with his strength.' when in the sublime lessons of christianity he is taught "to do unto others as he would have others to do unto him;" he never dreams that the degraded negro is within the pale of that holy canon. unless enabled to rise above the operation of powerful causes, he enters the world with miserable notions of self-importance, and under the government of an unbridled temper.—ibid. r facts and arguments sentiments fayorable to the perpetuity of american slavery. governor mcduffie, domestic slavery, therefore, instead of being a political evil, is the corner stone of our republican edifice. no patriot who justly estimates our privileges, will tolerate the idea of emancipation, at any period, however remote, or on any conditions of pecuniary advantage, however favorable. i would as soon think of opening a negotiation for selling the liberty of the state at once, as for making any stipulation for the ultimate emancipation of our slaves. so deep is my conviction on this subject that if i were doomed to die immediately after recording these sentiments, i could say in all sincerity, and under all the sanction of christianity and patriotism, god forbid that my descendants, i n t h e remotest g e n e r a t i o n s , s h o u l d live in any other than a community having the i n s t i t u t i o n of domestic s l a v e r y . testimony from charleston, s. c. one of the most imposing assemblages of citizens in respect of numbers, intelligence, and respectability, that we have ever witnessed, met yesterday morning at the city hall, to receive the report of twenty-one, appointed by the meeting on the th instant, on the incendiary machinations now in progress against the peace and welfare? of the southern states. the clergy of all denominations attended in a body, lending their sanction to the p)'oceedings, and adding by their presence, to the impressive character of the scei / [after the most violent threats against the discussion of the subject of slavery, the meeting closed with the following resolution :] on the motion of captain lynch, resolved,—that the thanks of this meeting are due to the reverend gentlemen of the clergy in this city, who have so promptly, and so effectually responded to public sentiment, by suspending their schools in which the free colored population were taught; and that this meeting deem it a patriotic action, worthy of all praise, and proper to be imitated by other teachers of similar schools throughout the state ! ! !— charleston cour. on american slavery. testimony from camden, s. c. the following resolution was passed at a meeting of the citizens of camden, s. c , in . resolved,—that slavery, as it exists with us, ive deny to be an evil, and that we regard those who are now making war upon it, in any shape, or under any pretext, as furious fanatics, or knaves and hypocrites; and we hereby promise them, upon all occasions which may put them in our power, the fate of the pirate, the incendiary, and the midnight asssassin ! testimony from lancasterville, s. . the following documents are taken from the southern christian herald : at a public meeting, held in lancasterville, for the purpose of taking into consideration the proceedings of the abolitionists of the north, several resolutions were passed, and by request the meeting was addressed by the be v. j. h. thorn well, and the eev. william carlisle. the rev. mr postell's sentiments, contained in a letter, were read at the meeting. the purport of the resolution was as follows : that slavery, as it exists in the south, is no evil, and is consistent with the principles of revealed religion; that all opposition to it arises from a misguided andfiendishfanaticism, which we are bound to resist in the very threshold. rev. j. h. thornwell/s testimony, methodist. i cannot regard slavery as a moral evil for the following reasons : . it was distinctly recognized by moses. . it is not inconsistent with the precepts of christianity. cor. vii. , . the word translated servant means a slave. tim. vi. . [this is is a great mistake.] as i cannot believe that slavery is wrong in itself, i am decidedly opposed to the measures of the abolitionists. testimony of the charleston courier. we protest against the assumption—the unwarrantable assumption-—that slavery is ultimately to be extirpated from the southern states. ultimate abolitionists are facts and arguments enemies of the south, the same in kind, and only less in* degree, than immediate abolitionists. testimony of the columbia, s. c , telescope. let us declare, through the public journals of our country, that the question of slavery is not, and shall not be open to discussion—that the system is deep rooted among us, and must remain forever : that the very moment any private individual attempts to lecture us upon its evils and immorality, and the necessity of putting means in operation to secure us from them, [in the same moment his tongue shall be cut out and cast upon a dung-hill. testimony of the washington telegraph. as a man, a christian, and a citizen, we be believe that slavery is right; that the condition of the slave, as it now exists in slave-holding states, is the best existing organization of civil society. testimony of the charleston courier. we beg him, however, [mr. fletcher, one of the speakers at faneuil hall] and all who like him, acknowledge their affectionate interests in their political obligations to the south, to disabuse themselves of the notion that the south regards slavery as an evil, or even dreams of its removal. our institutions are likely to endure for ages, if not to be perpetual; and while they do endure, and are endured by us, we cannot recognize the moral or_ social, to say nothing of the political propriety, of denouncing them as evil. our right in the subject-matter is perfect and exclusive, and not a tongue should wag, or breath be stirred, against its exercise. testimony of the augusta, geo. chronicle. he [amos dresser] should have been hung up as high as haman to rot upon the gibbet, until the wind whistled through his bones, the cry of the whole south should be, death, instant death to the abolitionist, wherever he is caught. northern abolitionists are a class of desperate fanatics, who, to accomplish their unhallowed ends, are ready to sacrifice our lives, and those of our wives and* on american slavery. children. keep their publications from among us, and hang every emissary that dare step a lawless foot upon our soil—cut off all trade with every northern house connected with them, &c. testimony of the rev. j. c. p stell, methodist. t h e following is from an address of the rev. j . g. postell, delivered at a public meeting, held at orangeburgh court-house, s. ., on the st of july, . i have not time, at present, nor do i wish to trespass upon your patience, in a lengthy address on this subject; but to comply with your request, involves my duty as your minister, and the servant of the church, and from what has been premised, the following conclusions result: st. that slavery is a merciful visitation. nd. that it is not a moral evil. rd. that it is supported by the bible. th. it existed in all ages. t h e reverend orator then takes up the above points, and argues them at some length, but we have not room to follow him. on the second proposition, he says : it is not a moral evil. the fact that slavery is of divine appointment, would be proof enough with the christian, that it could not be a moral evil. but when we view the hordes of savages, marauders, and human cannibals enslaved to lust and passion, and abandoned to idolatry and ignorance, to revolutionize them from such. a state, and enslave them where they may have the gospel, and the privileges of christians, so far from being a moral evil, it is> merciful visitation. if slavery was either the invention of man or a moral evil, it is logical to conclude, the power to create has the power to destroy. why then, has it existed and why does it now exist ? amidst all the power of legislation in state and church, and the clamor of abolitionists. ' it is the lord's doings, and marvellous in our eyes' and had it not been done for the best, god alone who is able, long since would have overruled it. it is by divine appointment. testimony of the rev. james smylie, prebyterian. the reverend james smylie, a. m., a presbyterian minister in mississippi, says in a pamphlet he has recently published in favor of american slavery : if slavery be a sin, and if advertising and apprehending slaves with a view to restore them to their mast e rs, is a direct violation of the divine law, and if the buying, selling, or holding a, facts and arguments slave for the sake of gain, is a henious sin and scandal, then verily, three-fourths of all the episcopalians, methodists, baptists, and presbyterians, in eleven states of the union, are of the devil.—they 'hold/ if they do not buy and sell slaves, and, with few exceptions, they hesitate not to ' apprehend and restore runaway slaves, when in their power. charleston union presbytery. extract from the minutes of the charleston union presbytery, at their meeting on the ? t h april, . it is a principle which meets the views of this body, that slavery, as it exists among us, is a political institution, with which ecclesiastical judicatories have not the smallest right to interfere; and in relation to which, any such interference,-especially at the present momentous crisis, would be morally wrong, and fraught with the most dangerous and pernicious consequences. the sentiments which we maintain, in common with christians at the south, of every denomination, are sentiments which so fully approve themselves to our consciences, are so identified with our solemn convictions of duty, that we should maintain them under my circumstances. e. t. bust, moderator. b. g-ildersleeve, temporary clerk, " f synod of south carolina and georgia. besolution of the presbyterian synod of south carolina and georgia, dec. . resolved, unanimously, that in the opinion of this synod, abolition societies, and the principles on which they are founded, in the united states, are inconsistent with the interests of the slaves, the rights of the holders, and the great principles of our political institution. testimony of the missionary society of the south carolina methodist conference. t h e following declaration of sentiments has been published in charleston, south carolina, by the board of managers of the missionary society of the south carolina conference of the methodist episcopal c h u r c h : wo denounce the principles and opinions of the abolitionists in toto; and solemnly do declare our convictions and belief that, whether they were originated, as some business men have thought, as a money speculation, or, as some politicians think, for party electioneering purposes, or, as we are inclined to believe, in a false philosophy, over-reaching or setting aside the scriptures throus;h a vain conceit of higher 'moral refinement, on american slavery. they are utterly erroneous, and altogether hurtful. we consider and believe that the holy scriptures, so far from giving any 'countenance to this delusion, do equivocally authorise the relation of master and slave. hopewell presbytery, south carolina. on the subject of domestic slavery, this presbytery believe the following facts have been most incontrovertibly established, viz : . slavery has existed in the church of god from the time of abraham to this day. members of the church of god, have held slaves bought with their money, and born in their houses ; and this relation is not only recognized, but its duties are defined clearly, both in the old and 'new testaments. emancipation is not mentioned among the duties of the master to his slave. while obedience ' even to the forward' master is enjoined upon the slave, . no instance can be produced of an otherwise orderly christian, being reproved, much less excommunicated from the church, for the single act of holding domestic slaves, from the days of abraham down to the date of the modern abolitionist. synod of virginia, presbyterian. t h e committee to whom we referred the resolutions, &c., have, according to order, had the same under consideration—and respectfully report that in their judgment, the following resolutions are necessary and proper to be adopted by the synod at the present time. whereas, the publications and proceedings of certain organised associations, commonly called anti-slavery, or abolition societies, which have arisen in some parts of our land, have greatly distmbed, and are still greatly disturbing the peace of the churchy and of the country ; and the synod of virginia deem it a solemn duty which they owe to themselves and to the community, to declare their, sentiments upon the subject; therefore : besolved, unanimously, that we consider the dogma fiercely promulgated by said associations—that slavery as it exists in our slave-holding states is necessarily sinful, and ought to be immediately abolished, and the conclusions which naturally fol'^ low from that dogma, as directly and palpably contrary to the? plainest principles of common sense and common humanity, m<l to the clearest authority of the word of god. facts and arguments testimony of the kev. r. n. anderson, presbyterian. to the sessions of the presbyterian congregations within the bounds of the west hanover presbytery : at the approaching stated meeting of our presbytery, i design to offer a preamble and string of resolutions on the subject of the use of wine in the lord's supper ; and also a preamble and a string of resolutions on the subject of the treasonable and abominably wicked interference of the northern and eastern fanatics with our political and civil rights, our property and our domestic concerns. you are aware that our clergy, whether with or without reason, are more suspected by the public than are the clergy of other denominations. now, dear christian brethren, i humbly express it as my earnest wish, that you quit yourselves like men. if there be any stray goat of a minister among us, tainted with the blood-hound principles of abolitionism, let him be ferreted out, silenced, excommunicated, and left to the public to dispose of him in other respects. your affectionate brother in the lord, . eobert n. anderson ! ! ! general assembly op the presbyterian church. the following statements were made in the general assembly of the presbyterian church, convened in pittsburgh in may, , and they have never been contradicted :— he (mr. dickey) believed there were many, and great evils in the presbyterian church, but the doctrine of slaveholding, he was fully persuaded, was the worst heresy now found in the church. mr. stewart—t hope this assembly are prepared to come out fully, and declare their sentiments that slaveholding is a most flagrant and heinous sin. let us not pass it by in this indirect way, while so many thousands and thousands of our fellow-creatures are writhing under the lash, often inflicted too by ministers and elders of the presbyterian church. in this church, a man may take a free-born child, force on american slavery. it away from its parents, to whom god gave it in charge, saying, " bring it up for me," and sell it as a beast, or hold it in perpetual bondage, and not only escape corporeal punishment, but really be esteemed an excellent christian. nay, even ministers of the gospel, and doctors of divinity, may engage in this unholy traffic, and yet •sustain their high and holy calling. elders, ministers, and doctors of divinity, are with both hands engaged in the practice. this same assembly, in , struck out of the confession of the church the following note, adopted in , and which contained the doctrine of the church at that period, on the subject of slave-holding. the note was appended to the one hundred and forty-second question of the large catechism :— tim. i. . the law is made for man-stealers. this crime among the jews exposed the perpetrators of it to capital punishment; exodus xxi. ; and the apostle here classes them with sinners of the first rank. the word he uses in its original import, comprehends all who are concerned in bringing any of the human race into slavery, or in retaining them in it. hominum furis, qui servos vel liberos abducent, retinent, vendunt, velemunt. —stealers of men are all those who bring off slaves or free-men, and keep, sell, or buy them. to steal a freeman, says grotius, is the highest kind of theft. in other instances, we only steal human property, but when we steal or retain men in slavery, we seize those who, in common with ourselves, are constituted by the original grant, lords of the earth. gen. i. . vide poll synopsin in \oe. methodist church, in . in the year , the sentiments of the methodist societies in this country were thus expressed upon this subject, in the minutes of the conference for that year :— the conference acknowledges that slavery is contrary to the laws of god, man and nature, and hurtful to society; contrary to the dictates of conscience and pure religion : and doing what we would not that others should do unto us; and they pass their " facts and arguments disapprobation upon all our friends who keep slaves, and they advise their freedom. and from lee's history of the methodists, page , we learn that the m. e. church was organized, with a number of express rules upon this subject, which stipulated that slavery should not he continued in this church. one of them was as follows :— every member in our society shall legally execute and record an instrument [for the purpose of setting every slave in his possession free,] within the space of two years. another was as follows :— every person concerned, who will not comply with these rules, shall have liberty quietly to withdraw frum our society within the twelve months following, the notice being given him as aforesaid :—otherwise the assistant shall exclude him from the society. and again, another rule declared that:— those who hought or sold slaves, or gave them away unless on purpose to free them, should be expelled immediately. and forty years ago the discipline of this church contained the following directions upon the subject:— the preachers and other members of our society, are requested to consider the subject of negro slavery with deep attention ; and that they impart to the general conference, through the medium of the yearly conferences, or otherwise, any important thoughts upon the subject, that the conference may have full light, in order to take further steps towards eradicating this enormous evil from that part of the church of god with which they are connected. the annual conferences are directed to draw up addresses for the gradual emancipation of the slaves, to the legislature of those states in which no general laws have been passed for that purpose. these addresses shall urge, in the most respectful but pointed manner, the necessity of a law for the gradual emancipation of slaves. proper committees shall be appointed by the annual conferences, out of the most respectable of our friends, for the conducting of the business ; and the presiding elders, elders, deacons, and travelling preachers, shall procure as many proper signatures as possible to the addresses, and give all the assistance in their power, in every respect, to aid the committees, and on american slavery. to further this blessed undertaking. let this be continued from year to year, till the desired end be accomplished. general conference of the methodist e. church, in . but the above was long ago left out of the discipline of this church, and at the last session of its highest ecclesiastical body in cincinnati, in may, , the followingresolution was adpted, yeas , noes, . resolved, by the delegates of the annual conferences, in the general conference assembled, that they are decidedly opposed to modern abolitionism, and wholly disclaim any right, wish, or intention to interfere in the civil and political relation between master and slave, as it exists in the slave-holding states of this union. a motion was made, to amend the above resolution by putting in the words " although we are as much as ever convinced of the great evil of slavery," the language of the discipline, but this motion was lost. testimony of rev. w. winans, methodist. at this same conference of the methodist e. churchy the eev. mr. winans, a prominent, popular preacher, and a southern delegate, confessed himself there a slave-holder, solemnly asserted that " it was important to the interests of the slaves, and in view of the question of slavery, that there be christians who were slave-holders, christian ministers should be slave-holders, and diffused throughout the south. yes, he repeated, there should be memhers, and deacons, and elders, and bishops, too, who were slave-holders. mr. winans, in relating an anecdote in conference, to show the inexpediency of abolition efforts, as regards their influence on the prosperity of the southern church, intimated that the article in the methodist discipline on the subject of slavery, was, in fact, a dead letter. testimony of dr. capers, methodist. dr. capers in his speech, in mentioning various reasons why methodists, after a certain date, became less odious to the people of the southern states, said—"at length facts and arguments people began to consider that many of them were slaveholders—why should they be insurrectionists " again—the southern section of the methodist church is now murmuring because slave-holding ministers are •excluded from the highest offices in the churches—nay more—disunion is seriously, openly hinted at by prominent preachers in the south, if hereafter, the fact of a minister being a slave-holder, is considered valid reason for withholding from him the office of bishop. testimony of prof. hodge, presbyterian. it is acknowledged, that, at the time of the advent of jesus christ, slavery in its worst forms, prevailed over the world. the saviour found it around him in judea ; the apostles met with it in asia, greece, and ttaly. how did they treat it ] not by the denunciation of slave-holding as necessarily sinful. the assumption that slave-holding is, in itself, a crime, is not only an error, but it is an error fraught with evil consequences.—bib. rep. april, . testimony of w. b. seabrook, of s. . in the judgment of my fellow citizens, slavery is not inconsistent with the laws of nature, and of god. the bible informs us, that it was established and sanctioned by divine authority even among the elect of heaven.— essay, read before ike agricultural society of st. johns' collection, . testimony of edward brown, of s. carolina. slavery has ever been the step-ladder by which civilized countries have passed from barbarism to civilization. it appears, indeed, to be the only state, capable of bringing the love of independence and of ease, inherent in man, to the discipline necessary to the supply of food, raiment, and shelter, necessary to his physical wants.—notes on the origin and necessity of slavery, . testimony of dr. dalcho, episcopalian. slavery is not forbidden by the divine law, so it is left on american slavery, to our own judgment whether we hold slaves or not. practical considerations, &c. . charleston courier. we confidently pronounce, that he must wilfully shut his eyes against the broad and palpable light of truth,, who will not acknowledge that the old testament conclusively shows, that slavery was not only not condemned, but received the express sanction of the god of abraham, of isaac, and of jacob.— . testimony of w. a. duer, ll.d., episcopalian. we deny that it is a crime to retain [in slavery] those ignorant and helpless beings, who have been cast upon [our] protection, as well as thrown into [our] power by no act of their own,— d. an. rep. n. y. city col. society. testimony of the quarterly christian spectator, presbyterian. the bible contains no explicit prohibition of slavery, it recognizes both in the old testament and in the new, such a constitution of society, and it lends its authority to enforce the mutual obligations resulting from that constitution.— . testimony of dr. r. furman, baptist. the right of holding slaves is clearly established in the holy scriptures, both by precept and example.—exposition of the views of the baptists, addressed to the governor of s. carolina.— . testimony of t. r. dew, prof. of history. slavery was established and sanctioned, by divine authority, among even the elect of heaven—the favored children of israel.*—bevieio of the debate in the virginia legislature of and . testimony of rey. e. d. simms, methodist. these extracts from holy writ unequivocally assert the right of property in slaves, together with the usual incidents of that right; such as the power of acquisition and on american slavery. cor. vii. — . this text seems mainly to enjoin and sanction the fitting continuance of their present social relations ; the freeman was to remain free, and the slave, unless emanci* pation should offer, was to remain a slave. the new testament, enjoins obedience upon the slave as an obligation due to a present rightful authority. w. fisk, john lindsey, bartholomew otheman, hezekiah s. ramsdell, edward t. taylor, jacob sanborn, h . h. white.—march , . testimony of prop, whedon, methodist. there were christian or believing slave-holders in the .[primitive] christian church. now whatever doidos means, here ( tim. vi. ) despoiai are unequivocally slave-holders, who are brethren, faithful and beloved partakers of the [gospel] benefit.—zions herald of march , . testimony of the bet. w. fisk, d. d. ; methodist. the relation of master and slave, may and does, in many cases, exist, under such circumstances, as free the master from the just charge and guilt of immorality.— letter to rev. t. merritt. testimony of bey. n. bangs, d. d., methodist. it appears evident, that however much the apostle might have deprecated slavery as it then existed throughout the roman empire, he did not feel it his duty,, as an ambassador of christ, to disturb those relations which subsisted between masters and servants by denouncing slavery as such a mortal sin that they could not be servants of christ in such a relation.—christ. ad. and journal, wo. . the foregoing extracts prove beyond a doubt, that the sentiment prevails very extensively throughout this nation, among professors of religion, ministers of the gospel, presidents of colleges, &c. &c, that, the act of slave-holding is not, in itself, sinful and consequently it on american slavery. me, he dressed me in this garment, took me before him on his horse, and started home ; but my poor mother, when she saw me leaving her for the last time, ran after me, took me down from the horse, clasped me in her arms, and wept loudly and bitterly over me. my master seemed to pity her, and endeavoured to soothe her distress by telling her that he would be a good master to me, and that i should not want any thing. she then, still holding me in her arms, walked along the road beside the horse, as he moved slowly, and earnestly and imploringly besought my master to buy her and the rest of her children, and not permit them to be carried away by the negro buyers ; but whilst thus entreating him to save her and her family, the slave-driver who had first bought her, came running in pursuit of her with a raw hide in his hand. when he overtook us, he told her he was her master now, and ordered her to give that little negro to its owner, and come back with him. my mother then turned to him and cried—" oh, master, do not take me from my child." without making any reply, he gave her two or three heavy blows on the shoulders writh his raw hide, snatched me from her arms, handed me to my master, and seizing her by one arm, dragged her back towards the place of sale. my master then quickened the pace of his horse ; and as we advanced^ the cries of my poor parent became more and more indistinct. at length, they died away in the distance, and i never again heard the voice of my poor mother. young as i was, the horrors of that day sank deeply into my heart—and even at this time, though half a century has elapsed, the terrors of the scene return with painful vividness upon my memory. frightened at the sight of the cruelties inflicted upon my poor mother, i forgot my own sorrows at parting from her, and clung to my new master as an angel and saviour, when compared with .the hardened fiend into whose power she had fallen.—she had been a kind and good mother to me—had warmed me in her bosom in the cold nights of winter, and had often divided the scanty pittance of food allowed her by her s m" facts and arguments mistress between my brothers, and sisters, and me, and gone supperless to bed herself. whatever victuals she could obtain beyond the coarse food, salt fish, and com bread allowed to slaves on the patuxent and potomac rivers, she carefully distributed among her children, and treated us with all the tenderness which her own miserable condition would permit. i have no doubt that she was chained and driven to carolina, and toiled out the residue of a forlorn and famished existence in the rice swamps or indigo fields of the south. my father never recovered from the effects of the shock which this sudden and overwhelming ruin of his family gave him. he had formerly been of a gay, social temper ; and when he came to see us on a saturday night, he always brought us a little present, such as the means of a poor slave would allow—apples, melons, sweet potatoes, or, if he could procure nothing else, a little parched corn, which tasted better in our cabin, because he had brought it. separation op families. my master kept a store at a small village on the bank of the patuxent river, called b , although he resided at some distance on a farm. one morning he rose early, and ordered rne to take a yoke of oxen and go to the village, to bring home a cart which was there, saying he would follow me. he arrived at the village soon after i did, and took his breakfast with his store-keeper. he then told me to come into the house and get my breakast. whilst i was eating in the kitchen, i observed him talking earnestly, but lowly, to a stranger near the kitchen door. i soon after went out, and hitched my oxen to the cart, and was about to drive off, when several men came round about me, and amongst them the stranger whom i had seen speaking with my master.—this man came up to me, and, seizing me by the collar, shook me violently, saying i was his property and must go with him to georgia. at the sound of these words the thoughts of my wife and children rushed across my mind—and my heart died away within me. i saw and knew that my case was hopeless, and that resistance was vain, as there were near twenty on american slavery. persons present, all of whom were ready to assist the man by whom i was kidnapped. i felt incapable of weeping or speaking, and in my despair i laughed loudly. my purchaser ordered me to cross my hands behind, which were quickly bound with a strong cord ; and he then told me that we must set out that very day for the south. i asked if t could not be allowed to go to see my wife and children, or if this could not be permitted, if they might £tot have leave to come and see me—but was told that i would be able to get another wife in georgia. my new master, whose name i did not hear, took me that same day across the patuxent, where i joined fifty* one other slaves, whom he had bought in maryland. thirty-two of these were men, and nineteen were women. the women were merely tied together with a rope about the size of a bed-cord, which was tied like a halter round the neck of each ; but the men, of whom i was the stoutest and strongest, were very differently caparisoned. a strong iron collar was strongly fitted by means of a padlock, round each of our necks. a chain of iron, about a hundred feet in length, was passed through the hasp of each padlock, except at the two ends, where the hasps of the padlock passed through a link of the chain. in addition to this, we were handcuffed in pairs, with iron staples and bolts, with a short chain, about a foot long, uniting the handcuffs and their wearers in pairs. in this manner we were chained alternately by the right and left hand ; and the poor man to whom i was thus ironed, wept like an infant when the blacksmith, with his heavy -hammer, fastened the ends of the bolts that kept the staples from slipping from our arms. for my own part, i felt indifferent to my fate. it appeared to me, that the worst had come that could come, and that no change of fortune could harm me. 'feelings of a father. long after the subject of this narrative had been parted from his wife and children in maryland, and had passed from one master to another, he was taken to a plantation. f facts and arguments in south carolina, and directed to lodge in a cabin r which is thus described :— i followed my new friend to his cabin, which i found to be the habitation of himself, his wife, and five children. the only furniture in this cabin consisted of a few blocks of wood for seats ; a short bench, made of pine boards, which served as a table ; and a small bed in one corner, composed of a mat, made of common rushes, spread upon some corn husks, pulled and split into fine pieces, and kept together by a narrow slip of wood, confined to the floor by wooden pins. there was a common iron pot standing beside the chimney, and several wooden spoons, and dishes hung against the wall. several blankets also hung against the wall upon wooden pins. an old box, made of pine boards, without either lock or hinges, occu^ pied one corner. at the time i entered this humble abode, the mistress was not at home. she had not yet returned from the field—having been sent, as the husband informed me, with some other people, late in the evening, to do some work in a field about two miles distant. i found a child about a year old, lying on the mat bed, and a little girt about four years old sitting beside it. these children were entirely naked, and when we came to the door, the elder rose from its place and ran to its: father, and clasping him around one of his knees, said?. c now we shall get good supper.' the father laid his hand upon the head of his naked child, and stood silently looking in its face—wdiich wras turned upwards towards his own for a moment—and then turning to me, said, c did you leave any children at home v the scene before me—the question propounded—and the manner of this poor man and his child, caused my heart to swell until my breast seemed too small to contain it. my soul fled back upon the wings of fancy to my wife's lowly dwelling in maryland—where i had been so often met on a saturday evening, when i had paid them my weekly visit, by my own little ones, who clung to my knees for protection and support, even as the poor little wretch now before on american slavery. me seized upon the weary limb of its hapless and destitute father, hoping that, naked as he was, (for he, too was naked, save only the tattered remains of a pair of old trousers,) he would bring with his return at evening its customary scanty supper. i was unable to reply, but stood motionless, leaning against the walls of the cabin. my children seemed to flit by the door in the dusky twilight ; and the twittering of a swallow, which at that moment fluttered over my head, sounded in my ear as the infantile tittering of my own little boy ; but on a moment's reflection, i knew that we were separated without the hope of ever again meeting-—that they no more heard the welcome tread of my feet, and could never again receive the little gifts with which, poor as i was, i was accustomed to present them. i was far from the place of my nativity, in a land of strangers, with no one to care for me beyond the care that a master bestows upon his ox— with all my future life, one long, waste, barren desert, of cheerless, hopeless slavery, to be varied only by the pangs of hunger, and the stings of the lash. flogging. two slaves had been convicted and hanged for murder : the following punishment was dealt out to one who happened to be in the house at the time the murder was committed :— i had often seen black men whipped, and had always, when the lash was applied with great severity, heard the sufferer cry out and beg for mercy—but in this case, the pain inflicted by the double blows of the hickory was so intense, that billy never uttered so much as a groan ; and i do not believe he breathed for the space of two minutes after he received the first strokes. he shrank his body close to the trunk of the tree, around which his arms and legs were lashed, drew his shoulders up to his head, like a dying man, and trembled, or rather shivered in all his members. the blood flowed from the commencement, and in a few minutes lay in small puddles at the root of the tree. i saw flakes of flesh as long as my finger, fall out of the gashes in his back ; and i believe he was in facts and arguments sensible during all the time that he was receiving the last* two hundred lashes. when the whole five hundred lashes had been counted by the person appointed to perform this duty, the half dead body was unbound, and laid in the shade of the tree upon which i sat. the gentlemen who had done the whipping, eight or ten in number, being joined by their friends, then came under the tree, and drank punch until their dinner was made' ready, under a booth of green boughs, at a short distance. cai-hawling. a whole gang of slaves had been flogged to make one of them confess that he had stolen a hog. finally, one was fixed upon as the culprit, and the following method taken for his punishment:— a boy was then ordered to get up, run to the house, and bring a cat, which' was soon produced. the cat, which was a large grey tom-cat, was then taken by the* well-dressed gentleman, and placed upon the bare back of the prostrate black man, near the shoulders, and forcibly dragged by the tail down the back, and along the bare thighs of the sufferer. the cat sunk his nails into the flesh, and tore off pieces of the skin with his teeth. the man roared with the pain of this punishment, and would have rolled along, the ground, had he not have been held in his place by the force of four other slaves^. each one of whom confined a hand or a foot. as soon as the cat was drawn from him, the man said he would tell who stole the hog, and confessed that he and several others, three of whom were then holding, had stolen the hog—killed, dressed, and eaten it. in return for this confession, the overseer said he should have another touch of the cat, which was again drawn along his back? not as before, from the head downwards, but from below the hips to the head. the man was then permitted ta rise, and each of those who had been named by him as a participator in stealing the hog, was compelled to lie down, and have the cat twice drawn along his back—• first downwards, and then upwards. after the termination of this punishment, each of the sufferers was washed on american slavery. with salt water, by a black woman, and they were then all dismissed. this was the most excruciating punishment that i ever saw inflicted on black people—and, in my opinion, it is very dangerous, for the claws of the cat are poisonous, and wounds made by them are very subject to inflammation. shocking babbabities. yesterday, at about ten o'clock, the dwelling house of a mr. lalaurie, corner koyal and hospital streets, was discoved to be on fire, and whilst the engines were occupied in extinguished it, it was rumored, that several slaves were kept chained in some of the apartments. the crowd rushed in to their deliverance, and amongst others, mr. canonge, judge of the criminal court, who demanded of mr. and mrs. lalaurie, where these poor creatures were kept, which they obstinately refused to disclose, when mr. canonge with a manly and praiseworthy zeal, lushed into the kitchen, which was on fire, followed by two or three young men, and brought forth a negro woman, found there chained. she was covered with bruises and wounds from severe flogging. all the apartments were then forced open. in a room on the ground floor, two more were found chained, and in a deplorable condition. upstairs, and in the garret, four more were found chained, some so weak as to be unable to walk, and all covered with wounds and sores. one, a mulatto boy, declares himself to have been chained for five months, being fed daily with only a handful of meal, and receiving every morning, the most cruel treatment. one of the poor slaves was rotten with sores, and in them were found numbers of living creatures.—-neiu orleans mercantiu advertiser. burning alive. tuscaloosa, ala. some time during the last week, one of those outrageous transactions, and we really think disgraceful to the character of civilized man, took place near the northeast facts and arguments boundary line of perry, adjoining bibb and antauga counties. the circumstances, we are informed by a gentleman from that county, are, that a mr. mcneilly having lost some clothing or other property of no great value, the slave of a neighbouring planter was charged with the theft. mcneilly in company with his brother, found the negro driving his master's waggon; they seized him, and either did, or were about to chastise him, when the negro stabbed mcneilly, so that he died in an hour afterwards. the negro was taken before a justice of the peace, who after serious deliberation, waived his authority, perhaps through fear, as the crowd of persons from the above counties had collected to the number of seventy or eighty men near mr. people's, the justice's house. he acted as president of the mob, and put the vote, when it was decided he should be immediately executed by being burnt to death. the sable culprit was led to a tree and tied to it, and a large quantity of pine knots collected and placed around him; and the fatal torch applied to the pile, even against the remonstrances of several gentlemen who were present, and the miserable being was in a short time burnt to ashes. this is the second negro, who has been thus burnt to death, without judge or jury in that county. on the th of april, , a negro was burnt alive at st. louis, by a numerous mob. the alton telegraph gives the following particulars :— all was silent as death. while the executioners were piling wood around the victim he said not a word. probably feeling that the flames had seized upon him, he uttered an awful howl, attempting to sing and pray : he then hung his head and suffered in silence^ excepting in the following instance. after the flames had surrounded their prey, and when his clothes were in a blaze all over him, his eyes burnt out of his head, and his mouth seemingly parched to a cinder, some one in the crowd, more compassionate than the rest, proposed to put an end to his misery by shooting him, when it was replied, that would be of no use, since he was already out of pain, on amekican slavery. f no ! no ! ' said the wretch, i i am not-—i am suffering as much as ever. shoot me, shoot me ! ' no, no, said one of his friends, who was standing about the sacrifice they were roasting, he shall not be shot. i would sooner slacken the fire, if that would increase his misery. and the man who said this was, we understand, an officer of justice. we understand, says the new orleans post of june the th, , that a negro man was lately condemned by the mob, to be burned over a slow fire, which was put into execution at grand gulf, mi., for murdering a black woman and her master, mr. green, a respectable citizen of that place, who attempted to save her from the clutches of this monster. we have been informed, says the arkansas gazette of the th oct. , that the slave william, who murdered his master (huslcey) some weeks since, and several negroes, was taken by a party a few days since, from the sheriff of hotspring, and burned alive ! yes, tied up to the limb of a tree, a fire built under him, and consumed in a slow and lingering torture. separation of a wipe prom her husband and children. sabbath, th july, i went to three places of worship, and heard most excellent preaching and fervent praying ; but, among all these ministers and members, no prayer was offered for the poor slaves. but all seemed to be as happy as though the millenial day had ushered in. nothing had occurred up to this time to mar my happiness, or to make my visit unpleasant—and if i had left philadelphia then, i should have entertained my family .and friends, on my return home, by relating to them the beauty, the regularity, and the splendor of this great city. but, it was otherwise ; and i have now to relate one of the most painful, as well as most disgraceful transactions that my eyes ever witnessed, the thoughts of which make my blood chill, and my heart sick. on the first of august, as i was walking in chesnutstreet, near the court house, i saw many people, both white atid colored, going in. i inquired the cause, and facts and arguments was told that a person claimed as a fugitive was to be tried. i went in ; but the person claimed as propertyhad been tried, and the judge was about to deliver his opinion. the house was filled—and all seemed to be waiting with the deepest anxiety. soon the door opened, and the sheriff entered, followed by a female, whose appearance was that of a white lady ; she was in delicate circumstances—was leaning upon the arm of her husband ; they advanced slowly, and with great anxiety upon their countenances, and took their seats, with their eyes fixed on the judge. all was silent as the grave. the judge now commenced with the testimony, which was, that this woman came to this city about five years ago—-that during this time she was married—that she was the mother of one male child, which was said to be entirely white, and was now about two years old. after going through all the testimony, he seemed to come to a pause. this was a moment of awful suspense to this innocent female, as she sat trembling and pale, supported by her husband. soon the judge broke silence, by pronouncing her a slave. no sooner had the words fallen frnm his lips, ( i must give a warrant to take you back/ than she screamed, and fell on the floor—her cries might have been heard far off, ( , my child, my child ;—o, my dear, dear husband, i cannot, cannot leave you/ while her husband appeared to be trying to comfort her, and was attempting to raise her up, with eyes streaming with grief, t heard a voice, saying, c take her to jail.' she was immediately surrounded by a number of officers., taken up—put into a close carriage, and hurried off, uttering the most heart-rending cries that ever fell upon my ears. i turned aside to give vent to my feelings in a flood of tears.—zien's watchman of september , t. mobal condition of the enslaved. testimony of the synod of south carolina. from long continued and close observation, say the synod by their committees, we believe that their (colored on american slavery. population's) moral and religious condition is such, as thafr they may justly be considered the heathen of this christian country', and will bear comparison with heathen iw any country in the world. testimony of the bey. c. c. jones. the rev. c. c. jones, in a sermon preached before two associations of planters in georgia, in , says : generally speaking, they (the slaves) appear to us to be without god, and without hope in the world, a nation of heathens in our very midst. we cannot cry out against the papist for withholding the scriptures from the common people, and keeping them in ignorance of the way of life, for we withhold the bible from our servants, and keep them in ignorance of it, while we will not use the means to have it read and explained to them. the cry of our perishing servants comes up to us from the sultry plains as they bend at their toil—it comes up from their humble cottages when they return at evening to rest their weary limbs—it comes up to us from the midst of their ignorance, and superstition, and adultery and lewdness. testimony os the western luminary. a writer in the western luminary, a respectable religious paper in lexington, kentucky, says : i proclaim it abroad to the christian world, that heathenism is as real in the slave states as it is in the southsea islands, and that our negroes are as justly objects of attention to the american and other boards of foreignmissions, as the indians of the western wilds. what isit constitutes heathenism is it to be destitute of aknowledge of god—of his holy word—never to haveheard scarcely a sentence of it read through life—to know little or nothing of the history, character, instruction and mission of jesus christ—to be almost totally devoid of moral knowledge and feeling, of sentiments, of probity, truth, and chastity if this constitutes heathenism, then are there thousands, millions of heathens, in our beloved land. there is one topic to which i will allude, which, facts and arguments will serve to establish the heathenism of this population. i allude to the universal licentiousness which prevails. it may be said emphatically that chastity is no virtue among them—that its violation neither injures female character in their own estimation, or that of their master or mistress, no instruction is ever given—no censure pronounced. i speak not of the world; i speak of christian families generally. testimony op j. a. thome; of kentucky. licentiousness. i shall not speak of the far south, whose sons are fast melting away under the unblushing profligacy which prevails. i allude to the slave-holding west. it is well known that the slave lodgings (i refer now to village slaves) are exposed to the entrance of strangers every hour of the night, and that the sleeping apartments of both sexes are common. it is also a fact, that there is no allowed intercourse between the families and servants after the work of the day is over. the family, assembled for the evening, enjoy a conversation elevating and instructive. but the poor slaves are thrust out; no ties of sacred home thrown around them ; no moral instruction to compensate for the toils of the day ; no intercourse as of man with man; and should one of the younger members of the family, led by curiosity, steal out into the filthy kitchen, the child is speedily called back, thinking itself happy if it escape an angry rebuke. why is this ? the dread of moral contamination. most excellent reason; but it reveals a horrid picture. the slaves, cut off from all community of feeling with their masters, roam over the village streets, shocking the ear with their vulgar jestings, and voluptuous songs, or opening their kitchens to the reception of the neighboring blacks, they pass the evening in gambling, dancing, drinking, and the most obscene conversation, kept up until the night is far spent—then crown the scene with indiscriminate debauchery. where do these things occur ? in the kitchens of hurch members and elders. on american slavery. testimony of the rev. j. d. paxtof. some slaves have, indeed, a marriage ceremony performed. it is, however, usually done by one of their own color, and, of course, is not a legal transaction. and if done by a person legally authorized to perform marriages, still it would have no authority, because the law does not recognise marriage among the slaves, so as to clothe it with the rights and immunities which it wears among citizens. the owner of either party might, the next day or hour, break up the connexion in any way he pleased. in fact, these connexions have no protection, and are so often broken up by sales and transfers and removals, that they are by the slaves often called " taking up together." the sense of marriage fidelity must be greatly weakened, if not wholly destroyed, by such a state of things. the effect is most disastrous. but there is another circumstance which deserves our notice. what effect is likely to be produced on the morals of the whites, from having about them, and under their absolute authority, female slaves who are deprived of the strongest motives to purity, and exposed to peculiar temptations to opposite conduct ! the condition of female slaves is such, that promises and threatenings and management can hardly fail to conquer them. they are entirely dependent on their master. they have no way to make a shilling, to procure any article they need. like all poor people they are fond of finery, and wish to imitate those who are above them. what, now, are presents and kind treatment, or the reverse if they are nofc complying, likely to effect on such persons ! and the fact that their children, should they have any through such intercourse, may expect better treatment from so near relations, may have its influence. that the vice prevails to a most shameful extent, is proved from the rapid increase of mulattoes. oh, how many have fallen before this temptation ; so many, that it has almost ceased to be a shame to fall ! oh, how many parents may trace the impiety and licentiousness and shame of their prodigal sons, to the temptations found in the female slaves of facts and arguments their own or neighbor's household. irregular habits are thus formed, which often last through life. a n d many a lovely and excellent woman, confiding in vows of affection and fidelity, trusting to her power over her devoted lover, has, after uniting her fate with his, and giving him all that woman has to give, found, when too late, how incorrigible are those habits of roving desire, formed in youth, and kept alive by the temptations and facilities of t h e slave system. testimony ojp s. a. f rbal, esq. negresses, when young and likely, are often employed as wet nurses by the white people ; as also, by either t h e planter or his friends, to administer to their sensual desires. this frequently is a matter of speculation ; for if the offspring be a handsome mulatto female, or dollars may be obtained for her in the n e w orleans market. i t is an occurrence of no uncommon nature, to see a christian father sell his own daughter, and the brother his own sister by the same father. the following are extracts from a w o r k by judge birney, entitled t h e c h u r c h the bulwark of a m e r i c a n slavery. the extent to which most of the churches in america are involved in the guilt of supporting the slave system is known to hut few in this country. so far from being even suspected by the great mass of the religious community here, it would not he believed but on the most indisputable evidence. evidence of this character it is proposed now to present—applying to the j&lethodist episcopal, the baptist, the presbyterian, and the protestant episcopal churches. it is done with a single view to make the british christian public acquainted with the real state of the case—in order that it may, in the most intelligent and -effective manner exert the influence it possesses with the american churches to persuade them to purify themselves from a sin. that has greatly debased them, and that threatens in the end wholly to destroy them. i. between the slave-selling and slave-buying states, the slavetrade is carried on extensively and systematically. the slavetrader, on completing his purchases for a single adventure, brings the gang together at a convenient point: confines the on american slavery. men in double rows to a large chain running between the rows, by means of smaller lateral chains tightly rivetted around the wrists of the slaves, and connected with the principal chain. they are in this way driven along the highways, (the small boys, the women, and girls following,) without any release from their chains till they arrive at the ultimate place of sale. here they occupy barracoons, till they are disposed of, one by one, or in lots, to those who will give most for them. ii. ministers and office-bearers, and members of churches are slave-holders—buying and selling slaves, as their convenience or interest may from time to time require. as a general rule, the itinerant preachers in the methodist church are not permitted to hold slaves; but there are frequent exceptions to the rule, especially of late. iii. there are, in the united states, about , , slaves, and , free people of color. of the slaves, , are members of the methodist church ; , of the baptist; and about , of the other churches. these church members have no exemption from being sold by their owners as other slaves are. instances are not rare of slave-holding members of churches selling slaves who are members of the same church ^with themselves. and members of churehes have followed the business of slave-auctioneers. iy. in the slave states a slave cannot be a witness in any case, civil or criminal, in which a white is a party. neither can a free colored person, except in louisiana. ohio, indiana, and illinois, (free states,) make colored persons incompetent as witnesses in any case in which a white is a party. in ohio, a white person can prove his own {' book') account, not exceeding a eertain sum, by his own oath or affirmation. a colored person cannot, as against a white. in ohio the laws regard all who are mulattoes, or above the grade of mulattoes, as white. v. there is no law in the slave states, forbidding the several church authorities making slave-holding an offence, for which those guilty of it might be excluded from membership. the society of friends exists in the slave states—it excludes slave-holders. the united brethren exist as a church in maryland and virginia slave states. their annual conference for these two states, (in which are thirty preachers,) met in february, . the following is an extract from its minutes : " no charge is preferred against any (preachers,) except franklin echard and moses michael. it appeared in evidence that moses michael was the owner of a female slave, which is contrary to the discipline of our church. conference therefore resolved, that unless brother michael manumit or set free such ^lave in six months, he no longer be considered a member of our •church/ facts and arguments vi. when ecclesiastical councils excuse themselves from acting' for the removal of slavery from their respective communions" by saying, they cannot legislate for the abolition of slavery; that slavery is a civil or political institution—that it * belongs to caesar,' and not to the church to put an end to it, they shun the point at issue. to the church-member who is a debauchee, a drunkard, a seducer, a murderer, they find no difficulty in saying, " we cannot indeed proceed against your person, or your property—this belongs to caesar—to the tribunals of the country—to the legislature;—but we can suspend or wholly cut you off from the communion of the church, with a view to your repentance and its purification." if a white member should by force or intimidation, day after day, deprive another white member of his property, the authorities of the churches would expel him from their body, should he refuse to make restitution or reparation, although it could not be enforced except through the tribunals over which they have no control. there is, then, nothing to prevent these authorities from saying to the slave-holder, " cease being a slave-holder and remain in the church, or continue a slave-holder and go out of i t : you have your choice." vii. the slave states make it penal to teach the slaves to read. so also some of them make it penal to teach the free colored people toread. tims a free colored parent may suffer the penalty for teaching his own children to read even the scriptures. none of the slave-holding churches, or religious bodies, so far as is known, have, at any time, remonstrated with the legislatures against this iniquitous legislation, or petitioned for its repeal or modification. kor have they reproved or questioned such of their members, as, being also members of the legislatures, sanctioned such legislation by their votes. viii. there is no systematic instruction even of the slavemembers of churches, either orally or in any other way. ix. it is only one slave here and there who seems to have any intelligent views of the nature of christianity, or of a future life. x. in the methodist, baptist, presbyterian and episcopal churches, the colored people, during service, sit in a particular part of the house, now generally known as the negro pew. they are not permitted to sit in any other, nor to hire or purchase pews as other people, nor would they be permitted to sit, even if invited, in the pews of white persons. this applies to all colored persons, whether members or not, and even to licensed ministers of their respective connections. the " negro pew " is almost as rigidly kept up in the free states as in the slave states. xi. i n some of the older slave states, as virginia and south carolina, churches, in their corporate character, hold slaves, on american slaveby. who are generally hired out for the support of the minister. the following is taken from the charleston courier, of february th, , field negroes, by thomas gadsden. on tuesday, the th instant, will be sold, at the north of the exchange, at o'clock, a prime gang of ten negeoes, accustomed to the culture of cotton and provisions, belonging to the independent church, in christ's church parish. * * * feb. . xii. nor are instances wanting, in which negroes are bequeathed for the benefit of the indians, as the following chancery notice, taken from the savannah (geo.) paper, will show. " bryan superior court. between john j. maxwell and others, executors of \ ann pray, complainants, and f m mary sleigh and others, devisees and legatees, f equity. under the will of ann pray, defendants. ) " a bill having been filed for the distribution of the estate of the testatrix, ann pray, and it appearing that among other legacies in her will, is the following, viz. a legacy of one-fourth of certain negro slaves to the american board of commissioners for domestic [foreign it probably should have been] missions for the purpose of sending the gospel to the heathen, and particularly to the indians of this continent, it is on motion of the solicitors of the complainants ordered, that all persons claiming the said legacy do appear and answer the bill of the complainants, within four months from this day. and it is ordered, that this order be published in a public gazette of the city of savannah, and in one of the gazettes of philadelphia, once a month, for four months. "extract from the minutes, dec. nd, . john smith, c. s. q. b. c."—(the bequest was not accepted.) in the latter part of the summer of , the slave-holders generally became alarmed at the progress of the abolitionists. meetings were held throughout the south, to excite all classes of people to the requisite degree of exasperation against them. at one of these meetings, held at clinton, mississippi, it was " resolved, that slavery through the south and west is not felt as an evil, moral or political, but it is recognized, and that in reference to the actual, and not to any utopian condition of our slaves, as a blessing both to master and slave. " resolved, that it is our decided opinion, that any individual who dares to circulate, with a view to effectuate the designs of the abolitionists, any of the incendiary tracts or newspapers now in a course of transmission to this country, is justly worthy in the sight of god and man of immediate death; and we doubt t facts-and arguments . ben, aged about years ; do. do. do. . aaron, aged about years ; a first rate hand for a wood-yard, in which he has- been employed for many years ; is an excellent cartman ; has beer: about years in the country, and speaks both languages. . dick jackson, aged about years ; a good axeman and sawyer, and an excellent hand for a wood-yard, to which he is accustomed, and has been one year in the country. . dick morganj aged about d years ; a very honest, trusty servant; has acted as porter in a grocery store for several years, and has worked for several years in a rope walk and wood-yard ; is an excellent axeman and sawyer ; has been in the country since a child, and speaks french and english. . dillard, aged about years; a good cook, a good axeman and sawyer ; has worked about years in a wood-yard, and has been about years in the country. . charles palmer, aged about years ; accustomed to work in a wood-yard : is a good axeman, carter and field hand, and has been about years in the country. . daniel, aged about years, a first rate houseservant ; is very trusty ; a tolerable good cook ; has been raised in the country ; speaks french and english, and possesses a first rate character. ?. anthony, aged about years; a first rate houseservant ; very trusty and active ; a good sawyer ; has been raised in the country, and possesses a first rate character. . joseph, aged about years ; a first rate servant; handy at all kinds of work ; has been accustomed to work in a wood-yard, and has been about years in the country. . william, aged about years ; a good rough carpenter ; a good coachman • has been years in the country; speaks french and english, the title only guaranteed. . ned, aged about years ;.a good carpenter and facts and arguments, etc. the slaves are all thoroughly acclimated, and, with the exceptions above stated, are all guaranteed against the diseases and vices prescribed by law. terms.—one half of the purchase money payable on the first of may, , and one half on the first of may, - , for notes drawn and endorsed to the satisfaction of the seller, and secured by mortgage until the final payment. the slaves will only be delivered after the acts are signed, and the notes delivered and approved. bills of sale to be passed before yv. y. lewis, esq., notary public, at the expense of the purchaser.—new orleans paper. • prices for which americans are sold. the following conversation between two planters, one from north carolina, and the other from mississippi, recently occurred on board one of our splendid north river steam-boats. it was given to us in writing, by a respectable citizen of poughkeepsie, who heard it. mississippian. what is a young negro boy worth in north carolina ? carolinian. they fetch a great price there. if. are slaves scarce there at present ? c. they are scarce and high. those that have slaves are out of debt, and of course able to hold them, or get their price. m. what is a negro man worth ? c. i purchased one a short time since for seven hundred and fifty dollars. m. and what are women with children worth ? g. they are much higher in proportion to other slaves. m. well, what would a good likely negro boy bring o. under fifty [pounds weight] they fetch nine dollars per pound, that is the common price ! — a n . §>. record. [further revelations will be given in a second volume.] the e n d , contents. [narrative of lewis clarke narrative of milton clarke sketch of the clarke family questions and answers by lewis clafke facts from the personal knowledge of milton clarke hired slaves.—bagging factories . . . american slavery as it is: the testimony of a thousand witnesses. . narrative of mr. caulkins » rev. h. moulton • sarah m. grimke "rev. john graham . mr. william poe particular privations of slaves trial and imprisonment of jonathan walker for assisting slaves to escape appendix to jonathan walker's trial, &c • laws relating to american slavery bearings of slavery upon the moral character of slaveholders horrible sentiments favourable to the perpetuity of american slavery, or extracts from speeches of methodist, baptist, independent, presbyterian and episcopalian ministers, and from resolutions of methodist conferences, baptist associations, presbyterian synods, &c, practical slavery, or slavery as it now exists, - . ; §§ - .m mortimer- the immediate abolition of slavery... apr - ht .m tme immediate abolition or slavery, compatible wita the safety and prosperity of the colonies in a letter to the representatives of the southern division of northumberland, and of the town and county of newcastle on tyne. by the rev. g. f. w. mortimer, m. a., arad master of the grammar school, newcastle ox tyne. Διό εκ εώ μεν άρχειν άνθρωπον, αλλά τον [νομων] ότι εαυτώ τετο ποιοί, και γίνεται τύραννος. wherefore we permit not an individual, but law, to rule ; because the individual seeks only his own good, and degenerates into a tyrant. newcastle upon tyne: printed at the courant office, by j. blackwell and co.: published by finlay and charlton, and empson. . if any observations contained in the following pages appear to reflect strongly upon the conduct of the west india planters, i beg it to be understood that my censure is directed, not against individu- als, but against a system. i charge slavery with many evils; amongst them, that it has hardened the hearts of men, who, under other cir- cumstances, would have been generous and humane : with this con- viction deeply impressed upon my mind, i would not trust myself with the possession of arbitrary power. - of justice and humanity has all this time been gaining ground, day by day, and hour by hour. will the slave proprietor dare to assert, in the face of such a warning, that he has not had ample space allowed him, both for considering the best means of averting ul- timate loss, and for embracing every successive op- portunity to reduce that loss within the narrowest dimensions ? will he claim to himself the character of : a wary and intelligent man, and confess that he is at last overtaken unawares by a storm, which has been gradually gathering in the horizon, and perceptibly thickening-in for thirty years? but if the planters are not wary and intelligent, they deserve to suffer; and i can see no reason why they should be indemnified at the national expense, rather than any other individual, or body of individuals, embarrassed by the unfortunate issue of commercial speculations. it would have been as just - to 'have taxed the nation in behalf of those persons who were ruined by the failure of the great south sea scheme, as it would be to tax the nation in behalf of the west india planters. besides, we have already rejected the claim to compensation in the case of a property far less objectionable than that under con- sideration; a property held upon a tenure incompara- bly superior; a property that outraged no law of humanity, violated no ordinance of religion, trenched in an infinitely less degree upon the claims of justice; a property which was at least as fully recognised by the statute book of england, and was at least as fully guaranteed to its possessors by the authority of pre- scriptive usage—i allude, of course, to the nomination boroughs, which the last parliament disposed of at one fell swcop, without at all entertaining the question of compensation to those persons who had, in many instances, invested large sums of money in the purchase of this species of property, and for whom, in every instance, this species of property possessed a very con- siderable exchangeable value.* every argument that applied to the nomination boroughs, applies with ten- fold force to the slave property of the west india planters. in the former case, justice alone pronounced the verdict; in the latter, religion and humanity ap- plaud the sentence. the principle, nullum tempus occurrit regi, is one which the law of england admits; is it possible that the same law can reject the principle, nullum tempus occurrit justitiæ ? the legislators of our country have already decided otherwise. surely they will not now invalidate their own decision, by admitting the claim to compensation advanced by the west india planters ? i now proceed to the still more important question of gradual emancipation. by gradual emancipation i understand emancipation which, refusing immedi- ately to recognise the slave as free, defers doing so until he shall have passed through some previous stages of preparation, or makes his freedom ultimately depend upon his fitness to possess it; and i expressly except from my notions of gradual emancipation, emancipation which begins by declaring the slave free, and removing him entirely from that subjection to another's will, which is at once the most galling and the most degrading part of slavery; whilst, in mercy to himself, it imposes some salutary restraints upon his full exercise of liberty. i shall, by and bye, have occasion to shew, that these two systems of emancipation, although both may be con- sidered in a certain sense gradual, are as different from each other as light and darkness. * the case of the seigniorities of scotland is, if possible, still stronger. . m are come st tin w against gradual emancipation, then, understood in the sense that i have above defined, i at once enter my most decided protest, and that for two reasons—that it is absurd in theory, and impossible in practice. i never hear a plan suggested for preparing the slave for free dom, as a preliminary to granting it, without being 'forcibly reminded of the maternal caution, “be sure you do not venture into the water, until you have learnt to swim.” good habits are the result of similar actions. by acting justly, we become just; by’acting tempe rately, temperate. i am not aware of any exception to the universal law of nature, of any special clause in favour of slavery; and until i see the tree at last be- come straight, by continuing to grow crooked; until i see the vicious become virtuous, by a perseverance in vicious actions; until i see the order of things inverted "both' in the natural and moral world; i must be par- doned for disputing the monstrous proposition, that the way to teach äny human being to be one thing, is to accustom him to be another. i must hold that the longer a 'man'is kept in slavery, the more completely will he be unfitted for the possession of liberty, the more thoroughly will his mind be degraded, his cha- racter depraved, the light of reason quenched beneath the influence of stormy passions, and all that is human, all that is divine, about him, debased, brutalized, de- stroyed. and does not experience confirm this view ? does not the present condition of eight hundred thou- sand of our fellow-subjects demonstrate its truth beyond the possibility of doubt or denial? if they be fitted for liberty, there is no further excuse for keeping them in slavery; if they be still unprepared, after two hun- dred and fifty years of intercourse with europeans, may we not reasonably hesitate whether the moment of preparation will ever arrive? but what is the fact ? 'ever since the extinction of the slave trade, the cur- tent of public and private attention has flowed in one continued stream in the direction of the antilles ; legis- lative enactments have been multiplied for the express purpose of ameliorating the present condition of the slave, and preparing him for the ultimate enjoyment of freedom. we have seen protectors of slaves ap- pointed; parliamentary resolutions adopted; orders of council issued : and it would be unjust to deny that the nine years which have succeeded the issuing of those orders have not been marked by some improve- 'ment in the present condition of the negroes. but *what has been done towards the great object of prepar- ing them for freedom? nothing, absolutely nothing ! in proof of this assertion, i refer to facts. on an aver- "ağe'' of the last eleven years, for which returns have been made, the slave population in the sugar colonies has decreased to the enormous extent of , per- sons--that is, in' a proportion of above six per cent.; while, during the same period of eleven years, the free * classes in trinidad, and even the maroons of jamaica, placed, as they undoubtedly are, under the most un- *favourable circumstances, have increased in the propor- tion of above forty per cent. here, then, is a decrease upon our slave population of above forty-five per cent., '' in eleven years, directly chargeable upon colonial slavery: here is a sacrifice of nearly one-third of the human beings that should have been in existence, per- petrated by this system of legal murder. to persons accustomed to contemplate the phenomena of popula- tion, no further proof will be necessary, that the state of things under which such a waste of human life has occurred, must be a state of unmitigated cruelty-a state which comprises under it all the worst of evils - fifthly, in bestowing liberty, we must use every precaution to guard against its degenerating into indo- lence and licentiousness. sixthly, the continued cultivation of the colonies should be secured, as far as it is possible to secure that end, without infringing upon the rights of indi- viduals. in conformity with these principles, i would recom- mend that an early day be fixed, on which slavery shall cease in every part of the british empire: and that the exposure. of any man, woman, or child to sale, shall, from thenceforward, be deemed a felony; and the infliction of any punishment a misdemeanour, except such punishments as may be sanctioned by lawful authority, and inflicted by the appointed officers of justice. secondly, that all existing laws and regulations applying to the state of slavery be absolutely re- pealed; and that, in all cases not hereafter specified, the liberated negroes be admitted to all the privileges of british subjects, and governed by the same laws and regulations with their fellow-colonists. thirdly, that on or before the day lawfully appoint- ed for the cessation of slavery, the name of every slave about to be manumitted be registered in the pre- sence of commissioners appointed for that purpose. fourthly, that all manumitted slàves, capable of labour, be required to hire themselves to some mas- ter, for å period of one year, at the ordinary rate of wages in the colony; and that the names of the contracting parties, together with the terms of the con- exceeded, the excess be paid for according to the sti- pulated rate of wages: where, however, such engage- ments cannot, from circumstances, be entered into, the registered terms of the contract must positively define the number of hours per diem to be devoted to labour, except in the case of household servants, &c., where such precision is evidently impossible. tenthly, that one member of a family be permitted to perform the stipulated labour of any other member of that family, male or female. eleventhly, that, except in the case of household servants, no engagements be considered to include the sunday; and that for all out-door work required upon a sunday, the labourer receive such a money payment as may be agreed on between him and his employer. twelfthly, that every labourer who is not paid in the current coin of the colony have one entire holi- day in every week, for the purpose of cultivating his allotment of ground, or of selling the share of pro- duce assigned him; and that such holiday be always upon the market-day. to this provision, as well as some others, exceptions must occur in processes re- quiring continued labour : these should be specified by the terms of the engagement, and approved by the commissioners. thirteenthly, that at the expiration of every year, it be lawful for the labourer to change his master, no debts incurred during the time of service with- standing, provided he can find another master wil- ling to employ him; and that otherwise the engage- ment of last year be renewed, with such alterations as may be agreed on between the two parties, and duly registered. fourteenthly, that at the close of five years from the date of the abolition of slavery, every labourer who has, during that period supported him- self and family without having been convicted of any misdemeanour, or any other offence punishable by law, be deemed capable of continuing to support himself, and be at liberty to employ his labour as he chooses ; subject only to such punishments as may be legally enacted against begging, vagrancy, &c. fifteenthly, that from the date of the abolition of slavery, a deduction of sixpence per week from the wages of every labourer for ever continue to be levied, and be paid by his employer into the hands of persons appointed by government to receive the same, and be allowed to accumulate for five years at compound interest; and that, on the conclusion of these five years, the fund so raised be applied to the support of sick and infirm persons, and orphan children, and such other persons as shall be considered incapable of labour, from any cause hereafter specified. sixteenthly, that the british government undertake the support of all sick and infirm persons, and of all orphan children, and of all others incapable of labour from any cause hereafter specified, at the date of the abolition of slavery, and of all persons who shall be- come incapable of labour during the five years next ensuing. seventeenthly, that all children under the age of twelve years be educated at the expense of the british government. eighteenthly, that officers in his majesty's service be appointed commissioners, to carry these regulations into effect. under these eighteen heads, i have given a brief produce raised. both these plans are open to objec- tion,—the first as being unfavourable to, if at all com- patible with the introduction of task-work; the second, as affording great facilities to fraud, both on the part of the employer and the employed, and in many cases subjecting the latter to grievous oppression, as has been the case in the manufacturing districts of staf- fordshire, under what is called the truck system: in fact, i consider the mode of payment to be adopted in the case of the free labourer, the only serious difficulty that embarrasses the question of colonial slavery; but it is a difficulty that must be grappled with; and how- ever objectionable the method of barter undoubtedly is, we should recollect that it has obtained successively in every nation, and is inseparably connected with a certain condition of society in the history of the pro- gressive improvement of mankind ; if our colonies have not yet emerged from that condition, we cannot expect that they should escape its attendant evils. the great- est possible care will be necessary on the part of those who administer the laws by which the wages of labour are regulated: to their zeal and fidelity we must entrust the prevention of abuses; i believe, too, that the me- thod of registering proposed will, in this respect, be found of the greatest benefit. the seventh and eighth provisions invest the com- missioners with that power of punishing a breach of contract, which is necessary to carry the whole system into effect. the ninth suggests the propriety of giving encou- ragement to task-work; this, it is presumed, may be done to a considerable extent in the way already men- tioned. the tenth provision, which permits one member of a “ it affords me much satisfaction to have the honour of reporting, that during a period of five months, which has expired since they were set at large, i have not received a single complaint against them; nor has one of them been committed by a magistrate for the most trifling offence. there has not, to my knowledge, been any application from them on the score of poverty ; and they appear to be, in general, industriously occu- pied in providing for their own livelihood.” that their conduct continued to be equally praise- worthy to a much later period, may be assumed from the fact, that on the th of august, , viscount howick stated in the house of commons his entire satisfaction with the result of this experiment, and the encouragement he had thence derived to proceed to the emancipation of all slaves belonging to the crown, in every colony where such were to be found. but we need not confine our observations to antigua only, everywhere the manumission of the negroes has been attended with complete success. upon this point, the following extract from a dispatch of lord gode- rich, dated march th, , appears to be quite conclusive. he says, “in the year , a circular instruction, of which i enclose you a copy, was issued to the governors of those colonies in which there were negroes forfeited to the crown under the abolition laws, the purport of which was to direct that those negroes should be placed upon the footing of other free persons of african birth or descent, and left to seek their own subsistence. in some of those colonies the number of forfeited negroes amounted to several hundreds. the reports, which have since been received from the respective governors, fully justify the expecta- tions which were entertained, that the people in ques- the mischief we have done; to pour in light upon darkness of our own creating. it is education only that can enable the negro to enjoy the liberty bestowed upon him, and to use it for the public good; it is earnestly to be hoped, therefore, that the government of this country will lose no time in introducing into the colonies some efficient plan of general education. the last measure to be considered is the appoint- ment of commissioners, which is the subject of the eighteenth proposition. i have carefully examined the reports of the protectors of slaves, addressed to suc- cessive colonial secretaries; these reports contain the details of many hundred cases which have been brought before the different colonial tribunals, and have called forth, from time to time, the indignant comments of lord goderich and sir george murray. i may safely assert, that i have not met with one decision which is not a palpable violation of the commonest principles of justice. if any of my readers dispute the wisdom of transferring the duty of carrying the proposed alter- ations into effect to officers in his majesty's service, i refer them to these valuable documents, and i am sure they cannot rise from an attentive perusal without agreeing with me, that to entrust the execution of any important measures to the planters themselves, would be to insure their utter discomfiture. there are many officers on half-pay who, for a very small addition to their present allowances, would gladly undertake the required duties; and i may venture to assert, that more upright, humane, and intelligent men are no where to be found, than in the ranks of the british army. such is the plan of emancipation which i had to propose—a plan which i believe to be as safe as it is efficient. i trust that some measure of the kind will be sa . . harvard college library sa . . go - - - م با sa . . . harvard university library jun trom the got of stenry l. chattuch immediate, not gradual a bolition, &c. &c. &c. it is now seventeen years since the slave trade was abolished by the government of this country—but slavery is still perpe- tuated in our west india colonies, and the horrors of the slave trade are aggravated rather than mitigated. by making it felony for british subjects to be concerned in that inhuman traffic, england has only transferred her share of it to other countries. she has, indeed, by negociation and remonstrance, endeavoured to persuade them to follow her example.-but has she succeeded ?-how should she, whilst there is so little consistency in her conduct? who will listen to her 'pathetic declamations on the injustice and cruelty of the slave trade whilst she rivets the chains upon her own slaves, and subjects them to all the injustice and cruelty which she so eloquently deplores when her own interest is no longer at stake? before we can have any rational bope of prevailing on our guilty neighbours to abandon this atrocious commerce-to relinquish the gair of oppression, the wealth obtained by rapine and vio- lence,-by the deep groans, the bitter anguish of our unoffend- ing fellow creatures ; — we must purge ourselves from these pol- lutions ;-we must break the iron yoke from off the neck of our own slaves,—and let the wretched captives in our own islands go free. then, and not till then, we shall speak to the sur- rounding nations with the all-commanding eloquence of sincerity and truth,—and our persuasions will be backed by the irre- sistible argument of consistent example. but to invite others to be just and merciful whilst we grasp in our own hands the rod of oppression,--to solicit others to relinquish the wages of iniquity whilst we are putting them into our own pockets—what is it but cant and hypocrisy? do such preachers of justice and mercy ever make converts ? on the contrary, do they not render themselves ridiculous and contemptible ? but let us, individually, bring this great question closely home to our own bosoms. we that hear, and read, and approve, and applaud the powerful appeals, the irrefragable arguments against the slave trade, and against slavery,-are we ourselves sin- cere, or hypocritical ? are we the true friends of justice, or do we only cant about it?-to which party do we really belong ?- to the friends of emancipation, or of perpetual slavery? every individual belongs to one party or the other; not specula- tively, or professionally merely, but practically. the perpe- tuation of slavery in our west india colonies, is not an abstract question, to be settled between the government and the planters,—it is a question in which we are all implicated ;-we are all guilty,—(with shame and compunction let us admit the opprobrious truth) of supporting and perpetuating slavery. the west indian planter and the people of this country, stand in the same moral relation to each other, as the thief and the receiver of stolen goods. the planter refuses to set his wretched captive at liberty,—treats him as a beast of burden,- compels his reluctant unremunerated labour under the lash of the cart whip,—why?- because we furnish the stimulant to all this injustice, rapacity, and cruelty,-by purchasing its produce. heretofore, it may have been thoughtlessly and unconsciously,---but now this palliative is removed ;-the veil of ignorance is rent aside ;-the whole nation must now divide itself into the active supporters, and the active opposers of slavery,;—there is no longer any ground for a neutral party to stand upon. the state of slavery, in our west indian islands, is now become notorious ;--the secret is out ;-the justice and hu- manity, the veracity also, of slave owners,—-is exactly ascer- tained ;—the credit due to their assertions, that their slaves are better fed, better clothed,—are more comfortable, more happy than our english peasantry, is now universally under- stood. the tricks and impostures practised by the colonial assemblies, to hoodwink the people,—to humbug the govern- ment,-and to bamboozle the saints (as the friends of emanci- pation are scornfully termed)-have all been detected—and the cry of the nation has been raised, from one end to the other, against this complicated system of knavery and imposture,-of intolerable oppression, of relentless and savage barbarity. but is all this knowledge to end in exclamations, in petitions, and remonstrances ?-is there nothing to be done, as well as said? are there no tests to prove our sincerity,—no sacrifices to be offered in confirmation of our zeal ?-yes, there is one,-- (but it is in itself so small and insignificant that it seems almost burlesque to dignify it with the name of sacrifice)—it is absti- nence from the use of west indian productions, sugar, especially, in the cultivation of which slave labour is chiefly occupied. small, however, and insignificant as the sacrifice may appear,-it would, at once, give the death blow to west indian slavery. when there was no longer a market for the productions of slave labour, then, and not till then, will the slaves be emancipated. many had recourse to this expedient about thirty years ago, when the public attention was so generally roused to the enor- mities of the slave trade. but when the trade was abolished by the british legislature, it was too readily concluded that the abolition of slavery, in the british dominions, would bave been an inevitable consequence, this species of abstinence was there- fore unhappily discontinued. “ but (it will be objected) if there be no market for west indian produce, the west indian proprietors will be ruined, and the slaves, instead of being benefited, will perish by famine.” not so,—the west indian proprietors understand their own interest better. the market though shut to the productions of slave labour, would still be open to the productions of free labour,—and the planters are not such devoted worshippers of slavery as to make a voluntary sacrifice of their own interests upon her altar;-they will not doom the soil to perpetual bar- renness rather than suffer it to be cultivated by free men. it has been abundantly proved that voluntary labour is more pro- ductive,-more advantageous to the employer than compulsory labour. the experiments of the venerable and philanthrophic joshua steele have established the fact beyond all doubt :- but the planter shuts his eyes to such facts, though clear and evi- dent as the sun at noon day. none are so blind as those who will not see. the conviction then must be forced upon these infatuated men. it is often asserted, that slavery is too deeply rooted an evil to be eradicated by the exertions of any principle less potent and active than self interest—if so, the resolution to abstain from west indian produce, would bring this potent and active principle into the fullest operation,-would compel the planter to set his slaves at liberty.* but were such a measure to be ultimately injurious to the interest of the planter that consideration ought not to weigh a feather in the scale against emancipation. the slave has a right to his liberty, a right which it is a crime to withhold-let the consequences to the planters be what they may. if i have been deprived of my rightful inheritance, and the usurper, * it has been ascertained that the abstinence of one tenth of the inhabitants of this country from west indian sugar would abolish west indian slavery. because he has long kept possession, asserts his right to the property of which he has defrauded me; are my just claims to it at all weakened by the boldness of his pretensions, or by the plea that restitution would impoverish and involve him in ruin? and to what inheritance, or birth-right, can any mortal have pretensions so just, (until forfeited by crime) as to liberty ? what injustice and rapacity can be compared to that which defrauds a man of his best earthly inheritance, tears him from his dearest connexions, and condemns him and his posterity to the degradation and misery of interminable slavery ? in the great question of emancipation, the interests of two parties are said to be involved, the interest of the slave and that of the planter. but it cannot for a moment be imagined that these two interests bave an equal right to be consulted, without confounding all moral distinctions, all difference between real and pretended, between substantial and assumed claims. with the interest of the planters, the question of emancipation, has (properly speaking) nothing to do. the right of the slave, and the interest of the planter, are dis- tinct questions ; they belong to separate departments, 'to dif- ferent provinces of consideration. if the liberty of the slave can be secured not only without injury but with advantage to the planter, so much the better, certainly ;-but still the libera- tion of the slave ought ever to be regarded as an independent object; and if it be deferred till the planter is sufficiently alive to his own interest to co-operate in the measure, we may for ever despair of its accomplishment. the cause of emancipa- tion has been long and ably advocated. reason and eloquence, persuasion and argument have been powerfully exerted; expe- riments bave been fairly made,-facts broadly stated in proof of the impolicy as well as iniquity of slavery,—to little purpose ; even the hope of its extinction, with the concurrence of the planter, or by any enactment of the colonial, or british legisla- ture, is still seen in very remote perspective,-so remote, that the heart sickens at the cheerless prospect. all that zeal and talent could display in the way of argument, has been exerted in vain. all that an accumulated mass of indubitable evidence could effect in the way of conviction, has been brought to no effect. it is high time, then, to resort to other measures,—to ways and means more summary and effectual. too much time has already been lost in declamation and argument,-in petitions and remonstrances against british slavery. the cause of eman- cipation calls for sometbing more decisive, more efficient than words. it calls upon the real friends of the poor degraded and oppressed african to bind themselves by a solemn engagement, an irrevocable vow, to participate no longer in the crime of keeping bim in bondage. it calls upon them to “ wash their own hands in innocency;"—to abjure for ever the miserable hypocrisy of pretending to commiserate the slave, whilst, by purchasing the productions of his labour they bribe bis master to keep him in slavery. the great apostle of the gentiles declared, that he would “ eat no flesh whilst the world stood, rather than make his brother to offend.” do you make a simi- lar resolution respecting west indian produce. let your reso- lution be made conscientiously, and kept inviolably ;-let no plausible arguments which may be urged against it from with- out,—no solicitations of appetite from within, move you from your purpose,--and in the course of a few months, slavery in the british dominions will be annihilated. yes, it may be said) if all would unite in such a resolu- tion,—but what can the abstinence of a few individuals, or a few families do, towards the accomplishment of so vast an object?”—it can do wonders. great effects often result from · small beginnings. your resolution will influence that of your friends and neighbours ;-each of them will, in like manner, influence their friends and neighbours ;—the example will spread from house to house,—from city to city,—till, among those who have any claim to humanity, there will be but one heart, and one mind,-one resolution, one uniform practice, thus, by means the most simple and easy, would west indian slavery be most safely and speedily abolished. . “ but, (it will be objected) it is not an immediate, but a gra- dual emancipation, which the most enlightened and judicious friends of humanity call for, as a measure best calculated, in their judgment, to promote the real interests of the slave, as well as his master; the former, not being in a condition to make a right use of his freedom, were it suddenly restored to him." this, it must be admitted, appears not only the general, but almost universal sentiment of the abolitionists ;-to oppose it therefore, may seem a most presumptuous, as well as hopeless attempt. but truth and justice are stubborn and inflexible ; they yield neither to numbers or authority. the history of emancipation in st. domingo, and of the con- duct of the emancipated slaves for thirty years subsequent to that event (as detailed in clarkson's admirable pamphlet, on the necessity of improving the condition of our west indian slaves,) is a complete refutation of all the elaborate arguments which have been artfully advanced to discredit the design of imme- diate emancipation. no instance has been recorded in these important annals, of the emancipated slaves (not the gradually, but the immediately emancipated slaves) having abused their freedom. on the contrary, it is frequently asserted in the course of the narrative, that the negroes continued to work upon all the plantations as quietly as before emancipation. through the whole of clarkson's diligent and candid 'investigations of the enemies of slavery have hitherto ruined toeir cause by the senseless cry of gradual emancipation. it is marvellous · that the wise and the good should have suffered themselves to have been imposed upon by this wily artifice of the slave bolder, --for with him must the project of gradual emancipation have first originated. the slave holder knew very well, that bis prey would be secure, so long as the abolitionists could be ca- joled into a demand for gradual instead of immediate abolition. he knew very well, that the contemplation of a gradual eman- cipation, would beget a gradual indifference to emancipation itself. he knew very well, that even the wise and the good, may, by habit and familiarity, be brought to endure and tolerate almost any thing. he had caught the poet's idea, that- “ vice is a monster of such frightful mien, “ as to be hated, need but to be seen; “ but, seen too oft, familiar with her face, “ we first endure, then pity, then embrace.” he caught the idea, and knew how to turn it to advantage.- he knew very well, that the faithful delineation of the horrors of west indian slavery, would produce such a general insur- rection of sympathetic and indignant feeling; such abhorrence of the oppressor, such compassion for the oppressed, as must soon have been fatal to the whole system. he knew very well, that a strong moral fermentation had begun, which, had it gone forward, must soon have purified the nation from this foulest of its corruptions ;-that the cries of the people for emancipa- tion, would have been too unanimous, and too importunate for the government to resist, and that slavery would, long ago, have been exterminated throughout the british dominions. our example might have spread from kingdom to kingdom,-from continent to continent, and the slave trade, and slavery, might, by this time, have been abolished-all the world over :-*. a sacrifice of a sweet savour,” might have ascended to the great parent of the universe;" his kingdom might have come, and his will (thus far) have been done on earth, as it is in heaven.” but this gradual abolition, has been the grand marplot of human virtue and happiness ;-the very master-piece of satanic policy. by converting the cry for immediate, into gradual emancipation, the prince of slave holders, “ trans- formed himself, with astonishing dexterity, into an angel of light,”—and thereby~" deceived the very elect.”—he saw very clearly, that if public justice and humanity, especially, if chris- tian justice and humanity, could be brought to demand only a gradual extermination of the enormities of the slave system; if they could be brought to acquiesce, but for one year, or for one month, in the slavery of our african brother,---in robbing him of all the rights of humanity,--and degrading him to a level with the brutes ;—that then, they could imperceptibly be brought to acquiesce in all this for an unlimited duration. he saw, very clearly, that the time for the extermination of slavery, was precisely that, when its horrid impiety and enormity were first distinctly known and strongly felt. he knew, that every moment's unnecessary delay, between the discovery of an im- perious duty, and the setting earnestly about its accomplishment, was dangerous, if not fatal to success. he knew, that strong excitement, was necessary to strong effort ;—that intense feel- ing was necessary to stimulate intense exertion ;-that, as strong excitement, and intense feeling are generally transient, in proportion to their strength and intensity,—the most effectual way of crusbing a great and virtuous enterprize,—was to gain time,-to defer it to “ a more convenient season," when the zeal and ardour of the first convictions of duty had subsided ; when our sympathies had become languid ;-when considerations of the difficulties and hazards of the enterprize, the solicitations of ease and indulgence should have chilled the warm glow of humanity,-quenched the fervid heroism of virtue ;-when familiarity with relations of violence and outrage, crimes and miseries, should have abated the horror of their first impression, and, at length induced indifference. the father of lies, the grand artificer of fraud and imposture, transformed himself therefore, on this occasion, pre-eminently, “ into an angel of light”-and deceived, not the unwary only, the unsuspecting multitude, but the wise and the good, by the plausibility, the apparent force, the justice, and above all, by the humanity of the arguments propounded for gradual emancipation. he, is the subtilest of all reasoners, the most ingenious of all sophists, the most eloquent of all declaimers.- he, above all other advocates, “ can make the worst appear the better argument;" can, most effectually pervert the judg- ment and blind the understanding,—whilst they seem to be most enlightened and rectified. thus, by a train of most ex- quisite reasoning, has he brought the abolitionists to the con- clusion,—that the interest of the poor, degraded, and oppressed slave, as well as that of his master, will be best secured by bis remaining in slavery. it has indeed, been proposed to mitigate, in some degree, the miseries of his interminable bondage, but the blessings of emancipation, according to the propositions of the abolitionists in the last session of parliament, were to be reserved for his posterity alone,-and every idea of immediate emancipation is still represented, not only as impolitic, enthu- siastic and visionary, but as highly injurious to the slave himself, --and a train of supposed apt illustrations is continually at hand, to expose the absurdity of such a project. “who (it is asked) would place a sumptuous banquet before a half-famished wretch, whilst his powers of digestion were so feeble that it would be fatal to partake of it?- who would bring a body benumbed and half frozen with cold, into sudden contact with fervid heat ? who would take a poor captive from his dun- geon, where he had been immured whole years, in total dark- ness, and bring him at once into the dazzling ligbt of a meridian sun? no one, in his senses, certainly. all these transitions from famine to plenty,--from cold to heat,-from darkness to light, must be gradual in order to be salutary. but must it therefore follow, by any inductions of common sense, that emancipation out of the gripe of a robber or an assassin,-out of the jaws of a shark or a tiger, must be gradual ? must, it, therefore, follow, that the wretched victim of slavery must always remain in slavery ?-that emancipation must be so gradual, that the blessings of freedom shall never be tasted by him who has endured all the curses of slavery, but be reserved for his posterity alone? there is something unnatural, something revolting to the common sense of justice, in reserving all the sweets of freedom for those who have never tasted the bitter cup of bondage,-- in dooming those who have once been compelled to drink it, to drain it to the very dregs. common equity demands that relief should be administered first to those who have suffered most;—that the healing balm of mercy should be imparted first to those who have smarted most under the rod of oppression : that those who have borne the galling yoke of slavery, should first experience the blessings of liberty. the cause of eman- cipation loses more than half its interest, when the public sympathy is diverted from its natural channel,turned from the living victims of colonial bondage to their unborn"progeny. it is utterly astonishing, with such an object as west indian slavery before us, rendered palpable, in all its horrors, almost to our very senses, by a multitude of indubitable facts, collected from various sources of the highest authority, all uniting in the same appalling evidence ;—with the sight of our fellow-creatures in bondage so rigorous,-in moral and physical degradation so abject;—under a tyranny so arbitrary, wanton and barbarous ;- it is utterly astonishing, that our compassion and sympathy should be so timid and calculating,—so slow and cautious. under the contemplation of individual suffering, comparatively trifling, both in nature and duration, our compassion is prompt and quick in its movements,ếour exertions, spontaneous and instinctive;—we go the shortest way to work, in effecting the relief of the sufferer. but, in emancipating eight hundred thou- sand of our fellow creatures and fellow subjects from a worse than egyptian bondage, we advance towards the object, by a route, the most indirect and circuitous ; we petition parliament, year after year, for gradual emancipation :--to what purpose ? are we gaining or losing ground by these delays? are we approaching nearer or receding farther from the attainment of our object? the latter, it is too evident, is, and must be the case. the evil principle is more subtle and active in its various operations, than the good principle. the advocates of slavery, are more alert and successful in insinuating into the public mind, donbts and fears, coldness and apathy on the subject of emancipation, than the abolitionists are in counteracting such hostile influence ;—and the desertions from the anti-slavery standard in point of zeal and activity, if not in numbers, since the agitation of the question in parliament last year, are doubtless- very considerable. should the numerous petitions to parliament be ultimately successful;—should the prayer for gradual emancipation be granted; still, how vague and indefinite would be the benefit resulting from such success. should some specific time be appointed by government, for the final extinction of colonial slavery ;-that period, we have been informed from high autho- rity, will not be an early one. and who can calculate the tears and groans, the anguish and despair;—the tortures and outrages which may be added, during the term of that protracted inter- val, to the enormous mass of injuries already sustained by the victims of west indian bondage? who can calculate the aggravated accumulation of guilt which may be incurred by its active agents, its interested abettors and supporters? why then, in the name of humanity, of common sense, and common honesty, do we petition parliament, year after year, for a gra- dual abolition of this horrid system,—this complication of crime and misery? why petition parliament at all, to do that for us, which, were they ever so well disposed, we can do more speedily and more effectually for ourselves ? it is no marvel that slave holders, should cry out against im- mediate emancipation, as they have done against all propositions for softening the rigors of colonial slavery. “ insurrection of all the blacks, -massacre of all the whites.”—are the bug-bears which have been constantly conjured up, to deter the british parliament from all interference between the master and his slave. the panic was the same, the outcry just as violent, when an attempt was made about forty years ago, to abate the horrors of the middle passage, by admitting a little more air into the suffocating and pestilent holds of the slave ships; and a noble duke, besought parliament not to meddle with the alarm- ing question.* confident predictions, from this quarter, of rebellion and bloodshed, have, almost uniformly followed every proposition to restrain the power of the oppressor and to miti- gate the sufferings of the oppressed. see the debate on this subject in , it is therefore no wonder, that west indian proprietors, and slave holders, should exclaim against immediate emancipation; that they should tell us, the slaves are so depraved as well as degraded, as to be utterly incapacitated for the right use of freedom ;—that emancipation, instead of leading them into habits of sober contented industry, would be inevitably followed by idleness, pillage, and all sorts of enormities ;-in short, that they would rise in a mass, and massacre all the white inhabitants of the islands. that slave holders should say, and really believe all this, is perfectly natural;-it is no wonder at all that they should be full of the most groundless suspicions and terrors ;—for tyrants are the greatest of all cowards.-" the wicked fleeth when no man pursueth ;"he is terrified at shadows and shudders at the spectres of his own guilty imagination. but that the abolitionists should have caught the infection should be panic-struck ;—that the friends of humanity,--the wise and the good-should be diverted from their purpose by such visionary apprehensions ;-that they should “ fear where no fear is;”-should swallow the bait, so manifestly laid to draw them aside from their great object;—that they should be so credulous, so easily imposed upon-is marvellous. the simple enquiry, what is meant by emancipation ? might have dissipated at once all these terrible spectres of rapine and murder. does emancipation from slavery imply emancipation from law? does emancipation from lawless tyranny,-from compulsory unremunerated labour, under the lash of the cart whip, imply emancipation from all responsibility and moral re- straint? were slavery in the british colonies extinguished, the same laws which restrain and punish crime in the white population, would still restrain and punish crime in the black population. the danger arising from inequality of numbers would be more than counteracted by the wealth, influence, and the armed force, possessed by the former. but independent of such considerations, the oppressed and miserable, corrupt as is human nature, do not naturally become savage and revenge- ful when their oppressions and miseries are removed. as long as a human being is bought and sold, -regarded as goods and chattels, - compelled to labour without wages, — branded, chained, and flogged at the caprice of his owner; he will, of necessity, as long as the feeling of pain,—the sense of degra- dation and injury remain, he will, unless he have the spirit of a christian martyr, be vindictive and revengeful. “oppression (it is said) will make (even) a wise man, mad.” but will the liberated captive, when the iron yoke of slavery is broken ;--- when bis heavy burdens are unbound,—his bleeding wounds healed, his broken heart bound up; will he then scatter venge- ance and destruction around him? would entail upon its virulent and infuriated opposers.* and is that a consideration to stand in competition with the liberation of eight hundred thousand of our fellow creatures from the heavy yoke of slavery ? must hundreds of thousands of human beings continue to be disinherited of those 'inherent rights of humanity, without which, life becomes a curse, instead of a blessing ; must they continue to be roused and stimulated to uncompensated labour, night as well as day, during a great. part of the year, by the impulse of the cart wbip, that a few noble lords and honourable gentlemen may experience no priva- tion of expensive luxury,- no contraction of profuse expendi- ture,-no curtailment of state and equipage ? must the scale in which is placed the just claims, the sacred rights of eight hundred thousand british subjects, be made to kick the beam, when weighed in the balance against pretensions so compara- tively light and frivolous ? among the west indian proprietors, there are doubtless, in- dividuals of high character and respectability, whose education and circumstances may, nevertheless, disqualify them from tak- ing a strictly impartial view of colonial slavery. such, of course, must be exempt from the just odium,—the reprobation, wbich belongs to the general body, as far as they have rendered their own character notorious by their own declarations by the speecbes they have published, and the decrees they have issu- ed ;-by the virulent abuse, the rage and calamny which they have heaped upon the abolitionists ;-by the alternations of fawning servility and insolent tbreatening, with which they at one time “ prostrate themselves at the foot of the throne;"—at another, protest, in the tone of defiance, not to say rebellion, against british interference with colonial legislation. towards these gentlemen, there has been extended a great deal too much delicacy and tenderness. they are culprits, in the strictest sense of the word, and as such, they ought to be regarded, notwithstanding their rank and consequence, by every honest impartial moralist. they have received too long, the gains of oppression ;—too long have they fattened on the spoils of hu- manity. it matters not at all, how, or when, the planter acquired his pretended right to the slave ;—whether by violence or robbery, —by purchase or by inberitance. his claim always was, and always will be, ill-founded, because it is opposed to nature, to reason, and to religion. it is also illegal, as far as legality has any foundation of justice, divine or human, to rest upon. his plea for protection against the designs of the abolitionists, on the ground that his property has been embarked in this nefari- * the account of the london meeting of west indian planters, which took place in february last, perfectly justifies the application of these epithets. direct, through means more simple ;-had they confided more in the goodness of their cause, and dreaded less the opposition of its adversaries ;-bad they depended more upon divine, and less upon human support—their triumphs, instead of their de- feats, would, long since, have been recorded. surely their eyes must at length be opened ;—they must perceive that they have not gone the right way to work,-that the apprehension of losing all, by asking too much,-bas driven them into the danger of losing all, by having asked too little ;—that the spirit of com- promise and accommodation has placed them nearly in the si- iuation of the unfortunate man in the fable, who, by trying to please every body, pleased nobody, and lost the object of his it had been well, for the poor oppressed african, had the asserters of his rights entered the lists against bis oppressors, with more of the spirit of christian combatants, and less of worldly politicians ;—had they remembered, through the whole of the struggle, that it was a conflict of sacred duty, against sordid interests,—of right against might;—that it was, in fact, an holy war,—an attack upon the strong holds, the deep in- trenchments of the very powers of darkness ; in which courage would be more availing than caution ;-in which success was to be expected, less from prudential or political expedients, than from that all-controling power, which alone gives efficacy to human exertions,—which often defeats the best concerted schemes of human sagacity and accomplishes his great purposes through the instrumentality of the simplest agency. had the labours of the abolitionists been begun and continued on divine, instead of human reliance, immediate emancipation would have appeared just as attainable as gradual emancipation. but, by substituting the latter object for the former, under the idea that its accomplishment was more probable, less exposed to objection; -and by endeavouring to carry it, through considerations of interest, rather than obligations of duty; they have betrayed an unworthy diffidence in the cause in which they have embarked ; they have converted the great business of emancipation into an object of political calculation ;-they have withdrawn it from divine, and placed it under human patronage ;-and disap- pointment and defeat, have been the inevitable consequence. if the deadly root of slavery be ever extirpated out of british soil, it will be by such exertions as are prompted by duty rather than interest. we cannot sufficiently admire the great wisdom and goodness of those providential arrangements which have, in the general course of events, so inseparably connected our duty with our interest;—but with regard to the broad and palpable distinctions between right and wrong, virtue and vice; -the more simple and direct the reference to the will of our divine lawgiver, and that of his vicegerent, conscience, the more determined will be our resolution, the more decisive our conduct." how shall i do this great wickedness and sin against god”-will be the most influential of all considerations. and the solemn inquiry, pressed home to the conscience, how an enlightened and christian government,-how an enlightened and christian community, can, in any way, encourage or sanc- tion such a complicated system of iniquity as that of slavery, “ the greatest practical blunder, as well as the greatest calamity, that has ever disgraced and afflicted human nature,”—without sharing its guilt, and, if there be a righteous governor of the universe, its punishment also ?-will be followed up by propo- sitions more consistent and energetic, than such as aim only at its gradual extermination. the very able mover of the question in parliament last year, proposed that our colonial slavery should be suffered—“ to expire of itself,—to die a natural death.-but a natural death, it never will die.--it must be crushed at once, or not at all. while the abolitionists are endeavouring gradually to enfeeble and kill it by inches, it will gradually discover the means of reinforcing its strength, and will soon defy all the puny attacks of its assailants. in the mean time, let the abolitionists remember,—while they are reasoning and declaiming and petitioning parliament for gradual emancipation,-let them remember, that the miseries they deplore remain unmitigated,—the crimes they execrate are still perpetuated ;-still the tyrant frowns—and the slave trem- bles ;—the cart-whip still plies at the will of the inhuman driver —and the hopeless victim still writhes under its lasb. the ameliorating measures recommended by parliament, to the colonial legislators, are neglected and spurned. the bad passions of the slave holder are exasperated and infuriated by interference, and vengeance falls, with accumulated weight, on the slave. it had been better for him, had no efforts been made for his emancipation, than that they should ultimately fail, or be feebly exerted the interval of suspense, will be an interval of restless perturbation,—of aggravated tyranny in the oppressor, -of aggravated suffering to the oppressed. unsuccessful op- position, to crimes of every description, invariably increases their power and malignity. animmediate emancipation then, is the object to be aimed at; it is more wise and rational,-more politic and safe, as well as more just and humane,--than gradual emancipation. the in- terest, moral and political, temporal and eternal, of all parties concerned, will be best promoted by immediate emancipation. the sooner the planter is obliged to abandon a system which torments him with perpetual alarms of insurrection and mas- sacre, which keeps him in the most debasing moral bondage, -subjects him to a tyranny, of all others, the most injurious and destructive—that of sordid and vindictive passions ;—the sooner he is obliged to adopt a more humane and more lucrative policy in the cultivation of his plantations ;-the sooner the over- laboured, crouching slave, is converted into a free labourer, those who are most under the influence of true christian prin- ciple, are not always wound up to such a pitch of disinterested and ardent zeal, as is requisite to cope with such a host of interested and powerful opponents, as are the west indian proprietors and slave holders. those, who are " called to glory and virtue,"—invited, to labour, in the divine vineyard, are admonished, to “ work whilst it is day,—for the night cometh, in which no man can work ;”—whilst they have light, they are admonished to “ walk in the light, lest darkness come upon them.” mental darkness, and spiritual night, steal fast upon those, who, when an imperious duty is presented to them, -wben sufficient ability is imparted for its accomplishment,- falter and procrastinate. if the great work of emancipation be not now accomplished, humanly speaking, it may be despaired of, as far as our agency is concerned. the rising generation may furnish no such zealous, devoted advocates, as a clarkson, a wilberforce, and a buxton. if the clear light, the full information, they have so generally diffused :—the deep interest and sympathy they have so generally excited, produce no other results than those at present contemplated by the abolitionists ;—this country may fall under the curse of being judicially hardened and blinded, in consequence of having been softened and enlightened to so little purpose ;-and the emancipation of eight hundred thousand british slaves ! may be effected through other means and other agency, which, when once roused into action, may realize all those terrific scenes of insurrection and carnage which the ima- gination of the planter has so often contemplated. since the preceding pages were written, the sentences passed upon the insurgents of demerara and kingston have reached us. some, had been hung, others, had received corporeal punishment-to what extent--let those who have ears to hear, and hearts to feel, deeply ponder. some had received, others, were yet to receive-one thousand lashes,—and were condemned to be worked in chains during the resi- due of their lives!! the horrid work, has probably, by tbis time been completed, human interposition therefore, with respect to these individual victims of west indian justice will now be of no avail. but shall such sentences as these, be suffered to pass the ordeal of public opinion? shall they be established as prece- dents for future judgments, on future insurgents ? forbid it- every feeling of humanity-in every bosom. let every principle of virtue which distinguishes the human from the brute creation, —the professors of the benignant, compassionate religion of christ, from the savage and blood-thirsty worshippers of mo- loch,-raise one united, determined and solemn protest against the repetition of these barbarities, which blaspheme the sacred name of justice,--and seem to imprecate almighty vengeance. let us not overlook our own urgent duties in the pursuit of such as are less imperative. let us first-mind our own busi- ness,-" pluck the beam out of our own eye." let us first extend the helping hand, to those who have the first claim to our assistance. let us first liberate our own slaves—which we may do, without furnishing them with arms or ammunition. then, we shall have clean hands,-and the divine blessing may then be expected to crown our exertions for the redemption of other captives. should the weak objection, still haunt some inconsiderate reader, of the little good, which can reasonably be expected to result from individual abstinence from west indian produce ; let bim reflect, that the most wonderful productions of human skill and industry; the most astonishing effects of human power have been accomplished by combined exertions, which, when individually and separately considered, appear feeble and insig- nificant. let him reflect, that the grandest objects of human observation consist of small agglomerated particles ; that the globe itself is composed of atoms too minute for discernment; that extended ages consist of accumulated moments. let him reflect, that greater victories have been achieved by the com- bined expression of individual opinion, than by fleets and armies ; that greater moral revolutions have been accomplished by the combined exertion of individual resolution, than were ever effected by acts of parliament. the hydra-headed monster of slavery, will never be destroyed by other means, than the united expression of individual opinion, and the united exertion of individual resolution. let no man restrain the expression of the one, or the exertion of the other, from the apprehension that his single efforts will be of no avail. the greatest and the best work must have a beginning, often, it is a very small and obscure one. and though the example in question should not become universal, we may surely hope that it will become general. it is too much, to expect that the matter will be taken up- (otherwise, than to make a jest of it) by the thoughtless and the selfish : what proportion these bear to the considerate and the compassionate, remains to be ascertained. by these, we may reasonably expect that it will be taken up, with resolution and consistency. by christian societies of every denomination,-pre- eminently by that, which has hitherto stood foremost in the great cause of abolition. by the great body of the catholics too, who attach so much merit to abstinence and self-denial ;--and by all the different protestant professors, (who are at all sincere in their profession) of the one religion of universal compassion ;- which requires us“ to love our neighbour as ourselves,”-this testimony against slavery may be expected to be borne with scrupulous and conscientious fidelity. think, but for a moment, at what a trifling sacrifice the re- demption of eight hundred thousand of our fellow creatures from the lowest condition of degradation and misery may be accom- plished. abstinence from one single article of luxury would annihilate west indian slavery !! but abstinence it cannot be called ;-we only need substitute east india, for west india sugar,--and the british atmosphere would be purified at once, from the poisonous infection of slavery. the antidote of this deadly bane; for which we have been so many years in laborious but unsuccessful search, is most simple and obvious,-too simple and obvious, it should seem, to have been regarded. like naaman, of old, who expected to be cured of his leprosy, by some grand and astonishing evolution, and disdained to wash, as he was directed, in the obscure waters of damascus ;-we look for the abolition of british slavery, not to the simple and obvious means of its accomplishment, which lie within our own power,—but through the slow and solemn process of parliament- ary discussion, - through the “ pomp and circumstance” of legislative enactment ;-most absurdly remonstrating and peti- tioning against that system of enormous wickedness, which we voluntarily tax ourselves to the annual amount of two millions sterling, to support ! !* that abstinence from west indian sugar alone, would sign the death warrant of west indian slavery, is morally certain. the gratuity of two millions annually, is acknowledged by the planters, to be insufficient to bolster up their tottering system,-- and they scruple not, to declare to parliament, that they must be ruined, if the protecting duties, against east india compe- tition, be not augmented. one, concluding word, to such as may be convinced of the duty , but may still be incredulous as to the efficacy of this species of abstinence, from the apprehension that it will never become sufficiently general to accomplish its purpose. should your example not be followed ;-should it be utterly unavailing towards the attainment of its object ;-still, it will have its own abundant reward :-still, it will be attended with the conscious- ness of sincerity and consistency,--of possessing “ clean hands,—of having "no fellowship with the workers of iniquity;" still, it will be attended with the approbation of conscience,- and doubtless, with that of the great searcher of hearts, who regarded with favourable eye, the mite cast by the poor widow, into the treasury, and declared, that a cup of cold water only, administered in christian charity, “ shall in no wise lose its reward.” * every reader may not be aware, that such is the amount of duty laid on east india, to keep up the unnatural price of west india sugar. knight and bagster, , bartholomew close, london. the borrower will be charged the cost of overdue notification if this book is not returned to the library on or before the last date stamped below. biljapÁnceplerie red e may do mar stall-study canvcrice nedl transfer hn guj l. . kd nivers a vard haru institute sity of boma haec study tudia adolescentiam ex dono tas bird inquiry into the character and tendency of the american colonization, and american anti-slavery societies. by william ja y. "give me the liberty to know, to utter, and to argue freely, according w my conscience, above all liberties.”—milton. second edition. stereotyped by conner and cooke. new york: published by leavitt, lord & co. broadway. boston: crocker & brewster, washington-street. . met kd harvare a le ary i entered according to the act of congress, in the year , by william jay, in the clerk's office of the district court of the southern district of new york. d. fanshaw printer. contents.. part i. american colonization society. introduction - - - - - - - - - - • - page chapter i. origin, constitution, and character of the american colonization society. - - - - - - - - - - chapter ii. influence of the society on the condition of free per- sons of color. - - - - - - - - - - - - chapter iii. influence of the society on africa-suppression of the slave trade. - - - - - - - - - - - chapter iv: influence of the society on africa-diffusion of civili- zation and christianity. - - - - - - - - - chapter v. influence of the society on slavery. - · · · · · part ii. american anti-sl a very society. chapter i. principles of the society-character of american slavery. - - - - - - - - - - - - - chapter ii. proposed objects and measures of the society-cen- sure of abolitionists. - - - - - - - - - contents. chapter iii. fanaticism of abolitionists. · · · · · · · · chapter iv. incendiarism and treason of abolitionists. · chapter v. slavery under the authority of congress. · · · · chapter vi. slavery under state authority. · · · · · · · chapter vii. safety of immediate emancipation. · · · · - chapter viii. emancipation in st. domingo and gaudaloupe, and present state of st. domingo. · · · · · · · chapter ix. emancipation in the british west indies. · · · · chapter x. gradual and immediate emancipation. · · · · chapter xi. danger of continued slavery........ preface. no allusion has been made, in the following pages, to certain popular objections to the colonization society; nor have any cases of individual cruelty been cited, to illustrate the evils of slavery. it is proper, that the rea- sons for this departure from the ordinary mode of discus- sing these two subjects, should be given, that they may riot be misunderstood. the objections i have omitted to notice, are, the mor- tality to which the emigrants are exposed, in conse- quence of the climate of liberia ; the demoralizing traf- lic, which the colonists have carried on with the natives, in rum and military stores; and the improvident appli- cation of the funds of the society, which has rendered it bankrupt. these objections, serious as they are in themselves, are not inseparable from the system of colonization. another and more salubrious site, may be selected; the traffic complained of, may be discontinued ; and the fiscal affairs of the society, may hereafter be managed with prudence and economy. but there are inherent evils in the system, and it is important that the public attention should not be diverted from these evils, by the contem- plation of others, which are only accidental. so, also, it is important, that the sinfulness of slavery, should not be merged in that of its unauthorized abuses. many contend for the lawfulness of slavery who readily preface. admit the sinfulness of insulated cases of cruelty. it has, therefore, been my object to show, that admitting the slaves to be treated as a prudent farmer treats his cattle —that they have enough to eat—are sheltered from the inclemency of the weather, and are not subjected to a greater degree of severity than is necessary, to extort from them a due amount of labor-american slavery is, nevertheless, a heinous sin, and, like every other sin, ought to be immediately abandoned. february, . part i. american colonization society. introduction. on the st of january, , there were in the united states, , , slaves.* this number about equals the population of holland, and exceeds that of scotland, of the danish dominions, of the swiss confederation, and of various republics in south america. these millions of human beings, are held as chattels by a people professing to acknowledge, that “all men are created equal, and endowed with certain unalienable rights, among which are, life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness :"_they are, moreover, kept in ignorance, and compelled to live without god, and to die without hope, by a people professing to reverence the obligations of christianity. but slavery has ceased in other countries, where it for- merly prevailed ; and may we not hope that it is gradually expiring in this? such a hope is, alas, forbidden by the follow- ing statement of our slave population, at different periods : united states, , , , , , , kentucky, do. , , , mississippi and ? , , do. , alabama, louisiana, , , do. , missouri, do. , do. , perhaps, however, the political evils of slavery may be gradually mitigated, and finally removed, by an increas. according the ratio of increase between and , introduction. the excellent of the earth, are to be found among the friends and enemies of this association; and if various ecclesiastical bodies in our own country, have recommend- ed it to the patronage of their churches, it is regarded with abhorrence by almost the whole religious community of great britain ; and the last effort made by wilberforce in the great cause of negro liberty, was, to address to the people of great britain his solemn protest against the doc- trines and conduct of the american colonization society. this institution may have been formed by good men, and from the purest motives, yet it is possible, that its opera- tion may not have been such as they anticipated. so many unforeseen, concealed, and inappreciable causes,” says a very eminent writer, “have an influence on human insti- tutions, that it is impossible to judge a priori of their effects. nothing but a long series of experiments, can unfold these effects, and point out the means of counteracting those that are hurtful.” the following inquiry has been commenced, and pur- sued, under a deep sense of the importance of the subject, and with a solemn recollection, that no deviation from truth, can escape the notice and displeasure of him, unto whom all hearts are open, and from whom no secrets are hid. chapter i. origin, constitution, and character of the ameri- can colonization society. on the december, , the legislature of vir- ginia passed a resolution requesting the governor to cor- respond with the president of the united states, “ for the purpose of obtaining a territory on the coast of africa, or at some other place not within any of the states, or terri- torial governments of the united states, to serve as an asylum for such persons of colour as are now free, and may desire the same, and for those who may hereafter be eman- cipated within this commonwealth." within a few days of the date of this resolution, a meet- ing was held at washington to take this very subject into consideration. it was composed almost entirely of south- ern gentlemen. judge washington presided ; mr. clay, mr. randolph, and others, took part in the discussions which ensued, and which resulted in the organization of the american colonization society. judge washington was chosen president, and of the seventeen vice presidents, only five were selected from the free states, while the twelve managers were, it is believed, without one excep- tion, slave-holders. the first two articles of the constitution, are the only ones relating to the object of the society. they are as follows: art. i. this society shall be called the american so- ciety for colonizing the free people of colour of the united states. art. ii. the object to which its attention is to be exclu- sively directed, is to promote and execute a plan for coloni- zing (with their consent) the free people of color residing in our country in africa, or such other place as congress shall absence of avowed motives. deem most expedient. and the society shall act to effect this object in co-operation with the general government and such of the states as may adopt regulations on the subject. it is worthy of remark, that this constitution has no preamble setting forth the motives which led to its adop- tion, and the sentiments entertained by its authors. there is no one single principle of duty or policy recognized in it, and the members may, without inconsistency, be christians or infidels : they may be the friends or enemies of slavery, and may be actuated by kindness or by hatred towards “the free people of color.” · the omission of all avowal of motives was, probably, not without design, and has not been without effect. it has secured the co-operation of three distinct classes. first, such as sincerely desire to afford the free blacks an asylum from the oppression they suffer here, and by their means to extend to africa the blessings of christianity and civili. zation, and who at the same time flatter themselves that colonization will have a salutary influence in accelerating the abolition of slavery: secondly, such as expect to en- hance the value and security of slave property, by removing the free blacks : and, thirdly, such as seek relief from a bad population, without the trouble and expense of improving it. the doors of the society being thrown open to all, a heterogeneous multitude has entered, and within its portals men are brought into contact, who, in the ordinary walks of life, are separated by a common repulsion. the devoted missionary, ready to pour out his life on the sands of africa, is jostled by the trafficker in human flesh; the humble, self-denying christian, listens to the praises of the society from the unblushing profligate; and the friend of human rights and human happiness greets as his fellow- laborer the man whose very contribution to the cause is extorted from the unrequited labor of his fellow-men. this anomalous amalgamation of characters and motives, has necessarily led to a lamentable compromise of princi- ple. whatever may be the object each member proposes to himself, he is conscious it can be effected only by the harmonious co-operation of all the other members. hence it is all important to avoid giving and taking offence ; and never was the maxim, “bear and forbear," more scru- -- compromise of principles. pulously obeyed. certain irreconcileable opinions, but regarded by their holders as fundamental, are, by common consent, wholly suppressed; while in matters of less im- portance, the expression of opposite sentiments is freely allowed and borne with commendable patience. the advocates of slavery forbear shocking its opponents by justifying it in the abstract, and in return for this com- plaisance, those opponents forbear condemning it in par- ticulars. each party consents to make certain conces- sions to conciliate the other. the southron admits slavery to be a political evil; the northern member courteously replies, that under present circumstances, it is unavoidable, and therefore justifiable. the actual condition of the slave, his mental bondage, his bodily sufferings, are understood to be forbidden topics. the oppressor of the free negro dwells on his depravity and degradation; the friend of the free negro admits, and often aggravates the charges against him, but carefully ab- stains from all allusion to the true causes of that depravity and degradation, unless to excuse them as being inevitable. both parties unite in depicting in glowing colors, the effects of the oppression of the free negro, in order to prove the humanity of banishing him from the country; while both refrain from all attempts to remove or lessen the oppres- sion. .. the simplicity of the object of the society as stated in its constitution, tends in a powerful degree to encourage and enforce this compromise of principle. the constitu- tion, in fact, vests a discretionary veto in every member on the expression of unpalatable opinions. the attention of the society is to be - exclusively” directed to the coloni- zation of persons of color, and the constitution contains no allusion to slavery. hence any denunciation of slavery as sinful,* any arguments addressed to slave holders to induce them to manumit their slaves, would be unconstitutional, and are therefore carefully avoided. but the free blacks * candor requires the admission that there is at least one exception to this remark. at the annual meeting of the society in , the rev. mr. breck- enridge in his speech insisted on the sinfulness of slavery. a distinguished lay member of the society, who was present, complained to the author of mr. p.'s unconstitutional conduct, and declared that he was strongly tempted publicly to call him to order.. compromise of principles. cannot be transported without money, and much money cannot be had, without the aid of the enemies of slavery. it is therefore permitted to represent the society as an an- tidote to slavery, as tending to effect its abolition, any thing in the constitution to the contrary notwithstanding. but then this abolition is to be brought about at some future indefinite period. true it is, that the constitution is as silent, with respect to manumission, as it is to slavery ; but by common consent, this silence is not permitted to inter- pose the slightest obstacle to a unanimous, vigorous, and persevering opposition to present manumission. were the american bible society to deprecate the emancipation of slaves, and to censure all who proposed it, the outrage would excite the indignation of the whole community. but what would be a perversion of its avowed object in a bible society, is perfectly lawful in a colonization society, not because it is authorized by the constitution, but because it is expedient to conciliate the slave holders. many of the supporters of the society are interested in the american slave trade* -a trade replete with cruelty and injustice. to condemn this trade, or to labor for its suppression, would be unconstitutional. the african slave trade rather interferes with, than promotes the interests of the slave owners, and the society deem it unnecessary to seek for any constitutional warrant to justify the most vio- lent denunciation of the foreign traffic ; or an application to foreign powers to declare it piratical.f . to hold up the free blacks to the detestation of the community, is constitutional-to recommend them to the sympathy of christians, to propose schools for their in- struction, plans for encouraging their industry, and efforts for their moral and religious improvement, would be such a flagrant departure from the “ exclusive" object of the soci- ety, that no member has hitherto been rash enough to make the attempt. at the same time it is quite constitutional to vindicate the cruel laws which are crushing these people in the dust, and to show that the oppression they suffer is "an ordination of providence.” * the first president of the society, wag, as we shall see hereafter, no inconsiderable dealer. † see proceedings of am. col. society of th january, . consequences of the compromise. the constitution indeed, forbids the transportation of the free blacks without “ their consent;" but it is very consti- tutional to justify and encourage such oppression of them, as shall compel them to seek in the wilds of africa, a re- fuge from american cruelty. the natural result of this compromise of principle, this suppression of truth, this sacrifice to unanimity, has been the adoption of expediency as the standard of right and wrong, in the place of the revealed will of god. unmind- ful of the poet's precept, be virtuous ends pursued by virtuous means, nor think the intention sanctifies the deed, good men, and good christians, have been tempted by their zeal for the society, to countenance opinions and practices inconsistent with justice and humanity. confident that their motives were good, and their object important, they have been too little scrupulous of the means they employed; and hence the society has actually exerted a demoralizing influence over its own members, by leading them occasion- ally to advance in its behalf opinions at variance with truth and christianity. unhappily the evil influence of the society has not been confined to its own members. it has, to a lamentable extent, vitiated the moral sense of the com- munity, by reconciling public opinion to the continuance of slavery, and by aggravating those sinful prejudices. against the free blacks, which are subjecting them to insult and persecution, and denying them the blessings of educa- tion and religious instruction. we are sensible that these are grave assertions, and that many will deem them very extraordinary ones. the reader's belief is not solicited for them at present, nor will it be for any assertion hereafter made, till supported by unquestionable evidence. the remarks in this chapter are intended only as a general statement of the case against the society, and as an explanation of the process by which many excellent men belonging to it, have insensibly been seduced into conduct of at least doubtful morality. the charges now made will in due time be substantiated by authentic facts, and by quotations from the language, both official and private, of members of the society. society to be judged by its language. true it is, that colonizationists protest most earnestly against being judged by any but the official language of the board of managers. to the justice of this protest it is impossible to assent. the society is arraigned at the bar of the public, not for the object avowed in the constitution, but for the influence it exerts in vindicating and prolonging slavery, and in augmenting the oppression of the free blacks. this influence, if exerted at all, must be exerted by individuals in the capacity of members, agents, and officers of the society, and the only means they possess of exerting this influence, is by the expression of their sen- timents. to insist, therefore, that these sentiments may not be quoted, to show what influence the society does exert, is to contradict the plainest suggestions of common sense. certainly the whole society is not necessarily res- ponsible for the sentiments of a single member; but the question is not, whether one or two or more members have said improper things, but whether the influence generally exerted by the society, is what it is alleged to be ; and this is a question of fact, to be decided by evidence, and that evidence necessarily consists of the opinions expressed by its officers, agents, and distinguished members, and auxiliary associations. this protest, moreover, comes with an ill grace from a society that has appealed to the letters and the speeches of its members, to repel the objection urged against it in cer- tain quarters, of a desire to interfere with the rights of slave-holders.* should the members and officers of an anti- slavery society, continually, at its public meetings, deliver addresses in favour of intermarriages between whites and blacks-should auxiliaries pass resolutions approving of such marriages-should these addresses and resolutions be published and circulated at the expense of the society, and should its official magazine recommend such marriages. would it not be the excess of disingenuousness, for the society to attempt to repel the charge that its influence was exerted to bring about an amalgamation of the two races, by denying that it was responsible for the language of its members, and by appealing to its constitution and * see af. rep. vi. . its influence on free colored persons. official reports, in which no allusion was made to the sub- ject? all that can fairly be demanded, is that the quota- tions be honestly made, and that they be sufficiently nu- merous and explicit, to establish the facts they are brought to prove. it must not, however, be supposed, that we in- tend to prove our charges against the society, only by the declarations of individual members. on the contrary, we shall summon as witnesses, the managers of the parent so- ciety, and its auxiliaries; and shall exhibit in evidence their official reports and addresses. in the following pages will be found numerous extracts from colonization documents; and it is right to observe, that they are for the most part, merely selections, and bearing generally but a small pro- portion to the whole number of extracts to the same point, that might have been adduced. some few of the extracts have been made by other writers ; but the great mass of them have been selected by the author, and in no instance has he given a quotation which he does not believe is fairly and honestly made. to prevent mistakes, it may be well to mention, that the african repository is a monthly maga- zine, and is, as appears from the title page, “published by order of the managers of the american colonization soci- ety." the editor is understood to be the secretary of the society. this periodical, together with the annual reports, and occasional official addresses, are the only publications for which the managers of the society are responsible: when colonization newspapers are mentioned, nothing more is intended by the expression, than that they are pa- pers which espouse the cause of the society. chapter ii. influence of the society on the condition of free persons of color. the object of the society is declared by the constitu- tion, to be exclusively the colonization of free persons of color, with their own consent. now there is nothing in this object necessarily benevolent. a colony may be es- tablished for commercial purposes, or as a military station, * aggravates prejudice. or as a receptacle for convicts, or to aid the diffusion of christianity. the absence in the constitution of all avowed motive for the proposed colony, invites the co-operation of all who advocate the scheme from any motive whatever. for the purpose of raising money, it is the policy of the society to appeal to all the various and discordant motives that can be incited in behalf of the colony. a strong and very general prejudice exists against the free blacks. it is unfortunately the policy of the society to aggravate this prejudice, since the more we abominate these people, the more willing we shall be to pay money for the purpose of getting rid of them. the influence of the doctrine of ex- pediency on good men, will be seen in the unchristian lan- guage they have used, in regard to this unhappy and op- pressed portion of their fellow-men. “free blacks are a greater nuisance than even slaves themselves.” address of c. c. harper, af. rep. ii. . “ a horde of miserable people--the objects of universal suspicion—subsisting by plunder.” speech of gen. mercer, vice president. “of all classes of our population, the most vicious is that of the free colored--contaminated themselves, they ex- tend their vices to all around them.” speech of mr. clay, vice president, th report, p. . "averse to labor, with no incentives to industry, or mo- tives to respect, they maintain a precarious existence by petty thefts and plunder.” african rep. vi. . " they are alike injurious by their conduct and example to all other classes of society.” memorial of manchester col. soc. to virginia legislature. " a large mass of human beings who hang as a vile ex- crescence upon society." address of c. l. mosby, before a col. soc. in virginia. • this class of persons a curse and contagion wherever they reside.” african rep. iii. . “of all the descriptions of our population, and of either portion of the african race, the free persons of color are by far, as a class, the most corrupt, depraved and aban- doncd.” speech of mr. clay, african rep. vi. . " an anomalous race of beings, the most depraved upon carth.” african rep. vii. . excuses oppression. “ they are a mildew upon our fields, a scourge to our backs, and a stain upon our escutcheon.” memorial of kentucky col. soc. to congress. “i will look no farther when i seek for the most de- graded, the most abandoned race on the earth, but rest my eye on this people.” address before the lynchburgh col. soc. “ there is a class (free blacks) among us, introduced by violence, notoriously ignorant, degraded and miserable, mentally diseased, broken spirited, acted upon by no mo- tives to honorable exertions, scarcely reached in their de- basement by the heavenly light.” editorial article, afr. rep. i. . we may here remark, that the tone of these extracts is very different from that used when the speaker desires to excite sympathy for the wretched. we are told that these people are vicious and debased, but no hint is given that their vice and debasement are the result of sinful prejudices and cruel laws.-no appeal is made to the spirit of chris- tianity to pour oil and wine into the wound of suffering humanity. we are not reminded that these wretches are our brethren for whom christ died. nothing is omitted to impress us with a sense of the depth of the misery into which they are plunged ; but for what object are these fright- ful pictures presented to us? is it to urge us to feed the hungry, to clothe the naked, to instruct the ignorant, and to reform the wicked ! no, but to transport them to africa ! to an unsophisticated christian it would seem that the true way of relieving the wretchedness and vice of these people would be, first to protest against their unrighteous oppression, and to procure the repeal of those laws which forbid their instruction; and then to make them partakers of the blessings of education and religion. but far from the colonization society are all such old fashioned ways of doing good. instead of protesting against the causes of all this misery, the society excuses and justifies the oppression of the free negroes, and the prejudices against them. “ severe necessity places them (free negroes) in a class of degraded beings." address of mr. rides to lynchburgh col. soc. afr. rep. v. . excuses oppression. “ the severe legislation, i will not say that under all circumstances it is too severe, the severe legislation of the slave states which drives their emancipated blacks to the free states, and scatters the nuisance there, attests that we have a share in this evil.” speech of g. smith, esq. vice president. th report, p. xiii. “ this law," (a law by which a manumitted negro be- comes again a slave if he remains twelve months in the state) “ odious and unjust as it may at first view appear, and hard as it may seem to bear upon the liberated negro, was doubtless dictated by sound policy, and its repeal would be regarded by none with more unfeigned regret than by the friends of african colonization. it has restrained many masters from giving freedom to their slaves, and has thereby contributed to check the growth of an evil alrea- dy too great and formidable.” memorial from powhattan col. soc. to virginia legislature. “i am clear that whether we consider it with reference to the welfare of the state, or the happiness of the blacks, it were better to have left them in chains, than to have li- berated them to receive such freedom as they enjoy, and greater freedom we cannot, must not allow them.” af. rep. iii. . “ the habits, the feelings, all the prejudices of society -prejudices which neither refinement, nor argument, nor education, nor religion itself can subdue, mark the people of color, whether bond or free, as the subjects of a degradation inevitable and incurable." address of the connecticut col. soc. “ the managers consider it clear that causes exist and are now operating to prevent their improvement and eleva. tion to any considerable extent as a class in this country, which are fixed not only beyond the control of the friends of humanity, but of any human power: christianity can- not do for them here what it will do for them in africa. this is not the fault of the colored man, nor of the white man, but an ordination of providence, and no more to be changed than the laws of nature.” th report, p. . we do not ask that the provisions of our constitution and statute book should be so modified as to relieve and ex. alt the condition of the colored people whilst they remain laws against free blacks. with us. let these provisions stand in all their rigor to work out the ultimate and unbounded good of these peo- ple." memorial of the new-york state col. soc. to the legislature. “if we were constrained to admire so uncommon a being,” (a pious, highly cultivated, scientific negro,) " our very admiration would be mingled with disgust, because in the physical organization of his frame we meet an insur- mountable barrier even to approach to social intercourse, and in the egyptian color which nature has stamped on his features, a principle of repulsion so strong as to forbid the idea of a communion either of interest or of feeling as ut- terly abhorrent.” af. rep. vii. p. . * we find from the foregoing extracts that the board of managers of the american colonization society officially declare, that no human power can counteract the causes which prevent the elevation and improvement of the free black in this country. that not even the religion of christ can in this land of light, of bibles, and of temples, do for him what it can amid the darkness and paganism of africa. and we find a powerful state society recommending to the legislature to do evil, that good may come. now if it be true, that the degradation of the free blacks is inevi- table and cannot even be removed by christianity, then in- deed, as the society affirms, it is not the “ fault” of the white man, and he, not being in fault, there is no reason why he should change his conduct towards them, or repeal those laws which mr. smith will not say are under all cir. cumstances “too severe." let us see what are these laws, which a most worthy colonizationist, and a distinguished officer of the society, intimates, are not too severe; and what are those causes of degradation which we are assured by the board of managers, are an ordination of providence, and no more to be changed than the laws of nature. in some of the states, if a free man of color is accused of crime, he is denied the benefit of those forms of trial which the common law has established for the protection of innocence. thus, in south carolina, it is thought quite unnecessary to give a grand and petit jury the trouble of inquiring into his case : he can be hung without so much ceremony. but who is a colored man? we answer, the laws against free blacks. fairest man in carolina, if it can be proved that a drop of negro blood flowed in the veins of his mother. the fol- lowing extract from a late charleston paper gives us a cu- rious instance of the administration of criminal justice in a christian country in the th century. "trial for mur- der- william tann, a free colored man, was tried on friday last at john's island, for the murder of moses, the slave of jos. d. jenkins, esq. of that place. the court consisted of william h. inglesby and alexander h. brown, esqrs. judicial magistrates” (justices of the peace) “ of this city, together with five freeholders- the murder was committed at john's island on the th july, , tann shooting down moses with a musket loaded with buckshot. tann was at that time overseer of a mr. murray, and from the fairness of his complexion was thought to be and passed for a white man. he was accordingly bound over to answer for this offence to the court of sessions, but it having been decided on an issue ordered and tried at wal- terborough, for the purpose of ascertaining his caste, that he was of mixed blood, he was turned over by the court, to the jurisdiction of magistrates, and freeholders the court found him guilty, and sentenced him to be hung on friday the th april next,” .-charleston courier. in south carolina, if a free negro " entertains" a runa. way slave, he forfeits ten pounds, and if unable to pay the fine, which must be the case ninety-nine times in a hundred, he is to be sold as a slave for life. in , a free woman and her three children were thus sold, for harbouring two slave children. in mississippi, every negro or mulatto, not being able to prove himself free, may be sold as a slave. should the certificate of his manumission, or the evidence of his pa. rent's freedom, be lost or stolen, he is reduced to hopeless bondage. this provision extends to most of the slave states, and is in full operation in the district of columbia. in south carolina, any assembly of free negroes, even in the presence of white persons, “in a confined or secret place, for the purpose of mental instruction,” is an unlaw- ful assembly, and may be dispersed by a magistrate, who is authorized to inflict twenty lashes on each free negro at- tending the meeting. improvement of free blacks discouraged. in the city of savannah, any person who teaches a free negro to read or write, incurs a penalty of thirty dollars. of course a father may not instruct his own children. in maryland, a justice of the peace may order a free negro's ears to be cut off for striking a white man. in kentucky, for the same offence, he is to receive thirty lashes, well laid on." the law of louisiana declarcs, “ free people of color ought never to insult or strike white people, nor presume to conceive themselves equal to the whites ; but, on the contrary, they ought to yield to them on every occasion, and never speak or answer them but with respect, under the penalty of imprisonment ac- cording to the nature of the case.” the corporation of georgetown, in the district of co- lumbia, passed an ordinance, making it penal for any free negro to receive from the post-office, have in his possession, or circulate, any publication or writing whatsoever of a seditious character. in north carolina, the law prohibits a free colored man, whatever may be his attainments or ecclesiastical authority, to preach the gospel. in georgia, a white man is liable to a fine of five hundred dollars for teaching a free negro to read or write. if one free negro teach another, he is to be fined and whipped at the discretion of the court! should a free negro presume to preach to, or exhort his companions, he may be seized without warrant, and whipped thirty-nine lashes, and the saine number of lashes may be applied to each one of his congregation. in virginia, should free negroes or their children assem- ble at a school to learn reading and writing, any justice of the peace, may dismiss the school with twenty stripes on the back of each pupil. in some states, free negroes may not assemble together for any purpose, to a greater number than seven. in north carolina, free negroes may not trade, buy, or sell, out of the cities or towns in which they reside, under the penalty of forfeiting their goods, and receiving in lieu thereof thirty- nine lashes. the laws of ohio against the free blacks are peculiarly detestable, because not originating from the fears and pre- improvement of free blacks discouraged. judices of slave-holders. not only are the blacks excluded in that state from the benefit of public schools, but with a refinement of cruelty unparalleled, they are doomed to idle- ness and poverty, by a law which renders a white man who employs à colored one to labor for him one hour, liable for his support through life!! by a late law of maryland, a free negro coming into the state, is liable to a fine of fifty dollars for every week he remains in it. if he cannot pay the fine, he is sold. in louisiana, the penalty for instructing a free black in a sunday school, is, for the first offence, five hundred dollars ; for the second offence, death !! such, in a greater or less degree, is the situation of three hundred thousand of our fellow-citizens; and the only comfort, the only consolation, the only mitigation of their sufferings, which a society, said to be “ full of bene- volence, and the hallowed impulses of heaven's own mer- cy," proposes, or even wishes for them, is their transpor- tation to africa! is this a harsh assertion ? let us attend to the proofs that the society discourages all attempts to im- prove the condition of the free blacks. we have already seen, that the managers of the ameri- can colonization society officially declare, that, in their opinion, no human power can remove the causes which prevent the improvement and elevation of the free negroes to any considerable extent in this country ; and that the new york society, in addressing the legislature, express their desire, that the provisions in the constitution and sta- tute book of that state relative to the blacks, may “stand in all their rigor." the provision in the constitution here alluded to, is that recent one, which, by requiring a freehold qualification, virtually deprived the blacks of the elective franchise, which the fathers of the revolution had given them. in the convention by which the new consti- tution was formed, many of the most distinguished citizens and able lawyers, including rufus king and chancellor kent, had protested against this proscription as unjust and anti-republican; but the colonization society declare to the legislature, without whose consent this provision can- not be changed, that they wish it to stand in all its rigor. improvement of free blacks discouraged. not contented with giving their sanction to past acts of in- justice, the society use their influence with the legislature to prevent its benevolent operation in future. their me- morial proceeds :~"persuaded that their condition here is not susceptible of a radical and permanent improvement, we would deprecute any legislation that should encourage the vain and injurious hope of it.” the connecticut colonization society, in their address already quoted, denies that even “religion itself” can subdue the prejudices existing against these people. the same address authoritatively decides, that the free blacks “constitute a class by themselves, a class out of which no , individual can be elevated.” the kentucky state colonization society, in their offi- cial address, say, “it is against this increase of colored persons, who take but a nominal freedom, and cannot risc from their degraded condition, that this society attempts to provide.” af. rep. vi. . - the people of color must, in this country, remain for ages, probably forever, a separate and distinct caste, weighed down by causes powerful, universal, invincible, which neither legislation, nor christianity, can remove." af. rep. edit. art. vii. . “ we have endeavored, but in vain, to restore them (the free negroes) either to self respect, or to the respect of others. it is not our fault that we have failed. it is not theirs. it has resulted from a cause over which neither we nor they can ever have control.” speech of rev. dr. nott before n. york col. soc. this last extract claims attention from the extraordinary assertions which it contains, and from the high character of the author. no explanations are given of the vain endea- vors which have been made to restore the blacks either to self respect, or to the respect of others. when, where, by whom, and how were these efforts made ? dr. nott is ad. dressing the state society, and speaks in the plural num- ber. we confess we see nothing like such efforts in the memorial of that society to the legislature. it is more- over to be recollected, that the american society, in its address to its auxiliaries, warns them against such efforts. improvement of free blacks discouraged. . the moral, intellectual, and political improvement of people of color within the united states, are objects foreign to the powers of this society.” address of the am. col. soc. to its auxiliaries. af. rep. vii. . let us see also what two religious colonization papers say on this subject. “if the free people of color were generally taught to read, it might be an inducement to them to remain in this country; we would offer them no such inducements.” south- ern religious telegraph, feb. , . “ it must appear evident to all, that every endeavor to divert the attention of the community, or even a portion of the means which the present crisis so imperatively calls for, from the colonization society, to measures calculated to bind the colored population to this country, and seeking to raise them to a level with the whites, whether by found- ing colleges, or in any other way, tends directly in the pro- portion that it succeeds, to counteract and thwart the whole plan of colonization.” new haven religious intelligen- cer, july, . we perceive from these extracts, that the improvement of the free blacks is represented by colonizationists as im- possible, and of course it is folly to attempt what is imprac- ticable. the very attempt, moreover, is calculated to counteract and thwart the whole plan of colonization, as far as it succeeds. but this is not all. some might think the obligations of christianity required us to instruct the ignorant, and to succor the oppressed. to remove this prejudice, we are assured that even christianity cannot help the negro in america! when before, has the power of our blessed religion in changing the heart, subduing evil affections, and removing unholy prejudices, been questioned by professing christians ? the influence of the gospel of christ, has led thousands and tens of thousands to offer themselves as willing victims at the stake or in the amphitheatre-it has prostrated the temples, the altars, and the gods of paganism—it has tri- umphed over ancient and endeared superstitions—it has delivered the hindoo from the ſetters of caste, and tamed the north american savage, and yet according to coloniza- number sent to africa. tionists, it is utterly impotent, when brought into collision with the prejudices of american christians, towards an un- happy portion of their fellow countrymen! and what unsuccessful experiments justify this deprecia- tion of the gospel of jesus christ? when have those who thus speak of the inefficacy of religion in subduing these sinful prejudices, tried its power? when have coloniza- tionists warned christians that the negro is created by the same almighty being, descended from the same parent, re- deemed by the same saviour, and made an heir of the same immortality with themselves? when have we been reminded by them of that heart-searching declaration which will be uttered by the judge at the last day, o inasmuch as ye did it not to one of the least of these my brethren, ye did it not to me?" admitting that the blacks who have gone to africa have improved their condition, what is the total amount of good thus effected? of the , free negrocs in the united states, , have in the last years been sent to liberia. supposing them to be happy in their new abode, at what a deplorable sacrifice of the happiness of their brethren here, has their own been purchased! to raise funds for their transportation, our churches and halls, in all parts of the united states, have rung with reproaches and accusa- tions against the free people of color. orators, preachers, legislators, have denounced them as nuisances, vile excres- cences on the body politic ; ignorant, depraved, debased, and utterly incapable of improvement and elevation. the laws oppressing them have been vindicated, and all legis. lation deprecated, that would even encourage the hope of their permanent improvement. and is it possible that this general and united effort to prevent these people from rising, and to render them odious to the community, should have no practical effect on public opinion and conduct? already do we hear their for- cible expulsion from the country, urged in petitions, and advocated in our state legislatures. he must be wilfully blind to passing events, who does not perceive that the per- secution of these people is increasing in extent and malig- nity. lafayette remarked in his last visit with astonish- · ment, the aggravation of the prejudices against the blacks, colonization influence in connecticut. and stated that in the revolutionary war, the black and white soldiers messed together without hesitation. in no instance, perhaps, has colonization had so direct and obvious an influence in augmenting the injuries and oppression of this unhappy race, as in connecticut. to that state have good men long rejoiced to look as to a bright pattern of a christian republic. there they beheld political liberty in its highest perfection, and so divested by the influence of religion, of those irregularities of conduct which too often attend it, that the state was proverbially distinguished as “the land of steady habits.” in no part of the world were the blessings of education more highly valued, or more generally diffused. the colonization society had there taken a strong hold on the affections of the people, and had found in connecticut, divines and politicians, and in the religious periodicals of new haven, zealous and able champions. the city of new haven had been long, alike distin- guished for its literary institutions, and for the sobriety and piety of its inhabitants. it is not, therefore, surprising that some of the most intelligent and influential of our colored citizens, trere led to believe that new-haven would be a proper site for a school for their children, and that such a school would there find generous patrons. in , a convention was held in philadelphia of delegates from the free colored people in other states, and it was deter- mined that an effort should be made to raise funds for "a collegiate school, on the manual labor system.” a com- mittee was appointed to carry the plan into execution. this committee published in philadelphia, “ an appeal to the benevolent,” in which they stated the necessity of the proposed school, on account of the difficulty which colored children experienced in gaining admission into ordinary seminaries, or mechanical establishments; and that the proposed seminary would be located at new-haven, and “ established on the self supporting system, so that the student may cultivate habits of industry, and obtain a useful mechanical or agricultural profession, while pursuing classical studies.” bishops white and onderdonk, and the rev. doctors mc auley, bedell, and ely, of philadelphia, gave the com- progress in new-haven. mittee written certificates of their approbation, of the edu- cation of colored youth. little, alas, did these gentlemen anticipate the feeling this effort would excite, among the christians of new haven. no sooner had intelligence of the intended school reached that city, than the mayor sum- moned a town meeting “ to take into consideration a scheme, said to be in progress, for the establishment in this city of a college for the education of colored youth.” the meeting was held on the th september, , and it was “re- solved by the mayor, aldermen, common council, and free men of the city of new haven, in city meeting assem- blcd, that we will resist the establishment of the proposed college in this place by every lawful means." this reso- lution was preceded by a preamble, stating that “ in con- nexion with this establishment, the immediate abolition of slavery in the united states, is not only recommended and encouraged by the advocates of the proposed college, but demanded as a right,” and “ that the propagation of senti- ments, favorable to the immediate emancipation of slaves, in disregard of the civil institutions of the states to which they belong, and as auxiliary thereto, the contemporaneous founding of colleges for educating colored people, is an un- warrantable and dangerous interference with the internal concerns of other states, and ought to be discouraged." that the education of colored citizens in connecticut, is an unwarrantable interference with the internal concerns of other states, and that the friends of the proposed college ever recommended the immediate emancipation of slaves in disregard of the civil institutions of the states to which they belong, are assertions which the mayor, aldermen, common council, and free men of the city of new haven, prudently permitted to rest on their own authority, without adducing any other evidence of their truth. but surely, the pious and excellent colonizationists of new haven, who are so anxious to civilize the natives of africa, must have been indignant at this attempt to keep americans in ignorance. alas, in that crowded assembly, there was but one voice raised against its unholy resolution, and that was the voice of a decided anti-colonizationist, the rev. s. s. jocelyn, while one of the public advocates of the resolution, was the secretary of the new haven * proceedings in canterbury. committee of correspondence of the american colonization society. the colonization party in new haven, could have pre- vented this high handed oppression, but their influence was exerted not for, but against the improvement and elevation of their colored brethren. unhappily for the character of connecticut, for that of our common country, and even of christianity itself, the proceedings in new haven were but the commencement of a series of outrages on justice, humanity, and the rights of freemen. there are occasions on which it is treason to truth and honor, if not to religion, to suppress our indignation; and while we shall scrupulously adhere to truth in relating the measures pursued in connecticut, to prevent the education of a certain class of colored persons, we shall not shrink from a free expression of our opinions of those measures, and of their authors. miss crandall, a communicant in the baptist church, and, as we believe, a lady of irreproachable character, had for some time been at the head of a female boarding school, in the town of canterbury, connecticut, when in the au- tumn of , a pious colored female applied to her for admission into her school, stating that she wanted “ to get a little more learning-enough if possible to teach colored children.” after some hesitation, miss crandall consented to admit her, but was soon informed that this intruder must be dismissed, or that the school would be greatly injured. this threat turned her attention to the cruel prejudices and disadvantages under which the blacks are suffering, and she resolved to open a school exclusively for colored girls. it has been thought expedient to doubt the philan- thropy of this resolution, and to attribute it to pecuniary motives. whatever may have been her motives, and pecu- niary ones would not have been unlawful, she had a perfect right to open a school for pupils of any color whatever, and had not the moral sense of the community been perverted, this attempt to instruct the poor, the friendless, and the ignorant, would have met with applause instead of con- tumely. she discontinued her school, and in february, , gave public notice of her intention to open one for proceedings in canterbury. colored girls. this notice excited prodigious commotion in the town of canterbury. that black girls should pre- sume to learn reading, and writing, and music, and geogra- phy, was past all bearing. committee after committee waited on miss crandall, to remonstrate against the intend- ed school, but to no purpose. more efficient means were found necessary to avert the impending calamity, and a legal town meeting was summoned to consider the awful crisis. at this meeting resolutions were passed, expressing the strongest disapprobation of the proposed school, and the preamble declared that “the obvious tendency of this school would be to collect within the town of canterbury, large numbers of persons from other states, whose charac- ters and habits might be various and unknown to us, there- by rendering insecure the persons, property, and reputa- tions of our citizens.”. had this extreme nervous appre- hension of danger, been excited in the good people of canterbury, by the introduction of some hundreds of irish laborers into their village to construct a rail road or canal, we should still have thought their temperament very pecu- liar; but when we find them thus affecting to tremble not merely for their property, but for their persons and reputa- tions, at the approach of fifteen or twenty • young ladies and little misses of color,” we confess we are astonished that the collected wisdom of these people was not able to frame an argument against the school, less disgraceful to themselves. andrew t. judson, esq. acted as clerk to this meeting, and supported the resolutions in a speech, in which he is reported to have said, "that should the school go into operation, their sons and daughters would be forever ruined, and property no longer safe.” for his part, he was not willing for the honor and welfare of the town, that even one corner of it should be appropriated to such a purpose. after the example which new haven had set, he continued, shall it be said that we cannot, that we dare not resist ?" mr. judson farther stated, that they had “a law which should prevent that school from going into operation.” the resolutions of the town meeting, as became so grave a matter, were communicated to miss crandall by the “civil authority and selectmen,” but strange as it may seem, proceedings in canterbury. that lady stood less in dread of them, than they did of the “ young ladies of color," for she refused to retreat from the ground she had taken. the example of new haven, we have seen, was held up to the people of canterbury by mr. judson, for their en- couragement, and as an earnest of their ultimate success. still the cases were not exactly similar. . the civil autho- rity and selectmen" of canterbury, had not the imposing array of power and influence displayed by the mayor, aldermen, common council, and freemen of the city of new haven.” the latter, by the mere expression of their opinion, had prevented the establishment of a college for colored youth; the former were set at naught by an unpro- tected female. some means more efficacious than the ful- minations of a town meeting were, therefore, next to be tried. mr. judson had indeed a certain law in reserve, but it was necessary that certain influences should be pre- viously brought into action, before a civilized and christian people could be induced to tolerate the application of that law. colonization, as already remarked, had taken a deep hold on the affections of the people of connecticut. their most eminent men had enrolled themselves in the ranks of the society. to this powerful association recourse was now had. on the d march, , the " civil authority and selectmen” of canterbury made their “ appeal to the american colonization society.” in this most extra- ordinary paper, they expatiate on the benevolence of the society towards the colored population, and deplore the opposition it encounters from certain individuals who have formed “the anti-slavery society." these men, they as- sert, wish to admit the blacks “ into the bosom of our so- ciety," and would “justify intermarriages with the white people.” they then recite their own grievances, detail the proceedings of their town-meeting, dwell on miss cran- dall's pertinacity in pursuing her own plans, express their horror of abolition principles, and state that mr. garrison had said that the excitement in canterbury “is one of the genuine flowers of the colonization garden;" and they add, “be it so, we appeal to the american colonization so- ciety, to which our statement is addressedwe appeal to proceedings in canterbury. every philanthropist and to every christian !" mr. judson's name appears at the head of the signers to the appeal. had miss crandall appealed to the society in behalf of her school, she would probably and very properly have been told that the subject of her school was not embraced in the constitutional objects of the society ; and may we not ask, if the society has no right to encourage, has it any right to discourage the establishment of schools of any description whatever ? in the singleness of its object it has often been compared to the bible society; what would have been thought of such an appeal to the american bible society ? how the appeal was answered we shall presently see. having thus identified their cause with that of the colo- nization society, and secured the sympathy of its nume- rous and powerful friends in connecticut, mr. judson and his associates proceeded to further operations. foiled in their attempts to persuade or intimidate, they now resolved on coercion. on the first april, another town-meeting was convened, at which it was “ voted that a petition in behalf of the town of canterbury, to the next general as- sembly, be drawn up in suitable language, deprecating the evil consequences of bringing from other towns and other states people of color for any purpose, and more especially for the purpose of disseminating the principles and doctrines opposed to the benevolent colonization system, pray- ing said assembly to pass and enact such laws as in their wisdom will prevent the evil.” mr. judson, with others, was appointed a committee to prepare the petition, and to request other towns to forward similar petitions. the ma. lignity of this vote is equalled only by its absurdity. the desired law is to prevent the evil of blacks passing not only from other states, but other towns. every black citizen of connecticut is to be imprisoned in the town in which the law happens to find him, and he may not travel into the ad- joining town for “ any purpose," and all this especially to prevent interference with “ the benevolent colonization system.” did the colonization society protest against such an outrage being committed in its' behalf-did it indignantly disclaim all connexion, all sympathy with men, who in its name, were striving to perpetrate such abominable tyranny? proceedings in canterbury. it is not known, that in any way whatever, it has ever ex- pressed its disapprobation of these proceedings. certain it is, that the effect of the “appeal” and of this vote, was not such as to induce the canterbury gentlemen to falter in their career-we have seen that mr. judson had a law, which was to arrest the school. when the “appeal” had been before the public just one month, the selectmen re- solved to avail themselves of this law. among the pupils of miss crandall, was a colored girl about seventeen years of age, who had come from rhode- island to enjoy the advantages of the school. the pursuit of knowledge under discouraging difficulties has rarely fail- ed to excite applause; and the virtuous struggles of the poor and obscure to improve and elevate themselves, claim the sympathy of christian benevolence. in the present in- stance we behold a youthful female, of a despised and de- pressed race, attempting to emerge from the ignorance and degradation into which she had been cast by birth ; and abandoning her home and friends, and travelling to another state, applying for instruction to the only seminary in the whole country open to receive her. and now let us see what sympathy this poor and defenceless, but innocent and praiseworthy girl, experienced from the admirers of “the benevolent colonization system.” on the day after her arrival, she was ordered by the selectmen to leave the town. this order, as illegal as it was inhumane, was disregarded ; and on the nd april, mr. judson and his fellow function- aries instituted on behalf of the town, a suit against her under an old vagrant act of connecticut, and a writ was issued to the sheriff, to require her appearance before a jus- tice of the peace. the writ recited, that according to the statute she had forfeited to the town $ . for each day she had remained in it, since she was ordered to depart; and that in default of payment, she was to be whipped on the naked body not exceeding ten stripes, unless she departed within ten days after conviction. the barba. rous and obsolete law under which this suit was brought, was intended to protect towns from the intrusion of pau- pers who might become chargeable. the friends of the school had offered to give the selectmen bonds to any amount, to secure the town from all cost on account of the . proceedings in canterbury. pupils ; and of course this suit was a wicked perversion of the law, and the plaintiffs ought to have been indicted, for a malicious prosecution under color of office. with equal propriety might the civil authority of new haven warn a student in yale college from new york to leave the city, and on his refusal, order him to be whipped on the naked body as a vagrant pauper. about the time of the return of this writ, the legisla- ture of connecticut assembled, and so successfully had the canterbury persecution been identified with colonization, that a law was passed to suppress the school, and all others of a similar character. its preamble declared that “at- tempts have been made to establish literary institutions in this state for the instruction of colored persons belonging to other states and countries, which would tend to the great increase of the colored population of this state, and there- by to the injury of the people.” the act provides, that every person, who shall set up or establish any school, academy, or literary institution, for the instruction or edu- cation of colored persons who are not inhabitants of con- necticut; or who shall teach in such school, or who shall board any colored pupil of such school, not an inhabitant of the state, shall forfeit one hundred dollars for the first of- fence, two hundred dollars for the second, and so on, doub- ling for each succeeding offence, unless the consent of the civil authority, and select men of the town, be previously obtained. mr. judson's late attempt to enforce the whipping law, reminded the legislature of the propriety of abolishing that relic of barbarism, and it was accordingly repealed, and thus were the backs of miss crandall's pupils saved from the threatened laceration. it is painful and mortifying to reflect on the law ob- tained by mr. judson and his associates, for the suppression of the school, and which has very generally received the title of " the connecticut black act." it is an act alien to the habits, the character, the religion of connecticut. it is an act which neither policy nor duty can vindicate. it is an act which will afford its authors no consolation in the prospect of their final account, and which their child- ren will blush to remember. act of connecticut legislature. it is not surprising that a connecticut legislature, about to pass a law, for the discouragement of learning, should wish for an excuse; nor that they should find themselves constrained to invent one. miss crandall had fifteen or twenty girls in her school, and it does not appear that the legislature had ascertained how many of them had come from other states, nor that they had inquired into the amount of injury sustained by the citizens of canterbury in their “persons, property, and reputations," from these “misses of color ;' and yet they unhesitatingly assert, that the “increase" of the colored population in the state oc- casioned by such schools, would be “ great ;" and that such increase would tend to the “ injury of the people." to test the truth of these two assertions, let it be recol- lected, first, that no evidence existed that any other semi- nary for blacks was at this time contemplated in connec- ticut; and that the free colored people are, as a class, sunk in abject poverty, and that very few of them have the means of sending their children from other states into con- necticut, and there maintaining them at school; and, se- condly, that no portion of this population would be so lit- tle likely to occasion “injury to the people," as those who were placed at a religious school, and instructed in morals and literature. as to the sincerity of the apprehensions felt by the legislature, let it be further recollected, that the law is intended to prevent the ingress of such blacks only as might come for the honorable and virtuous purpose of education, while not the slightest impediment is opposed to the introduction of cooks, waiters, scullions, shoeblacks, &c., in any number. the best are excluded, the worst freely admitted. we have seen that colonizationists regard all attempts to elevate the free blacks, as an interference with their sys- tem, and the black act is admirably calculated to prevent such attempts. connecticut closes her schools to blacks from new york and elsewhere. if this is right, and what state more religious than connecticut, other states may be expected to follow her example. hence no seminary, in any one state, for the instruction of the blacks, can be founded by their joint contributions ;- from the academies, boarding schools, and colleges of the whites, they are al- act of connecticut legislature. ready excluded ; of course, they are-doomed to perpetual ignorance. let each state, it is said, instruct its own youth. it is well for yale college that this doctrine is ap- plied only to black aspirants for knowledge. in , an african mission school was established at hartford, for the purpose of educating colored youth, “to be selected from our numerous african population,” and, of course, from other states besides connecticut. it was under the patronage of the bishops of the protestant epis- copal church in the united states. no outcry was ex- cited against this school; no citizen of hartford trembled for his property, person, or reputation. why not? be- cause the school was auxiliary to colonization, and those instructed in it were to be sent out of the country, no sooner was the passage of the black act known in canterbury, than this triumph over justice, humanity, and constitutional liberty, was celebrated by a feu de joie, and the ringing of bells. nor was the act permitted to remain a dead letter. miss crandall was prosecuted under it, and being unable to procure bail, was committed to prison. the next day bail was obtained, and she returned to her school. well, indeed, might the public press, with some memorable exceptions, execrate the black act; and well, indeed, might mr. judson feel impatient, under the obloquy that was falling upon hin, as the chief instigator and ma- nager of the prosecution. " a friend in need, is a friend indeed.” and now was the time when he needed and re- ceived that countenance, for which he had appealed to the colonization society. it was not probably expected that the managers of the parent society would officially notice the appeal, but a mode was devised, on the part of con- necticut colonizationists, of publicly expressing their ap- probation of mr. judson's conduct. 'on the anniversary of the declaration that “all men are created equal,” and a few days after miss crandall's imprisonment, the windham county* colonization society convened, and appointed mr. judson their orator and agent, thus proclaiming that he was the man they delighted to honor. another response to the appeal, was in a few days heard from new york. the chairman of the executive committee of the new york city * the county in which canterbury is situated. trial of miss crandall. colonization society, is the editor of the new york com- mercial advertiser, and its columns were loaded with cri- minations of miss crandall, and vindications of the black act. the inhabitants of canterbury” were declared to be " as quiet, peaceable, humane, and inoffensive people, as can be named in the united states.” the constitutionality of the black act was broadly maintained, and it was averred to be “just such a law in its spirit, if not in its provisions, as we are in the constant practice of enforcing in this city, to prevent our charitable institutions from being filled to overflowing with black paupers from the south, and white paupers from europe." of the gentleman who drafted the black act, the public were assured, so warmer heart than his throbs in few bosoms, and the african race has no firmer friend than him."'* on the d of august, miss crandall was brought to trial. the crime with which she was charged, was fully proved. one of the witnesses testified: “ the school is usually opened and closed with prayer ; the scriptures are read and explained in the school daily ; portions are com- mitted to memory by the pupils, and considered part of their education." the orator and agent of the windham colonization soeicty, opened the case on the part of the prosecution, and to this gentleman, it is believed, belongs the distinction of having been the first man in new england to propound publicly the doctrine, that free colored persons are not citi- zens. this doctrine was essential to the validity of the black act, since by the federal constitution, citizens of one state are entitled to all the privileges of citizenship in every other state; and the act prohibited colored persons from other states from going to school in connecticut, a prohibition palpably unconstitutional, if free blacks are citi- zens. the presiding judge submitted the cause to the jury without comment; and some of them having scruples about mr. judson's new doctrine, refused to agree in a ver- dict of guilty, and a new trial was consequently ordered. in the ensuing october, miss crandall was again placed at the bar, while the vice president of the new haven colonization society, judge daggett, took his seat on the * com. adv. july and , . trial of miss crandall. bench. the cause against the defendant was again argued by the windham colonization orator and agent; and judge daggett, warned by the result of the preceding trial, of the necessity of enlightening the consciences of the jury, delivered an elaborate charge. rarely has any judge en. joyed such an opportunity of defending the poor and father- less, of doing justice to the afflicted and needy, of delivering the spoiled out of the hand of the oppressor. the me- rits of the cause turned on the simple question whether frec blacks are citizens or not. we might have presumed that a judge, aware of his solemn responsibility, would have prepared himself for the decision of this momentous ques- tion, by the most patient and thorough research. on the opinion he might pronounce, would perhaps rest the future education, comfort, freedom, and not unlikely, everlasting happiness of multitudes of his fellow men. under such cir- cumstances, the public had a right to expect, that he would resort to every source of information ; that he would con- sult the opinions of eminent statesmen and jurists, investi- gate the constitutional history of the rights of these people ; study the proceedings of congress in relation to them, and bring together such a mass of facts, such an array of ar- guments, as would prove that his decision, whatever it might be, was the result of conscientious inquiry, and that the bench was elevated far above the prejudices and pas. sions, which had brought to the bor an innocent and be. nevolent female. the judge, in his charge, expresses himself in the fol. lowing words :* “ are the free people of color citizens ? i answer, no.” the grounds on which this answer is given, appear to be the following: st. “ they are not so styled in the constitution of the united states. in that clause of the constitution which fixes the basis of representation, there was an opportunity to have called them citizens, if they were so considered. but that makes free persons (adding three fiſths of all other persons) the basis of representation and taxation.” the words of the constitution referred to by the judge, * we quote from a newspaper report of the charge, and have no know- ledge that the accuracy of the report has ever been denied. judge daggett's charge. are, (art. . sec. .) “ representatives and direct taxes shall be apportioned among the several states which may be included within this union, according to their respective numbers, which shall be determined by adding to the whole number of free persons, including those bound to service for a term of years, and excluding indians not taxed, three fifths of all other persons." now, it seems, free colored persons cannot be citizens, because they are not in this section so called ; but unfortu- nately free white persons are not called citizens, and they also must therefore be disfranchised! apprentices (“ those bound to service for a term of years,'') are likewise inclu- ded among free persons, and they also cannot be citizens ! had free white persons been spoken of as citizens, and free black persons only as persons," then indeed there would have been some force in the judge's first reason; but as there is not the slightest reference in the constitu- tion to the complexion of the “ free persons," we cannot understand the argument, and proceed, therefore, to his d reason. “ they (free negroes) are not so styled, (citi- zens,) so far as i am aware, in the laws of congress, or of any of the states." it would thus seem that men with black skins cannot be citizens, unless the laws expressly declare them to be so. so far as we are aware, men with red hair are not styled citizens in the laws of congress, or of any of the states. d reason. “his honor then read from kent's com- mentary, vol. ii. p. , a note in which the commentator speaks of the degraded condition of the blacks, and the dis- abilities under which they labor, and thence inferred that, in kent's opinion, they were not citizens.” had the judge found it convenient to consult the text of this learned and independent jurist, the following passage would have saved him the trouble of drawing an inference. “ the article in the constitution of the united states, declaring that citizens of each state were entitled to all the privileges and immunities of citizens in the several states, applies to natural born or duly naturalized citizens, and if they remove from one state to another, they are entitled to the privileges that persons of the same description are en- titled to in the state to which the removal is made, and to judge daggett's charge. none other. if, therefore, for instance, free persons of color are not entitled to vote in carolina, free persons of color emigrating there from a northern state would not be entitled to vote.” here is an express admission of the citizenship of free colored persons, and their case is cited to illustrate the rights of citizens under the federal consti- tution. if a free black, according to the commentary, moving from one state to another, is, under the federal constitution, entitled only to such privileges as the free blacks in the latter state enjoy, it follows irresistibly that he is entitled to such privileges as the free blacks do there enjoy. now, the free blacks of connecticut enjoy a legal right to go to school, and to any school that will receive them; hence, according to chancellor kent, a free black removing from another state into connecticut, has the same right, and hence the black act is plainly and palpably unconstitutional. · th “ another reason for believing that people of color are not considered citizens, is found in the fact, that when the united states constitution was adopted, every state except massachusetts tolerated slavery.” why a free black man cannot be a citizen, because another black man is a slave, is a problem we confess our- selves unable to solve. such are the arguments, and the only ones adduced by the judge, to support his portentous decision-a decision which tends to strip the free negro of his property and rights; renders him an alien in the land of his birth; ex- poses him to contumely and oppression, and prepares the way for his forcible deportation to the shores of africa. . : in order to do full justice to judge daggett, it may be proper to notice his answers to objections, since these an. swers may perhaps be regarded as negative arguments. to the assertion that free blacks own vessels which participate in the peculiar privileges of american shipping, and that they sue in the united states courts, he simply replied, that these claims have never been settled by judicial decisions. to the argument that free blacks may be guilty of high treason, he replied, “ so may any person who resides un- der the government, and enjoys its protection, if he rises up against it." free blacks citizens. having thus fairly stated the judge's arguments, we will now take the liberty of presenting a few facts having an important bearing on this question ; facts, be it remember- ed, that were accessible to the judge, had he thought it worth while to look for them. by the fourth of the “ articles of confederation," it was provided, that “ the free inhabitants of these states shall be entitled to all the privileges and immunities of free citi- zens in the several states." while these articles were un- der consideration in congress, it appears from the journals, that on the th june, , “ the delegates from south carolina moved the following amendment in behalf of their state- in article fourth, between the words free inhabit- ants, insert white.' passed in the negative-ayes states, nays states— state divided.” here then was a solemn decision of the revolutionary congress, that free negroes should be entitled to all the privileges and immunities of free citizens in the several states. judge daggett thinks that the constitution of the united states did not regard free blacks as citizens, because in all the states with one exception tolerated slavery ; yet in , congress de- cided that free blacks were citizens, although all the states, without one exception, tolerated slavery. ten years after this decision, the new constitution was formed, and the clause respecting citizenship in the several states was transferred to it from the articles of confederation, with slight verbal alterations. that the clause embraced free negroes, at the time it was transferred, was settled by the vote we have quoted—no words were added to exclude them; no intimation was given that the new constitution was disfranchising thousands, and tens of thousands, who congress had declared were invested with all the rights and immunities of free citizens. no desire was expressed to disfranchise these people, and in the debates on the con- stitution, this disfranchisement was never alluded to either in the language of praise or of censure,-and for more than forty years after the adoption of the constitution, no sus- picion existed that it had divested the free blacks of the citizenship they enjoyed under the confederation, till the discovery was made by the agent and orator of the wind- ham colonization society, and juridically announced by free blacks citizens. the vice president of the new haven colonization so- ciety. judge daggett “is not aware that free blacks are styled citizens in the laws of congress or of any of the states !" how laborious has been his search for such laws, we shall now see. probably the judge will admit that when the laws speak of male citizens, they recognize the existence of female citizens; and most judges would admit, that where the law speaks of white citizens, they recognize the exist- ence of citizens who are not white. the act of congress of , for organizing the militia, provides for the enrolment of “free white male citizens.” the act of congress of , “ to prevent the importa- tion of certain persons into certain states, when by the laws thereof their admission is prohibited,” enacts that masters and captains of vessels shall not "import or bring, or cause to be imported or brought, any negro, mulatto, or other person of color, not being a native, a citizen, or regis- tered seaman of the united states," &c. the constitution of judge daggett's own state, limits the right of suffrage to “free white male citizens.” why male citizens if there are no female citizens; and why white citizens, if there can be no colored ones? seven or eight state constitutions, in the same manner, recognize the existence of colored citizens. had the judge extended his inquiries into state laws, to those of massachusetts, he would have found one prohibiting any negro, “ other than a citizen of the united states," or a subject of the emperor of morocco, from tarrying, in the commonwealth, longer than two months. had he taken the trouble to consult the statute book of new york, he would have found the fol- lowing clause in the act relative to elections, viz. : “if the person so offering to vote be a colored man, the following oath shall be tendered to him. “you do swear (or affirm) that you are of the age of twenty-one years, that for three years you have been a citizen of this state,'" &c. revised statues, i. . had the judge condescended to look into the debates of the new york convention of , on the question of ad- mitting the free blacks to the right of suffrage, he would have discovered to his astonishment, that the new york frbe blacks citizens. lawyers and judges had no hesitation in admitting these people to be citizens, whatever might be their objections to permitting them to vote. he would have found chancellor kent earnestly contending for their rights to citizenship in other states under the federal constitution. he would have found rufus king, (no mean authority) concluding an argument in their behalf with these words—" as certainly as the children of any white man are citizens, so certainly the children of the black man are citizens." had the judge opened the constitution of the state of new york, he would have met with a clause in the article respecting the elective franchise, declaring, “ no man of color, unless he shall have been three years a citizen of this state," &c. on the th of september, , governor clinton, of new york, addressed a letter to the president of the united states, demanding the immediate liberation of gil- bert horton, a colored man, as "a citizen of this state," he having been imprisoned in washington as a fugitive slave. in every state in the union, we believe without one ex- ception, a native free born negro may legally take, hold, and convey real estate. will judge daggett deny this to be an attribute of citizenship ?* will he maintain that any but citizens may exercise the right of suffrage? but in eight or ten states free negroes may legally vote. true it is, that in others this privilege is denied to them, but it is not true that none are citizens who cannot vote. the act of congress respecting naturalization provides, that in a certain case, the widow and children of a deceased alien “ shall be citizens of the united states." impressed colored sailors have been claimed by the na. tional government as “ citizens of the united states ;" and colored men going to europe have received passports from the department of state, certifying that they were citi- zens of the united states. the proposed constitution of the new state of missouri * real estate in the city of new york to the value of , dollars was lately devised to a free colored man in that city, but according to the judge he is not a citizen, and of course cannot take by devise. if so, the pro- perty must go to the heir at law, or escheat to the state. free blacks citizens. required the legislature to pass such laws as might be necessary“ to prevent free negroes and mulattoes from coming to settle in the state, under any pretext whatever." the legislature of new york, in reference to this pro- vision, on the th november, , “ resolved, if the pro- visions contained in any proposed constitution of a new state deny to any citizens of the existing states the privi. leges and immunities of citizens of such new state, that such proposed constitution should not be accepted or con- firmed, the same, in the opinion of this legislature, being void by the constitution of the united states.” this re- solution was adopted in high party times, by an almost unanimous vote. the constitution being submitted to congress, the article excluding colored citizens, was deemed by the house of representatives a violation of the national compact, and that body refused to receive missouri into the union. a compromise was at last agreed to, and congress admitted missouri on the express condition that the offensive clause in her constitution should never authorize any law by which any citizen of any of the states should be excluded from the enjoyment of any of the privileges and immunities to which such citizen is entitled by the constitution of the united states; and that the legislature of missouri should by a solemn act declare their assent to this condition. the legislature passed the act required, and thereupon the state became a member of the union. yet judge daggett is not aware of any act of congress recognizing free blacks as citizens ! admit free negroes to be men, and to be born free in * the united states, and it is impossible to frame even a plausible argument against their citizenship. the only ar- gument on this point, we have ever met with, in which the conclusion is legitimately deduced from the premises, is by a late writer, * who maintains that the negroes are a distinct race of animals. now it must be conceded, that the negro, if not a human being, is not a citizen. we recommend * the author of "evidences against the views of the abolitionists, con- sisting of physical and moral proofs of the natural inferiority of the ne- groes." new york, . free blacks citizens. the following reasoning, to the future judicial apologists of the black act. “his (the negro's) lips are thick_his zygomatic mus- cles large and full-his jaws large and projecting—his chin retreating—his forehead low, flat and slanting, and as a con- sequence of this latter character, his eye balls are very pro minent, apparently larger than those of white men. all of these peculiarities at the same time contributing to reduce his facial angle almost to a level with the brute. if then it is consistent with science to believe, that the mind will be great in proportion to the size and figure of the brain, it is equally reasonable to suppose that the acknowledged meanness of the negro's intellect only coincides with the shape of his head; or in other words, that his want of ca- pability to receive a complicated education, renders it im- proper and impolitic that he should be allowed the privileges of citizenship in an enlightened country.” p. , . the author is an ultra colonizationist, and the conclusion to which he arrives is, “ let the blacks be removed, nolens volens, from among us.” we have dwelt the longer on the connecticut decision, on account of its immense importance to a numerous class of our fellow countrymen. the victims of a cruel preju- dice, and of wicked laws, they especially claimed the aid and sympathy of the humane, when striving to elevate them- selves by the acquisition of useful knowledge. but judge daggett's doctrine crushes them to the earth. denounced by a powerful society, extending its influence over every part of our country, as “nuisances,” and judicially declared not to be citizens, they are delivered over to the tormentors, bound hand and foot. if not citizens, they may be dispos- sessed of their dwellings, for they cannot legally hold real estate--they may be denied the means of a livelihood, and forbidden to buy and sell, or to practise any trade, for they are no longer protected by the constitution of the united states. nay, they may be expelled from town to town, and from state to state, till finding no resting place for the soles of their feet, they “consent" to embark for africa. however inconclusive we are disposed to regard judge daggett’s arguments, they were satisfactory to the jury, and a verdict was given against miss crandall. the cause was · new-haven petition. removed to the connecticut court of errors, where all the proceedings were set aside on technical grounds. certain of the “ quiet, peaceable, humane, and inoffensive people of canterbury," tired with the law's delay, determined on ejecting the school by a summary process, and accordingly mobbed the house by night, and smashed in the windows. it was now discovered, that it was the “ persons” of inoffen- sive females, and not of mr. judson and his associates, that were endangered, and the school was abandoned,_thus were the efforts of the admirers of “the benevolent system of colonization” crowned with entire success. soon after judge daggett's decision, a most inflamma- tory petition to the connecticut legislature, was circulated in new haven. we quote from a printed copy. if they (the negroes) have rights, we humbly hope it is not yet too late to presume that the white man also, the only legal native american citizen, whom we shall ever consent to acknowledge, may be permitted to suggest that he has some rights. if he (the white man) purchases a piece of land, the first negro, who locates near him, deteriorates its value from to per cent. ; for who will have a negro neighborhood, or live in unceasing fear of theft and tres- passes. the white man cannot labor upon equal terms with the negro-he is compelled to yield the market to the afri- can, and with his family ultimately becomes the tenant of an alms-house, or is driven from the state to seek a better lot in the western wilds. thus have thousands of our most valuable citizens been banished from home and kin- dred, for the accommedation of the most debased race that the civilized world has ever seen.” the petitioners, as might be supposed, are colonizationists. " if the negro cannot consistently with our interest or our feelings be ad- mitted to the same rights that we enjoy, let him seek a country where he will find those who are his equals ; let us unite in aiding him to reach that country." it has never been denied, that good men belong to the colonization society; and it ought not to be denied, that even good men are fallible, and subject to erroneous opinions and unwarrantable prejudices. to us it appears unques. tionable, that the facts developed in the preceding pages, compulsory emigration. prove a tendency in the society to excite in the community, a persecuting spirit towards the free blacks. that the pious, and respectable members of the society, detest the horrible outrages, recently committed upon these people in new-york, philadelphia, and elsewhere, it would be both foolish and wicked to doubt; and yet no one who candidly and patiently investigates the whole subject, can fail to be · convinced that these outrages never would have happened, had the society never existed. the assertion is not hazardous, that of the multitudes composing the negro mobs, there was not an individual, less disposed than the canterbury town meeting, to laud the “benevolent colo- nization system.” every wretch who participated in beat- ing, and plundering free negroes, would rejoice in their ex- pulsion from their country, and in the society he beholds an instrument for the accomplishment of his wishes. but how is it possible that the best and the worst of men, can unite in supporting the same institution? in the first place, these good men, as is abundantly evident from their own confessions, are actuated by motives of supposed pub- lic policy, as well as benevolence, in promoting the coloni- zation of people whom they regard as nuisances ; and in the second place, there are in the constitution, three talis- manic words, which through the influence of existing preju- dices have blinded the eyes of these good men to the prac- tical operation of the society on the colored people. the words are “with their consent.” it is speciously ar- gued, if the free blacks consent to go to africa, why not send them ? if they do not wish to go, they are at liberty to remain. this argument seems for the most part, to have benumbed the consciences and understandings of coloniza- tionists, as to the cruel persecution which their society ne- cessarily encourages. they would be horrified at the idea of their agents scouring the country, and seizing men, wo- men, and children, placing them on the rack, till as joint after joint was dislocated, the suffering wretches consented to go to africa ; and yet the society feels no compunction in countenancing legal opposition, having the same ulti- mate object in view, and in transporting negroes whose con- sent they well know, has been extorted by the most abomi- compulsory emigration. nable persecution. many will feel disposed to deny the truth of these assertions; but not, we trust, after seeing the proof of them, which we will now proceed to offer. we have already adverted to the cruel laws by which these people are oppressed, and kept, purposely kept, in ignorance and degradation. now let it be recollected, that with but few exceptions, these laws have been either enacted, or are kept in force by legislatures, which have formally and in their legislative capacity, passed resolutions in favor of the society. fourteen states have thus avowed their attachment to colonization. now had these states, including connecticut, ohio, and several of the slave states, repealed their laws against the free blacks, and forborne to enact new ones; their sincerity in approving a plan for the removal of these people with their consent would have been less questionable, than it is now, when they persist in the course of policy well calculated to coerce that consent. the society appears to be a particular favorite with the slave states, with the exception of south carolina, where its true character seems to have been misunderstood. now hear the acknowledgment of a southern writer. we have before us the fourth edition, , of “a trea- tise on the patriarchal system of society :" by a florida slave holder. it is a treatise, in sober earnestness, on the means of perpetuating slavery, and increasing its profits. the author says, p. colonization in africa has been proposed to the free colored people: to forward which, a general system of persecution against them, upheld from the pulpit, has been legalized throughout the southern states." the writer does not explain his allusion to the southern pulpit; but we may judge of its influence on the condition of the free blacks, from the avowal already quoted from the southern religious telegraph, of its repugnance to these people being taught to read, because such an acquirement would be an inducement with them to remain in this country; or, in other words, that the better they were treated here, the less likely would they be to con- sent to go to africa. the legislatures of maryland and virginia, it is well known, have made large appropriations for colonization, and yet these legislatures are among the most malignant compulsory emigration. persecutors of the free blacks. the original bill, making the virginia appropriation, contained a clause for the compul- sory transportation of free blacks. let it be recollected, that the colonization society has ever been the peculiar favorite of virginia, and that her most distinguished citi- zens have been enrolled among its officers; and let us now see how colonization has been promoted in that state. on a motion to strike out the compulsory clause, mr. brodnax thus expressed himself against the motion : "it is idle to talk about not resorting to force. every body must look to the introduction of force of some kind or other. if the free negroes are willing to go, they will go ; if not willing, they must be compelled to go. some gentlemen think it politic not now to insert this feature in the bill, though they proclaim their readiness to resort to it when it becomes necessary; they think, that for a year or two, a sufficient number will consent to go, and thien the rest can be compelled. for my part, i deem it better to approach the question and settle it at once, and avow it openly. the intelligent portion of the free negroes know very well what is going on. will they not see your debates ? will they not see that coercion is ultimately to be resorted to. i have already expressed it as my opinion, that few, very few, will voluntarily con- sent to emigrate, if no compulsory measures be adopted. without it, you will still, no doubt, have applicants for removal equal to your means. yes, sir, people who will not only consent, but beg you to deport them. but what sort of consent—a consent extorted by a species of oppres- sion, calculated to render their situation among us insup- portable! many of those who have been already sent off, went with their avowed consent, but under the influence of a more decided compulsion, than any which this bill holds out. i will not express in its fullest extent, the idea i entertain of what has been done, or what enormities will be perpetrated to induce this class of persons to leave the state. who does not know that when a free negro, by crime or otherwise, has rendered himself obnoxious to a neighborhood, how easy it is for a party to visit him one night, take him from his bed and family, and apply to him the gentle admonition of a severe flagellation, to induce compulsory emigration. him to go away. in a few nights the dose can be repeated, perhaps increased, until, in the language of the physicians, quantum suff. has been administered, to produce the de- sired operation, and the fellow becomes perfectly willing to move away. i have certainly heard, (if incorrectly, the gentleman from southampton will put me right) that all the large cargo of emigrants, lately transported from that country to liberia, all of whom professed to be willing to go, were rendered so by some such ministration as i have described. indeed, sir, all of us look to force of some kind or other, direct or indirect, moral or physical, legal or illegal.” another member, mr. fisher, in opposing the motion, said, “if we wait till the free negroes consent to leave the state, we shall wait until time is no more. they never will give their consent. he believed if the compulsory principle were stricken out, this class would be forced to leave by the harsh treatment of the whites." the compulsory clause was stricken out, but we have the assurance of mr. brodnax, that they who objected to it at present, were ready to resort to force, whenever it should become necessary; and he tells us, that all look to force of some kind or other; and he might have added, “ all of us look to the colonization society as the instrument by which the forcible expulsion of the free negroes is to be effected.” nor do they look in vain. at the very time that the negroes of southampton were suffering the barba- rities he describes, the managers of the society addressed their auxiliaries, urging them to increased efforts in raising funds, and alluding to the excitement occasioned by the insurrection at southampton, remarked, “ the free people of color have awakened from their slumber, to a keen sense of their situation, and are ready in large numbers, to emi. grate to the colony of liberia." address, th nov. . a large number of these miserable people did indeed consent to go to africa, and the managers well knew how their consent was obtained. “i warned the managers against this virginia business," said mr. breckenridge in his speech before the society, " and yet they sent out two shiploads of vagabonds, not fit to go to such a place, and compulsory emigration. that were coerced away as truly as if it had been done with a cartwhip.” hear the confession of mr. gurley, the secretary of the society, on this subject>" our friends at norfolk appealed to us, and said the people were persecuted, and that it was a matter of humanity to take them. our agent said they were driven from the county, and had appealed to him, and begged to go to liberia.” speech before the society. hear the testimony of thomas c. brown from liberia, given in may, . “i am acquainted with several from southampton county, virginia, who informed me that they received several hundred lashes from the patroles to make them willing to go. in one instance, a man was several times compelled to witness the lashes inflicted on his wife, and then to be severely flogged himself. in another instance, a family received information from their white neighbors, that unless they went to liberia, they should be whipped. having no means of redress, they were obliged to go.” hear the new york colonization society, when address- ing the public—“ we say to them (the free blacks) we think you may improve your condition by going thither, but if you prefer remaining here, you will be protected and treated with kindness.” proceedings of new-york col. soc. . hear the same society, when addressing the legisla- ture—“ we do not ask that the provisions of our constitu- tion and statute book should be so modified as to relieve and exalt the condition of the colored people while they re. main with us. let these provisions stand in all their rigor, to work out the ultimate and unbounded good of this people.” in plain english, to coerce their consent to go to africa. memorial to new york legislature, . we have seen what are the connecticut and virginia plans for promoting colonization—now for the pennsyl- vania plan. at a public meeting held in the borough of columbia, (penn.) at the town hall, august, , the following, among other resolutions, were unanimously passed. “resolved, that we will not purchase any articles that can be procured elsewhere, or give our vote for any office compulsory emigration. whatever, to any one who employs negroes to do that spe- cies of labor white men have been accustomed to perform. : “ resolved, that the colonization society ought to be supported by all the citizens favorable to the removal of the blacks from this country.” here we find the support of the society avowedly cou- pled with a most detestable plan of persecution. and now for the practical operation of this meeting of the friends of the “benevolent colonization system.” it appears from a columbia paper, that one or two nights after the meeting, a mob collected, and partly tore down the dwelling of a black man ; they then proceeded to the office of another black man, who had had the presumption to deal in lumber, “a species of labor white men had been accustomed to per- form," broke open the windows and door, rifled the desk, scattered the papers in the street, and attempted to overturn the building. surely the society may reasonably antici- pate the consent of the blacks to emigrate, when in con- necticut, pennsylvania, and virginía, such cogent arguments are used to obtain it. were the society governed, as it ought to be, by christian principles, it would shrink from encouraging persecution by accomplishing its object, the exportation of its victims. it would say explicitly to the authors of these atrocities, “ you shall gain nothing by your cruelty, through our instrumentality. we will not en- courage your farther persecutions, by removing those whose consent you have obtained by such unjustifiable means; we will not, to please you, -"keep the word of promise to the ear, and break it to the hope." but alas, it has virtually given official notice that it will transport all whose consent can be obtained, no matter by what barbarity. hear the declaration of mr. gurley, the secretary of the society. “ should they (free blacks) be urged by any stress of circumstances to seek an asylum beyond the limits of the united states, humanity and religion will alike dictate that they should be assisted to remove and establish them selves in freedom and prosperity in the land of their choice.”—letter to gentlemen in new york. * compulsory emigration. true it is, the free blacks have been rendered by preju- dice and persecution, an ignorant and degraded class; but they are still competent to appreciate the practical character of colonization philanthropy. the following resolutions, passed by a meeting of free blacks in new bedford, in , express the unanimous opinion of all their brethren who have intelligence to form, or courage to express an opinion on the subject. “resolved, that in whatever light we view the coloniza- tion society, we discover nothing in it but terror, prejudice, and oppression. the warm and beneficent hand of philan- thropy is not apparent in the system, but the influence of the society on public opinion is more prejudicial to the in- terests and welfare of the people of color in the united states, than slavery itself. " resolved, that the society, to effect its purpose, the re- moval of free people of color (not the slaves) through its agents, teaches the public to believe that it is patriotic and benevolent to withhold from us knowledge, and the means of acquiring subsistence; and to look upon us as unnatural and illegal residents in this country, and thus by the force of prejudice, if not by law, endeavor to compel us to em- bark for africa, and that too apparently by our own free will and consent." and now let us ask what purpose is to be answered by persecuting this people, and keeping them ignorant and degraded ? does any one believe that they will ever be removed from the country ? they now amount to , . in years, , have been sent away, some at first volun- tarily, but many of them through coercion. but can cru- elty, be it ever so extreme, furnish the society with funds and ships sufficient to transport such a multitude? they must, in spite of connecticut and virginia persecution, re- main with us. and if they are to remain with us, what con- duct towards them, do policy and religion prescribe ? con- duct precisely opposite to that pursued by the society. we must instruct and elevate them, if we would not be incum- bered by an ignorant and depraved population; we must treat them with justice and kindness if we would avoid the displeasure of him who has declared, “ ye shall not op- press one another." chapter iii. influence of the colonization society on africa suppression of the slave trade. very many, who now despair of extirpating slavery by means of the society, continue to support it, from a belief that it will confer rich blessings on africa. these antici- pated blessings are the suppression of the slave trade, and the diffusion of religion and civilization. let us at present inquire, how far the first may reasonably be expected. in the declarations of the society, and its members on this subject, we shall find an astonishing medley of igno- rance, rash assertion, and honest confession. " sierra leone has repaid africa with still greater bless- ings; her example, her influence and efforts, have given peace and security to the neighboring coast; and who can estimate the extent of misery prevented, and of happiness conferred, to a population delivered from all the horrors of the slave trade.” fifth rep. p. . • the line of coast from sierra leone to cape mount, is now under british protection; and from cape mount to tradetown, a distance of one hundred and twenty miles, the slave trade cannot be prosecuted with the least hope of success.” af. rep. ii. p. -editorial. “every colony of civilized inhabitants, established on that coast, and resolved to stop this trade to the extent of its means, will, at all events, put an end to it for a consi. derable distance. the colonies of sierra leone, and of liberia, both produce this effect within their respective vi. cinities.” judge blackford's address to indiana coloni- zation society. af. rep. vi. p. . of these compliments to sierra leone, it must be ob- served, one is paid officially by the board of managers, and the other by the editor of the repository. we beg the reader to keep them in mind, as we shall hereafter in- quire into their truth. we will now proceed to notice some assertions relative to the agency of the liberia co- lony in suppressing the slave trade. slave trade. “in fact, the colonization society proposes the only means by which this accursed trade can ever be effectually stopped ; and, indeed, the colony of liberia, which this society has planted, has already freed about two hundred and fifty miles of that coast from the ravages of these ene- mies of the human race.” address of j. a. mckinney, th july, . af. rep. vi. p. . “ the flag that waves on cape montserado, proclaims to the slave trader that there is one spot, even in africa, con- secrated to freedom, one spot which his polluted foot shall not tread.” speech of g. smith, v. prest. th jan. . th rep. “did we desire to put an end to these outrages upon hu- manity, (the slave trade,) the colonization society offers it- self as the only efficient means. the slaver has dared to show herself but once within the limits of liberia, and then she received the rewards of her temerity.” proceedings of n. y. col. soc. . “no slaver now dares come within one hundred miles of the settlement.” rev. dr. hawkes' speech at col. meeting in new york, oct. . " in less than years since its foundation, liberia con- tains about free and happy citizens, who have re- moved from oppression and bondage to the enjoyment of liberal institutions. the slave trade has been utterly destroyed along its entire coast, formerly the most frequented mart of human flesh.” report of philadelphia young men's col. soc. made th feb. , u. s. ga- zette, th march, . • the above are specimens of the assertions which have been rashly made, and credulously received. let us now attend to the honest confessions on this subject, and let the reader compare them with the foregoing assertions. that these confessions may be better understood, it may be well to mention, that in the remarks accompanying a map of liberia, published in the th vol. of the african reposi- tory, it is stated, “ the colony of liberia extends from the gallinas river to the territory of kroo settra, a distance of about miles along the coast. the territory at pre- sent, ( ,) under the actual jurisdiction of the colony, ex- tends from grand cape mount, to trade town, a distance slave trade. of about miles." it appears, from the map, that the last limits embrace cape mount, cape montserado, on which is built the town of monrovia, bushrod island, bassa cove, and trade town. “ the records of the colony afford abundant and unequi- vocal testimony of the undiminished extent and atrocity of the slave trade. from eight to ten, and even fifteen vessels have engaged at the same time in this odious traffic, almost within reach of the guns of liberia, and as late as july , there were existing contracts for eight hundred slaves to be furnished in the short space of four months, within eight miles of monrovia.” rep. x. p. , . from all i can learn, i am induced to believe, that the slave trade is now carried on at the gallinas, between cape mount and sierra leone, and to the leeward of this place, to a greater extent than it has been for many years." let- ter from r. randall, agent at liberia, th dec. . af. rep. v. p. . " frequently within sight of the colonial factories, the slave traders carry on their operations. the slave trade never has been carried on with more activity, than it is at this time. there is established at gallinas, a regular slave agent, who furnishes slaves to the slave vessels. he receives his goods from trading vessels, and it is said prin- cipally from an american vessel. he purchases large numbers of slaves, and furnishes the slave vessels, who principally bring out specie. these vessels run up and down the coast until a convenient opportunity offers, when they run in and get their cargoes of slaves. some of them are captured, and i have been informed, they have been bought afterwards by their original owners, and that the same vessel has frequently been bought and sold seve- ral times." letter from r. randall, Āgent at liberia, feb. . af. rep. v. p. . the same letter states the astounding fact, that “mamma, the proprietress of bushrod island, just in front of monrovia, whose town is not more than a quarter of a mile from our settlements on that island," was engaged in the slave trade, and had sold several hundred_p. . “ it is painful to state, that the managers have reason slave trade. to believe that the slave trade is still prosecuted to a great extent, and with circumstances of undiminished atrocity. the fact that much was done by mr. ashmun to banish it from the territory, under the colonial jurisdiction, is un- questionably true, but it now exists even on the territory; and a little to the north and south of liberia, it is seen in its true characters of fraud, and rapine, and blood.” rep. xiii. p. .— . now, be it recollected, that it was after this official an- nunciation by the board of managers, that the slave trade existed even on the territory of liberia, that the african repository published without contradiction the vaunt of mr. m•kinney already quoted, that the colony had freed about two hundred and fifty miles of the coast from the slave trade! “i hope the board will adopt some more effectual measures for suppressing the slave trade within the territory of liberia. since the death of don miguel of bassa, peter blanco, a spanish slave trader, for some years a resident in the gallinas, has opened a slave factory at grand cape mount. such a thing ought not to be, as it is only forty-five miles from here. i am sorry to remark, that this abominable traffic is carried on with the utmost activity, all along the coast. capt. parker, during his trading at the gallinas of about three weeks, saw no less than nine hundred shipped.” letter from a. d. williams, agent of the society at liberia,— th sept. . af. rep. vi. p. . “ with undiminished atrocity and activity is this odious traffic now carried on all along the african coast; slave fac- tories are established in the immediate vicinity of the co- lony," &c. rep. xiv. p. .- . • the cursed practice of slave trading, i regret to say, is still carried on between this and sierra leone.” letter of rev. mr. cox; monrovia, th of april, . af. rep. ix. p. . “ bassa cove was purchased* by governor pinney from . * bassa cove is situated between monrovia and trade town, and has therefore been for years under the jurisdiction of the colony; of course the purchase alluded to, must have been of the possession of the native occu- pants. slave trade. king joe harris, the native sovereign of that fine harbor. it was bought at a moderate price, and without a drop of spirits. the negociation was effected in november last, , and affords peculiar satisfaction to the friends of hu- manity, inasmuch as no less than slaves had been shipped from there in october.” n. y. commercial ad- vertiser, th march, . the same fact is stated in the colonization herald,” th april, . such are the refutations furnished by the society itself, of all its boasts about suppressing the slave trade; and yet we are told that the society is the only means of putting an end to the traffic! it seems never to occur to these gentlemen, that the abolition of slavery would, as a matter of course, put an immediate and total stop to the trade.* but in what way does the society expect to destroy this commerce ? by planting colonies of ignorant and depraved negroes on the african coast. every slave factory is of itself a colony, and for the most part, of intelligent white men ; and yet it is supposed, that negro colonists, who, when in america, were “the most depraved of the human race," will be too virtuous to yield to the temptations of a lucra- tive commerce. why, should the free negroes of america, who mr. clay assures us, are “ of all descriptions of our population, the most corrupt, depraved, and abandoned," have, when removed to liberia, a greater abhorrence for the iniquity of the slave trade, than their brethren of sierra leone? if the trade has been actually promoted by the latter colony, why will it be suppressed by the former? " the acting attorney general of sierra leone de- clared, , on the trial of certain persons for the infrac- tion of the british abolition laws, that the town of sierra leone was the heart from which all the arteries and veins of the slave trading system, had for years been animated and supplied.?” dr. thorpe's views of the present increase of the slave trade, p. . the following facts are gathered from documents pub- * to what extent the importation of slaves in the united states is now carried, we are ignorant. in , mr. middleton of south carolina, stated on the floor of congress, that, in his opinion, , africans were annually smuggled into the southern states. mr. wright of virginia, estimated the number at , . slave trade. lished by the british parliament in . chief justice jeffcott of sierra leone, in , delivered a charge to the grand jury, in which he declared that he had received credible information, that persons in the colony were en- gaged in aiding and abetting the slave trade, and fitting our ships for the trade. he asserted, that the colony “esta- blished for the express purpose of suppressing this vile traffic, was made a mart for carrying it on." he also stated, that within the last ten years, twenty-two thousand africans had been located in the colony by the british government, at an expense of nearly seven millions ster- ling, and that now there are not to be found in the colony above seventeen or eighteen thousand men ! these extra- ordinary and appalling declarations, attracted the atten- tion of the british government, who appointed a commis- sion to inquire into their truth. the commissioners, in their report, dated the th october of the same year, state that, from the testimony taken before them, “ they cannot but conclude, that the nefarious system of kidnapping has prevailed in this colony to a much greater extent, than was even alluded to in the charge of the chief justice.” from the testimony published with the report, it appears that the slave vessels are in the habit of bringing out specie, for the purchase of supplies on the coast; and that “ mr. hilary teague, who resides at the american settlement at liberia, at cape mesurado, near the gallinas, and who trades be- tween that place (gallinas, a slave factory) and sierra le- one, purchasing some goods from a mr. lake, a merchant in the colony, produced a bag containing about one thou- sand dollars, on which was marked the name of the spanish schooner manzanares. this vessel took in her cargo at the gallinas, and was subsequently condemned as a slave ship.” here we find a colonist of liberia, trading at a slave factory, and afterwards exhibiting dollars in specie, received in all human probability from a slave ship. it is surely unreasonable to suppose, that petty colonial mer- chants will refuse to sell supplies to slave ships for specie. indeed every new colony on the coast, will, while slavery continues, give new facilities to this accursed commerce ; nor can the government at home, prevent avaricious and influence of the society on africa. unprincipled colonists from participating in it. no one can question the desire of great britain to purge sierra leone of this enormity, and yet we find the following statement in the english monthly review, for may, . “one of the schoolmasters in sierra leone, has been tried for selling some of his scholars. there were lately upwards of one hundred liberated africans, who were kidnapped from sierra leone, and were conveyed to a place near the banks of the river pongos. here they were detained, till an opportunity occurred of re-shipping them as slaves." chapter iv. influence of the colonization society on africa-- diffusion of civilization and christianity. although the society is not a missionary institution, builds no churches, employs no ministers, and distributes no bibles or tracts, yet it has persuaded the public, that liberia is a missionary establishment, and the radiating point, from which a flood of light and holiness is to spread over africa. so confidently and constantly has the mis- sionary influence of the society been asserted, that many of the members unfeignedly believe it, and their contribu- tions are lavished, and their prayers are offered for the re- generation of africa by emigrants, who, when in the united states, were denounced as "a curse and contagion wherever they reside.” let us attend to the stupendous objects the society proposes to accomplish. " it would illuminate a continent. it would publish the name of christ on the dark mountains of africa, and the burning sands of the desert. it would kindle up holi- ness and hope among uncounted tribes, whose souls are as black with crime and misery, as are the forms of matter that veil them.” af. rep. i. . editorial. " the little band at liberia, who are spreading over the wilderness around them, a strange aspect of life and beauty, are in every sense a missionary station. every ship freight- character of the colony. ed from our shores with their suffering kindred, will be freighted also with the heralds of the cross. you will see the light breaking in upon one and another dark habitation of cruelty. the night of heathenism will depart. one tribe after another will come to the light of zion, and the brightness of her rising. ethiopia will awake and rise from the dust, and look abroad on the day and stretch forth her hand to god. the light will spread and kindle and brighten till all the fifty millions of africa are brought to the glorious liberty of the sons of god.” address to the ken- tucky col. society by mr. breckenridge. "" they (the emigrants) go to unchain millions of slaves fettered in the bondage of death.” af. rep. ix. . “ like the star in the east, which announced the sa- vior to the astonished magi, it (the society) points to the advent of the same redeemer, coming in the power of his spirit to roll away the darkness of a thousand generations." speech of mr. frelinghuysen, vice president. “ this society proposes to add another regenerated con- tinent to our globe, and one hundred and fifty mil- lions to the family of civilized man.”. speech of elliot cresson before the society. af. rep. ix. . the number of agents to be employed, are proportioned to the mighty work to be achieved. - the society proposes to send out not one or two pious members of christianity into a foreign land, but to trans- port annually, for an indefinite number of years in one view of its scheme, , , in another , missionaries of the descendants of africa itself, to communicate the benefits of our religion and the arts.” mr. clay's speech before ken- tucky col. society. af. rep. vi. . it will be observed that these missionaries are to commu- nicate the benefits of both religion and the arts, and they are to be taken from two classes. the , are to be the annual increase of the free negroes; the , are to be manumitted slaves. the character of the first class is thus given by mr. clay, in the same speech in which he pro- poses their employment: of all descriptions of our population, and of either portion of the african race, the free people of color are by far, as a class, the most corrupt, depraved, and abandoned." character of the colony. as this seems rather an unpromising character for teachers of religion, we presume this portion are to be confined to instruction in the arts ; and that the explanation of religious mysteries, and the inculcation of moral duties, are to be entrusted to the , just released from bondage. of the peculiar opportunities afforded them by the laws of the slave states, for fitting themselves for their new vocation, we may speak hereafter. of this “great company of preachers," about three thousand have already set up their tabernacle at liberia. we might naturally suppose, that a colony of missionaries would be “a holy city," a sort of new jerusalem, and such we are assured it is. we have heard of “the poetry of philanthropy," as applied to the sympathy expressed by abolitionists for the sufferings of the slaves ; the following extracts prove, that there is a poetry of colonization which "can give to airy nothing a local habitation and a name.' “it (the colony) is already to the african tribes, like a city set upon a hill, which cannot be hid. a thousand barbarians, who have long made merchandize of their brethren, and been regarded themselves as the objects of a bloody and accursed traffic, come within its gates, and are taught the doctrine of immortality,—the religion of the son of god.” th report, p. .- . here we have a solemn and official annunciation by the board of managers, of one of the most extraordinary facts ever recorded in the annals of missionary exertions. it appears from official documents, that at the date of this report, the whole number of emigrants could not have been more than , and had probably been reduced by death below that number; and of this number, a large portion were, of course, women and children. yet this little band of christian missionaries, just escaped from the ignorance and vice in which they had been enveloped in america, and still struggling for existence in a sickly climate, and amid all the hardships and privations of a recent settlement in a savage land ; casting aside the fear of man, and with a faith almost miraculous in divinc protection, admit within their gates an army of barbarians, four times the number of character of the colony. the whole of their little community ; barbarians too, who had long been engaged in a bloody and accursed traffic, making merchandize of their brethren; and these barba. rians suddenly divested of their savage character, sit hum- bly at the feet of the newly arrived messengers of heaven, and the natives of africa, receive instruction in the doctrine of immortality, and the religion of the son of god, from lips that had never uttered any other language, than broken english! it is singular that in the subsequent documents of the society, we hear nothing farther of these thousand bar. barians. how many became converts to the religion in which they were instructed ; how long their attendance on the missionaries was continued, and why it was afterwards totally suspended, are points on which no information has been vouchsafed to us. it is natural we should wish to know more of these won- derful teachers, and fortunately we are presented with the following picture of them by an eye witness. “ the holy author of our religion and salvation, has made the hearts of a large proportion of these people, the temples of the divine spirit. i have seen the proudest and profanest foreigners that ever visited the colony, trembling with amazement and conviction, almost literally in the descriptive phraseology of st. paul, find the secrets of their hearts made manifest, and falling down upon their faces, worship god, and report that god is in the midst of these people of a truth.” ashmun's letter, st december, . af. rep. ii. . we should certainly conclude from these accounts, that these holy men were blessed with "composed desires, affections ever even, tears that delight, and sighs that waft to heaven." yet strange to tell, we are presented with the following perplexing statement, by the same eye witness : “ about twelve months since it (the colony) had entirely given way, as the committee are but too well apprised, to a blind and furious excitement of the worst passions, caused by a somewhat unfortunate policy operating on ignorance and invincible prejudice. during my absence for health, the people were obliged to taste some of the bitter fruits of character of the colony. anarchy, and by the singular mercy of god, only escaped those tragedies of blood, which can find no modern parallel, but in the history of the civil murders and devastations of st. domingo.” ashmun's letter, th january, . af. rep. i. . the excitement here alluded to, and its unhappy con- sequences, occurred, it will be seen by a comparison of dates, in ; and that wonderful moral change, which rendered the hearts of a large proportion of these people the temples of the divine spirit, must have been effected in . yet it was in the beginning of , that the managers announced at their annual meeting at washington, the marvellous fact of the instruction of the thousand bar- barians within the gates of the colony, a fact which of course must have happened several months previous to the date of the report, and consequently during, or about the time of the “ furious excitement !". in march, , the editor of the af. rep., gives us the following delightful intelligence : “ the eye of the stranger is struck with the religious as- pect of the settlement. he beholds, on cape montserado, standing in lonely beauty, a christian village. there flou- rish the virtues of the gospel, defended by the almighty, from the influences of paganism, cherished and refreshed by the dews of his grace.” af. rep. i. . the secret of this surprising exhibition of christian love- liness and purity, is thus explained. “ it is well known that this little community is made up of selected individuals, and that the board have ever re- quired of those seeking their patronage, satisfactory evidence that their morals were pure, and their habits industrious. hence this settlement has from its origin exhibited great decency and sobriety, respect for the sabbath, and the other peculiar duties and ordinances of our religion. it has thus shed a benign and sacred light upon the heathen, and the feelings of the profane and lawless stranger as he treads upon cape montserado are subdued into unwonted serious- ness.” af. rep. ix. p. . . but again we are perplexed, by the assertion of the go- vernor of the colony. “for at least two years to come, a much more discrimi- character of the colony. nating selection of settlers must be made than ever has been—even in the first and second expeditions by the eli- zabeth and nautilus in and -or the prosperity of the colony will inevitably and rapidly decline." ashmun's letter, d march, . af. rep. iv. . in the th report, the managers assure us: “no village perhaps, in our own land, exhibits less which is offensive, and more that is gratifying to the eye of the christian, than the village of monrovia. crimes are almost unknown, and the universal respect manifested for the sab- bath, and the various institutions and duties of christianity, have struck the natives with surprise, and excited the ad- miration of foreigners.” af. rep. xi. p. . . but how are we to reconcile this, with the following statements ? “ permit me to say, sir, there must be a great revolu- tion in this colony, before it can have a salutary influence on the surrounding natives; that is, before it can have a moral influence over them.” letter from rev. g. m. ers. kine, d april, . af. rep. vi. . “ we stand in much need of a work house, and some acres of land enclosed, for confining licentious females, and other disorderly and lazy persons.” letter from a. d. williams, agent, th sept. . af. rep. vi. . " there are several enterprising merchants here. it is not, however, a favorable spot for small storekeepers and wandering pedlars, who, i am told, generally become stript of what they may have got, and in wandering about in the interior for small traffic, disgust the natives by their immo- ralities.” letter from lieut. page to sec. of navy, th april, . af. rep. viii. . "* with respect to the character of the people composing this expedition, i regret to be compelled to state, that they are, with the exception of the pages from virginia, and a few others, the lowest and most abandoned of their class. our respectable colonists themselves, are becoming alarmed at the great number of ignorant and abandoned characters that have arrived here within the last twelve months.” let- ter from dr. mechlin, agent, sept. . af. rep. viii. . “ let them (the friends of the society in america) know, character of the colony. that to extend knowledge and promote sound piety, a quire of paper is at the present moment of more worth than a bible. bibles and tracts have been sent here, and either used as waste paper, or made food for worms—why? not because the people despise either, but because we have not a reading population. until this is secured, bibles would be of more value in china." letter from rev. j. b. pin- ney, agent, th march, . on the th june, , mr. gurley, secretary of the society, in a speech at a colonization meeting in new york, hazarded the following most extraordinary assertion, “ ten thousand natives had placed themselves under the pro- tection of the colony, receiving from it, instruction in ci- vilization." the society, at its annual meeting th january, , unanimously “resolved, that this society is cheered in its enterprise by the beneficent effects which its operations have upon the natives of africa itself.” af. rep. ix. . on the th february, , the rev. mr. pinney, agent at liberia, thus writes from the colony. “ the colonists are very ignorant of every thing about the interior. except the tribes along the coast, nothing at all is known, and of them, little but their manner of traffic. nothing has been done for the natives hitherto by the co- lonists, except to educate a few, who were in their families in the capacity of servants.” mr. pinney appears not to have been acquainted with the fact, that " a thousand bar- barians” had been taught the doctrine of immortality with- in the gates of the colony, or that “ten thousand natives" had received instruction in civilization ! had any missionary society been guilty of such extra- vagant anticipations and such gross and palpable contradic- tions, the whole community would have joined in loading it with ridicule and odium. it is deeply to be regretted, that some distinguished colo- nizationists, have of late attempted to lead the public to hope, that in future no emigrants but such as are of good moral character, will be permitted to go to liberia. it is difficult to reconcile such an attempt with moral rectitude, unless it be accompanied with a total and avowed abandonment of colonization as a means of relieving the country from the character of the colony. nuisance of a free colored population, and from the guilt and curse of slavery. of the gross inconsistency, (not to use a harsher term,) of colonizationists on this subject, the proceedings of a colonization meeting in cincinnati, octo- ber st, , afford a striking example. on motion of the rev. dr. beecher, the following resolution was unani- mously adopted : “ resolved, that the establishment of co- lonies in africa, by the selection of colored persons who are moral, industrious, and temperate, is eminently cal- culated of itself to advance the cause of civilization and religion among the benighted native population of that continent; as well as to afford facilities to the various missionary societies for the prosecution of their pious designs.” this resolution would be utterly without point or mean- ing, were it not laudatory of the plans of the colonization society; and no person of common intelligence would con- jecture from the resolution, that the " selection” mentioned in it, was utterly at variance with, and directly opposed to, the avowed objects of the society. slavery in our country cannot be abolished by colonization, without removing more than two millions of slaves; and how is it possible to remove this number, and yet select for colonists only “ the moral, industrious, and temperate ?” nevertheless, the meeting - resolved, that the friends of humanity and the friends of god, should cherish the colonization society, be- cause of its influence to abolish slavery, and advance the best interests of the african race.” pages might be quoted to show that the professed ulti- mate object of the society, is to remove the whole colored population to africa, without any selection whatever. in , a committee of the board, in an official report, de- clared, that the national interest “required that the whole mass of free persons of color, and those who may become such with the consent of their owners, should be progres- sively removed from us, as fast as their own consent can be obtained, and as the means can be found for their removal and for their proper establishment in africa.” afric. rep. vii. p. . “but the colonization society hopes for, and aims at, much more—the abolition of slavery, and the removal of a selection of emigrants. all the black people from the united states." proceed- ings of new york col. soc. nd anniversary. we have remarked that expediency is unhappily the governing principle of the society, and to this principle must be attributed the recent talk about select emigrants. funds are low, and temperance is popular, and all at once we hear that the colonies in liberia are to be temperance colonies ; and that the emigrants are to be “moral, indus- trious, and temperate." and so we are to send the good negroes away, and keep the bad at home! and yet, by transporting the few moral, industrious and temperate in. dividuals, that can be selected in a vicious and ignorant po- pulation of between two and three millions, we are to abo- iish slavery !! surely colonizationists, by holding such lan- guage, pay but a poor compliment to their own candor, or the common sense of the community. the truth is there never has been, and never will be, a selection made.* the two last cargoes sent by the society, were by the public con- fession of mr. breckenridge “ two cargoes of vagabonds." will it be pretended that all the coercion exerted to induce the blacks to emigrate, operates only on the good; or that it is the drunken and profligate who find favor in the eyes of colonizationists, and are permitted to remain in peace and quietness at home! the society itself has borne abundant testimony to the depravity of the free blacks, and its friends, with scarcely an exception, zealously maintain that the slaves are unfit for freedom; and yet, as we have seen, it is proposed to transport them all to africa. and now we would ask, on what principle of common sense, on what record of experience, does the society expect that a population, which in a land of bibles and churches, is sunk in vice and ignorance, will, * since the first edition of this work, a public meeting has been held ( th march) in n. orleans, preparatory to the departure of some manumitted slaves to africa. at this meeting, the intended emigrants were arrayed before the audience, and the agent of the amer. col. soc. informed them that the society was “unalterably determined to send to the colouy none but such as are willing to wledge thernselves to total abstinence from ardent spirits." he also announced that one negro had been rejected as an emigrant“ on account of his habits of intoxication." a pledge was then read to the negroes, and they were ordered to signify their assent by rising, which they accord- ingly did. see new york journal of commerce, april, . this n. orleans scene will afford no gratification to the friends of temperance ; nor will it per- manently advance the cause of colonization. in a population universally addicted to intoxica tion, one is selected as a public example of the abhorrence of the sociсty to drunkenness, and is shut out from the promised land, not for refusing to take the pledge, but on account of his in. temperate habits; while his companions are required to promise total abstinence, under the pe. nalty of spending their lives in bondage!! if the society wishes to promote temperance, instead of extorting pledges from miserable slaves, let them exercise the power they possess of excluding all intoxicating liquors from their colony. a selection of emigrants. when landed on the shores of africa, and immersed in all the darkness of paganism, become on a sudden, a christian society, and employed in teaching thousands of barbarians “the doctrine of immortality, the religion of the son of god!" pious colonizationists would themselves be shocked at the proposal of disgorging on the islands of the pacific the tenants of our prisons, under the pretext of instructing the natives in “religion and the arts ;” and yet they flatter themselves, that emigrants, who, by their own showing, are less intelligent, and scarcely less guilty than our prisoners, will, by undergoing a salt water baptism, land in africa wholly regenerated; and qualified as heralds of the cross, to convert millions and millions to the faith of the gospel. so monstrous an absurdity, can be the offspring only of a deep and sinful prejudice. hatred to the blacks can alone delude us into the belief that in banishing them from our soil, we are doing god service. were it not for this hatred, we should feel and acknowledge, that christianity must be propagated in africa, as elsewhere, by faithful and enlightened missionaries. if the climate or other circum- stances require that such missionaries be of african de- scent, it is our duty to educate them, before we send them. but alas, instead of educating negroes, we wish to keep them in ignorance, and yet pretend that our nuisances will, in africa, be converted into blessings. but if coloniza- tionists are so perverse as to believe that a bitter fountain will send forth sweet waters, let them contemplate the fol- lowing picture of sierra leone, drawn by a devoted friend to the society. " including the suburbs of the town, (free town,) there are some six or eight thousand inhabitants, about eighty of whom are white.-the morals of free town are fearfully bad. as in colonies, too generally, where the re- straints of home, of friends, of those we love, and those we fear, are broken off, licentiousness prevails to a most lament- able degree. the abomination is not committed under the cover of midnight, nor am i speaking of the natives whose early habits might plead some apology for them- it is done at noonday, and to use a figure, the throne as well as the footstool has participated in the evil; and the . character of sierra leone. evil, i am told, is increasing. sanctioned as it is, by those who take the lead in the society, and who ought to form the morals of the colony, avarice has been added to lust, and those who otherwise might have been virtuous, have sold themselves to work wickedness.-humanity and philan- thropy, which have struggled so hard and so long to help this degraded country, must weep and cover itself with sackcloth, to see its best interests so wickedly perverted !" letter from rev. m. b. cox, methodist missionary in li- beria. · af. rep. ix. p. . there is still an important consideration, which does not seem to have engaged the attention of colonization- ists. it is proposed to transport to africa, our whole color- ed population, and of course to found a mighty nation in liberia. but how long will this nation remain dependent on the board of managers at washington ? instead of millions, suppose the colony to be only ten thousand strong. who is to govern it, who defend it, and fight its battles ? were the colony now to declare independence, how would the society reduce it to subjection ; and if not subjected, what becomes of the mighty plan of making it the recepta- cle of our slaves and free negroes? suppose the colonists like their brethren of sierra leone engage in the slave- trade, who is to punish or control them ? suppose in time they find the influx of emigrants inconvenient, and refuse to admit them, who shall coerce them. on the whole, the system of african colonization is full of absurdities, and contradictions, and evils, which are not seen, because they are concealed by a veil of prejudice. it is a systein which strikingly exposes the folly of human wisdom, when opposed to the precepts of the gospel of christ. had america possessed that fear of the lord, which is the beginning of true wisdom, slavery would long since have ceased from among us, and our colored brethren, treated with christian kindness, instead of being ignorant and degraded, would have been valued and useful citizens, and our churches, instead of uniting to send “ cargoes of vagabonds" to africa under the guise of christian missiona- ries, would have aided the descendants of her sons, furnish- ed by us with all the stores of human learning, and selected influence of the society on slavery. for their piety and zeal, in proclaiming the glad tidings of salvation, throughout that benighted continent. chapter v. influence of the society on slavery. in , a committee was appointed by a public meeting in boston, to report on the character and tendency of the american colonization society. the committee in their report remark: * it is only from the belief which the committee very cordially entertain, that the active members of the ameri- can colonization society are perfectly disposed to frame their measures with reference to the entire suppression of the slave trade, and to a gradual and prudent, but complete emancipation of those now held in slavery, that we can regard the society as having any claim upon the sympathy or assistance of the people of new england.” such were the expectations by which northern philanthro- pists were at first induced to countenance the society. there is scarcely to be found a colonization article or speech that does not warrant these expectations, that does not promise the exertion by the society of a mighty moral influence in abolishing slavery. now it is obvious, that such an influence must operate in one or more of the following ways, viz. : . on the conscience of the slave holder, convincing him that slave holding is sinful, and that his maker requires him to liberate his slaves. . on the reputation of the slave holder, making him feel, that his standing in the community is lowered by keep- ing his fellow men in bondage, and enjoying, without com- pensation, the fruits of their labor. . on the interests of the slave holder, persuading him, that emancipation would enhance his property. . on the fears of the slave holder, alarming him for the safety of himself and family. influence of the society on slavery. . by the power of example, showing the slaveholder, by the conduct of others whom he esteems, what his own ought to be. we flatter ourselves, that we shall prove, that the influ- ence of the society is in no degree exerted in any one of these ways, except the last. of the extent of this last mode, we shall speak hereafter. it will not be pretended, that the society addresses itself to the conscience of the slaveholder. such addresses are not authorized by the constitution, and have been repeated- ly disclaimed by the society. but when the sociсty dis- claims appeals to the conscience, it disclaims the most powerful of all means for the removal of slavery. “we never made any headway,” says a british writer, in the abolition of the slave trade, and of slavery, till it was taken up by the religious men, prosecuted as a concern of the soul, with reference to eternity, and by motives drawn from the cross of christ." mr. g. smith, a most estimable officer of the society, remarked, in a temperance address : "i never heard that temperance had any success any where, unless the appeals in its favor were made directly to the consciences of the rum dealers. strike out these, and it is in vain that you seek for other means to propel the tri- umphant car of temperance. hitch to that car, health, economy, expediency, the public good, what you please, if you leave out the appeal to men's consciences, you have, as we say at the north, a weak team." and surely a more weak, broken-winded, good for nothing team, than coloni- zation, was never hitched to the car of abolition. how, and in what direction, does this team draw? it is amusing to observe how wary colonizationists are of approaching this question. they dwell on the political evils of slavery, and call on religion and patriotism for aid in removing them; and when, in breathless attention, we are waiting to learn by what process the moral influence of the society is to deliver us from the curse of slavery, in a moment the scene shifts to africa, and we are entertained with visions of its future bliss and glory. it may be safely asserted, that not one colonization writer or orator in a hundred, ever attempts to explain how the society is to induce mas- moral influence of the society ters to liberate their slaves. occasionally, however, the effort is made. mr. knapp, in a speech before the society, thus explains the matter : “in my opinion, it (slavery) may be cured in less time than it has been growing up. open once the facilities of emigration-show an object for it, and, like any other bu- siness, it will increase to any extent we may wish. the natural world has yielded her impossibilities, as they were thought, to the efforts of enlightened men; why should we not be as successful in the moral? a fair and permanent road is now built over the alps, the passage of which was once considered as sufficient to give immortality to the successful adventurer.” th rep. p. . so, it seems, that if we open once the facilities of emi- gration, that is, provide ships, &c., the planters will at once call in their slaves from their cotton and sugar fields, and ship them to africa ; but why they will do so, is a problem, which, after all, mr. knapp omits to solve. “this work, (colonization,) as it advances, tends to im- prove the character, and elevate the condition of the free people of color, and thus to take away one standing and very influential argument against both individual and general abolition. this, to an unprejudiced mind, is one of the most obvious tendencies of african colonization. ele. vate the character of the free people of color, let it be seen that they are men indeed ; let the degrading associa- tions which follow them be broken up by the actual im- provement of their character as a people, and negro sla- very must wither and die.” new-haven christian spec- tator for march, . as the society utterly disclaims all attempts to elevate the free blacks here, the meaning of the above is, that when the slave holder in america learns that black men in liberia are intelligent and respectable, he will release his slaves from their fetters. we wonder if similar intelligence from the west indies will produce the same effect: if so, it may be obtained at far less expense of time and money, than from africa. let us now attend to the process by which an excellent vice president of the society, supposes slavery is to bę aboļished, upon slavery. “let africa begin to enter upon the redemption of her character, which guilty christian nations have for centu- ries combined to keep down to the lowest point of degra- dation, and she will begin to be respected, and the condi- tion of her outcast children on our shores, will awaken a livelier sympathy. and when africa shall have put on the garment of civilization, and the influence of her regenera- tion shall be felt throughout this land, our most tenacious, and obstinate slave holder, will shrink from the relation he bears to her children. the poor creature whom he for- merly regarded as a few removes above the brute, will noy present himself before the new associations of his master's mind, as his fellow man, and his equal, and the slave will be permitted to go free.” speech of g. smith, esq. th rep. p. . it would seem, that at the close of the fourteenth year of the society's labors, africa had not yet, in the opinion of mr. smith, begun to enter upon the redemption of her character. how soon a beginning is to be made, and in how many years, or centuries, the society expects to com- plete the work of dressing africa in the garment of civili- zation, we are not informed. but when this work shall have been finished, and when it shall have produced a general sensation (how'strong and of what kind we know not) throughout america, then the motions of the sugar- mill and cotton-gin are to be arrested, and the fetters are to fall from the slave. why? because the commands of god, and the interests and safety of the master, require it? no; but because the master will then make the discovery, that his poor slave, but little removed as he is from the brute, is still his fellow man, and his equal ! this is cer- tainly a most marvellous process for teaching the southern planters a plain, simple truth; a truth, too, which was pro- claimed by their own representatives, so long ago as , in the declaration of independence, but which unfortunately seems not to have had the influence which mr. smith sup- poses it will exert, when taught by the regeneration of africa. we may now judge a little of the elements of that moral influence, which a christian society exerts against slaves to be removed. slavery. conscience, and the word of god, death, judg- ment, and eternity, enter not into its composition. “ the society,” declares one of its vice presidents, “ tends, and may powerfully tend, to rid us gradually and entirely in the united states, of slaves and slavery." r. g. harper. see th rep. p. . let us now see how gradually this riddance is to be effected. “we have never supposed, that the society's plan could he accomplished in a few years; but, on the contrary, have boasted, that it will demand a century for its fulfillment.” mr. fitzhugh, vice president. af. rep. iv. p. . it may seem singular that philanthropists should exult in the conviction, that their plan for doing good would re- quire a century for its fulfillment; but the benevolence of the “ colonization system” is peculiar. there are those, sir, who ask, “and could not a quarter of a century cease and determine these two great evils,' (free blacks and slaves.) you and i, my dear sir, on whom the frost of time has fallen rather perceptibly, would say a century." speech of mr. custiss. th rep. p. viii. “ the sudden abolition of slavery in a community where it existed to any considerable extent, would be pernicious. but this is danger which can occasion no alarm, admitting that the colonization scheme contemplates the ultimate abolition of slavery, yet that result could only be produced by the slow and gradual operation of centuries.” af. rep. i. p. . "it is not expected to remove so great an evil as two millions of slaves suddenly : if it can be accomplished in a century, it will be as much as the most sanguine of our friends ought to expect.” judge best's address to the in- diana col. soc. Āf. rep. ix. p. . “ it is not the work of a day, nor a year; it is not the work of one time, nor of two; but it is one which will now commence, and may continue for ages.” view of slavery, by humanitas, a colonization advocate. baltimore, . thus we see that the continuance of slavery, with all its licentiousness, ignorance, and suffering, for at least a century to come, is calmly contemplated by zealous and slaves already removed. distinguished colonizationists. but still the society ex- pects ultimately to abolish slavery. let us therefore in- quire what it must effect to fulfill this expectation. the increase of our slave population, from the census of to that of , was , . estimating the future increase at the same ratio, it will be for the ten years ending in , , ; and for the ten years end- ing in , , . the annual increase is now up- wards of , , and the daily excess of births over deaths, . in , it will be , annually, and daily! from this statement, it will be perceived, what must be the power of the “ moral influence” of the society to re- move to africa merely the annual increase of our slave population ; and hence, we may judge of its ability to de- liver the country from slavery. in forming an opinion on this subject, we shall be further aided by inquiring what advantages the society has enjoyed, and what have been the results of its labors. never has any voluntary association received in an equal degree the applause and patronage of both state and church. men of all parties, and of all religions, and of no religion, have zealously espoused its cause. on the roll of its offi- cers, are emblazoned the names of the most popular leaders of rival political parties. the legislatures of fourteen states have passed resolutions in its favor. the highest ecclesiastical judicatories, of almost every religious denomi- nation, have recommended it to the patronage of their churches. politicians have declaimed, ministers have preached, and christians have prayed in its behalf. to promote its objects, liberal contributions have been made from the coffers of the nation, and the pockets of indivi- duals. under color of providing for the removal to africa, of about three hundred recaptured negroes, the general government appropriated , dollars, which were “ap- plied to an object affiliated to our design, and essentially, though collaterally, contributing to its advancement; the sending out of agents of the united states to the african coast, and the transportation of persons in the public ships. by these means we have obtained, in fact, all we could have expected to gain, had congress decided to aid our en- terprise.” speech of gen. harper, th rep. p. . - influence of the society since , $ , have been poured into the treasury. if to this be added $ , , the debt due by the society at the beginning of , we have a total of , dollars expended, independent of the , dollars paid by go- vernment. such have been the pecuniary means of the so- ciety; and now let us see how far its “ moral influence” has progressed in freeing the country of its millions of slaves. since december, , when the society was organized, to the present time, ( st of january, ,) it has transported eight hundred and nine manumitted slaves to africa- equal to the increase of the slave population for five and a half days! but it will be said, that some years elapsed be- fore the society was in a capacity to transport emigrants. be it so let us inquire then, how many manumitted slaves have been sent out the last five years. in , , , , six hundred and sixty-six were transported : in , none, * making a removal on an average, of less than the increase of one day in each year! in the eighteenth year of the society's existence, it finds itself compelled to pause and rest, after the mighty effort of arresting the increase of the slave population for five days and a half. such are the results of the moral influence about which we have heard so much. and upon whom has this influence operated ? surely upon those who were most within its sphere, the presidents, vice-presidents, and managers of the society. unfortunately, facts do not confirm this very na- tural supposition. judge washington was president of the society, from its first organization, till his death in . in a letter to the society, he observed, “ we may fairly hope it will lead to the sure but gradual abolition of slavery." af. rep. vii. p. . whatever were the hopes of this gentleman, he was per. sonally beyond the reach of the society's moral influence. in a published letter in , after stating that his slaves had got the idea that as nephew to general washington, or president of the colonization society, he could not hold them in bondage, he adds, “i called the negroes together * in , the philadelphia society sent out one hundred and ten slaves, manumitted by the will of their master, who also left two thousand two bundred dollars for their transportation. the society, at the same time, gave a passage to fourteen emigrants for the parent institution, free of ex- penso. upon its own members. in march last, and after stating to them what i had heard, i assured them that i had no intention to give freedom to any of them." the judge was as good as his word. he did indeed shortly after part with fifty-four of his slaves, but it was not to the agent of the society, to be transported to liberia, but to a slave dealer, to be shipped to new orleans. mr. carroll, a large slave holder, succeeded to the presidential chair, but for aught that appears to the contrary, neither he nor mr. madison, the present incumbent, ever liberated a single slave. mr. clay, a vice president, publicly inti- mated, that he did not intend to send his slaves to africa. mr. fitzhugh, another vice president, the proprietor of “ numerous slaves,” speaking of slavery, remarked : “no plea can be urged in justification of its continuance but the plea of necessity.” af. rep. v. p. . the will of this gentleman, who died in , is a singular comment on this plea of necessity. the follow- ing extract is given in the african repository under the head of philanthropic example. “ after the year , i leave all my negroes uncondition- ally free, with the privilege of having the expenses of their removal, to whatever places of residence they may select, defrayed. if they consent to go to the colony, (liberia,) they are to be paid fifty dollars each on their arrival.” af. rep. vi. . it will be perceived that the testator believed in the " ne- cessity” of requiring his slaves to toil for twenty years for his heirs, after he himself was in the grave, before they could be permitted to labor for themselves; and also the necessity of leaving the children who might be born of these slaves in the twenty years, in interminable bondage, for it will be observed, that the prospective manumission is confined to mr. fitzhugh's “negroes," and not to the children to be hereafter born. should this philanthropic example be universally followed, in how many centuries would slavery cease ? difficulties of colonization. mr. custiss, well known as a zealous advocate of the so. ciety, in a speech before it, thus exclaims, ." lend us your aid, to strike the fetters from the slavc, and to spread the enjoyment of unfettered freedom over the whole of our favored and happy land." th report, p. . · had mr. custiss applied to the board, for a passage for his slaves to liberia, the boon would unquestionably have been granted. but such a boon, was not the aid he de- sired. in the new york commercial advertiser of janu- ary , , it is stated that philip lee, the son of gene- ral washington's favorite servant, is the slave of mr. cus- tiss, the adopted son of washington : that philip is a pious, faithful, and in all respects an exemplary man, and has a wife and children, to whom he is tenderly attached ; and that dollars, are required to deliver philip and his family from slavery. “much interest has been excited in the district of columbia, where it is supposed one half of the sum required will be raised.” the paper farther states, that dollars had been subscribed in new york. in the appendix to the th report, p. , is a list of persons who have manumitted slaves to be sent to liberia. the list does not profess to give all, but contains fifteen names, and it is remarkable that the name of any one pre- sent or former officer of the american colonization society is not to be found among them, with the exception of mr. fitzhugh, who is included, on account of his testamentary devise. we will not assert that no officer of the society, has ever parted with a slave, that he might go to the colony ; but we do say, that although our acquaintance with coloni- zation documents is not superficial, we have met with no record of such a “philanthropic example." - if such be the impotency of the moral influence of the society upon its officers, its orators and advocates, what will be its power on slaveholders generally? but let us suppose, what we all know to be untrue, that every slave holder in our country, is in very deed anxious to get rid of his slaves, and that the whole slave population is now and will continue to be at the disposal of the soci- ety, and we ask, can this population be transported to af- rica, and there maintained? we have seen that before any attachment to slavery. impression can be made on its present amount, its increase ** rising to more than fifty-four thousand annually, must be removed. but it is surely not to be removed, merely to perish by famine in the wilderness. in the ordinary cal- culations of the expense of carrying these people to africa, they seem to be considered only as articles of freight, which are to be delivered at liberia, at so much per piece. thirty dollars are usually assumed as the cost of a passage ; but let it be recollected that after they arrive, houses, imple- ments of husbandry, food and clothing for at least one year must be provided for them. it is with difficulty a new co- lony can provide for its own maintenance, and it is folly to suppose that it can also provide for an annual influx of fifty thousand emigrants, emigrants too, sunk in brutal ignorance, unaccustomed to supply their own wants, and bringing with them, nothing but the rags on their backs. place fifty thousand such persons in the wilds of africa, and they would be far more likely to starve before the end of a year, than they would be at that time, to furnish the necessaries of life to fifty thousand more emigrants. the colony is now poor, and has only about three thousand inhabitants, and it is admitted (see th rep. p. ,) that an addition of one thousand emigrants in any one year since its establish- ment would have been fatal to it. how many years then must elapse, before it can receive fifty-four thousand every year ; and when that period arrives, what will then be the annual increase ? admitting the whole marine and the whole treasury of the united states to be surrendered to the society, does any sane man believe, that liberia can be brought to such a state of cultivation as to maintain an annual accession to her population of fifty-four thousand in less than twenty-five years ? but in the year the annual increase of slaves, instead of fifty-four thousand, will be one hundred and four thousand; and unless the so- ciety will then be able to transport more than this mighty multitude, each year, it will not even diminish the present amount of the slave population ! in supposing the slave holders ready to colonize their slaves, we have given full effect to the reiterated assertions of colonizationists on this subject. these gentlemen are fond of representing the southern masters as unfortunately attachment to slavery. burthened with a grievous load, which they are impatient to shake off; and from which no other human agency than the society can possibly relieve them. granting the pre- mises, we see what sort of relief the society is capable of affording. we have intentionally removed one difficulty, that we might consider another. let us now reverse the supposition, and admitting the ability of the society, imme- diately to transport to africa, and there maintain all the slaves in the united states, let us inquire how the consent of the masters is to be obtained. let it be remembered, that the society has studiously avoided every measure to obtain such consent, and boasts that it addresses arguments to no master. but if we are to believe colonizationists, no arguments are necessary to induce the masters to liberate their slaves. our sympathy is perpetually demanded, not for the slave, but his unfor- tunate master, who is imploring the society to deliver him from the curse entailed upon him by his ancestors ! so far from slaveholders wishing to abolish slavery, they are endeavoring to transmit it as a precious inheritance to their latest posterity. as we have already observed, we do not solicit the reader's belief in any assertion we may make, until we have demonstrated its truth; and we assert that there is a general disposition among slaveholders, to per- petuate slavery. we know, and cheerfully acknowledge, that there are exceptions, but we believe they are exceed- ingly rare. the whole tendency of slave legislation, is to rivet the chains of its victims. hence the cruel obstacles it raises to manumission, and the wicked efforts it makes to brutalize the human mind. but not contented with holding their own slaves with an iron grasp, they have striven, and with woful success, to extend the curse beyond their own borders. when missouri was to be admitted into the union, every slave representative in congress, without one solitary exception, colonizationist or not, voted to render it a slave state. so anxious was virginia, to strengthen the slave interest, that rebellion and civil war were the price she was willing to pay for another mart in human flesh. her house of delegates, “resolved, that the general assembly of virginia, will support the good people of missouri, in their just rights, and admission into the union, and will attaciiment to slavery. co-operate with them in resisting with manly forti- tude any attempt which congress may make to impose re- straints, or restrictions on the price of their admission, not authorized by the great principles of the constitution, and in violation of their rights, liberty, and happiness !” general charles c. pinckney, of south-carolina, in a public address, delivered in , maintained that slavery, as it exists in that state, is " no greater or more unusual evil, than befalls the poor in general ; that its extinction would be attended with calamity to the country, and to the people connected with it, in every character, and relation; that no necessity exists for such extinction—that slavery is sanctioned by the mosaic dispensation—that it is a fulfill- ment of the denunciation, pronounced against the second son of noah-that it is not inconsistent with the genius and spirit of christianity, nor considered by st. paul as a mo- ral evil." address before the agricultural society of south carolina. governor miller, of south carolina, in his message to the legislature in , remarks, “ slavery is not a national evil; on the contrary, it is a national benefit. slavery exists in some form every where, and it is not of much consequence in a philosophical point of view, whether it be voluntary or involuntary. in . a political point of view, involuntary slavery has the ad- vantage, since all who enjoy political liberty, are then in fact free." it gives us pleasure to state, that the african repository, pronounces the doctrines of messrs. pinckney and miller " abominable." we have explained in our introduction, the tacit compact, by which colonizationists are never to defend slavery in the abstract, nor condemn it in particu- lars. a scrupulous observance of this compact, enabled the repository to exclaim, with great truth, when accused of hostility to slaveholders, “have we sought to render the owners of slaves odious, by retailing anecdotes of their cruelty ? every honorable man will do us the justice to answer no.” af. rep. iv. p. . but the question is, not what mr. gurley thinks of these doctrines, but how they are regarded by slaveholders. now there is no evidence, that general pinckney's rank in ca. attachment to slavery. rolina society, was affected by his “ abominable” doctrines; on the contrary, judging from the eulogium pronounced at his decease, he was regarded as one of the most distinguish- ed and pious members of the slaveholding community. and so far were the people of carolina from being offended, by the “ abominable" doctrines of their governor, that after his term of service expired, they elected him to the senate of the united states. governor hayne, of the same state, in his message to the legislature, ( ,) labors to prove, that slavery adds to the military strength of a nation, and concludes with de- claring that “the existence of slavery in the south, is not only to be regarded as an evil not to be deplored, but that it brings along corresponding advantages, in elevating the character, contributing to the wealth, enlarging the resources, and adding to the strength of the state in which it exists." it must be confessed, these are strange sentiments to be advanced by the chief magistrates of a people who regard slavery as a curse, and are anxious to colonize their slaves. let us now attend to the official declarations of the pre- sent governor of south carolina ; and see what comment they afford on the supposed desire of the slave holders to get rid of their slaves, a supposition on which the whole theory of abolition by colonization is founded. " it is demonstrable that cotton could not be produced by the labor of hired freemen for double the average price it has commanded for ten years past.--.it is obvious that the abolition of that kind of labor which is the basis of our wealth and prosperity, would annihilate, at a single blow, that entire branch of foreign commerce which brings the industry of the exporting states into competition with that of the manufacturing states—i am thoroughly convinced that the institution of domestic slavery, paradoxical as it may seem, is an indispensable element in an unmixed re- presentative republic. how sacred is our obligation to provide for our posterity all the necessary means of defending and preserving an institution, as essential to their existence and to their liberty, as it is obnoxious to the pre- judices of those who have the greatest possible facilities for assailing it.” inaugural speech, dec. . attachment to slavery. in december last, a lecture on “ domestic slavery," was delivered before “ the law class of william and mary col. lege,” and published in the southern literary messenger, for january, . the following introductory passage will help to show the feeling that is cherished at the south. " this subject, (slavery,) is too interesting to be passed in silence. the time too is rife with proofs, that unless we mean tamely to surrender a most important interest, we must hold ourselves always on the alert to defend it with tongue and pen.” a few years since, the state of louisiana passed a law, prohibiting the importation of slaves from other states, but the extension of the sugar cultivation, demanding more la- bor, the law was repealed in , and this state is now importing multitudes of slaves from maryland and virginia. soon after the repeal of the law, were offered for sale in new orleans, in the course of a single week! we may judge how anxious the people of louisiana are to send their slaves to africa, from the following notice of a late sale, in new orleans : willis, years old, brought . . . $ jack, - - - - - - - - - - adam, - - - - - - - . . . tom, - - - - - - - - . - dick, · - - - ... - - - - - malinda, . . . . . . . . . . a letter from an intelligent gentleman, personally ac- quainted with the state of slavery at natchez, says: “the prospects of the blacks in the south-west, are gloomy in the extreme. cotton can be afforded at cents per pound; last year, ( ,) it was worth from to cents; this year it is worth from to cents. last year about negroes were sold in natchez, and i am confident will be disposed of in that market this year. in my opinion, the slaves, if ever free, will owe their liberty to their own strength and the blessing of heaven ; for their masters, as a methodist minister once expressed it, think attachment to slavery. only of making more cotton, to buy more negroes, to make more cotton, to buy more negroes." so far are masters from wishing to send their negroes to africa, that they are continually increasing their stock, and hence slaves are rising in value. a late georgia paper an- nounces, that at a sale of negroes, of all ages and kinds, the average price was dollars. a convention has recently been held in tennessee, for amending the state constitution, and one amendment is, a prohibition to the legislature to abolish slavery! the augusta chronicle, (geo.) of oct. , says : “we firmly believe, that if the southern states do not quickly unite and declare to the north, if the question of slavery be longer discussed in any shape, they will instantly secede from the union ; that the question must be settled, and very soon, by the sword, as the only possible means of self- preservation !" the richmond enquirer and the washington globe, are both mightily indignant at the proposition that congress should abolish slavery in the district of columbia. so far is it from being true, as stated by colonization- ists, that the south is ready to surrender its slaves, that every day affords new proofs that the public sentiment both at the north and the south, is now more tolerant to slavery than at any other period during the last thirty years. who believes, that even ten years ago, any connecticut legisla- ture would have ventured to pass the black act; or that judge daggett himself would have pronounced his porten- tous and extraordinary opinion? at what time, before the influence of the colonization society was felt throughout our land, did the citizens of the north merit or receive such commendations from the slave press as the following ? “public sentiment at the north, in reference to southern interests, was never in a sounder state than it is now. the language of the northern press is cheering in the ex- treme,- the feeling in favor of the south, and against the abolitionists, is deep and almost universal.” charleston courier, st july, . when, until late years, have the governors of even slave states, dared to promulgate such “ abominable" doctrines, as those we have quoted ? virginia and maryland colonization. unless we greatly deceive ourselves, we have now shown that no desire exists at the south to get rid of slavery, at least to such an extent as to render colonization in the re- motest degree instrumental in abolishing it: and it is an unquestioned fact, that in eighteen years only about ma- numitted slaves have been sent to africa. but certain laws have been recently passed by virginia and maryland, which are triumphantly cited by colonizationists as proofs of the growing desire at the south to abolish slavery,--a desire which is attributed to the influence of the society. the law of virginia appropriates , dollars a year for five years, for the transportation of colored persons to africa. now it is evident that the effect of this law upon slavery in virginia, must depend on the class of colored persons to be transported. "will it be believed, that this law, received with such joy and triumph by colonizationists, confines the application of its appropriation to the removal of such blacks as were free at the date of its passage. in other words, it declares to the slaveholders, “ we will not assist you in manumitting your slaves.” by a previous law, any manumitted slave, who does not leave the state in twelve months, becomes again a slave : this new law pro- vides that such a manumitted slave shall not be sent to africa,—of course it affords no possible inducement or fa- cility whatever to manumission; and its whole operation is confined to the removal of nuisances, -and we have already seen, from the avowal of members of the legislature, that this removal is virtually to be compulsory. the philan- thropy that rejoices in such a law, is indeed of a peculiar cast, but it is the philanthropy of “ the benevolent coloni- zation system."* the maryland law, of , appropriates , dol- lars, to be applied through the agency of the maryland co- lonization society, to the removal to africa, of “ the people of color now free, and such as shall hereafter become so." on the th january, , the american colonization * a party writer, in a late number of the richmond enquirer, says: "an opposition man, who stated in the spring that he considered the removal of the deposites as affecting the value of his property per cent., admits now, that he never saw a more wholesome state of things; negro boys and men will fetch from dollars to dollars." is virgi- nia sick of this wholesome state of things ? maryland colonization. society “ resolved, that the society view with the highest gratification, the continued efforts of the state of maryland to accomplish her patriotic and benevolent system in re- gard to her colored population; and that the last appropria- tion by that state of two hundred thousand dollars in aid of african colonization, is hailed by the friends of the sys- tem as a bright example to other states." let us now examine this “benevolent system,” this “ bright example,” and see how it accords with christian love and sincerity. in forming our opinion of the true character of this scheme, it will not be improper to take into consideration the avowed motives which gave it birth. the legislature, in their session of , adopted the following resolutions : “resolved, that the increased proportion of the free people of color, in this state, to the white population-the evils growing out of their connexion and unrestrained as- sociation with the slaves, their habits and manner of obtain- ing a subsistence, and their withdrawing a large portion of employment from the laboring class of the white popu- lation, are subjects of momentous and grave consideration to the good people of this state. “resolved, that, as philanthropists and lovers of freedom, we deplore the existence of slavery among us, and would use our utmost exertions to ameliorate its condition: yet we consider the unrestricted power of manumission as fraught with ultimate evils, of a more dangerous tendency than the circumstance of slavery alone; and that any act, having for its object the mitigation of these joint evils, not inconsistent with other paramount considerations, would be worthy the attention and deliberation of the representatives of a free, liberal-minded, and enlightened people.” another resolution followed, declaring that, by the co. lonization of free people of color in africa, “these evils may be measurably diminished,” and a committee was ap- pointed to frame a bill upon “ the principles" of these re- solutions. · such, then, are the principles of the maryland benevo- lent system; and which of them is derived from the gospel of christ? so far as the system relates to the free blacks, it proposes their removal, not out of kindness to them, but maryland colonization. because they are supposed to be injurious to slave proper- ty ; because their habits and manner of obtaining a sub- sistence, the necessary results of wicked laws, are vicious ; and because they enter into competition with white laborers. this last accusation against the free blacks, is a most extra- ordinary one, when made by a people, who keep in their employment more than one hundred thousand black laborers, who toil without wages, and subsist on the scan- tiest fare ; and yet the interference of these laborers with " the laboring class of the white population," occasions no uneasiness, and leads to no plan for their removal. and what are the principles of this system with regard to slaves ? why, that it is worse to give a slave his liberty here, than to keep him in bondage ; but at the same time, that “the utmost exertions" ought to be made to “ameliorate his con- dition." let us now proceed to the practical application of these principles. at the next session, a report was pre- sented, in which calculations are entered into, to show that “the whole of this population (of free blacks) can be re- moved in the course of one generation alone." but the legislators are philanthropists and lovers of freedom, and deplore the existence of slavery. let us see how the com- mittee propose to remove this deplored evil. the report says of the slaves, “ they are property, and must be so re- garded, and without their owners' consent, none of them can be touched.” here we have a principle which secures to maryland the blessings of slavery forever. in no country in the world, in ancient or modern times, has slavery been abolished by the unanimous consent of slaveholders. never has it been peaceably abolished but by law. the northern and east- ern states could abolish slavery without the consent of the owners : the republican states of south america could do the same: the legislature of maryland can rule fifty thou- sand of their free colored citizens with a rod of iron, can deny them the most common and inestimable rights of hu- manity ; but it cannot rescue a human being from unmerit- ed and involuntary bondage ! let us now turn to the famous appropriation act. by this act, masters are allowed to manumit their slaves, but then the manumitted slaves are to be transported beyond maryland colonization. the limits of the state ; and should a parent or a child, a husband or a wife, shudder at parting forever from a near and dear relative, the separation may be avoided by a re- nunciation in open court of the newly acquired liberty, and a public consent to continue a slave! such is the bearing of this benevolent system on slavery. let us now contem- plate its effects on the free black. the appropriation bill authorizes no compulsion, and imposes no penalties on a re- fusal to go to africa. it was not expedient that this bill should contain such provisions, and therefore they were in. serted in another bill passed by the same legislature, and within two days of the other, entitled, “ an act, relating to free negroes and slaves.” this act, like the connecticut black act, is a bold and flagrant violation of the constitu- tional rights of free citizens. a citizen of new york, if his complexion be colored, may not visit a dying child or parent in maryland, without incurring a penalty of fifty dollars for every week he remains, and if he is unable to pay the fine, why then he is to be sold by the sheriff at pub- lic sale for such time as may be necessary to cover the aforesaid penalty. but if a free negro is sold for a limited time, he is, in fact, sold for life. during the term for which he is sold, he is a chattel, and may be transported at the pleasure of his master; and when the expiration of his term finds him in a cotton field in missouri, or a sugar mill in louisiana, who is to rescue him from interminable bon- dage? should a colored citizen of maryland cross its boundary on business, ever so urgent to himself and family, on returning to his home, more than a month after, he also is liable to be seized and sold, unless previous to his depar- ture he had complied with certain vexatious, legal formali- ties; and which, from ignorance, he would be extremely likely to neglect, or perform imperfectly. a striking illustration of this “benevolent system” lately occurred. a free colored man, living near the line of the dis- trict of columbia, petitioned the maryland house of dele- gates for leave to bring his grandchild from the city of wash- ington. the child had probably been left an orphan, and he naturally wished to take it into his own house. the petition was rejected !! a brisk slave trade is carried on between maryland and the southern states ; and it is well known, that free ne- maryland colonization. groes are often the victims of this trade; instances occur- ring of whole families being kidnapped. under such cir- cumstances many would wish to have the means of pro- tecting, if necessary, the freedom of themselves and child- ren; but the new bill forbids them to keep any military weapon, without a special licence from a county court, or city corporation ; a condition amounting virtually to a total prohibition. no free negro may attend a religious meet- ing not conducted by a white person. as the law thus discourages, and in a great measure pro- hibits religious instruction, exhortation, and social prayer, among fifty thousand of the population of maryland, no wonder it presumes every one of that fifty thousand to be a thief. hence no person may, under the penalty of five dollars, buy of a free negro “ any bacon, pork, beef, mut- ton, corn, wheat, tobacco, rye, or oats,” unless he shall at the time exhibit a certificate from a justice of the peace, or three respectable persons, that he or they believe the said negro came honestly by the identical article offered for sale. such are some of the features of this law, and they are well calculated to induce the free negroes to avail them- selves of the benevolent and munificent provision made by the other law for their transportation to africa. the con- cluding section, however, is the most operative of the whole, and promises to afford ample employment for the two hundred thousand dollars, and to furnish liberia with an abundant population. it is as follows: " sect. . and be it enacted, that if any free negro or mulatto shall be convicted of any crime, committed after the passage of this act, which may not, under the laws of this state, be punished by hanging by the neck, such free negro or mulatto may, in the discretion of the court, be sen- tenced to the penalties and punishments now provided by law, or be banished from this state, or be transported into some foreign country. hence, if a free negro steals a pound of tobacco, he may be shipped off to liberia. in civilized countries, it has been the aim of the legislature, to apportion punishments to crimes, but maryland has set "a bright example” of a simplification of the criminal code, without a parallel in the history of jurisprudence. she tells her judges, " in the case of free black offenders, you need give yourselves no maryland colonization. trouble in comparing the different shades of guilt, and weighing those circumstances which aggravate or mitigate the offence. in certain cases you must hang them, in all others, without exception, you may send them to africa." this is the “ benevolent system, the “ bright example" lauded by the american colonization society. this is the system which is cited as a proof, that maryland desires to abolish slavery. a symptom of this desire occurred in the maryland house of delegates, in . mr. mann moved an inquiry into the expediency of abolishing slavery, after a certain period. so great was the excitement produced by this motion, that the mover withdrew it, and the minute of the motion was expunged from the journal. the , dollars, it seems, are entrusted to the mary- land colonization society ; and that society, wishing still farther to increase its funds, has appealed to the benevo- lence of the north. the appeal is founded on two so. lemn official declarations ; first, that it aims at the extirpa. tion of slavery in maryland, by colonization; and second- ly, that it contemplates “founding a nation on the principle of temperance.” we have seen that a committee of the maryland legisla. ture insisted on the possibility of the removal of the whole free black population in one generation. the society, in their address, repeatedly declare their object to be the ex- tirpation of slavery by colonization; and the legislature forbids, as we have also seen, manumission at home. of course, slavery can only be extirpated by the removal, not of a select portion, but of all the slaves. in what terms ought we then to speak of the following resolution of the maryland society, published to conciliate the friends of temperance at the north ? " whereas it is desired that the settlement about to be made by this society, should, as far as practicable, become a moral and temperate community ; and as this is to be ef- fected, in a great degree, by the character of the emigrants, who leave america for a new home in africa : and whereas, the sad experience of this country has shown the demorali- zing effects of the use of ardent spirits, be it resolved, that no emigrant shall be permitted to go from maryland to a settlement from this society in africa, who will not first bind himself, or herself, to abstain therefrom." maryland colonization. so the society is to carry to africa , slaves, and thus exterminate slavery in their state; and yet they will positively refuse to carry one of them until he has taken the temperance pledge. but what if a portion of them will not consent to take the pledge ; must slavery continue, or must means be taken to coerce their consent? none but those wilfully blind, can examine this subject without seeing, that the measures adopted by virginia and maryland, are mere contrivances to get rid of the free blacks; and far more disgraceful in the latter, than in the former case, because more disguised by insincere profes- sions. the new-york journal of commerce, a colonization paper, had the candor in speaking on the subject, to re- - mark, “ it is true these states do not propose to resort, in the first instance, to compulsory measures ; but does any one doubt that they will resort to such measures, if the number of volunteer emigrants should not be sufficient to exhaust the appropriations made for their removal.” and a baltimore paper, (the chronicle,) alluding to the mary- land acts, avows, “ the intention of those laws was, and their effect must be, to expel the free people of color from the state.” yet do these cruel and perfidious measures receive the support and approbation of the colonization society. there is still a powerful objection to the whole coloni. zation scheme, as a means of removing slavery, to which we have not yet adverted. no principle of political economy is more obvious than that prices depend on sup- ply and demand. if the first is diminished, while the lat- ier is increased, or even remains stationary, prices neces- sarily rise. we can all understand, that should half the sheep in the united states be suddenly destroyed, or car- ried out of the country, the value of the remaining half would instantly be enhanced. so also, we have no diffi- culty in seeing, that should the cholera sweep off from the southern plantations, two or three hundred thousand slaves, there would be an increased activity in the man- market, and human flesh would rise many per cent. in price. yet it seems never to occur to colonizationists, that were it possible for them to produce any sensible diminution of the slaves by transportation, the same consequences would colonization the only mode follow. the society propose reducing the number of la- borers, but without diminishing the demand for them. let us suppose every free negro, safely landed at liberia-of ' course all the laborers remaining in the cotion and sugar fields of the south, are slaves. now the society is gradually sending away these slaves, not by freeing at once any town or county from them, but by picking them up throughout the whole slave region, as it can meet with conscientious mas- ters; taking a few in one place, and a few in another; now stripping a plantation of its slaves in virginia, and now in missouri. this indiscriminate mode of obtaining emigrants, necessarily and absolutely prevents the substitution of white for black labor. the plantations thus divested of labor. ers, must remain barren till new slaves are procured. but the proprietor is too conscientious to buy any, and is hence compelled to sell his estate. the purchaser imme- diately goes into the market to re-stock the farm. others do the same, and hence arises a new demand for slaves, and of course an increase of their value. but as slaves grow more and more valuable, the disposition to make presents of them to the colonization society, will decline. thus does the inevitable mercantile operation of the society, in- dependent of all moral considerations, necessarily tend to defeat its object. the idea of abolishing slavery, by in- creasing the demand for slaves, is about as wise, as would be a plan for lessening the circulation of infidel books, by raising a fund for their purchase. we have now examined the means by which the society proposes to effect the removal of slavery, and trust we have shown their utter worthlessness. were the impractica. bility of this scheme, its only objection, the friends of hu- manity and religion would not be called on, as they now are, to meet it with unrelenting hostility—to labor without rest, and without weariness, for its entire prostration. alas, though powerless for good, it is mighty for evil ; and its baneful influence is leading multitudes of good and well intentioned men, unconsciously to countenance doctrines and measures, necessarily tending to perpetuate slavery and all its abominations in our land. this is an assertion, that ought not rashly to be made, nor hastily believed. we ap- peal to common sense, and undisputed facts. admitting that colonization could, in the course of ages, of abolition. extirpate slavery, ought we, therefore, to reject every means of shortening the sufferings of the slave, by hastening his liberation? but colonizationists, not content with insist- ing on the efficiency of their own plan, discourage and op- pose every other. now should their plan prove delusive, after the lapse of centuries, their influence in preventing the adoption of any other, will have been fatal, as far as it may have gone, to the freedom of millions. " it (colonization) is the only possible mode of eman- cipation at once safe, and rational, that human ingenuity can devise.” speech of mr. custiss. th report, p. viii. “ colonization is the only expedient by which these evils can be mitigated." speech of j. a. dix. af. rep. iv. . " to this country it offers the only possible means of gradually ridding ourselves of a mighty evil.” st rep. În. y. colonization society. . the colonizing scheme, leading as it does to volun. tary manumission, is the only one which true wisdom can dictate.” speech of mr. key, vice president. af. rep. iv. p. . "i would urge this system of colonization upon your notice, as the only rational plan which has yet been sug- gested for relieving our southern brethren from the curse of slavery.” speech of chancellor walworth of n. y. " the only rational and practical plan ever devised for the emancipation of the slaves of independent states." n. y. courier and enquirer, th may, . a coloni- zation paper. “ this great end (abolition) is to be attained in no other way than by a plan of extensive colonization." letter of r. g. harper, v. president. d rep. p. iii. “ in our opinion, the colonization society presents the only safe and feasible plan for the liberation of our slaves from bondage." report of wilmington col. society. af. rep. ix. . we have seen the nature and extent of the moral influ- ence of this only rational plan in favor of abolition ; let us now examine that which it exerts in behalf of slavery. in the first place, we ask, what must be the natural the society disclaims emancipation. effect on public opinion of such disclaimers as the follow- ing? . it is no abolition society : it addresses, as yet, argu- ments to no master. it denies the design of attempting emancipation partial or general.” address of j. b. har- rison to lynchburgh col. society. af. rep. iii. . . “into their (the society's) accounts, the subject of eman-, cipation does not enter at all.” af. rep. iv. p. . “ the friends of colonization wish to be distinctly understood on this point. from the beginning, they have disa vowed, and they do yet disavow, that their object is the emancipation of slaves.” speech of j. s. green, before the new jersey society. “ from its origin, and throughout the whole period of its existence, it has constantly disclaimed all intention whatever of interfering in the smallest degree with the rights of property, or the object of emancipation gradual or immediate.” speech of mr. clay, v. president. af. rep. vi. p. . “ recognizing the constitutional and legitimate exist- ence of slavery, it seeks not to interfere, directly or indi- rectly, with the rights it creates.” af. rep. iii. p. . “he considered himself publicly pledged, so long as he had any thing to do with the society, to resist every at- tempt to connect it with emancipation, either in theory or practice.” speech of gen. jones, a manager of the am. col. soc. jan. . “ the emancipation of slaves, or the amelioration of their condition, with the moral, intellectual, and political improvement of the people of color within the united states, are objects foreign to the powers of this society." address of the board of managers to its auxiliaries. af. rep. vii. p. . thus we see, the friends of the society utterly deny that emancipation, partial or general, gradual or immediate, direct or indirect, in theory or in practice, is included among its objects; and yet the society “is the only pos- sible mode of emancipation at once safe and rational, that human ingenuity can devise !" a worthy vice president of the society, mr. g. smith, remarked : “ they who denounce us for not favoring or slaves admitted to be property. promoting the emancipation of slaves, might just as well denounce the bible or temperance society, because they do not step out of their respective spheres, to favor or promote the emancipation of slaves." af. rep. ix. p. . but what if a bible or a temperance society should an- nounce itself to the world, as about to abolish slavery ; should declare itself to be the only possible instrument by which slavery could be abolished ; and should oppose and ridicule the employment of any other instrument, and should then falsify all its professions, and exert its influ- ence to justify and perpetuate slavery ! instead of denouncing the society for not stepping out of its sphere to favor or promote the emancipation of slaves, we denounce it for leaving that sphere, and for favoring and promoting continued slavery. the professed consti- tutional object of the society, is the colonization of free blacks and manumitted slaves. we fully admit, it has no more right to meddle with emancipation or slavery, than a bible society; and we condemn it, because disregarding its professed object, and in utter contempt of its own con- stitution, it has lent itself to support and perpetuate a system of cruelty and wickedness. it is painful to make these assertions, but duty requires them, and facts justify them. we will now proceed to show, that the society, (and by the term we intend colonizationists generally) has stepped out of its sphere to acknowledge, that man may have property in man; to justify him for holding this pro- perty; and to vilify all who would persuade him instantly to surrender it. “we hold their slaves, as we hold their other property, sacred.” speech of j. s. green before n. jersey col. soc. af. rep. i. p. . “ to the slave holder, they (the society) address them- selves in a tone of conciliation and sympathy. we know your rights, say they, and we respect them.” af. rep. vii. p. . the rights of the masters are to remain sacred in the eyes of the society.” address of rockbridge col. soc. af. rep. iv. p. . - we decline assenting to the opinion of some aboli: tionists, that though the master's right over his living slaves slaves admitted to be property. should be conceded, yet he has no claim of property in the unborn, for the reason, that there can be no property in a thing not in esse. this position is wholly untenable, under any jurisprudence." am. quar. review, transferred to af. rep. ix. p. . the right of property in human flesh, cannot surely be more sacred than that in rum; and yet it would sound strange, to hear a religious society addressing the rum- seller, in a tone of conciliation and sympathy, and assuring him that they regarded his property in rum as sacred, and respected his right to traffic in it. if it be a question, whether man can lawfully have pro- perty in man, who authorized the society to settle it? that it is a question, is evident from the following excla- mation of lord chancellor brougham, in one of his speeches. “ talk not of the property of the planter in his slaves.' i deny the right-i acknowledge not the property." and yet the right of the west indian and the virginia planter, rested on precisely the same basis, the sanction of human laws. not only does the society acknowledge slaves to be property, but it excuses and justifies those who hold this property. no motive can operate so powerfully in inducing a mas- ter to liberate his slaves, as the conviction that, by retaining them, he is acting contrary to the will of his maker, and exposing himself to his displeasure. in a manual of devotion, lately published by the excel- lent bishop meade of virginia, himself a zealous coloniza- tionist, there is a prayer to be used by the head of a family. this prayer, intended expressly for the slave region, has this affecting petition : "o heavenly master, hear me while i lift up my heart in prayer, for those unfortunate beings who call me master. o god, make known unto me my whole duty towards them and their oppressed race, and give me courage and zeal to do it at all events. convince me of sin, if i be wrong in retaining them another moment in bondage." it is observable, that in this prayer, the slaveholder, when in communion with his maker, far from claiming a sacred right of property in his fellow immortals, dares not manumission discouraged. make any claim to them whatever, but alludes to them as those “who call me master.” it is also obvious, that the question of immediate emancipation is pressing on his con- science, and fearful lest he is committing sin in holding slaves “another moment,” he implores the divine guidance. he will, of course, seek for light wherever it may be found, and will naturally turn to the colonization society, to learn the opinion of the eminent men who belong to it, on this momentous subject. now let us see what opiates that so- ciety administers to quiet his uneasy conscience, and to lull it in profound repose. first, he is assured, that by freeing his slaves, he would be guilty of great inhumanity towards them. “the very commencing act of freedom to the slave, is to place him in a condition still worse, if possible, both for his moral habits, his outward provision, and for the com- munity that embosoms him, than even that, deplorable as it was, from which he has been removed.” address to col. soc. in n. carolina. af. rep. iii. p. . " what but sorrow can we feel at the misguided piety which has set so many of them free by death-bed devise, or sudden conviction of injustice ?" address to lynchburgh col. soc. af. rep. iii. p. . . “there are in the united states , blacks deno- minated free, but whose freedom confers on them, we might say, no privilege but the privilege of being more vicious and miserable than slaves can be." rev. mr. ba- con of new haven. th rep. p. . “ policy, and even the voice of humanity, forbade the progress of manumission.” af. rep. iv. p. . " it would be as humane to throw them from the decks in the middle passage, as to set them free in our country." af. rep. iv. p. . was washington wanting in humanity, when he liberated all his slaves ; and was he surpassed in benevolence by his nephew, the president of the society, who avowed his in- tention of never giving freedom to any of his? was it “misguided piety” that induced jefferson to set his free by his last will? was it an act of perfidious cruelty in the state of georgia to purchase the freedom of a slave, who had disclosed an intended conspiracy; thus under the pre- slavery excused. tence of rewarding him, perpetrating an act as inhuman as throwing a fellow being from the decks in the middle pas- sage? is the recent act of north carolina, in paying dollars for the freedom of a slave, who had, with singular intrepidity, preserved a public building from fire, of the same character? much as we respect mr. bacon's character, we cannot but believe, that could his sincerity be tested by his being compelled to choose between being a slave in louisiana, or a free black even in canterbury, he would prefer the latter alternative. it is the more remarkable, that mr. bacon should have been led to make such.unadvised assertions, when new-haven itself, afforded full proof of their incor- rectness. hear the testimony of his estimable and distin- guished fellow townsman, professor silliman. .“ we need not look far from home to see the pleasing effects of the benevolent and disinterested exertions of an eminent friend* of the africans, aided by others of a kin- dred spirit-it is delightful to, the benevolent mind, to see so many of our colored people living in neat and comforta- ble dwellings, furnished in decent taste, and in sufficient ful- ness; thus indicating sobriety, industry, and self-respect; to see their children in clean attire, hastening on a sabbath morning to the sunday school, and on other days, with cheerful and intelligent faces, seeking the common school.” silliman's th of july oration, . · the slaveholder is farther instructed by the society, that the continuance of slavery here, is at present, and under existing circumstances, unavoidable, and that he is perfect- ly excusable and innocent, in keeping his fellow men in bondage; and that all the cruel laws relative to slave- ry are right and proper. is all this calumny? attend to the testimony. " slavery is an evil entailed upon the present generation of slaveholders, which they must suffer, whether they will or not.” af. rep. v. p. . “the existence of slavery among us, though not at all to be objected to our southern brethren as a fault.” ad- ' the rev. s. s. jocelyn, an active and public opponent of the coloniza- tion society. slavery excused. dress of new york colonization society. african rep. vii. p. . may we ask, how came the states of missouri, alabama, and mississippi, which within thirty years were nearly in a state of nature, to be now thronged with slaves ? " it (the society) condemns no man because he is a slave- holder." editorial article-af. rep. vii. p. . "acknowledging the necessity by which its (slavery) pre- sent continuance, and rigorous provisions for its mainte- nance, are justified.” af. rep. iii. p. . " it is the business of the free, their safety requires it, to keep the slaves in ignorance.” proceedings of n. y. col. soc. d ann. " the laws of virginia now discourage, and very wisely, perhaps, the emancipation of slaves.” speech' of mr. mercer, v. president, i. rep. " they (the abolitionists) confound the misfortunes of one generation with the crimes of another.” af. rep. vii. p. . "we all know from a variety of considerations, which it is unnecessary to name, and in consequence of the policy which is obliged to be pursued in the southern states, that it is extremely difficult to free a slave; and hence the enact- ment of those laws, which a fatal necessity seems to de- mand.” af. rep. ii. p. . “ i am not complaining of the owners of slaves: they cannot get rid of them." address before hampden coi. soc. af. rep. iv. p. . “ there are men in the southern states, who long to do something effectual for the benefit of their slaves, and would gladly emancipate them, did not prudence and com- passion forbid such a measure." i. report, p. . app. • suppose the slaves of the south to have the know- ledge of freemen, they would be free, or exterminated by the whites. this renders it necessary to prevent their in- struction, and to keep them from sunday schools, or the means of gaining knowledge.” proceedings of n. york col. soc. d ann. rep. “ the treatment of the slaves is in general as good as circumstances and the cruel necessity of the case will per- mit.” proceedings of n. york col. soc. d ann, colonization promotes “we believe that there is not the slightest moral tur- pitude in holding slaves, under existing circumstances, in the south.” af. rep. ix. p. . • thus do we find the whole system of american slavery justified on the tyrant's plea, necessity. but this is not all. the scriptures themselves are wrested to confound those who recommend abolition. the president of the geneva colonization society, s. m. hopkins, esq., in an address delivered th august, ' , and published by request of the society, after citing various texts to prove slavery warranted by the bible, thus goes on: “ here are then five places in the new testament, where the duty of servants (slaves) is expressly and formal- ly treated by way of precept, and one case of example, making six in all. in every one, the duty of obedience is insisted on, and in one or more, where the duty of masters is treated, there is not the least reference nor hint of the idea, that christian masters should manumit their slaves ; much less that other christians should preach manumission. but i go farther; as i understand the epistle to timothy, and as it is understood by such commentators as i have consulted, there is an express injunction, applicable to those times and circumstances, not to preach manumission."* we will not trouble ourselves at present with mr. hop- kins's theology; but we may surely be permitted to inquire, how it comes that the constitution forbids colonizationists to recommend and promote abolition, but gives them full liberty to oppose it? why is the constitution sacred, only when it guards the interests and soothes the conscience of the slave holder; and why is it a thing of nought, when colonizationists would empty the vials of their wrath upon the heads of those who proclaim the sinfulness of slavery, and the duty and policy of immediate emancipation.t * mr. hopkins professes to be opposed to slavery, all this scripture to the contrary notwithstanding. + it is due to candor to state, that all the principles imputed in this work to colonizationists, are not held by them indiscriminately. a few indivi- duals have honorably and publicly disclaimed one or more of them. these disclaimers have however been made, we believe, without an exception, since the discussions excited by abolitionists. no doubt many members would indignantly reject the doctrines on which we have commented. the pious and well-intentioned supporters of the society, are just beginning to the interest of slaveholders. let us now scrutinize a little this plea of necessity, which is urged by colonizationists with so much confidence in behalf of slavery. does a christian society, do ministers of the gospel of christ, maintain that it is ever necessary to violate the command of jehovah-necessary to keep millions in ignorance of the revealed will of god? neces- sary to trample upon human rights, and to outrage the plainest principles of justice and humanity ? do protestants insist, that it is necessary to deny the bible to more than one third of the inhabitants of the southern states? what necessity required that missouri should be a slave state? what necessity multiplied the slaves in alabama and mis- sissippi from three thousand to one hundred and eighty-two thousand, since the year ? what necessity prevented kentucky from liberating her twelve thousand slaves in , when new york could liberate ten thousand in one day in ? what necessity will render florida and ar- kansas slave states? why did not necessity prevent the abolition of slavery in south america, mexico, and the west indies ? the society, whose moral influence is to free us from slavery, not only quiets the conscience of the slaveholder, by showing the lawfulness of slavery, but it promises to en- hance the value of slave labor, and to divest it of a portion of that danger which usually attends it. let us see how colonization promotes the interests of slaveholders ; and let us attend, in the first instance, to mr. archer of vir- ginia. “he was not one of those (however desirable it might be, and was in abstract speculation) who looked to the complete removal of slavery among us. if that consumma- tion were to be considered feasible at all, it was at a period too remote to warrant the expenditure of any resources of contemplation or contribution now. the progress of slavery was subjected to the action of a law of the utmost regu- larity of action. where this progress was neither stayed nor modified by causes of collateral operation, it hastened with a frightful rapidity, disproportioned entirely to the understand its true character, and hence the numerous converts from co- jonization within the last twelve months. colonization promotes ordinary law of the advancement of population, to its catas- trophe, which was repletion. “if none were drained away, slaves became, except under peculiar circumstances of climate and production, inevitably and speedily redundant, first to the occasions of profitable employment, and as a consequence, to the facility of comfortable provision for them. no matter what the humanity of the owners, fixed restriction on their resources must transfer itself to the comfort and subsistence of the slave. at this last stage, the evil in this form had to stop. when this stage had been reached, what course or remedy remained ? was open butchery to be resorted to, as among the spartans with the helots ? or general emancipation and incorporation, as in south america ? or abandonment of the country by the masters, as must come to be the case in the west indies ? " either of these was a deplorable catastrophe. could all of them be avoided, and if they could, how? there was but one way, but that might be made effectual, fortunately. it was to provide and keep open a drain for the excess of increase beyond the occasions of profitable employment. this might be done effectually by extension of the plan of the society. * * * * after the present class of free blacks had been exhausted by the operation of the plan he was recommending, others would be supplied for its action, in the proportion of the excess of the colored population it would be necessary to throw off, by the process of volun- tary manumission or sale. this effect must result from the depreciating value of the slaves, ensuing their dispro- portionate multiplication. this depreciation would be re- lieved and retarded at the same time by the process. it was on grounds of interest, therefore, the most indispensa- ble pecuniary interest, that he addressed himself to the people and legislatures of the slave holding states." th report, p. . however we may be surprised at the indiscretion of the managers in printing and circulating this speech with their annual report, we cannot but admire its honest frankness. here is no colonization poetry, but plain common sense prose. no pictures of the african elysium,-no anticipa- tions of the conversion of millions and millions of pagans, the safety of slaveholders. but intelligent remarks on the true means of perpetuating slavery, and keeping up the price of slaves. knowing the utter futility of abolishing slavery by colonization, mr. archer will not expend on that topic even his “ contempla- tion.” but the time will come when negroes will be so plenty, that it will be difficult to find either work or food for them; and this state of things, if not prevented, will lead to the abolition of slavery. but the society may prevent such a result by sending off the free blacks, and after they are gone, by sending off such slaves as may be manumit- ted; and by keeping open this drain, the undue multiplica- tion of slavery will be prevented, and their depreciation in the market arrested. let us now attend to the managers themselves. in the d report, p. , they declare that they confidently believe that the “colonization of the free people of color, will render the slave who remains in america, more obedient, more faithful, more honest, and consequently more useful to his master.” “ by removing the most fruitful sources of discontent (free blacks) from among our slaves, we should render them more industrious and attentive to our commands." address of putnam (georgia) col. society. " what greater pledge can we give for the moderation and safety of our measures, than our own interests as slave- holders, and the ties that bind us to the slave holding com- munity to which we belong." speech of mr. key, vice prest. th report, p. . " the injury they (the free blacks) do to the slavehold- ers' property, by their influence upon his servants, would, if valued, amount to more than sufficient to convey them from us." address of rev. j. c. young to col. soc. af. rep. ix. . . to remove these persons from among us, will increase the usefulness, and improve the moral character of those who remain in servitude, and with whose labors the coun- try is unable to dispense." address to a n. carolina col. soc. af. rep. iii. . “none are obliged to follow our example, and those who do not, will find the valuc of their negroes increased, by the departure of ours.” kentucky luminary. emancipation condemned. “ the free negroes corrupt our slaves. from what has been adduced, the expediency of removing this nuisance from the community is clearly inferable, both in relation to their interests and ours; and this can only be attained by means of the colonization society.” internal improve- ments of south carolina, by robert mills, p. . so much for the moral influence of the society in abo- lishing slavery, by rendering it profitable. now for its agency in rendering it safe. “ the tendency of the scheme, and one of its objects, is to secure slaveholders, and the whole southern country, against certain evil consequences growing out of the present threefold mixture of our population." address of a vir- ginia col. soc. af. rep. iv. .. “by removing these people, (free blacks,) we rid our.. selves of a large party who will always be ready to assist our slaves in any mischievous design they may conceive." address to a col. soc. in virginia. af. rep. i. . " are they (the free blacks) vipers, sucking our blood ? we will hurl them from us." address to lynchburg col. soc. af. rep. iii. . "by thus repressing the rapid increase of blacks, the white population would be enabled to reach, and soon over- top them; the consequence would be security.” af. rep. iv. . " the removal of every single free black in america, would be productive of nothing but safety to the slave- holder.” af. rep. iii. . “so far from having a dangerous tendency, when pro- perly considered, it will be viewed as an additional guard to our peculiar species of property.” new-orleans argus. “they (the objects of the american colonization so- ciety) are in the first place to aid ourselves, by relieving us from a species of population (free blacks) pregnant with future danger.” speech of gen. harper, vice president. th report, p. . “i am a virginian. i dread for her the corroding evil of this numerous caste, (free blacks.) i tremble for the danger of a disaffection spreading through their seduction, among our servants." address of i. b. harrison. af. rep. iii. . emancipation condemned. thus does the society aim at abolishing slavery, by de- claring it lawful ; increasing its profits, and lessening its dangers; and as we shall presently see, covering with oblo- quy, and denouncing as fanatics, all who dissent from its assertion, that this is “ the only possible mode” of reliev- ing the country from slavery. and why is it the only possible mode? because the laws of most of the slave states prohibit manumission at home, and therefore no master in those states could liberate his slaves, did not the society enable him to evade the law, by sending his slaves to africa. but who made these laws? slaveholders. who alone can repeal these laws? slave- holders. then slaveholders prevent themselves from libe- rating their slaves ; and hence it is optional with them to grant manumission or not. of course colonization is not the only possible mode of effecting abolition, since the slaveholders, if they pleased, might easily discover “a more excellent way." it will not probably be denied, that he who recommends a wicked act, or applauds it after it is committed, partici- pates in the guilt of it; and as by the confession of coloni- zationists, the laws in question prevent abolition, those who advise or approve those laws, partake of the guilt of con- tinuing slavery. let us now inquire in what relation the colonization society stands to these laws. in the first place, let it be recollected that several of the legislatures by whom these laws have been enacted, or by whom they are kept in force, have decidedly approved of the society. now listen to the official declaration of the board of managers. “the managers could with no propriety depart from their original and avowed purpose, and make emancipation their object. and they would further say, that if they were not thus restrained by the terms of their association, they would still consider any attempts to promote the in- crease of the free colored population by manumission, un- necessary, premature, and dangerous.” memorial of the american col. soc. to the several state legislatures. af. rep. ii. . we find here an illustration of the remarks in our intro- duction, on the convenient restraints of the constitution. emancipation condemned. the managers are restrained from promoting emancipation by the constitution, but they are at perfect liberty to pro- mote the permanency of slavery, by denouncing manumis- sion. and to whom is this denunciation made? to the very legislatures who are striving to effect the same object by the laws we have mentioned. and yet colonizationists mourn over the misfortune of the master who is prevented by law from liberating his slaves! but perhaps the lan- guage we have quoted was used inadvertently, and does not represent the sentiments of colonizationists generally. let us see. · " this law, (a law of virginia, by which a manumitted negro becomes again a slave if he remains twelve months in the state,) odious and unjust as it may at first view ap- pear, and hard as it may seem to bear upon the liberated negro, was doubtless dictated by sound policy, and its re- peal would be regarded by none with more unfeigned regret than the friends of african colonization. it has restrained many masters from giving freedom to their slaves, and has thereby contributed to check the growth of an evil already too great and formidable.” memorial from powhattan col. soc. to virginia legislature. .“ to set them (the slaves) loose among us, would be an evil more intolerable than slavery itself." report of ken- tucky col. soc. af. rep. vi. . “as long as our present feelings and prejudices exist, the abolition of slavery cannot be accomplished without the removal of the blacks." d report n. york. soc. "if the question were submitted, whether there should be either immediate or gradual emancipation of all the slaves in the united states, without their removal, painful as it is to express the opinion, i have no doubt that it would be unwise to emancipate them.” speech of mr. clay, vice president, to kentucky society. af. rep. vi . here we find a vice president of the parent society advocating perpetual slavery in preference to even gradual emanciption. “ they (colonizationists) entertain the opinion gene- rally, that if universal emancipation were practicable, nei- ther the interest of the master, the happiness of the slave, emancipation condemned. nor the welfare of the colony which they have at heart, would make it desirable.” mr. barton's address to a col. soc. in virginia. f. rep. vi. . • resolved, that we superadd our decided opinion that colonization ought to keep equal pace with manu- mission of people of color throughout the united states." proceedings of col. meeting at plattsburgh, n. york, th july, . " any scheme of emancipation, without colonization, they know to be productive of nothing but evil.” speech of mr. kcy, a vice president. af. rep. iv. . i “we would say, liberate them only on condition of their going to africa or hayti.” af. rep. iii. . “i am strongly opposed to emancipation in every shape and degree, unless accompanied by colonization." letter from r. g. harper, v. president, to secretary of the society, th august, . . it is a well established point, that the public safety forbids either the emancipation or the general instruction of the slaves.” th report, p. . “so long as we can hold a pen, we will employ it heart and hand, against the advocates of immediate emancipa- tion, or any emancipation that does not contemplate expa- triation.” n. y. courier and enquirer, a col. paper, th july, . . emancipation, with liberty to remain on this side of the atlantic, is but an act of dreamy madness.” speech of mr. custiss, th report, p. . - what right, i demand, have the children of africa to a homestead in the white man's country ?" speech of mr. custiss, th report, p. . it is a pity mr. custiss does not ask his conscience what right he has to confine a child of africa to a homestead on his own plantation ; and why money was raised by public subscription to purchase permission for philip lee to leave a homestead to which he had no right? what abundant cause for gratitude to almighty god, have the northern states, that the colonization scheme was not devised some forty years sooner. had the doc- trines taught by the society been then held by our statesmen the society prevents manumission. and divines, the dark cloud of slavery would now be brood- ing over our whole land. we have seen that the whole influence of the society and of the colonizing legislatures, is to vindicate and preserve . and enforce the laws against manumission. and now, after defending and strengthening this barrier against hu- man freedom, the society glorifies itself for its benevolence in having opened a little crevice through which, in sixteen years, a few hundred captives, out of millions, have escaped ! had the society and its friends opposed these laws, they would long since have been swept away, and thousands and tens of thousands would have been free, who are now pin- ing in bondage. in , virginia repealed her restraining law, and in nine years, , slaves were manumitted. the slaveholders became alarmed, their vocation was in danger of becoming disreputable, and the law was re- enacted. we have all heard much of the evils resulting from the traffic in ardent spirits, and we know that multitudes are endeavoring to suppress it, by insisting that it is sinful, and that christian duty requires its immediate abolition. now let us suppose a society for abolishing it, to be formed on the model of the colonization society, and ask ourselves how it would proceed, and what would be the prospect of its success. such a society would begin by informing the venders, that it held their property in rum sacred, and re- spected their right to sell it,—that as yet, it addressed argu- ments to no vender to induce him to abandon the traffic. that it was, indeed, a political evil, but it was one they had unfortunately engaged in, and which the necessities of themselves and families compelled them to continue for the present, that the society condemned no man for being a rum-seller, that it had no connexion with the fanatics and incendiaries who denounced the business as sinful, and de- manded its immediate abolition. but, inasmuch as the so- ciety knew that the venders were anxious to get rid of the rum they unfortunately possessed, it had appointed agents who would gratuitously afford their aid in removing and emptying rum-casks, and it trusted the moral influence of this proffered aid would in a century or more, effect the to- tal abolition of the traffic. anti-abolition association.' the absurdity of the conclusion, in the supposed case, is obvious ; and did not prejudice impair our vision, we should see an equal absurdity in the professed expectations of colonizationists. but is our illustration a parallel case ? no: for our ideal society does not profess to regard any other evil as greater than the indefinite continuance of the traffic, while the real one boldly and unequivocally declares for perpetual slavery in preference to emancipation, either immediate or gradual, without expatriation. now if the expatriation of the whole body of slaves be both physical- ly and morally impossible; if the slaves could not be trans- ported and maintained in africa, were the masters willing to surrender them; and if the masters would not sur- render them, even if they could instantly be transported and maintained, then it follows irresistibly, that the moral influence of the american colonization society is to per- petuate slavery in the united states. we can scarcely persuade ourselves, that any honest co- lonizationist can, in view of all the facts which have been de- veloped, seriously believe that slavery will ever be removed by colonization. still there may be some who are indulging the hope, that this scheme is promoting emancipation. we entreat the attention of such to the proofs we will now offer, that the society is in fact an anti-abolition association. on the th january, , mr. harrison, of virginia, in addressing the society at its annual meeting, used the fol- lowing language : “ the society having declared that it is in no wise allied to any abolition society in america or elsewhere, is ready when there is need, to pass a censure upon such societies in america.” th report, p. . the pledge thus given in behalf, and in the presence of the society, was published and circulated by the board of managers. it was a gross violation of the constitution, and an unblushing outrage on the multiplied professions of the society, that its only object was the colonization of free blacks. but we cannot understand the full meaning and unholy nature of this pledge, without adverting to the censures abolition societies. abolition societies to which it related. this pledge, be it remembered, had no reference to the associations now known as anti-slavery societies, and which are accused of a design to destroy the union—to drench the land in human gore, and to produce by marriage an amalgamation of color. such societies were unknown, such charges un- heard of, when this pledge was given. the abolition so- cieties which were to be censured, were societies founded by jay and franklin, and which advocated gradual emancipation. the first society ever formed, it is believed, for the abo- lition of slavery, was organized in the city of new york, january, , under the presidency of john jay. the principles maintained by this society, may be gathered from the preamble to its constitution. “ the benevolent creator and father of all men, having given them all an equal right to life, liberty, and property, no sovereign power on earth can justly deprive them of either, but in conformity to impartial government, and laws, to which they have expressly or tacitly consented. it is our duty, therefore, as free citizens and christians, not only to regard with compassion the injustice done to those among us, who are held as slaves, but to endeavor, by lawful means, to enable them to share equally with us in the civil and religious liberty with which an indulgent providence has blessed these states, and to which these our brethren are by nature as much entitled as ourselves.” the next abolition society was that of pennsylvania, founded in , under the presidency of franklin. slaveholders were expressly excluded. the constitution declares, that it has pleased " the creator of the world to make of one flesh all the children of men," and that it is the especial duty of those who acknowledge the obligations of christianity, to use such means as are in their power to extend the blessings of freedom “ to every part of our race." abolition societies gradually multiplied, and exercised a salutary influence in promoting emancipation at the north. but they were not confined to the north; they soon sprang up in the slave states, and scattered and feeble rays of light began to pierce the dense cloud which brooded former abolition societies. over the southern country unity of action and of pur- pose, was secured by triennial conventions of delegates from the several societies. no organized opposition had ever been offered to these associations. the moral sense of the community, unperverted by colonization, would not then have tolerated the scenes we have since witnessed. the respect in which abolition societies were held, is evinced by the following extract from the journals of con- gress : “ house of representatires, th feb. . " resolved, that the speaker be requested to acknow- ledge the receipt and acceptance of clarkson's history of slavery, presented by the american convention, for pro- moting the abolition of slavery, and improving the condi- tion of the africans, and that the said work be deposited in the library." the speaker accordingly returned an official letter of thanks to the convention. only three months before, mr. harrison, as herald of the colonization society, proclaimed war against abolition societies, the convention met at baltimore, the capital of a slave state. to this convention delegates or communica- tions were sent from the following abolition societies, viz..: new-york, andover, mass. rhode island, williams college, mass. pennsylvania, loudon co., virginia, western pennsylvania, n. carolina, with branches, maryland, with branches, delaware, tennessee, centreville, penn. west tennessee, brownsville, do. munro co., ohio, this convention, among other measures, petitioned congress for the abolition of slavery in the district of co- lumbia, and exhorted the friends of abolition to use their efforts to procure “the removal of all existing legal impe- diments in the way of educating the people of color.” such was the promising state of public feeling, at the very mo- ment when the colonization society announced its cru, sade against abolition. the vigor, and constancy with which it has been carried on to the present time, are known to all who have watched its progress. the charges against abolitionists. abolition societies, and their conventions, have withered under the “censure” of their powerful enemy, and have shrunk from public notice. within the last two years, they have been partially succeeded by more sturdy associations, named anti-slavery societies, which, instead of quailing beneath the frowns of their foe, have dared to grapple with him in mortal conflict, and to stake the hopes of freedom on the issue. if, in this struggle, abolitionists have not always distinguished themselves by their courte- ous bearing, let it be recollected, that they believe the happiness of millions depends on their efforts ; and, also, that by their haughty adversary, they have been treated as wretches who deserve punishment; not as the generous and disinterested champions of the oppressed and friend- less. let us observe the manner in which they are assailed by members of a religious society. “ it (the society) is nowise mingled or confounded with the broad sweeping views of a few fanatics in america, who would urge us on to the sudden and total abolition of slavery.” af. rep. iii. . come, ye abolitionists, away with your wild enthusi- asm, your misguided philanthropy.” af. rep. vii. . “resolved, that we view all attempts to prejudice the public mind, or excite the popular feeling, on the subject of slavery, as unwise and injurious, and adapted to perpetu- ate the evil which it is proposed to eradicate.” col. meet- ing at northampton, mass. af. rep. viii. . after a public discussion of the colonization scheme in utica, the common council came to the rescue of the so- ciety, by discharging resolutions against the abolitionists. for example: . whereas, certain individuals now in our city, are dis- turbing the peace of the good citizens thereof, by incul- cating sentiments which we deem demoralizing in them- selves, and little short of treason towards the govern- ment of our country," &c. “ resolved, that, in the opinion of this meeting, it is the solemn duty of every patriot and philanthropist, to discountenance and oppose the efforts of anti-slavery so- cieties.” col. soc. of middletown, conn. th march, . charges against abolitionists, it would have been, of course, unconstitutional to aid these efforts; but it seems the society had full authority to oppose them. in short, with colonization societies, every thing is constitutional that is expedient, and nothing that is not. “ the emancipation, to which this resolution directs your attention, is not that unconstitutional and dangerous emancipation, contemplated by a few visionary enthusiasts, and a still fewer number of reckless incendiaries among us.” speech of chancellor walworth, at col. meeting in n. york, th oct. . “ i avail myself of this opportunity, to enter my solemn protest against the attempts which are making by a few fanatics. let us talk no more of nullification ; the doc- trine of immediate emancipation is a direct and palpable nullification of that constitution which we have sworn to support.” speech of d. b. ogden at new-york col. meeting. “ we owe it to ourselves not to remain silent spectators while this wild fire is running its course. we owe it to those misguided men, (the abolitionists,) to interpose and save them and their country from the fatal effects of their mad speculations.” speech of hon. t. frelinghuysen, y. president, before am. col. society, st jan. . we are not informed which article of the constitution of the society, imposes on its members the onerous duty men- tioned by the hon. gentleman. the abolitionists in new-york, gave notice of a meet- ing for forming a city anti-slavery society. in reference to this notice, the chairman of the executive committee of the new-york colonization society, mr. stone, published in his paper, oct. , the following from a corres- pondent. "is it possible, that our citizens can look quietly on, while the flames of discord are rising? while even our pulpits are sought to be used for the base purpose of en- couraging scenes of bloodshed in our land. if we do, can we look our southern brethren in the face and say, we are opposed to interfering with their rights? no, we cannot."** * this communication was accompanied by an editorial admission of the civil rights of abolitionists. it is to be regretted, that the editor, as rights of abolitionists invaded. the hint thus kindly given, was readily taken, and a mob of five thousand scattered the abolitionists. after another mob, in july, had assaulted the dwellings and temples of abolitionists, this officer of a christian benevolent society, thus stated the condition on which abolitionists might be permitted to enjoy the common rights of american citizens, security of person and freedom of speech, the press, and religious worship. “while then our civil authorities should receive the aid of every good citizen, in their efforts to put down the mobs now nightly engaged in deeds of violence, yet there should be a distinct understanding, that the protection of law, and the aid of the military, can only be enjoyed or expected, on condition, that the causes of these mischiefs shall be abated, and the outrages upon public feeling, from the fo- rum, the pulpit, and the press, shall no more be repeated by these reckless incendiaries.” commercial advertiser, th july, . another colonization editor* published the same day, and while the mob were committing their grossest outrages, the following article: “now we tell them, (the abolitionists,) that when they openly and publicly promulgate doctrines, which outrage public feeling, they have no right to demand protection of the people they insult. ought not, we ask, our city authori- ties to make them understand this—to tell them, that they prosecute their treasonable and beastly plans at their own peril ?" n. y. courier and enquirer, th july, . on conditions similar to those proposed by these gentle- men, the roman emperors were ever ready to afford pro- tection to the christian martyrs ; nor did the spanish inqui- sition require more, than that none should “promulgate doctrines” it disapproved. far be it from us to insinuate, that the conduct of these two editors was in conformity with the advice or wishes of any respectable colonizationists; and candor requires the acknowledgment, that we have never heard it justified ; but will be seen by, the next quotation, afterwards proposed a condition on which alone, in his opinion, those rights should be protected. * mr. james watson webb. intimidation intended. it is unfortunately true, that the insults they have poured upon abolitionists, have been countenanced by the example of gentlemen from whom better things were expected. all this violence and obloquy are not without an object; and that object is intimidation. utterly vain is the hope of maintaining the cause of colonization, or of suppressing that of abolition, by discussion. in every instance in which colonizationists have ventured to meet their oppo- nents in public disputation, they have invariably retired with diminished strength. hence great efforts have been made by colonizationists, and by the advocates of slavery, to prevent the public from ever listening to the facts and argu- ments adduced by the abolitionists. after a mob of five thousand had assembled to prevent the formation of the new york anti-slavery society-after the most unfounded calumnies had been spread through the community against its members, the society published an address, explaining their real sentiments and objects. one would have thought it an act of common justice, to give this address a candid perusal; but such an act would not have been expedient, and accordingly the zealous editor of the commercial ad- vertiser, thus endeavored to prevent it. “we are quite sure, that a discerning public will consign it to oblivion, by abstaining from a purchase of the pestilent document. their curiosity, we hope, will not overstep their discretion, in furthering the purposes of the authors, by its dissemination. let this flagitious address descend to the tomb of the capulets. the address in extenso, we have not read.” the abolitionists, on the contrary, are so far from fear. ing the effects of discussion, that they are ever anxious to promote it; and when an acrimonious colonization pam- phlet * appeared against them, they provokingly advertised it for sale, and urged the public to read it.f in the war now waging between the abolitionists and colonizationists, a third party has come to the aid of the latter. those who maintain the sinfulness of slavery, and the safety and duty of immediate emancipation, plant them- * reese's review. + see the new york emancipator. infidel support. selves on scriptural ground, and urge the promises, and threats, and commands of the word of god. they pro- fessedly act as christians, and only as christians; and it cannot be supposed that the infidel portion of the commu- nity view with indifference an opportunity of wounding christianity through its zealous disciples. at the same time, the absence of christian motive as a principle of the colonization scheme, and the countenance given by that scheme to most unchristian prejudices, naturally invite an- tichristian support. certain it is, that many infidel news- papers are zealous advocates of colonization, and that the mobs of our cities are always ready to espouse its cause. there is no evidence, that with the exception of certain editors, the mobs which disgraced the city of new york the last summer, were instigated by members of the so- ciety; yet these mobs were its avowed champions. the first mob assembled on the th july, at the chatham-street chapel, the place in which some anti-slavery meetings had recently been held ; and breaking open the doors, took possession of the building. they then organized, and ap- pointing a chairman, passed resolutions approving of the colonization society; and by a formal vote, adjourned till the next meeting of the anti-slavery society,--a very sig- nificant hint. the following guarded notice of this trans- action, appeared the next day in one of the journals. “ from the non-assemblage of the persons who had de- signed to occupy the chapel, it was evident that the ob- jects of the meeting had been abandoned, and the friends of colonization thereupon entered, organized a meeting, passed resolutions in favor of their own opinions, and peaceably dispersed.” n. y. daily advertiser. . . the mob did indeed adjourn as a colonization meeting, but they had too much business on their hands to disperse. they immediately proceeded to vindicate the honor of the american name, by mobbing the bowery theatre, in re- venge for some insulting expressions said to have been used by an english actor. "after finishing their work at the bowery theatre, the mob, (says the new-york journal of commerce,) in a very excited state, repaired to the residence of lewis tappan, infidel support. (a prominent abolitionist,) and attacked it with bricks and stones. the door, window-blinds, shutters, &c., were soon demolished, after which, the mob entered, broke up the furniture, and made a bonfire of it in the street.” such was the commencement of four days of riot and outrage, by the admirers of “the benevolent colonization system.” the managers of the city colonization society, mortified at the character and conduct of their new allies, published a card declaring that the “ tumultuous meetings" at which certain resolutions had been passed approving the objects of the new york colonization society, “ had been held without any previous knowledge of the board,” and re- commending to every friend of the cause of colonization to abstain “from all participation in proceedings subver- sive of the rights of individuals, or in violation of the public peace.” when before have the friends of a reli. gious and benevolent cause needed such a recomienda. tion ? the journal of commerce, a colonization paper, ag. signs infidelity as one of the causes of the riots. co it was noticed, (it observes,) as a fact full of instruc- tion, that last sunday night, when many of the churches and lecture rooms were closed for fear of the mob, tam- many hall was brilliantly lighted up for the meeting of in- fidels, who carried on their mummery without the slightest apprehension of danger. the buildings which have been attacked, are six churches, (belonging to four different de- nominations,) one school-house, occupied as a church, three houses of clergymen, a house and store, occupied by elders of churches, and a number of houses occupied by colored families. thus, with the exception of some colored. persons, the vengeance of the mob has been exclusively directed against churches, ministers and elders. at the sacking of mr, tappan's house, a fellow was heard to say, that every rascal of a church member ought to be thrown off the dock, or to that effect. we think, therefore, we see inscribed on the banner of this guilty throng, enmity to the cross of christ." yet this guilty throng commenced its operations with lauding the colonization society. in utica, after a public discussion on colonization, a not a religious ciety. mob assembled and burned in effigy a clergyman who had taken part against the society; and also a layman who had become distinguished for his zeal in the temperance cause ; and a bundle of temperance recorders was com- mitted to the flames. the following is from the new york courier and en. quirer, th may, , and is part of an article in defence of the colonization society, and in vituperation of the abolitionists. " colleges and institutions are every year founded, not for the purposes of general education, but to initiate a new race of monks and fanatics in the arts and mysteries of clerical ambition, to teach them how best to subjugate the human mind, and render female weakness subservient to well disciplined jesuitism. one half of our colleges are nothing more than seminaries for educating uncompromi. sing bigots,” &c. &c. in this very same article, we are assured that “the colonization society holds out the only rational and practicable mode of bringing about the eman- cipation of the blacks ;” and we are warned against the “accursed, and disorganizing, and incendiary devices," of the abolitionists. soon after the mobs, a poem was published, entitled, “ fanaticism unveiled.” the author, in his advertisement, declaims against the “crusade which is now waged by a fèw wretched fanatics against the colonization society." of the religious character of this poetical champion of the society, some estimate may be made from the following lines:-- “and do not dunces spend their cash on such things as we have brought in fashion? fictitious tales in aid of piety, invented for the tract society. sectarian seminaries made to teach the true fanatic trade; and schools where infancy is told, that while one world is paved with gold, another lying somewhat lower, with children's skulls is sprinkled o’er.” the society unquestionably comprises a vast number of as pure and devoted christians as can be found in this or any other country; and we are fully persuaded, they verily believe, that in supporting colonization, they are doing god service. the zealous co-operation they are now * not À religious society. receiving from persons of very opposite character from themselves, should lead them to inquire whether they may not be mistaken. it certainly does not follow, that a system must be bad, because bad men support it; but it does follow, that when mobs and infidels espouse a particular object, it is because that object is recommended to them by other than religious considerations. yet colonizationists are fond of represent- ing their society as a religious institution; and the minis- ters of the gospel are earnestly urged to preach annual sermons in its behalf. that multitudes of religious men belong to the society, is not denied, but the participation of such men in an object, does not necessarily render it a religious object: otherwise the slave trade was a christian commerce, be- cause john newton was a slave trader; and free masonry must be a holy fraternity, since it can boast the names of more good men, than were ever enrolled in the ranks of colonization. but in what sense can the society be term- 'ed a religious one ? it is not professedly founded on any one principle of the gospel of christ. it exercises no one act of benevolence towards the free blacks in this country; and in transporting them to africa, it is by its own confes- sion removing nuisances. it takes no measures to christ- ianize africa, but landing on its shores an ignorant and vicious population. it employs no missionary, it sends no bible, and it cannot point to a single native, converted to the faith of jesus, through its instrumentality. on the contrary, may we not, in reference to the facts disclosed in the preceding pages, affirm, without the imputation of bi- gotry or prejudice, that the general influence of the society, is decidedly anti-christian. we have seen that it practically tends to the debasement and persecution of the free blacks; to the hardening of the consciences of the slaveholders, and to the indefinite continuance of slavery. the objects of the society, as stated in the declarations of its orators, are of such vast importance, and such godlike benevolence, that it is no wonder good men have been so dazzled by the gorgeous visions presented to their imagina- tions, as to have omitted to scrutinize the machinery by which these visions are to be realized. . reputation of the society abroad. no one surely needs an apology for having believed in colonization, when wilber force could thus express himself : “ you have gladdened my heart by convincing me, that sanguine as had been my hopes of the happy effects to be produced by your institution, all my anticipations are scan. ty and cold compared with the reality." letter to mr. cresson. th rep. p. . no one surely needs to blush at acknowledging that he has been deceived in the society, since wilberforce placed his name at the head of a protest against it. the following extract from this protest will show how truly the society is now estimated by british philanthropists. “our objections to it, are briefly these: while we be- lieve its pretexts to be delusive, we are convinced that its real effects are of the most dangerous nature. it takes its root from a cruel prejudice and alienation in the whites of america, against the colored people, slave or free. this being its source, the effects are what might be expected-- that it fosters and increases the spirit of caste, already so unhappily predominant- that it widens the breach between the two races-exposes the colored people to great practical persecution, in order to force them to emigrate; and final- jy is calculated to swallow up and divert that feeling which america, as a christian and a free country, cannot but en- tertain, that slavery is alike incompatible with the law of god, and the well being of man, whether of the enslaver, or the enslaved. we must be understood utterly to repu- diate the principles of the american colonization so- ciety." the opponents of slavery in england, as well as here, at first hailed the society as an auxiliary, and the anti- slavery societies there, in the warmth of their zeal, began to remit contributions to its funds: by these same people, the society is now regarded with detestation. probably no religious periodical, possesses in an equal degree, the con- fidence of the religious community here, as the london christian observer. the observer formerly commended the society. hear the present sentiments of its late edi. tor, the distinguished z. macauley, esq., m. p. “the unchristian prejudice of color, which alone has reputation of the society abroad. given birth to the colonization society, though varnished over with other more plausible pretences, and veiled under a profession of christian regard, for the temporal and spi- ritual interests of the negro, which is belied by the whole course of its reasonings, and the spirit of its measures, is so detestable in itself, that i think it ought not to be tole- rated; but on the contrary, ought to be denounced and op- posed by all humane, and especially all pious persons in this country.” letter th july, , to mr. garrison. for a quarter of a century, william allen, a london quaker, has been prominent in every good work, and his name is familiar to all acquainted with the great catholic institutions of england. this eminent and zealous philan- thropist thus writes : “having heard thy exposition of the origin and main object of the american colonization society, at the meet- ing on the th instant, at exeter hall, and having read their own printed documents, i scarcely know how ade- quately to express my surprise and indignation, that my correspondents in north america should not have informed me of the real principles of the said society; and also, that elliott cresson, knowing as he must have known the abominable sentiments it has printed and published, should have condescended to become its agent." letter th of th month, . mr. buxton, the successor of mr. wilberforce as the parliamentary leader in the cause of abolition, thus expres- ses himself: “my views of the colonization society you are aware of. they do not fall far short of those expressed by my friend mr. cropper, when he termed its objects diabolical.'' letter of july th, . but is it only in britain, that good men have found them- selves disappointed in the society ? who compose our pre- sent anti-slavery societies? pious conscientious men, who, with scarcely an exception, were formerly advocates of colonization. a clergyman of massachusetts, in the following passage, expresses the sentiments of a numerous and increasing body. “i have been constrained to withdraw my confidence and co-operation from this scheme. it is a scheme in concluding address. which i was once deeply interested. i have spoken and preached, and written and taken contributions in its behalf. i did not then understand the real nature and tendency of the scheme. i meant well in espousing it, but i now see my error and my sin; and though it was a sin of igno- rance, i desire to repent of it.” almost daily do we hear of colonizationists awaking as from a dream, and expressing their astonishment and re- gret at the delusion into which they had fallen. to the christian members of the society, we would now address ourselves, and ask, have we not proved enough to induce you to pause, to examine, and to pray, before you longer lend your names, and contribute your funds to the purposes of colonization? do no secret misgivings of con- science now trouble you; and are you perfectly sure that in supporting the society, you are influenced by the precepts of the gospel, and not by prejudice against an unhappy portion of the human family? if on a full investigation of the subject, you discover that colonization is not what you believed and hoped it was, remember that it is your duty to obviate, as far as possible, by a frank and open de- claration of your opinion, the evil your example has done. be not ashamed, be not slow to follow wilberforce in en- tering your protest against the society. if that society leads to the degradation and oppression of the poor color- ed man-if it resists every effort to free the slave-if it misleads the conscience of the slaveholder, you are bound, your god requires you to oppose it, not in secret, but be- fore the world. soon will you stand at the judgment seat of christ; there will you meet the free negro, the slave, and the master-take care lest they all appear as witnesses against you. part ii. american anti-slavery society. part ii. american anti-slavery society. chapter i. principles of the american anti-slavery society. character of american slavery. the principles professed by the american anti-slavery society, are set forth in the following articles of its consti- tution, viz:- article . the objects of this society are the entire abolition of slavery in the united states. while it admits that each state, in which slavery exists, has, by the consti. tution of the united states, the exclusive right to legislate in regard to its abolition in that state, it shall aim to convince all our fellow citizens by arguments addressed to their under- standings and consciences, that slave-holding is a heinous crime in the sight of god; and that the duty, safety, and best interests of all concerned, require its immediate abandon- ment, without expatriation. the society will also endeavor in a constitutional way to influence congress to put an end to the domestic slave trade; and to abolish slavery in all those portions of our common country, which come under its con- trol, especially in the district of columbia, and likewise to prevent the extension of it to any state that may hereafter be admitted to the union. art. . this society shall aim to elevate the character and condition of the people of color, by encouraging their intellectual, moral and religious improvement, and by re- moving public prejudice; that thus they may according to their intellectual and moral worth, share an equality with the whites, of civil and religious privileges; but the society will never in any way, countenance the oppressed in vindi- cating their rights, by resorting to physical force. art. . any person who consents to the principles of this axerican slavery. constitution, who contributes to the funds of this society, and is not a slave-holder, may be a member of this society, and shall be entitled to vote at its meetings. here we have great moral principles frankly and unequi- vocally avowed; the objects to be pursued are distinctly stated; and none are permitted to join in the pursuit of these objects without assenting to the principles which avowedly render their attainment desirable. the whole structure of the society, therefore, is totally different from the coloniza- tion society. this being founded on principle, that on expediency. this availing itself, only of certain professed motives, that inviting the co-operation of motives of all sorts, however contradictory. in order to judge of the fitness of the objects contemplated by the society, we must first inquire into the soundness of the principles by which they are recommended. the first great principle of the society, and indeed the one from which all the others are deduced, is the sinfulness of slavery. to determine whether slavery as it exists in the united states is sinful, we must know what it is. where an institution is unavoidably liable to great abuses, those abuses may fairly be taken in account, in estimating its true character ; but in order to avoid all captious objections, we will now inquire, what are the lawful, or rather legal features of american slavery, and we will leave wholly out of view, all acts of oppression and cruelty not expressly sanctioned by law. the following definitions of american slavery, are, it will be perceived, from high authority : " a slave is one who is in the power of a master to whom he belongs. the master may sell him, dispose of his person, his industry, his labor; he can do nothing, possess nothing, nor acquire any thing but which must belong to his master." louisiana code, art. . " slaves shall be deemed, taken, reputed and adjudged to be chattels personal in the hands of their masters and possessors, to all intents and purposes whatsoever.” laws of south carolina-brevard's digest, . it will be observed that these definitions apply to slaves without distinction of sex or age. but not only are those now in servitude, but their children after them, the subjects of these definitions. american slavery. the law of south carolina says of slaves, “ all their issue and offspring born or to be born, shall be, and they are here. by declared to be and remain forever hereafter ab- solute slaves, and shall follow the condition of the mother." slavery is not confined to color. mr. paxton, a virginia writer, declares that, “the best blood in virginia, flaws in the veins of the slaves.” in the description lately given of a fugitive slave, in the public papers, it was stated, “ he has sometimes been mistaken for a white man." the following from a missouri paper, proves that a white man, may, without a mistake be adjudged a slave. "a case of a slave suing for his freedom, was tried a few days since in lincoln county, of which the following is a brief statement of the particulars. a youth of about ten years of age sued for his freedom on the ground that he was a free white person. the court granted his petition to sue as a pauper upon inspection of his person. upon his trial before the jury he was examined by the jury and by two learned physicians, all of whom concurred in the opinion that very little if any trace of negro blood could be discovered by any of the external appearances. all the physiological marks of distinctions which characterize the african descent had disap- peared. "his skin was fair, his hair soft, straight, fine and white, his eyes blue, but rather disposed to the hazle-nut color; nose prominent, the lips small and completely covering the teeth, his head round and well formed, forehead high and prominent, the ears large, the tibia of the leg straight, the feet hollow. notwithstanding these evidences of his claims, he was proven to be a descendant of a mulatto woman, and that his progeni- tors on his mother's side had been and still were slaves ; con- sequently he was found to be a slave." the laws of south carolina and virginia expressly recog. nize indian slaves. not only do the laws acknowledge and protect existing slavery, but they provide for reducing free persons to here- ditary bondage. in south carolina, fines are imposed on free negroes for certain offences, and in default of payment, they are made slaves. if a colored citizen of any other state enters geor- gia, he is fined, and if he cannot raise the money, he is sen- tenced to perpetual slavery, and his children after him. in american slavery. maryland, if a free negro marries a white, the negro becomes a slave. in almost every slave state, if a free negro cannot prove that he is free, he is by law sold at public auction as a slave for life. this is both law and practice in the district of columbia, and with the sanction of the congress of the uni. ted states. in no civilized country but the slave states, are children punished for the crimes of their parents; but in these, the children of free blacks, to the latest posterity are condem. ned to servitude for the trivial offences, and often for the most innocent acts of their ancestors. it necessarily follows from the legal definitions we have given of a slave, that he is subjected to an absolute and irre. sponsible despotism. the master has in point of fact the same power over his slave that he has over his horse. some few laws there may be, forbidding the master to treat his slave with cruelty, and so the common law every where forbids cruelty to beasts ; but it is far easier to enforce the latter than the former. any spectator of cruelty to a beast, may ordinarily be a witness against the offender ; but a slave may be mutilated or mur. dered with impunity in the presence of hundreds, provided their complexions are colored; and even should the crime be proved by competent testimony, the master is to be tried by a court and jury who are all interested in maintaining the su- preme authority of slave-holders. but although no laws can in fact restrain the power of the master, yet laws to a certain degree, indicate what kind of treatment is tolerated by public opinion. thus when we find the laws of south carolina li- miting the time which slaves may be compelled to labor, to fif- teen hours a day, we may form some opinion of the amount of toil which southern masters think it right to inflict upon the slaves ; and when we recollect, that the laws of maryland, virginia and georgia, forbid that the criminals in their peni. tentiaries shall be made to labor more than ten hours a day; we discover the relative place which white felons, and unoffending slaves, occupy in the sympathies of slave- holders. the slave is, at all times, liable to be punished at the plea- sure of his master ; and although the law does not warrant him in murdering the slave, it expressly justifies him in kill- ing him, if he dares to resist. that is, if the slave does not american slavery. submit to any chastisement, which a brutal master may of his sovereign pleasure choose to inflict, he may legally be shot through the head. • in south carolina, if a slave be killed “ on a sudden heat or passion, or by undue correction," the murderer is to } pay a fine and be imprisoned six months. what would be thought of such a punishment for the murder of a white ap- prentice ? in missouri, a master is by law expressly authorized to im- prison his slave during pleasure, and thus may a human being be legally incarcerated for life without trial, or even the allega- lion of a crime. the despotism of the slave-holder, be it remembered, is a negotiable despotism ; it is daily and hourly bought and sold, and may at any moment be delegated to the most brutal of the species. the slave, being himself property, can own no property. he may labor fifteen hours a day, but he acquires nothing by his labor. in south carolina, a slave is not permitted to keep a boat, or to raise and breed for his own benefit, any horses, cattle, sheep, or hogs, under pain of forfeiture, and any person may take such articles from him. in georgia, the master is fined thirty dollars for suffering his slave to hire himself to another for his own benefit. in maryland the master forfeits thirteen dollars for each month that his slave is permitted to receive wages on his own account. in virginia, every master is finable who permits a slave to work for himself at wages. in north carolina, “all horses, cattle, hogs, or sheep, that shall belong to any slave, or be of any slave's mark in this state, shall be seized and sold by the county wardens." in mississippi, the master is forbidden, under the penalty of fifty dollars, to let a slave raise cotton for himself, “ or to keep stock of any description." such is the anxiety of the slave laws to repress every bene- volent desire of the master to promote in the slightest degree the independence of the slave. slaves, being property, are like cattle liable to be leased and mortgaged by their owners, or sold on execution for deht. american slavery. a slave having no rights, cannot appear in a court of justice to ask for redress of injuries. so far as he is the subject of injury, the law regards him only as a brute, and redress can only be demanded and received by the owner. the slave may be beaten, (robbed he cannot be,) his wife and children may be insulted and abused in his presence, and he can ne more insti- tute an action for damages, than his master's horse. but cannot he be protected by his master's right of action ? no: the master must prove special injury to his property, to reco- ver damages. any man may with perfect impunity, whip another's slave, unless he so injure him as to occasion “a loss of service, or at least a diminution of the faculty of the slave for bodily labor.” such is the decision of the supreme court of maryland. in louisiana, if a third person maim a slave, so that he is “forever rendered unable to work,” the offender pays to the owner the value of the slave, and is also to be at the expense of his maintenance; but the unfortunate slave mutilated or crippled for life, receives not the slightest com- pensation. the master's right of action is a protection to his property, not to the comfort or security of the slave; indeed it tends to degrade the latter to the level of the other live stock on his master's farm. a necessary consequence of slavery, is the absence of the marriage relation. no slave can commit bigamy, because the law knows no more of the marriage of slaves, than it does of the marriage of brutes. a slave may, indeed, be formally married, but so far as legal rights and obligations are concern- ed, it is an idle ceremony. his wife may, at any moment, be legally taken from him, and sold in the market. the slave laws utterly nullify the injunction of the supreme lawgiver—“ what god hath joined, let not man put asun- der." of course, these laws do not recognize the parental relation as belonging to slaves. a slave has no more legal authority over his child, than a cow over her calf. the legislatures of the slave states, when legislating respecting slaves, seem regardless alike of the claims and the affections of our common nature. no right is more sacred, or more universally admitted, than that of self-preservation ; but the wretched slave, whether male or female, is denied the right of self-defence against the brutality of any person, american slavery. whomsoever having a white skin. thus the law of georgia declares, “if any slave shall presume to strike any white per- son, upon trial or conviction before the justice or justices, according to the directions of this act, shall, for the first offence, suffer such punishment as the said justice or justices shall in their discretion think fit, not extending to life or limb; and for the second offence, suffer death." the same law prevails in south carolina, except that death is the penalty for the third offence. in maryland, the justice may order the offender's ears to be cropped. in kentucky, “any negro, mulatto, or indian, bond or free," who "shall at any time lift his hand in oppo- sition to any white person, shall receive thirty lashes on his or her bare back, well laid on, by order of the justice.” in south carolina, “if any slave, who shall be out of the house or plantation where such slaves shall live, or shall be usually employed, or without some white person in company with such slaves, shall refuse to submit to undergo the examination of any white person, it shall be lawful for any white person to pursue, apprehend, and moderately correct such slave; and if such slave shall assault and strike such white person, such slave may be lawfully killed.” · we have seen that the slave laws regard the slave, so far as human rights and enjoyments, and social relations are con- cerned, as a mere brute ; we are now to see, that so far as he can be made to suffer for his acts, he is regarded as an intel- ligent and responsible being. divine equity has established the rule, that the servant which knew not his master's will, and did commit things worthy of stripes, shall be beaten with few stripes. if there was ever a case to which this rule was applicable, it is to the unlettered, ignorant, brutalized slave, intentionally deprived of the ability to read the laws of god or man. a code of laws prepared for the government of such beings, one would sappose would be distinguished for its lenity; and in the mildness of its penalties, would form a striking contrast to a code for the government of the enlightened and instructed part of the community, whose offences would, of course, be aggravated by the opportunities they had enjoyed of learning their duty. alas, the slave code punishes acts not mala in se with a rigor which public opinion would not tolerate for american slavery. a moment, if exercised towards white felons, and it visits crimes with penalties far heavier, when committed by the poor ignorant slave, than it does when they are perpetrated by the enlightened citizen. thus in georgia, any person may inflict twenty lashes on the bare back of a slave found without license off the plantation, or without the limits of the town to which he belongs. so also in mississippi, virginia, and kentucky, at the discretion of a justice. in south carolina and georgia, any person finding more than seven slaves together in the highway without a white person, may give each one twenty lashes. in kentucky, virginia, and missouri, a slave for keeping a gun, powder, shot, a club, or other weapon whatsoever, offen- sive or defensive, may be whipped thirty-nine lashes by order of a justice. in north carolina and tennessee, a slave travelling without a pass, or being found in another person's negro quarters, or kitchen, may be whipped forty lashes, and every slave, in whose company the visitor is found, twenty lashes. in louisiana, a slave for being on horseback, without the written permission of his master, incurs twenty-five lashes; for keeping a dog, the like punishment. by the law of maryland, for "rambling, riding, or going abroad in the night, or riding horses in the daytime, without leave," a slave may be whipt, cropt, or branded on the cheek with the letter r, or otherwise punished, not extending to life, or “ so as to render him unfit for labor." such are a few specimens only of the punishments inflicted on slaves, for acts not criminal, and which it is utterly im- possible they should generally know, are forbidden by law. let us now view the laws of the slave states in relation to crimes, and we shall find that their severity towards blacks and whites, is in inverse ratio to the moral guilt of the offend- ers. in virginia, the laws have recently been revised, and by the revised code, there are seventy-one offences for which the pe- nalty is death, when committed by slaves, and imprisonment when by whites.* * an enumeration of these offences, together with references to the sta- american slavery. in mississippi, the number of these offences are thirty- eight, or rather many of them are not punishable at all, when committed by whites : as, for instance, attempting to burn out-buildings, to commit forgery, to steal a horse, &c., &c. imprisonment of a slave as a punishment for crime, except in louisiana, is utterly unknown in the slave states. to shut him up in prison, would be depriving his master of his labor, and burthening the public with his maintenance ; it is, therefore, more economical to flog him for trifles, and to hang him for serious offences.* where human life is held so cheap, and human suffering so little regarded; it is not to be expected that the dispensers of slave justice will submit to be troubled with all those forms and ceremonies which the common law has devised for the pro- tection of innocence. we have seen that, in many instances, any white person may instanter discharge the functions of judge, jury, and executioner. in innumerable instances, all these functions are united in å single justice of the peace; and in south carolina, virginia, and louisiana, life may be taken, according to law, without intervention of grand or pe- tit jurors. in other states, a trial by jury is granted in capital cases; but in no one staté, it is believed, is it thought worth while to trouble a grand jury with presenting a slave. in most of the slave states, the ordinary tribunal for the trial of slaves charged with offences not capital, is composed of justices and freeholders, or of justices only. a white man cannot be convicted of misdemeanor, except by the unanimous verdict of twelve of his peers. in louisiana, if the court is equally divided as to the guilt of a slave, judgment is rendered against him. in , thirty-five slaves were executed at charleston, in pursuance of the sentence of a court, consisting of two justices and five freeholders, on a charge of intended insurrection. no indictments, no summoning of jurors, no challenges for cause or favor, no seclusion of the triers from intercourse with those who might bias their judgment, preceded this unparalleled legal de- struction of human life. however much we may pride ourselves, as a nation on the general diffusion of the blessings of education, it ought to tutes alluded to in this work, may be found in "Štroud's sketch of the slave laws." american slavery. be recollected, that these blessings are forcibly withheld from two millions of our inhabitants; or that one-sixth of our whole population is doomed by law to the grossest igno- rance. a law of south carolina passed in , authorizes the in- fliction of twenty lashes on every slave found in an assembly convened for the purpose of “mental instruction,” held in a confined or secret place, although in the presence of a white. another law imposes a fine of £ on any person who may teach a slave to write. an act of virginia, of , declares every meeting of slaves at any school by day or night, for instruction in reading or writing, an unlawful assembly, and any justice may inflict twenty lashes on each slave found in such school. in north carolina, to teach a slave to read or write; or to sell or give him any book (bible not excepted) or pamphlet, is punished with thirty-nine lashes, or imprisonment, if the of fender be a free negro, but if a white, then with a fine of $ . the reason for this law, assigned in its preamble is, that “teaching slaves to read and write, tends to excite dissa- tisfaction in their minds, and to produce insurrection and re- bellion.” in georgia, if a white teach a free negro or slave to read or write, he is fined $ , and imprisoned at the discretion of the court; if the offender be a colored man, bond or free, he is to be fined or whipped at the discretion of the court. of course a father may be flogged for teaching his own child. this barbarous law was enacted in . in louisiana, the penalty for teaching slaves to read or write, is one year's imprisonment. these are specimens of the efforts made by slave legis- latures, to enslave the minds of their victims; and we have surely no reason to hope that their souls are regarded with more compassion. in vain has the redeemer of the world given the command to preach the gospel to every creature; his professed disciples in the slave states have issued a counter order; and as we have already seen, have by their laws, incapacitated , , of their fellow-men from complying with the injunction, “search the scriptures." not only are the slaves debarred from read- american slavery. ing the wonderful things of god-they are practically prevent- cd with a few exceptions from even hearing of them. in georgia, any justice of the peace may, at his discretion, break up any religious assembly of slaves, and may order each slave present to be "corrected without trial, by receiving on the bare back, twenty-five stripes with a whip, switch or cow-skin." in south carolina, slaves may not meet together for the pur- pose of “religious worship" before sunrise or after sunset, unless the majority of the meeting be composed of white per- sons, under the penalty of twenty lashes well laid on.” as it will be rather difficult for the slave to divine before he goes to the meeting, how many blacks, and how many whites will be present, and of course which color will have the “majority," a due regard for his back, will keep him from the meeting. in virginia, all evening meetings of slaves at any meeting- house, are unequivocally forbidden. in mississippi, the law permits the master to suffer his slave to attend the preaching of a white minister. it is very evident that when public opinion tolerates such laws, it will not tolerate the general religious instruction of the slaves. true it is, a master may carry or send his slaves to the parish church, and true it is that some do attend, and re- ceive benefit from their attendance. on this, as well as on every other subject relating to slavery, we would rather fall short of, than exceed the truth. we will not assert there are no christians among the slaves, for we trust there are some. when, however, we recollect, that they are denied the scriptures, and all the usual advantages of the sunday school, and are forbidden to unite among themselves in acts of social worship and instruction, and that almost all the sermons they hear, are such as are addressed to educated whites, and of course above their own comprehension, we may form some idea of the obstacles opposed to their spiritual im- provement. let it be also recollected, that every master pos- sesses the tremendous power of keeping his slaves in utter ignorance of their maker's will, and of their own immortal des- tinies. and now with all these facts, and their consequences and tendencies in remembrance, we ask, if we do not make a most abundant and charitable allowance when we suppose that , slaves possess a saving knowledge of the religion of * american slavery. christ? and yet after this admission, one which probably no candid person will think too limited, there will remain in the bosom of our country two millions of human beings, who, in consequence of our laws, are in a state of heathenism! but probably many will refuse their assent to this conclusion with- out further and more satisfactory evidence of its correctness. to such persons we submit the following testimony, furnished by slave holders themselves. in , the rev. charles c. jones preached a sermon before two associations of planters in georgia, one of liberty county, and the other of mcintosh county. this sermon is before us, and we quote from it. "generally speaking they (the slaves) appear to us to be without god and without hope in the world, a nation of hea- then in our very midst.we cannot cry out against the papists for withholding the scriptures from the common people, and keeping them in ignorance of the way of life; for we withhold the bible from our servants, and keep them in ignorance of it, while we will not use the means to have it read and explained to them. the cry of our perishing servants comes up to us from the sultry plains as they bend at their toil—it comes up to us from their humble cottages when they return at evening to rest their weary limbs-it comes up to us from the midst of their ignorance and superstition, and adultery and lewdness. we have manifested no emotions of horror at abandoning the souls of our servants to the adversary, the roaring lion that walketh about seeking whom he may devour." on the th december, , a committee of the synod of south carolina and georgia, to whom was referred the subject of the religious instruction of the colored population, made a report which has been published, and in which this language is used. “who would credit it, that in these years of revival and bene- volent effort, in this christian republic, there are over two millions of human beings in the condition of heathen, and in some respects in a worse condition. from long continued and close observation, we believe that their moral and religious condition is such that they may justly be considered the hea- then of this christian country, and will bear comparison with heathen in any country in the world. the negroes are desti- tute of the gospel, and ever will be under the present state of things. in the vast field extending from an entire state beyond american slavery. the potomac, to the sabine river, and from the atlantic to the ohio, there are to the best of our knowledge not twelve men exclusively devoted to the religious instruction of the negroes. in the present state of feeling in the south, a ministry of their own color could neither be obtained nor tolerated. . but do not the negroes have access to the gospel through the stated ministry of the whites? we answer no; the negroes have no regular and efficient ministry; as a matter of course, no churches; neither is there sufficient room in white churches for their accommodation. we know of but five churches in the slave holding states built expressly for their use; these are all in the state of georgia. we may now inquire if they enjoy the privileges of the gospel in their own houses, and on our plantations ? again we return a negative answer. they have no bibles to read by their own firesides—they have no family altars; and when in affliction, sickness, or death, they have no minister to address to them the consolations of the gospel, nor to bury them with solemn and appropriate services." in a late number of the charleston (s. c.) observer, a cor- respondent remarked : “let us establish missionaries among our own negroes, who, in view of religious knowledge, are as debasingly ignorant as any one on the coast of africa; for i hazard the assertion, that throughout the bounds of our synod, there are at least one hundred thousand slaves, speaking the same language as ourselves, who never heard of the plan of salvation by a redeemer.” the editor, instead of contradicting this broad assertion, adds : “ we fully concur with what our correspondent has said respect- ing the benighted heathen among ourselves.” such is american slavery—a system which classes with the beasts of the field, over whom dominion has been given to man an intelligent and accountable being, the instant his creator has breathed into his nostrils the breath of life. over this infant heir of immortality, no mother has a right to watch-no father may guide his feeble steps, check his wayward appetites and train him for future usefulness, happiness and glory. torn from his parents, and sold in the market, he soon finds himself labor. ing among strangers under the whip of a driver, and his task augmenting with his ripening strength. day after day and year after year, is he driven to the cotton or sugar-field, as the ox to the furrow. no hope of reward lightens his toil—the subject american slavery. of insult, the victim of brutality, the laws of his country afford him no redress_his wife, such only in name, may at any moment be dragged from his side his children, heirs only of his misery and degradation, are but articles of merchandise his mind, stupified by his oppressors, is wrapped in darkness his soul, no man careth for it-his body, worn with stripes and toil, is at length committed to the earth, like the brute that perisheth. this is the system which the american anti-slavery society declares to be sinful, and ought therefore to be immediately abolished; and this is the system which the american coloni- zation society excuses, and which, it contends, ought to be per- petual, rather than its victims should enjoy their rights in “ the white man's land." to one whose moral sense has not been perverted, it would seem a temerity bordering on blasphemy, to contend that such a system can be approved by a just and holy god, or sanc- tioned by the precepts of his blessed gospel, slavery, we are told, is not forbidden in the bible ; but who will dare to say that cruelty and injustice, and compulsory heathenism are not ? we are often reminded, that st. paul exhorts slaves to be obedient to their masters; but so he does subjects to their ru- lers. if, in the one instance, he justified slavery, so did he despot- ism in the other. the founder of christianity and his apostles, interfered not with political institutions, but laid down rules for the conduct of individuals; and st. paul in requiring masters to give their servants that which is just and equal, virtually condemned the whole system of slavery, since he who receives what is just and equal cannot be a slave. if it was right in the time of st. paul to hold white men as slaves, would it be wrong to do so now? if slavery is lawful nou, it must have been lawful in its commencement, since perseverance in wrong, can never constitute right. let it be explained how free men with their posterity, to the latest generation, can now be lawfully re- duced to slavery, and forever kept in ignorance of the duties and consolations of christianity, and we will unite with those who justify american slavery. american slavery. chapter ii. proposed objects and measures of the american anti-slavery society-censure of abolitionists. the next great principle maintained by the society is, that slavery being sinful, it ought immediately to cease. admitting the premises, the conclusion seems irresistible. sin is opposi- tion to the will of our creator and supreme lawgiver. his wisdom and goodness are alike infinite, and if slavery be incon- sistent with his will, it must necessarily be inconsistent with the welfare of his creatures. reason and revelation, moreover, assure us that god will punish sin; and therefore to contend that it is necessary or expedient to continue in sin, is to im- peach every attribute of the deity, and to brave the vengeance of omnipotence. these principles lead the society to aim at effecting the fol- lowing objects, viz: st. the immediate abolition of slavery throughout the uni. ted states. d. as a necessary consequence, the suppression of the american slave trade. d. the ultimate elevation of the black population to an equality with the white, in civil and religious privileges. but principles may be sound and objects may be good, and yet the measures adopted to enforce those principles, and to attain those objects, may be unlawful. let us then inquire what are the measures contemplated by the society. slavery exists under the authority of the state legisla- tures, in the several states; and under the authority of con- gress in the district of columbia, and in the united states' ter- ritories. the members of the society are all represented in congress, and the constitution guaranties to them the right of petition. they will therefore petition congress to exercise the power it possesses, to abolish slavery in the district of columbia, and the territories. but the society is not represented in the state legislatures, and therefore petitions to them might be deemed officious, and would not probably lead to and advatageous re- anerican slavery. sult. the society will therefore use the right possessed by every member of the community, the right of speech and of the press. they will address arguments to the understandings and the consciences of their fellow citizens, and endeavor to convince them of the duty and policy of immediate emancipa- tion. legislatures are with us, but the mere creatures of the people, and when the people of the slave states demand the abo- lition of slavery, their legislatures will give effect to their will, by passing the necessary laws. the means by which the society will endeavor to secure to the blacks an equality of civil and religious privileges, are frankly avowed to be the encouragement of their intellectual, moral, and religious improvement, and the removal of existing prejudices against them. to prevent any misapprehensions of the real design of the society, the constitution expressly declares that the society will never “ in any way countenance the oppressed in vindicating their rights, by resorting to phy- sical force." such are the principles and designs of those who are now designated as abolitionists, and never since the settlement of the country, has any body of citizens been subjected in an equal degree, to unmerited, and unmeasured reproach. we have seen with what kind of temper colonizationists speak of free negroes, and we may well question, when we call to mind the obloquy they have heaped upon a bolitionists, whether the latter are not in their opinion the greater nuisances. much as the free negroes have suffered from the charges of the society, still there have been limits to the invectives hurled against them. no chancellor has adjudged them to be “reck- less incendiaries."'* no counsellor, learned in the law, has charged them with being guilty of “a palpable nullifica- tion of that constitution which they had sworn to support.”+ no honorable senator has denounced them as “ fanatics, in- creasing injury and sealing oppression."| the chairman of the executive committee of the new york colonization soci- ety never asserted that their design was “beyond a doubt to foment a servile war in the south."$ nor did even the new- * speech of chancellor walworth of new-york. + speech of d. b. ogden, esq. of new-york #hon. mr. frelinghuysen, of the senate of the united states. commercial advertiser, th june, . american slavery. york courier and enquirer ever propose, that the city authori- ties should inform them, that they must prosecute “their trea- sonable and beastly plans at their own peril;" in other words, that they should not be protected from mobs. * nor, finally, has any city corporation accused them of holding sentiments, “demoralizing in themselves, and little short of treason towards the government of our country." + but abolitionists are neither astonished nor dismayed at the torrent of insult and calumny that has been poured upon them, as though some strange thing had happened unto them. they remember that wilberforce and his companions experienced si- milar treatment, while laboring for the abolition of the slave trade; and they remember also the glorious triumphs they achieved, and the full though tardy justice that has been done to their motives. a few brief reminiscences may be both in. teresting and useful. in , the british house of commons rejected a resolu- tion, that the slave trade " was contrary to the laws of god and the rights of man." yet that trade is now piracy by act of parliament. in , on a bill being introduced into the house of lords, to mitigate the horrors of the trade, lord chancellor thurlow ridiculed “the sudden fit of philanthropy that had given it birth,” and lord chandos predicted “the insurrection of the slaves, and the massacre of their masters, from the agitation of the subject." in , on a motion of mr. wilberforce, that the house would take the trade into consideration, a member pronounced the attempt to abolish it" hypocritical, fanatic, and methodisti- cal," and contended that abolition must lead to “insurrections, massacre and ruin." in , col. tarleton, in the house of commons, speaking *courier and enquirer, th july, . the same paper of the th dee. , contains the following.--" we do say, and say in all the earnest- ness of conviction, that no meeting of abolitionists should ever be suffered to go on with its proceedings in the united states. whenever these wretched disturbers of the public peace, and plotters of murder, rapine, and a disso- lution of the union, have the impudence to hold a meeting, it is the duty zens-always a vast majority in every place to go to that meeting, and there, by exercising the right of every american citizen, make the expression of their disapprobation and disgust, loud enough, and empha- tic e it impossible for treason to go on with its machina. tions. let sedition be driven from its den, as often as its minions congre- resolutions of the corporation of the city of utica. gate.” american slavery. of the proposed abolition of the slave trade, declared that " the measure was fit only for the bigotry and superstition of the twelfth century." lord john russell asserted that abolition was" visionary and delusive, a feeble attempt without the power to serve the cause of humanity.” lord sheffield could “trace in the arguments for aboli- tion nothing like reason, but on the contrary, downright phrensy." in , the abolitionists were denounced in parliament, as “a junto of sectaries, sophists, enthusiasts, and fanatics.” in , the duke of clarence, now william the iv., in his place in the house of lords, declared the abolitionists to be " fanatics, and hypocrites," and so far violated parliamentary decorum, as to apply these epithets to mr. wilberforce by name. yet has he lived to crown the labors and fulfil the hopes of wilberforce, by giving his assent to the bill abolishing slavery throughout the british dominions. in , lord temple declared in parliament, that to abolish the slave trade, would be “the death-warrant of every white inhabitant in the islands.” ten times did mr. wilberforce bring the subject of the abolition of the traffick before parliament, and ten times was he doomed to witness the failure of his efforts; nor was this detestable commerce suppressed, till thirty years after the first motion against it had been made in the house of commons. now, it is prohibited by the whole christian world. when the abolitionists of the present day, think of these facts, and recollect the reproaches heaped on wilberforce and his colleagues, by a chancellor and dignified senators, well may they thank god and take courage. and who are these men, we would ask, whom colonizationists are honoring with epi- thets similar to those which the advocates of the slave trade so liberally applied to the philanthropists who opposed it? we will suffer an authority justly respected by the religious com- munity to answer the question. abbott's religious magazine, in an article on the mobs against the new york abolitionists, says, " the men against whom their fury was directed, were in general ministers of the gospel, and other distinguished mem- bers of christian churches. the more prominent ones, were the very persons who have been most honored in times past, american slavery. · on account of their personal exertions and pecuniary contribu- tions for every benevolent purpose. let the whole land be searched, and we believe that no men will be found to have done so much for the promotion of temperance, purity, and every benevolent and religious object.” chapter iii. fanaticism of abolitionists. · one of the most usual terms by which abolitionists are de- signated by their opponents is, “the fanatics.” it seerns they are fanatics, because they believe slavery to be sinful. the grounds for this belief, have been already stated. but is the sinfulness of slavery a new doctrine; or has it been held only by weak and misguided men ? is wilberforce to be denounced as a "wretched fanatic," because he declared, “slavery is the full measure of pure unsophisticated wickedness, and scorning all competition or comparison, it stands alone without a rival, in the secure, undisputed possession of its detestable pre-emi- nence." was jonathan edwards a poor "misguided” man, for thus addressing slaveholders. “while you hold your negroes in slavery, you do wrong, exceedingly wrong—you do not, as you would men should do to you; you commit sin in the sight of god; you daily violate the plain rights of mankind, and that in a higher degree than if you committed theft or robbery.” were porteus, horseley, fox, johnson, burke, jefferson, and bolivar, “miserable enthusiasts ?!' yet hear their testimonies. . “ the christian religion is opposed to slavery, in its spirit and in its principles; it classes men-stealers among murderers of fathers and of mothers, and the most profane criminals upon earth.”—porteus. “slavery is injustice, which no consideration of policy can extenuate." —horseley. "personal freedom is the right of every human being. it is a right of which he who deprives a fellow creature, was absolutely criminal in so depriving him; and which he who withheld, was no less criminal in withholding."-fox. american slavery. “no man is by nature the property of another. the rights of nature must be some way forfeited, before they can be justly taken away."-johnson. “ slavery is a state so improper, so degrading, and so ruinous to the feelings and capacities of human nature, that it ought not to be suffered to exist."-burke. “the almighty has no attribute which can take sides with us, in such a contest." (a contest with insurgent slaves.) jefferson. “slavery is the infringement of all laws-a law having a tendency to preşerve slavery, would be the grossest sacrilege." - bolivar. we would take the liberty of recommending to the con- sideration of certain methodist colonizationists, the following language of john wesley. "men-buyers, are exactly on a level with men-stealers. in- deed, you say, i pay honestly for my goods, and am not con- cerned to know how they are come by. nay, but you are- you are deeply concerned to know that they are honestly come .by. otherwise, you are a partaker with a thief, and are not a jot honester than him. but you know they are not honestly come by; you know they are procured by means nothing so innocent as picking of pockets, or robbery on the highway. perhaps you will say, i do not buy my negroes, i only use those left me by my father. so far is well, but is it enough to satisfy your conscience? had your father, have you, has any man living a right to use another as a slave? it cannot be, even setting revelation aside.” but abolitionists are fanatics, not merely because they be- lieve slavery sinful, but also because they contend it ought imme- diately to be abolished. in their fanaticism on this point, as well es on the other, they are kept in countenance by a host of divines and statesmen, and by the unanimous opinion of thousands, and tens of thousands of christians. men of all ranks and charac- ters, from john wesley to daniel o'connel, have exhibited this fanaticism-it has been borne by the republicans of france, the catholics of south america, the people of england, scot- land and ireland. so long ago as , john wesley declared : “ it cannot be that either war or contract can give any man such a property in another, as he has in his sheep and oxen. much less is it american slavery. possible that any child of man should ever be born a slave. if, therefore, you have any regard to justice, (to say nothing of mercy, nor the revealed will of god) render unto all their due. give liberty to whom liberty is due, that is, to ëvery child of man, to every partaker of human nature." jonathan edwards was fanatic enough to assert :-"every man, who cannot show that his negro hath, by his voluntary conduct, forfeited his liberty, is obligated immediately to manu- mit him.” · one million five hundred thousand persons petitioned the bri- tish parliament for the total and immediate abolition of slavery. indeed, mr. o'connel expressed the nearly unanimous sentiment of the whole nation, when he exclaimed: "i am for speedy, immediate abolition. i care not what creed or color slavery may assume, i am for its total, its instant abolition.” we have not yet exhausted the proofs of the alleged fanati- cism of abolitionists. it seems they are fanatics, for wishing to elevate the blacks to a civil and religious equality with the whites. certain colonization editors deny to abolitionists, as we have seen, the constitutional right of freedom of speech, the press, and pulpit, and even of peaceably assembling together; and multitudes seem to think, that they have forfeited the pro- tection of the ninth commandment. men of all ranks have united in charging upon them designs which they indignantly disclaim, and in support of which, not a particle of evidence has been, or can be adduced. one of the designs falsely imputed to them, is that of bringing about an amalgamation of colors by intermarriages. : in vain have they again and again denied any such design; in vain have their writings been searched for any recommendation of such amalgamation. no abo- litionist is known to have married a negro, or to have given his child to a negro; yet has the charge of amalgamation been repeated, and repeated, till many have, no doubt, honestly be- lieved it. · during the very height of the new-york riots, and as if to excite the mob to still greater atrocities, the editor of the com- mercial advertiser asserted, that the abolitionists had “sought to degrade" the identity of their fellow citizens, as a “nation of white men, by reducing it to the condition of mongrels."-com. adv. th july, . . rights of people of color. no one, in the possession of his reasoning faculties, can be- lieve it to be the duty of white men to select black wives; and abolitionists have given every proof the nature of the case will admit, that they countenance no such absurdity. but most true it is, that the anti-slavery society avows its intention to labor for the civil and religious equality of the blacks. it has been found expedient to accuse it of aiming also at their social equality. he must be deeply imbued with fanaticism, or rather with insanity, who contends, that because a man has a dark skin, he is, therefore, entitled to a reception in our fami- lies, and a place at our tables. we all know white men whose characters and habits render them repulsive to us, and whom no consideration would induce us to admit into our social circles; and can it be believed, that abolitionists are willing to extend to negroes, merely on account of their color, courtesies and indulgences, which, in innumera- ble instances, they withhold, and properly withhold, from their white fellow citizens. but who pretends that, because a man is so disagreeable in his manners and person that we refuse to associate with him, that therefore he ought to be denied the right of suffrage, the privilege of choosing his trade and pro- fession, the opportunities of acquiring knowledge, and the liberty of pursuing his own happiness? yet such is our conduct to- wards the free blacks, and it is this conduct which the society aims at reforming. the society does contend, that no man ought to be punished for the complexion god has given him. and are not black men punished for the color of their skin ? read the laws of the slave states relative to free negroes; alas ! read the laws of ohio, and connecticut; read the decision of judge daggett; behold them deprived of the means of educa- tion, and excluded from almost every trade and profession ; see them compelled to wander in poverty and in ignorance. now, all this, abolitionists contend is wrong, and their opposition to this system of persecution and oppression is fanaticism! be it so, but it is only modern fanaticism, and it was not so regarded when in , john jay declared : “i wish to see all unjust and unnecessa- ry discriminations every where abolished, and that the time may soon come, when all our inhabitants, of every color and de- nomination, shall be free and equal partakers of our poli- tical liberty. charges against abolitionists. it requires no great exercise of candor, to admit, that the prejudices existing against the blacks are sinful, whenever they lead us to treat those unhappy people with injustice and inhu- manity. they have their rights as well as ourselves. they have no right to associate with us against our will, but they have a right to acquire property by lawful industry; they have a right to participate in the blessings of education and political liberty. when, therefore, our prejudices lead us to keep the blacks in poverty, by restricting their industry,* to keep them in ignorance, by excluding them from our seminaries, and pre- venting them from having seminaries of their own; to keep them in a state of vassalage by denying them any choice in their rulers; our prejudices are so far sinful, and so far only does the anti-slavery society aim at removing them. chapter iv. incendiarism and treason of abolitionists. it is not enough that abolitionists should be represented as fanatics; it has been deemed expedient, to hold them up to the community as incendiaries and traitors. the chairman of the executive committee of the new-york colonization society, thus speaks of the anti-slavery society, in his paper of the th. june, . “ the design of this society is, beyond a doubt, to foment. a servile war in the south—they have been heard to say, blood must be shed, and the sooner the better-this society owes its existence not to the love of liberty, or any par- ticular affection for the slaves, but to cruel and bitter hatred, and malignity.” in an earlier paper, he inserted an article accusing abolitionists of seeking to use the pulpits, “ for the base purpose of encouraging scenes of bloodshed.” here we find the most atrocious designs, imputed to men well known in the community for active benevolence and pri- vate worth; and yet not a scintilla of evidence is offered in sup- port of the extraordinary fact, that such men should harbor * as one instance among the innumerable restrictions on the industry of these peuple, we may mention, that no free black, howe and intel. ligent, can obtain a license in the city of new york to drive a cart ! charges against abolitionists. such designs. in this case the accused can of course offer only negative proof of their innocence. that proof is to be found first in their individual characters. secondly, in the fact that many of the abolitionists are emphatically peace men, that is, they hold the quacker doctrine of the unlawfulness of war, and maintain that it would be sinful in the slaves to attempt effecting their freedom by force of arms.* thirdly, in the fundamental principle of the society that they will “never in any way countenance the oppressed in vindicating their rights by resort. ing to physical force;" and, fourthly, in the fact that abolition- ists as such, have in no instance recommended, or committed an act of unlawful violence. . but by declaiming against slavery, abolitionists are exciting odium against slave holders. if he who labors to render any particular sin, and those who are guilty of it odious, is of course a “reckless incendiary, few are more justly and honorably en- titled to this epithet, than the excellent chancellor of new- york. few have shown more intrepidity in denouncing the venders of ardent spirits than this gentleman; and abolitionists in their warfare against slavery, may well take a lesson from the example he has set them of an honest and fearless discharge of duty. had the president of the new york temperance society and his associates exercised the same tenderness and gentleness towards drunkards and venders, that he now shows towards slave holders, 'temperance societies would have check- ed the progress of drunkenness, as little as colonization promises to do that of slavery. thomas jefferson was not denounced as a reckless in- cendiary, when in the midst of a slave population, he declared that the almighty had no attribute that could take side with the masters in a contest with their slaves; nor did john jay forfeit the confidence of his countrymen, when during the revolution- ary war, he asserted" till america comes into this measure, (abolition of slavery) her prayers to heaven for liberty will be impious;" nor when addressing the legislature of new york, then a slave state, he told them that persons “ free by the laws of god, are held in slavery by the laws of man." nor were franklin and his associates regarded as incen- diaries for uniting in , “to extend the blessings of freedom * this sentiment is held and avowed by the much calumniated mr. garrison. charges against abolitionists. to every part of our race;" or for refusing to permit slave- holders to participate with them in this glorious effort. it was not sufficient to ridicule abolitionists as fanatics, or to stigmatize them as incendiaries; they must be branded as trai- tors and nullifiers. on the th october, , a few days after a mob had assembled to deprive american citizens of one of their dearest constitutional rights, that of peaceably expressing their opinions, a numerous colonization meeting was convened in new-york for the purpose of taking advantage of the recent excitement, to raise the sum of $ , . gentlemen of high rank and influence addressed the meeting. not a word of disapprobation of the late outrage escaped them; on the con- trary, the violence offered to the abolitionists seemed to be extenuated if not justified, by the grievous charges now brought against them. the hon. mr. frelinghuysen, of new-jersey, justly distin- guished for his piety, his talents, and his station as a senator of the united states, addressed the meeting. “in the course of his address," says the n. y. commercial advertiser, th october, "he dwelt with emphasis and just discrimination upon the proceedings of both cis and trans-atlantic abolitionists, who are seeking to destroy our happy union.” chancellor walworth, one of the most estimable citizens, and the highest judicial officer of the state of new york, allu- ding to the emancipation to be effected by colonization, remark- ed," the emancipation, however, to which this resolution directs your attention, is not that unconstitutional and dangerous emancipation contemplated by a few visionary enthusiasts, and a still fewer reckless incendiaries among us, which cannot be effected without violating the rights of property secured by that constitution which we have sworn to support—that emancipa- tion which would arm one part of the union against another, and light up the flame of civil war in this now happy land." n. y. journal of commerce. david b. ogden, esq., a gentleman whose legal eminence, and whose purity of character jastly give to his opinions pe- culiar weight, used the following language: “i avail myself of this opportunity, to enter my solemn protest against the attempts which are making by a few fanatics, who, without looking to the fearful consequences involved in such an issue, are advocating the immediate emancipation of slaves, in the southern district. as citizens of the united states, we have charges against abolitionists. no right to interfere with the claims of our southern brethren to the property of their slaves. the constitution of the united states recognizes their right to it, and they have not only a sure and undeniable right to that property, but they are entitled to the full protection of the constituted authorities, in enforcing the enjoyment of it. let us not talk any more of nullification; the doctrine of immediate emancipation is a direct and pal- pable nullification of that constitution we have sworn to sup- port." new-york journal of commerce. we might have selected many similar charges from other sources, but we have taken these on account of the high cha- racter of the accusers, and because the authors are all of the legal profession, and of course, aware of the importance of precision in all charges of a criminal nature. not one of these gentlemen sitting as a criminal judge, would permit the merest vagabond to be put on his defence on a vague charge of stealing, but would quash any indictment, that did not specify the time and place of the offence, and the property alleged to be stolen ; yet they did not scruple to hold up their fellow citizens and fellow christians to the indignation of the public, on charges destitute of all specification, and unsupported by a particle of testimony. abolitionists are here accused of seeking to destroy our happy union; of contemplating a violation of property, secured by the constitution they had sworn to support; of pursuing measures which would lead to a civil war; and of being guilty of direct and palpable nullification. when—where how-were these crimes attempted ? what proof is offered ? nothing, absolutely nothing, is offered but naked assertion. is this equitable? is it doing to others as these gentlemen would wish others to do to them? but it is not enough that abolitionists should be denounced at home; they must also be defamed abroad. mr. gurley, secretary of the american colonization society, writes a letter ( ) to henry ibbotson, esq., england ; and, to give it greater weight, dates it, “ office of the colonization society, washington.” in this letter, he undertakes to enlighten his foreign correspondent on some of the “ fundamental errors" of the xbolitionists, and ranks among them the opinion, “ that, in present circumstances, slavery ought to be abolished, by means not acting solely through, but, in a great degree against, and in defiance of the will of the south.” not a tittle of evidence charges against abolitionists. is given, that such an opinion is held by a single individual in the united states. mr. jeremiah hubbard, clerk of the yearly meeting of friends ! in north-carolina, in a letter to a friend in england, (af. rep. x. p. ) declares that “the primary object of the abolitionists “appears to be, that of producing such a revolution in public sentiment as to cause the national legislation to bear directly upon the slave-holders, and to compel them to emanci- pate their slaves.” now, to all these charges, and to each and every one of them, the members of the anti-slavery society plead not guilty, and desire to be tried by god and their country. but, alas, no trial is vouchsafed to them: judgment has already been given, and execution awarded against them, without trial, and without evidence, solely on the finding of a voluntary and irresponsible inquest. all they can now do, is to ask for a reversal of the judgment as false and illegal, cruel and op- pressive. it is, of course, difficult to disprove charges, where the counts of the indictment are utterly void of certainty, and where, from the nature of the case, none but negative testimony can be offered by the accused. we have a right to presume, that the treason and nullification charged on abolitionists, have refer- ence to their efforts to procure the abolition of slavery in the united states. now slavery exists under the authority of congress, and also under the authority of state legislatures. we will proceed in the first place to exhibit some facts relative to slavery in the former instance, and inquire how far the conduct of abolitionists in respect to it, is treasonable and un- constitutional; and we will then make the same inquiry as to their conduct in regard to slavery in the several states. slavery by authority of congress. chapter v. · slavery under the authority of congress. at the last census, there were in the territories of arkansas, florida, and the district of columbia, twenty-six thousand one · hundred and thirty-eight slaves. we will confine our remarks at present to slavery as it is exhibited at the seat of the federal government, and in a portion of territory, over which the constitution of the united states has given to congress " exclusive jurisdiction.” in this district of ten miles square, there are six thousand slaves; and the laws under which they are held in bondage, are among the most cruel and wicked of all the slave laws in the united states. this district, more- over, placed as it is under the immediate and absolute control of the national government, is the great slave mart of the north american continent. in , mr. miner, a member of the house of representa- tives, from pennsylvania, introduced a resolution for the gradual abolition of slavery in the district. in his speech in support of this resolution, many appalling facts were disclosed. it -appeared, that in the last five years, seven hundred and forty- two colored persons had been committed to the public prison of the city of washington. and were these persons accused or convicted of crime? not one. four hundred and fifty- two were lodged in the united states prison by slave traders, for safe keeping prior to exportation. the residue were imprisoned on suspicion, real or affected, of being fugitive slaves ; and if not claimed as such, were by authority of con- gress, to be sold as slaves for life, to raise money to pay their jail fees !!! such are the facts in regard to the prison in the capital of our confederate republic ; and let it be recollected, that there are other prisons besides this in the district of columbia. of the practical operation of a system sanctioned by the laws of congress, take the following sample: “visiting the prison,” says mr. miner, "and passing through the avenues that lead to the cells, i was struck with the appear- ance of a woman, having three or four children with her-one at the breast. she presented such an aspect of wo, that i american slave trade. “january term, . - “we the grand jury, for the body of the county of alex- andria, in the district of columbia, present as a grievance the practice of persons coming from distant parts of the united states into this district, for the purpose of purchasing slaves, where they exhibit, to our view a scene of wretchedness and human degradation, disgraceful to our characters as citizens of a free government. true it is that these dealers, in the persons of our fellow men, collect within this district from various parts, numbers of those victims of slavery, and lodge them in some place of confinement until they have completed their numbers. they are then turned out in our streets and exposed to view, loaded with chains as though they had committed some heinous offence against our laws. we consider it a grievance that citi- zens from distant parts of the united states should be permitted to come within this district, and pursue a traffic fraught with so much misery, to a class of beings entitled to our protection by the laws of justice and humanity; and that the interposition of civil authority cannot be had to prevent parents being wrest- ed from their offspring, and children from their parents, with- out respect to the ties of nature. we consider these griev- ances demanding legislative redress"—that is, redress by con. gress. as illustrative of the horrors and iniquities of the traffic, mr. miner informed the house of an incident that had occurred during the previous session of congress. a free colored man had maried a slave-with the avails of his industry, he had, in the course of some years, purchased the freedom of his wife and children. he left home on business, and on his return found his house tenantless. his wife and children were missing. it was soon ascertained that they had been kidnapped by slave dealers, and confined in a private slave prison, in alexandria; from whence they had afterwards been sent to a distant market and were forever lost to the husband and the father. "there is a man now in this district,” continued mr. miner, "who was in the hands of the slave dealers, about to be sent off to the south, when he laid his hand on a block, and with an axe severed it from his arm. can the slave trade, on the coast of africa, be more horrible, more dreaded, or more prolific of scenes of misery? to me all this is dreadful, and i think it should not be tolerated here." american slave trade. "cash for four hundred negroes. including both sexes, from twelve to twenty-five years of · age. persons having likely servants to dispose of, will find it to their interest to give us a call, as we will give higher prices · in cash than any other purchaser, who is now or may hereaf- ter come into this market. franklin, armfield & co. alexandria, september st, ." *cash for one hundred negroes, including both sexes, from twelve to twenty-five years of age. persons having likely servanıs to dispose of, will find it to their interest to give us a call, as we will give higher prices in cash than any other purchaser who is now in this city. we can at all times be found at isaac beer's tavern, a few doors below lloyd's tavern, opposite centre market, wash- ington city. all communications promptly attended to. september st, . birch & jones." thus we find cash offered for seven hundred slaves at one time, in the district of columbia. does any one inquire how these slaves are to be disposed of? we call his attention to the following advertisement in the same paper. alexandria and new orleans packets. brig tribune, captain smith, and brig uncas, captain boush, will resume their regular trips on the th of october: one of which will leave this port every thirty days throughout the shipping season. they are vessels of the first class, com- manded by experienced officers, and will at all times go up the mississippi by steam, and every exertion used to promote the interests of shippers and comfort of passengers. apply to the captains on board, or to franklin & armfield.” alexandria, september st. most grievously disappointed and astonished would any northern gentleman be, who had taken passage in one of these alexandria and new-orleans packets, on finding himself on board a slaver. from a letter of the d of january, , by the rev. mr. leavitt, and published in new york, it appears, that he visited the slave-factory of franklin & armfield at alexandria, and was " informed by one of the principals, that the number american slave trade. of slaves carried from the district last year, was about one thousand, but it would be much greater this year. he expect- ed their house alone would ship at least eleven or twelve hundred. they have two vessels of their own, constantly employed in carrying slaves to new-orleans." one of the vessels being in port, mr. leavitt went on board of her. “her name is the tribune. the captain very obligingly took us to all parts of the vessel. the hold is appropriated to the slaves, and is divided into two apartments. the after hold will carry about eighty women, and the other about one hundred men. on either side were two platforms running the whole length; one raised a few inches, and the other half way up to the deck. they were about five or six feet deep. on these the slaves lie, as close as they can stow away." in , the brig comet, a slaver, belonging to this very house, and which had sailed from alexandria with a cargo of one hundred and sixty slaves, was wrecked on abaco, one of the bahamas. but this vile commerce is carried on by land, as well as by water. slave-coffles are formed at the prisons in the district, and thence set off on their dreary journey into the interior, literally in chains. a gentleman thus describes a coffle he met on the road in kentucky. " i discovered about forty black men all chained together in the following manner :-each of them was hand-cuffed, and they were arranged in rank and file. a chain, perhaps forty feet long, was stretched between the two ranks, to which short chains were joined, which con- nected with the hand-cuffs. behind them were, i suppose, thirty women in double rank; the couples tied hand to hand." these coffles pass the very capitol in which are assembled the legislators by whom they are authorized, and over whose heads is floating the broad banner of the republic, too justly, alas! in such instances, described by an english satirist as "the fustian flag that proudly waves, in splendid mockery o'er a land of slaves." but the tale of iniquity and infamy is not yet ended. in the ; capital of our confederated republic, and with the sanction of the congress of the united states of america, men are li- censed for four hundred dollars to deal in human plesh !! constitutional power of congress. · and now we ask, ought these things so to be? if not who can remedy them? there is no power on earth but congress. no state legislature can interfere with the district of colum- bia, or suppress the accursed traffic of which it is the seat. but who shall rouse congress to action? do we wait for the in- terposition of slave holders? it is they who foster and encour- age the trade. do we appeal to the benevolence of the colo- nization society? alas, all their sympathy is expended on the victims of the african commerce; their constitution authorizes no interference with the american traffic. we have seen how far their first president himself, embarked in this trade. no less than four vice presidents of the society are at this mo- ment, february , members of congress, and three of them senators ; but not a. word has fallen from their lips, relative to slavery, or the slave trade in the district of columbia. we are wrong-one of them has spoken. mr. charles fenton mercer, one of the most devoted officers of the society, during the present session of congress voted to lay on the table, a petition presented to the house of representatives for the abolition of slavery in the district, thus endeavoring to stifle all inquiry into those outrages upon human rights, and human happiness, which are perpetrated under the authority of the national legislature. yet this very gentleman has distinguished himself, by his zeal against the african slave trade. the american anti-slavery society avows its intention to endeavor to influence congress to refuse any longer to author- ize these abominations. and is it for this avowal, that its members are branded as traitors and nullifiers? if so, then they appeal for their justification, to the constitution of the united states. by the th section of the st article of that instrument con- gress is authorized to " exercise exclusive legislation in all cases whatsoever," over the district of columbia ; and by the first article of the amendments, congress is restrained from making any law " abridging the freedom of speech or the press, or the right of the people peaceably to assemble, and to petition the government for a redress of grievances.” hence abolitionists have believed, that congress possess the right to abolish slavery in the district of columbia, and that they them- selves are authorized to petition that it may be abolished. such constitutional power of congress. a belief may, perhaps indicate a "wild fanaticism ;' it seenış, however, to be a fanaticism shared by the legislatures of pennsylvania and new-york, and even by the house of re- presentatives. in , the pennsylvania legislature, by an almost unani- mous vote, “resolved, that the senators of this state, in the senate of the united states, are hereby requested to procure if practicable, the passage of a law to abolish slavery in the dis- trict of columbia, in such a manner as they may consider con- sistent with the rights of individuals, and the constitution of the united states." on the th january, , the house of representatives " resolved, that the committee of the district of columbia be instructed to inquire into the expediency, (not the right) of providing by law for the gradual abolition of slavery in the district, in such manner that no individual shall be injured thereby." on the th january, , a committee of the new-york assembly reported to the house : “ your committee cannot but view with astonishment that in the capital of this free and enlightened country, laws should exist, by which the free citizens of a state are liable, without trial, and even without the inputation of a crime, to be seized while prosecuting their lawful business, immured in prison, and though free, unless claimed as a slave, to be sold as such for the payment of jail fees.” the committee recommended the following resolution, which was adopted by the assembly : « resolved, (if the senate concur herein) that the senators of this state, in the congress of the united states, be and are hereby instructed, and the representatives of this state are requested to make every possible exertion, to effect the passage of a law for the abolition of slavery in the district of colum- bia.” . and now again do we ask, are abolitionists fanatics and in- cendiaries, and nullifiers, and traitors, and all that is foolish, and all that is wicked, because they wish congress to suppress slavery, and the slave trade, in the district of columbia? it cannot be, that messrs. frelinghuysen, walworth, ogden, and other upright and intelligent colonizationists have founded their grievous charges against abolitionists on this ground. let us then see how far abolitionists have merited these char- * vindication of abolitionists, ges, for their endeavors to abolish slavery existing under the authority of the several states. chapter v i. slavery under state authority. we have seen, that the charges against the abolitionists are vague, and without specifications. friend hubbard and mr. gurley, however, give their accusations something of a tangible shape. the one asserts, that abolitionists are labor- ing to abolish slavery, by causing the national legislation to bear directly on the slave holders, and compel them to emanci- pate their slaves : the other insists that it is one of their funda- mental principles, that slavery is to be abolished in a great degree against and in defiance of the will of the south. the obvious and only meaning of these assertions is, that it is the wish and object of the abolitionists to induce congress to abolish slavery in the states. one would think that this charge, if true, might be easily proved : some petition, some recommendation might be quoted; but so far from having ever seen any proof of this charge, we have never seen even an at- tempt to prove it. perhaps the testimony on this point of a vice-president of the american colonization society, and one who is equally distinguished by his moral worth, and his zeal in the cause of colonization, will be listened to with respect by many of his brethren. gerrit smith, esq., of new-york, in a speech at the anniversary meeting of the society, th january, , speaking of the anti-slavery society, remarked : “i believe that society to be as honest as our own-as benevolent and patriotic as our own. its members love their fellow men, and love their country, and love the union of the states, as sincere- ly and as strongly as we do ; and much as is said to the con- trary on this point, i have never seen a particle of evidence, that the anti-slavery society meditates any interference with the provisions of the laws of the slave states on the subject of slavery. it alleges, and i have no doubt sincerely, that it is by moral influence alone, and mainly by the changes wrought vindication of abolitionists. the will of the south-nothing of those who the north-carolina quaker tells us, are for bringing the “ national legislation" to bear upon emancipation. and has daniel webster, a sworn sentinel on the ramparts of the constitution, been sleeping at his post ; and is it to more faithful and more intelligent watchmen, that we owe the discovery of the meditated treason ? mr. webster's letter contains, as far as it goes, the politi- cal creed of the abolitionists, and we may challenge the whole colonization society to name a single abolitionist, who does not most heartily assent to its doctrines. the new-york emancipator transferred the letter to its columns, remarking " mr. webster's opinion on the subject of slavery in the statės of this union; so far as expressed, is just the same as has been more than once avowed in every anti-slavery paper in the country that it is a subject within the exclusive control of the states themselves.”—emancipator, th july, . . not only has mr. garrison declared his readiness to sign his name to every sentiment expressed in mr. webster's let- ter, but he has used in the liberator, the following language, “ abolitionists as clearly understand, and as sacredly regard the constitutional powers of congress, as do their traducers; and they know and have again and again asserted, that con- gress has no more rightful authority to sit in judgment upon southern slavery, than it has to legislate for the abolition of slavery in the french colonies.” we will now select a few from the many official declarations of abolitionists on this subject. “ the national compact was so framed as to guaranty the jegal possession of slaves; and physical interference would be a violation of christian principles." i. rep. of new-england anti-slavery society-p. . "we do not aim at any interference with the constitutional rights of the slave-holding states; for congress, as is well understood, has no power to abolish slavery in the several states." —address of the new-york city anti-slavery society p. . * we freely and unanimously recognize the sovereignty of each state to legislate exclusively on the subject of slavery, which is tolerated within its limits; we consider that congress has no right to interfere with any of the slave states in relation vindication of abolitionists. to this subject."-declaration of anti-slavery convention at philadelphia, th december, . * while it admits that each state in which slavery exists, has by the constitution of the united states exclusive right to legislate in regard to its abolition, it shall aim to convince all our fellow citizens by arguments addressed to their understand- ings and consciences, that slave-holding is a henious sin in the sight of god.”—constitution of american anti-slavery society. in december , the managers of the new-york city anti-slavery society printed and circulated a petition to con- gress, for the abolition of slavery in the district of columbia. it commenced as follows: to the hon., the house of representatives. “ your petitioners, inhabitants of the city of new-york, beg leave to represent to your honorable body, that whatever views they may entertain of the evils of slavery as it exists in certain states of the federal union, they are fully aware that these evils are beyond the constitutional control of the federal government, and so far from soliciting your interposition for their removal, they would deprecate the interference of con- gress on this subject, as a violation of the national compact.” the petition then proceeds to assert the constitutional power of congress to abolish slavery in the district, and asks for its exercise. and now we ask, is there any thing in the extracts we have given, to justify, excuse, or palliate the heavy accusations made against abolitionists ? surely it must now be conceded that however unconstitutional may be the emancipation contempla- ted by abolitionists, it is not to be effected by congress. we lament that chancellor walworth did not condescend to ex- plain how and why it was unconstitutional. he is accustomed to assign reasons for his decisions, and it may fairly be doubted whether, in withholding the reasons for the judgment he has pronounced against abolitionists, he has administered equity. he has adjudged that the emancipation contemplated by abo- litionists would“ violate the rights of property,” but in what way does not appear. as physical force is disclaimed, and congressional interference deprecated, the alleged violation of property must arise from the appeals made to the holders to vindication of abolitionists. surrender it. but surely the president of the new york temperance society does not regard property in human flesh and blood so much more sacred than property in rum, that while he is laboring to induce the owners of the latter, through- out the united states, to part with their property, he looks upon every man who tells his fellow-citizens that it is their duty to manumit their slaves, as violating the rights of proper- ty! the venders of ardent spirits in new-orleans and else- where, have as valid and constitutional a title to their liquors as they have to their slaves. now hear what mr. freling- huysen says of a traffic expressly sanctioned by the laws of every state in the union. “it is mere tampering with temptation to come short of positive, decided, and uncomprom- ising opposition. we must not only resist, we must drive it. to stand on the defensive merely, is to aid in its triumph." th rep. am. temp. soc. p. . yet they who by arguments, are resisting, or driving the traffic in the souls and bodies of men, are accused of " seeking to destroy our happy union !" the state legislatures have as much right to authorize lot. teries, as they have to authorize slavery, yet the pennsylvania society for abolishing lotteries, is established for the avowed pur- pose of abolishing by moral influence, lotteries in other states, for there are none in its own. no objection is made to the consti. tutionality of that society, yet epithets secm to be wanting to express the abhorrence felt for those who are aiming by the same means to rescue millions from a bondage destructive to their happiness in this world, and in that which is to come! in the remarks we have made on the language used by chancellor walworth and his two associates, no unkind feelings have mingled. not a suspicion of the goodness of their mo- tives has crossed our mind; we admire them for their talents, and esteem them for their virtues; and sincerely do we regret, that men who possess the power of doing so much good, should ever, through want of information, so grievously misapply it. and now it may be asked, if abolitionists intend to use only moral means, what good can they effect by using those means at the north, where slavery does not exist ? but although slavery does not exist at the north, it is excused and justified at the north; and southern christians are countenanced in keeping their fellow men in bondage and in ignorance, by their northern brethren. we have already seen the baneful influ- emancipation defined. chapter vii. safety of immediate emancipation. although we may have succeeded in proving that the eman- cipation contemplated by a bolitionists, is not "unconstitution- al," yet many may conscientiously doubt whether it would be safe and wise. a few years only have elapsed, since the use of ardent spi- rits was universally countenanced by all classes of the com- munity; and when the few who contended that their use was sinful, and ought to be immediately abandoned, were deemed no less visionary and fanatical than those are now who hold the same doctrine in regard to slavery. the whole colonization society, with scarcely a solitary exception, * denounce immediate emancipation as dangerous, or rather as utterly ruinous, to the whites. their objections were thus briefly summed up by the rev. dr. hawkes, in his speech at a colonization meeting in new-york: “but 'if the plan of colonization be abandoned, what re- mains ? are the slaves fitted for freedom? no—and if they are let loose at once, they must of necessity, to procure a liv- ing, either beg or steal, or destroy and displace the whites.”— new-york com. adv. th oct. . here we have broad unqualified assertions, without a particle of proof. we find it taken for granted, that if the slaves are at once restored to liberty, they must, from necessity, beg or steal, or destroy and displace the whites. what causes will produce this necessity, we are uninformed; why it will be im- possible for liberated slaves to work for wages, is unexplained. slavery is property in human beings. immediate emancipation is therefore nothing more than the immediate cessation of this property. but how does this cessation of property imply that those who were the subjects of it must be " let loose ?" will they not, like other persons, be subject to the control of law, and responsible for their conduct? if incapable of providing for themselves, may they not like children, apprentices and * the only exception known to the writer, is g. smith, esq. instances of emancipation. and cipher ? must he be taught accounts, before he can re- ceive wages ? should he understand law, before he enjoys its protection ? must he be instructed in morals, before he reads his bible? if all these are pre-requisites for freedom, how and when are they to be acquired in slavery? if one century of bondage has not produced this fitness, how many will ? are our slaves more fit now, than they were ten, twenty, fifty years ago? let the history of slave legislation answer the inquiry. when the british government insisted that female slaves should no longer be flogged naked in the colonies, the jamaica legislature replied, that it would be impossible to lay aside the practice “ until the negro women have acquired more of the sense of shame, which distinguishes european fe- males." slaves, while such, will become fit for freedom as soon but not sooner, than negro women will become modest in con- sequence of the west-indian mode of correction. no postpone- ment of emancipation, will increase the fitness of slaves for freedom, and to wait for this fitness, resembles the conduct of the simpleton who loitered by the brook, expecting to pass dry shod, after the water had run off. the conclusion to which religion and common sense would lead us on this subject, is most abundantly confirmed by experi- ence. passing by the emancipation of the serfs of europe, let us advert to various instances of the sudden abolition of negro slavery, and let us see how far the theory we are considering is supported by facts. on the th october, , the congress of chili, decreed that every child born after that day, should be free. on the th april, , the government of buenos ayres, ordered that every child born after st january, , should be free. on the th july, , the congress of colombia passed an act, emancipating all slaves, who had borne arms in favor of the republic, and providing for the emancipation in eighteen years, of the whole slave population of , . on the th september, , the government of mexico granted instantaneous and unconditional emancipation to every slave. on the th july, , ten thousand slaves were emancipa- ted in the state of new york by act of the legislature. in all these various instances, not one case of insurrection emancipation in st, domingo. or of bloodshed is known to have resulted from emancipation. but st. domingo-ah, what recollections are awakened by that name! with that name are associated the most irrefragable proofs of the safety and wisdom of immediate emancipation and of the ability of the african race, to value, defend and enjoy the blessings of freedom. the apologists of slavery, are con- stantly reminding abolitionists of the "scenes in st. domingo.” were the public familiar with the origin and history of those scenes, none but abolitionists would dare to refer to them. we will endeavor in the next chapter to dispel the ignorance, which so extensively prevails relative to the "scenes in st. do- mingo," and we trust our efforts will furnish new confirmation of the great truth, that the path of duty is the path of safety. chapter viii. emancipation in st. domingo and guadaloupe, and present state of st. domingo. in , the population of the french part of st. domingo was estimated at , . of this nurnber, , were white, , free people of color, and , slaves. at the com- mencement of the french revolution the free colored people petitioned the national assembly, to be admitted to political rights, and sent a deputation to paris to attend to their interests. on the th march, , a law was passed, granting to the colonies the right of holding representative assemblies, and of exercising to a certain extent, legislative authority. on the th of the same month, another law was passed, declaring that “all free persons in the colonies, who were proprietors, and residents of two years standing, and who contribute to the exi- gencies of the statė, shall exercise the right of voting." . the planters insisted that this law did not apply to free color- ed persons. they proceeded to elect a general assembly, and in this election the free blacks were, with but few exceptions, prevented from voting. the newly elected assembly issued a manifesto, declaring they would rather die, than divide their political rights with "a bastard and degenerated race.” a por- tion of the free colored people resolved to maintain the rights emancipation in st. domingo. given them by the mother country, and assembled in arms under one of their own number named oge. a letter addressed by this chief to the st. domingo assembly, is fortunately extant, and explains the true origin of those awful calamities, which it is found expedient to ascribe to the abolition of slavery. " sirs, “a prejudice for a long time upheld, is at last about to fall. charged with a commission honorable to myself, i call upon you to proclaim throughout the colony the decree of the na- tional assembly of the th march, which gives, without distinc- tion, to every free citizen the right of being admitted to all du- ties and functions whatever. my pretensions are just, and i do hope you will regard them. i shall not have recourse to any raising of the slave gangs. it is unnecessary and would be unworthy of me. i wish you to appreciate duly, the purity of my intentions. when i solicited of the national assembly* the decree i obtained in favor of our american colonists, known under the hitherto injurious distinction of the mixed race, i never comprehended in my claims the negroes in a state of slavery. you and our adversaries have mixed this with my proceedings to destroy my estimation in the minds of all well disposed people: but i have demanded only concessions for a class of free men, who have endured the yoke of your oppression for two centu- ries. we have no wish but for the execution of the decree of the th march. we insist on its promulgation; and we cease not to repeat to our friends, that our adversaries are not merely unjust to us, but to themselves, for they do not seem to know that their interests are one with ours. before employing the means at my command, i will see what good temper will do; but if contrary to my object, you refuse what is asked, i will not answer for those disorders which may arise from merited revenge.” the shout of battle was the only answer returned to this let- ter. the free blacks were defeated, and their brave leader being taken prisoner, was, with a barbarity equalled only by its folly, broken alive on the wheel. a ferocious struggle now commenced between the two parties, and oge's death was aw- fully avenged. on the th may, , the french conven- tion issued a decree declaring explicitly, that "free colored per- oge had been one of the deputies who were sent to paris. emancipation in st. domingo. sons were entitled to all the rights of citizenship.” the plan- ters however, refused to submit till after , whites and , blacks had perished. the free blacks had armed their own slaves; and many of the slaves belonging to the whites taking advantage of the disturbed state of the island revolted. the general assembly at length became alarmed, and on the th september, , issued a proclamation announcing their acqui- escence in the decree of the th may, admitting the free blacks to political equality with the whites. this proclamation imme- diately restored peace, and the free blacks even assisted the planters in reducing to obedience their revolted slaves. the peace, however, was of short duration. intelligence was soon received that the french convention had yielded to the clamors of the planters, and on the th september, only four days after the assembly's proclamation, had repealed the decree giving political rights to the free blacks. the irritation caused by this measure may easily be imagined, and the feelings of the free blacks were exasperated by an act of folly and presumption on the part of the colonial assembly. this body passed an order for disarming the whole free colored population. that popula- tion, however, instead of surrendering their arms, .challenged their proud oppressors to take them, and immediately rencwed the war. on the th april, , the vacillating policy of the french government led it once more to pass a decree, investing the free negroes in the colonies with political rights; and three com- missioners, with , troops, were sent to st. domingo to en- force the decree. the commissioners arrived on the th september, and assumed the government of the island. in june, , they quarrelled with the governor, and each party took arms. the commissioners called to their aid , revolted slaves, promising pardon for the past, and freedom for the fu- ture. about this time it was estimated that no less than , of the white inhabitants had fled from the island, in con- sequence of its disturbed state, and this, be it remembered, before a single slave had been emancipated. the commission- ers were successful in their contest with the governor, and re- tained the suprenie power in their own hands. but a new dan- ger threatened them. the planters were dissatisfied with the political rights conferred on the blacks, and were in many in- stances, hostile to the republic which had been reared on the * emancipation in st. domingo. ruins of the french monarchy. they therefore, entered into intrigues with the british government, inviting it to take pos- session of the island, hoping that thus the old order of things would be restored. the commissioners became acquainted with the intentions of the british to invade the island. their only defensive force consisted of the , french troops and about , militia. on the latter they were sensible but little reliance could be placed. under these circumstances, they determined to emancipate the slaves, in order that the whole colored population might thus be induced to array itself under the republican standard. bryant edwards, a well known english writer, and a most devoted apologist for slavery in his history of this affair, after stating as a fact within his own knowledge, the overtures made by the st. domingo planters to great britain, and that the commissioners could not muster more than , effective men, adds, " these being necessari. ly dispersed in detachments throughout the different provinces, became on that accouut, little formidable to an invading army. aware of this circumstance, the commissioners, on the first intimation of an attack from the english, resorted to the despe- rate expedient of proclaiming all manner of slavery abolished.” the proclamation was made in september, , and on the th of the same month, the british armament, under colonel white, arrived at jeremie, and took possession of the town, and afterwards entered port au prince. thus we find, that the abolition of slavery in st. domingo was not, as is generally supposed, the result of an insurrection by the slaves, but an act of political expediency. let us now see what were the conse- quences of this act. the whole colored population remained loyal to the republican cause. the british were masters only of the soil covered by their troops, and at length wearied out by the inveterate opposition they experienced, they abandoned all hopes of conquest, and in evacuated the island. in the mean time, the intercourse between the colony and the mother country became more and more interrupted. the seas were scoured by british cruisers, and the colonists were left by france to govern themselves. the whole colo- nial administration had been entirely subverted, the commission- ers had returned to france, and it became necessary to adopt some political system. under these circumstances, toussaint, a black, who had acquired power and influence, submitted, in emancipation in st. domingo. , to a general assembly, a republican constitution, which was adopted, and the island was declared to be an independent state, on the st july, . but during all this time, what was the conduct of the emancipated slaves ? before we an- swer this question, let us remind the reader that the emancipa- tion was not only immediate but unpremeditated. no measures had been taken to fit about , slaves for freedom, but suddenly, unexpectedly, almost in the twinkling of an eye, they ceased to be property, and were invested with the rights of hu- man nature. ` and was the theory of the rev. dr. hawkes verified in st. domingo ? did the manumitted slaves maintain themselves by begging and stealing, or did they destroy and displace the whites ? let an eye-witness answer the inquiry. colonel malefant, then a resident on the island, says in his “me- moire historique et politique des colonies et particulierement de celle de st. domingue." p. . "after this public act of emancipation, the negroes remained quiet both in the south and in the west, and they continued to work upon all the plantations. there were estates indeed, which had neither owners nor managers resident upon them, for some of them had been put in prison by montburn, and others fearing the same fate had fled to the quarter which had just been given up to the english. yet upon these estates, though abandoned, the negroes continued their labors, where there were any, even inferior agents to guide them; and on those estates where no white men were left to direct them, they betook themselves to planting of provisions : but upon all the plantations where the whites resided, the blacks continued to labor quietly as before.” in another place, (p. ,) he says: “ how did i succeed in the plain of the cul de sac, and on the plantation gouraud, more than eight months after liberty had been granted to the blacks ? let those who knew me at that time, and even the blacks themselves, be asked. they will reply that not a single negro upon that plantation, consist- ing of four hundred and fifty laborers, refused to work, and yet this plantation was thought to be under the worst discipline, and the slaves the most idle of any in the plain. i myself inspired the same activity into three other plantations of which i had the management.” he goes on to assert that “the colony was flourishing under toussaint-the whites lived happily, and in emancipation in st. domingo. peace upon their estates, and the negroes continued to work for them.” toussaint came into power under the french au- thority, , and remained in power till , or the com- mencement of the war with france. thus it appears that the manumitted slaves continued quietly at work, from their eman- cipation in , till , a period of about eight years. this was not, let it be remembered, a season of peace. during most of the time a fierce war was waged against the english invaders. in this war a portion of the planters took part with the enemy, and experienced at the hands of the blacks, those cruelties which so often distinguish a civil war. but on a careful and scrupulous examination of the history of this pe- riod, we cannot find, that from the date of the emancipation in , to the french invasion in , a single white man was injured by the liberated slaves, unless he had previously placed himself in the attitude of a political enemy by siding with the british. immediately on the evacuation of the island by the british, profound tranquillity prevailed, and the planters who re- mained, and the emigrants who returned, enjoyed their estates without molestation. malefant is not the only witness we can cite to these facts. general lacroix, who published his “ memoirs for a history of st. domingo," at paris, in , speaking of the colony in , says, “it marched as by enchantment towards its ancient splendor : cultivation prospered; every day produced perceptible proofs of its progress. the city of the cape, and the plantations of the north, rose up again visibly to the eye." p. . the author of "the history of st. domingo," printed in lon- don, , speaking of toussaint, says: " when he restored many of the planters to their estates, there was no restoration of their former property in human beings. no human being was to be bought or sold. severe tasks, flagellations, and scanty food, were no longer to be en- dured. the planters were obliged to employ their laborers on the footing of hired servants; and the negroes were required to labor for their own livelihood. the amount of remuneration was not left to individual generosity or private agreement, but it was fixed by law, that the cultivators should have for their wages a third part of the crops. while this ample en- couragement was afforded for the excitement of industry, pe- emancipation in st. domingo. nalties were at the same time denounced for the punishment of idleness. “ the effects of these regulations were visible throughout the country. obliged to work, but in a moderate manner, and for handsome wages, and at liberty for the most part to choose their own masters, the plantation negroes were in general contented, healthy and happy.” and now let abolitionists be reminded of the “scenes in st. domingo;" yes, let those scenes be constantly kept before the public as an awful and affecting memento of the justice due to the free blacks, and as a glorious demonstration of the perfect safety of immediate and unconditional emancipa- tion. yet men who believe it safe to do immediate justice, and who find from history that god never permits a nation to suffer for obeying his commands, are held up to the derision and detestation of the community as fanatics and incendiaries. let us see what new proofs of their fanaticism are afforded by the history of the abolition of slavery in guadaloupe. on the th april, , a british armament, under sir charles grey, took the french island of guadaloupe, many of the planters, as in st. domingo, being royalists and favoring the cause of the invaders. on the th june following, a french force, under victor hugo, arrived to dispute the possession of the island. the republican general immediately proclaimed the freedom of the slaves, in pursuance of a decree of the national assembly of the preceding february ; and arming the negroes, led them against the enemy. the english were soon confined within narrow quarters, and by the th december, were compelled to evacuate the island. from this time, guadaloupe remained a dependance of france till , when it was retaken by the english. on the abolition of slavery, la police rurale, was substituted for it. the slaves were converted into free laborers, and were entitled to their food, and one fourth of the produce of their labor. they were , in number, and the whites only * these representations are confirmed by the fact, that the exports from st. domingo in , seven years after emancipation, were of sugar, , , lbs.; coffee, , , lbs.; cotton, , , lbs. mcculloch's dict. of commerce, p. . emancipation in guadaloupe. , . so far was the cultivation of the island from being suspended by emancipation, that in , an official report stated the plantations as follows, viz. : of sugar, ; of coffee, ; of cotton, ; and grass farms. the peace of amiens unhappily afforded bonaparte an opportunity to re- establish slavery in guadaloupe. in the summer of , richepanse landed on the island at the head of a powerful french force, and in a short time by the indiscriminate mas- sacre of all who opposed his purpose, fulfilled the object of his mission at the sacrifice, it is said, of nearly , negro lives. immediately preceding this atrocious act, all was peace and prosperity; and so late as february, , the supreme council of guadaloupe, in an official document, alluding to the tran- quillity which reigned throughout the island, observed : “ we shall have the satisfaction of having given an example, which will prove that all classes of people may live in perfect harmony with each other, under an administration which secures jus- tice to all classes." in guadaloupe, we see an instance of a great preponderating slave population suddenly emancipated, and yet peaceably pur- suing their labors for seven years, and living in harmony with the white proprietors. if we are to believe colonizationists, the negro character is to be exhibited in all its perfection in liberia ; but in america, the black man can never rise from his present degradation. do we inquire the reason, we are promptly told, that no equal. ity can subsist between the white and black races, and that the latter to be great and happy must live alone. strange it is, that instead of referring to st. domingo as an apt illustration of their theory, they are fond of citing the present state of that island as a warning against abolition—as a proof that free negroes are too indolent to work, too deficient in enterprise, to attain national prosperity. if such be the fact, how faithless must be their predictions of the future glory of liberia. let us now attend to the gloomy and disheartening account, which the chairman of the executive committee of the new- york colonization society gives us of st. domingo; an account which, if true, ought to induce the society to abandon their enterprise. “ more than thirty years have elapsed since slavery was present state of st. domingo, abolished in st. domingo. through scenes of unparalleled devastation and blood, the blacks expelled their white masters, and have ever since lived under a government of their own. but from the day of their emancipation to the present, the pop- ulation for the most part, have been idle and worthless. " st. domingo was the garden of the new world—the richest of the indies. but its villas have gone to ruin, and its fields run to waste. thorns and briars have choked their gardens, and the plantations have been barren from idleness. the government has ever been despotic, and of necessity; and at last its power has been called forth for the regulation of labor -the labor of freemen, to prevent the island from going en- tirely to ruin. the following extract from a late haytien enactment is in point, and will serve as a practical commentary upon the mad schemes of our well meaning but deluded philan- thropists. we have extracted the following articles, which render the condition of the free blacks very little different from, if not actually worse than the condition of the slaves in any part of the united states."* com. advertiser, th september, . then follow extracts from the rural code of hayti, from which it appears, that all persons without land or occupation are compelled to labor, and are liable to imprison- ment for idleness. it is remarkable that the philanthropists, on whose mad schemes this code is supposed to be a commentary, are ad- mitted on the th september, to be “well meaning," whereas, on the th june preceding, we were assured by this same * this last assertion is so very extraordinary, that we are constrained to believe mr. stone has never read the "enactment" from w the present rural code of hayti was adopted in . it is a document fill- ing about fifteen folio pages, and displays a strong desire to secure justice to the laborers. by this code, all “who shall not be able to show that they possess the means of subsistence, shall be bound to cultivate the earth." such persons are required to hire themselves as farm laborers, but they are at perfect liberty to select their employer. the parties enter into written contracts for not less than three, nor more than nine years. the compen- sation to the laborers on a farm, varies according to the terms of the contract, from one-fourth to one-half of the whole produce of the farm. all disputes between the employer and his people are settled by a justice of the peace. the employer can no more flog or otherwise punish his "cultivators,” than an american farmer can his hired laborers. not even for crimes is corporal punishment allowed in hayti. the cultivator has by law, the whole of saturday and sunday to himself, and on other days he cannot be required to work after sunset. there is nothing to prevent him from ac property by industry and economy, buying a farm and hiring laborers in his turn. present state of st. domingo. gentleman, that the “ design" of these philanthropists was “to foment a servile war in the south.” to convince us how unfit negroes are for freedom, we are here informed that thirty years after slavery was abolished in st. domingo, the govern- ment has at last exerted its power for the regulation of labor, to prevent the island from going entirely to ruin. it so hap- pens, that the regulation of labor, instead of being an expedient resolved to at last to save the island from ruin, was coeval with the act of emancipation. on the th february, , etienne polverel, “civil commissary of the republic, delega- ted to the french leeward islands in america, for the purpose of re-establishing the public order and tranquillity,” published in the name of the french people a rural code for the govern- ment of the liberated slaves in st. domingo. it is long, and descends to minute particulars—a brief extract will show that it regulated labor. “the ordinary day's labor is limited to about nine hours, viz : from sunrise to half-past eight-from half-past nine to twelve-and from two to sunset, and in crop time it shall be extended to eight o'clock in the evening—the laborers shall be bound to obey the overseers, and the overseers to obey each other according to their rank; but their authority shall be confined to the cultivation and good order of the plantation. those laborers, who in these points shall refuse to obey the order of the overseers, shall be subject to a month's imprison- ment, with labor during the day on public works, &c., &c. this code continued in force till august, , when it was somewhat modified by toussaint, and we have already seen on the authority of the history of st. domingo, that “the planters were obliged to employ their laborers on the footing of hired servants, and the negroes were required to labor for their livelihood.” hence it appears that the regulation of labor in st. domingo, is not as mr. stone seems to suppose, a recent exertion of power on the part of the government. but what shall we say of the ruined villas, the barren plan- tations, the gardens choked with thorns ? admitting mr. stone's melancholy picture to be correct, cannot we explain it, on other principles than such as would be fatal to the free- dom and happiness of millions? the zealous editor, seems wholly to have forgotten the terrible war which the haytiens were compelled to wage in defence of their liberty. in , present state of st. domingo. a french army landed in st. domingo, for the purpose of'. again reducing its inhabitants to slavery, and a war ensued, which, for its desolating fury, is probably without a parallel. an historian of this war, thus concludes his account of it: “at length, in the month of december, , the island was finally abandoned, a mere handful of the french troops escaping the destruction which had already overtaken , of their fellows! thus for nearly two years, with a very brief inter- val, had a war raged in st. domingo, singularly ferocious and vindictive in its character, and directed latterly more to extermination than to conquest, sparing neither sex nor age, and sweeping away from the whole face of the plains of that beautiful island every trace of cultivation. so complete was the extinction of all sugar culture in particular, that for a time not an ounce of that article was procurable. the very roots and fruits on which subsistence depended, were cultivated only in mornes. desolation, therefore, could hardly be con- ceived more complete, than prevailed in and over all those parts of the colony, which had formerly been covered with plantations; and it is well known how soon the rank vegetation of a tropical climate converts the neglected planta- tion into jungle.” and is it a proof that slaves ought never to be emancipated, that st. domingo has not in thirty years, after such wide spread desolation, become again in the hands of men recently deliver, ed from bondage, and for the most part, poor and ignorant, "the garden of the new world ?" and was, indeed, that an “idle and worthless” population which successfully resisted the arms of england and of france, and achieved their freedom by an heroic sacrifice of their lives and property-a sacrifice, which had their complexion been white, would have been celebrated by poets and orators in every portion of the civilized world? let us now inquire, whether the present state of the island is in truth such as is alleged. the rev. simon clough, d. d., l. l. d., has lately pub- lished a pamphlet, (“ appeal to the citizens of the united states”) in which he undertakes to justify slavery from the scrip- tures, and to prove that all clergymen who advocate immediate abolition, are“ false teachers, and ought to be dismissed by their congregations. now this most veracious teacher, speak- present state of st. domingo, ing of st. domingo, assures us, (p. :) at the present time, * there is not one sugar, coffee, or cotton plantation on the island. there is now exported about five million pounds of inferior cof- fee, which grows wild, and is picked up by the inhabitants of the ground, where it falls after it becomes ripe." strange it is, that this island, if in the state described by messrs. stone and clough, should support a population of , .t still more strange is it, that when the whole export of coffee is only about five million pounds, it should appear from the report of the secretary of the treasury, that the coffee exported in , from hayti to the united states alone, amount- ed to eleven million, seven hundred eighty-four thousand, eight hundred and thirty-five pounds. most passing strange is it, that the imports into this country, in the same year, from an island in which there is not one sugar, coffee, or cotton plan. tation ; with an idle and worthless population; with its fields run to waste, and its plantations barren from idleness, should nevertheless exceed in value our imports in the same period, from either prussia-sweden and norway-denmark, and the danish west-indies-- ireland and scotland-holland- belgium-dutch east-indies—british west-indies_spain- portugal-all italy—turkey and the levant-or any one re- public in south america ! | neither mr. stone nor dr. clough, profess to speak from personal observation. let us then listen to an eye-witness. in , was published in a london periodical, the journal of a traveller in hayti. the following are extracts : “ port au prince, island of hayti, june , . “being aware that this city had very recently suffered greatly by fire, i expected to see an unsightly waste of ruin and decay but the lots are rebuilt, and many a splendid and substantial edifice surpassing those to be seen in the city of kingston in jamaica, has arisen as the first fruits of the security which property enjoys, by the recognized independence of hayti. . “i have made an excursion or two, just out of the town, to the little cottage settlements, on the side of the mountain above • * the pamphlet was published in new-york, . + census of . * see documents accompanying letter from secretary of the treasury to the speaker of the house of representatives, st april, . present state of st. domingo. the city. i am told, that in the ancient regime-that is the phrase here for the old state of things, the plains were a source of so abundant a return for the industry of the proprietor, that the mountains in this neighborhood were comparatively neg. lected, so that the camp des fourmis,' the range of hills so called, extending from point lamentine to the cul de sac, were heretofore never cultivated as they are now. at present they are covered with a thousand small settlements appropriated to coffee, and provisions, and fruits, and vegetables, in which the advantages of irrigation, presented by the frequent springs, bursting from the mountain ravines, have been diligently at- tended to, in the agricultural economy. the water is trench- ed over the sunny surface of each projecting irregularity of the ridge ; and height above height, the cottage of the humble cultivator is seen; or the substantial country-seat of the hay- tien merchant, with its baths, bowers, and terraced gardens have been erected. .“ port au prince, though by no means a handsome town, is at this day, in style, and one may say splendor, far superior to what it was in the colonial period of its history. “the frequent calamities to which it has been subjected from fire, and the immense and valuable property lost by earthquakes in the years and , have led the haytiens to attempt providing against the two-fold liability, as they expressed it of being bouleverse et incendie. they have commenced re-erect- ing some of the houses destroyed by these conflagrations, with stone or brick, cased over wooden frames, at once to sustain the shock of the earthquake, and to repel the action of the fire. they cover the roofs with tiles, or slates rather than shingles; and erect their stores for merchandise with fire-proof terraces, and wrought iron doors and windows.. these buildings have galleries and arched colonnades, with heavy cornices and bal- ustrades screening the roof; and floors of variegated marble, and tiles in the upper as well as lower stories. if continu- ed generally, they will render this city not only one of the most elegant in the west-indies, but one in which the houses will exhibit an interior economy, the very best adapted to the necessities of the climate. the decorations are appropriate. the rich, varied mahogany of the country is manufactured into elegant furniture by the artizans here; and the french taste of gilded mirrors, or molu clocks, and porcelain vases, present state of st. domingo. expelled, there was absolutely no sugar work—there was no mill—there was nothing of that kind which could be put in use : it was destroyed; and since that period, various plantations have grown up in hayti. men have gone to the expense of thirty and forty thousand dollars, to build up those sugar works; and it stands to reason, that unless these men were repaid for their capital, they would not continue that sort of work. and there is another thing to be observed—that sugar is not the staple com- modity of hayti; they only make sufficient for their own con- sumption. coffee is the staple commodity of the island. “if a man can show, that he has the means of subsist- ence of his own, is he compelled to labor under the code rurale? “decidedly not. “do you believe that corporal punishment is inflicted upon any of the laborers in hayti? “i believe it is impossible. i have seen the peasantry in the highlands of scotland where i was brought up, and i declare that the negroes in st. domingo are comparatively as much superior to them in comfort, as it is possible for one man to be over another." evidence of vice admiral, the hon. charles fleming, member of parliament. “was told that vagrants and deserters worked by compul- .sion, but he did not see any himself. had never heard of any working under the lash. the lash was prohibited by law. the haytiens appeared to him the happiest, best fed, and most comfortable negroes he had ever seen; better off even than in the caraccas : infinitely better than in jamaica ; there was no comparison between them. he could not speak positively of the increase of the haytien population since , but believed it had trebled since that time. they now feed themselves, and they export provisions, which neither the french nor the span- iards had ever done before. "he saw a sugar estate near cape haytien, general bou. lon's, extremely well cultivated, and in beautiful order. it was wrought by blacks, all free. a new plantation was forming on the opposite side of the road. their victuals were very su- perior to those in jamaica, consisting chiefly of meat; cattle being very cheap. the highest contract beef in hayti, was d. in jamaica it was d. he saw no marks of destitution * - present state of st. domingo. , any where. the country seemed improving, and trade increas- ing. the estate he visited near the cape was large; it was calculated to make hogsheads of sugar. it was beautifully laid out, and as well managed as any estate he had seen in the west indies. his official correspondence as admiral with the haytien government, made him attribute much efficiency to it, and it bore strong marks of civilization. there was a better po- lice in hayti, than in the new south american states; the com- munication was more rapid; the roads much better. one had been cut from port au prince to cape haytien, that would do honor to any country. a regular post was established. the government is one quite worthy of a civilized people. the negroes of hayti, are certainly richer, and happier, and in a better con- dition than he had ever seen elsewhere. they were all work- ing in the fields when he was there. he rode about very much. he did not think any acts of oppression were practised on the people of hayti by the government.” mr. jeremie, late first president of the royal court of st. lucia, informs us that in st. domingo, “is found a happy, flour- ishing, and contented peasantry, engaged in the cultivation of their own small freeholds; and as these persons acquire capital, they form larger establishments, and are gradually rising. this proves, that the general wants of the community are sup- plied, and, if well governed, that community must soon acquire strength, and rise to importance." essays on colonial slave- ry, , p. . the following facts, collected from the new and valuable “dictionary of commerce and commercial navigation," by j. r. mcculloch, london edition, , abundantly confirm the foregoing testimonies. in , the exportation of coffee was about , tons. in consequence of the subsequent devastation of the island, the ex- portation for some years almost totally ceased; but it has now risen to about , tons ! p. . the amount of the following articles, exported in , was estimated as follows, viz: coffee, . . . . , , lbs. cotton, . . . . . . , , lbs. tobacco, . . . . . , lbs. cocoa, , lbs. dye wood, . . . , , lbs. ! emancipation in the british west indies. tortoise shell . . . , lbs. mahogany, . . . i , , feet hides, . . . . . , -p. . the quantity of sugar exported in , is not stated; but in , it amounted to , lbs.; and it should be recol- ·lected, that about twenty years before, not an ounce of that article was manufactured on the island, p. . the imports into france, in , from hayti, exceeded in value the imports from sweden-denmark, the hanseatic towns-holland portugal - austria--the french east in- dies—or china, p. . in the same year, the importation of french wines into hayti amounted to , gallons, p. .* cotton manufactures, to the amount of , , yards, were exported from great britain to hayti in , being about one-tenth the number of yards exported the same year to the united states, p. . our readers are now competent to judge for themselves how far the assertions of mr. stone and the rev. dr. clough, are consistent with truth; and also, what is “the practical com- mentary” offered by the history and present state of st. do- mingo, on "the mad schemes of our well meaning but de- luded philanthropists." chapter ix. emancipation in the british west indies. the british government, in part to conciliate the west india proprietors, and in part through apprehension of the danger of immediate emancipation, determined to abolish şlavery in such a manner as to fit the slave for freedom. in- stead of breaking his yoke, it was to be reduced in weight; and six years were to be occupied in filing off his manacles. on the first of last august, the slave was told and believed, that slavery was abolished; but on the morrow, he was sum- *the quantity of french wine imported the same year into great britain for home consumption, was , gallons. p. . emancipation in the british west indies. moned to his usual task, and required to work as before, with- out reward. astonished and disappointed, he doubted the le- gality of the mandate, and hesitated to obey it. he was then informed, that, although no longer a slave, he was never- theless an apprentice, and must toil on for six years longer, be- fore he could enjoy the fruit of his labor. had emancipation been nominally, as well as really, prospective, the slave would have regarded it as a boon; but he did not readily comprehend the distinction between slavery and apprenticeship. there was, however, a very important distinction, which he soon discovered, and which did not promote his acquiescence in protracted wrong. the lash was, by act of parliament, wrested from the master's hand; and while he was authorized to command his apprentices to labor, he was forbidden to pu- nish them for idleness or insubordination. on this subject a ja- maica paper remarks: “it is clear, and there is no use in disguis- ing the fact, that the apprentices can no longer be coerced in the way they formerly were ; for in the first place, no magistrate can legally inflict more than twenty-nine stripes, and, in the next, it is not possible to furnish magistrates enough for the purpose. the hope, therefore, of coercing, is absurd, and must be abandoned.” the conduct of the west india negroes, under these cir- cumstances, proves how utterly groundless are the apprehen- sions entertained of emancipation. disappointed and irritated, and at the same time almost wholly released from the control of their masters, they have exhibited a meekness, patience, and forbearance, utterly without a parallel. the great mass of the apprentices continue to labor, but some have either refused to work, or accomplish less than their appointed tasks. none of the insurrections, murders and conflagrations, which were so confidently predicted by the enemies of abolition, have occurred. not one life has yet been taken, not one dwell- ing fired,* throughout the british west indies, by the eman.' cipated slaves. this forbearance is the more remarkable, when we consider the numerical superiority of the negroes, in the west indies, and particularly in jamaica, where there are , slaves, and only , whites. two sheds, called trash houses, were lately burned in jamaica, pro- bably, but not certainly, by an apprentice. emancipation in the british west indies. whatever may be the result of the apprenticeship experi- ment, abolitionists are not responsible for it. it was adopted contrary to their advice, and is in consistent with the doctrines they profess. the emancipation which they believe to be most consonant with the will of god, most conducive to the safety and happiness of the whites; is immediate and uncon- ditional. they rejoice that their doctrines are at this moment subjected to a severe and practical test, and they await the issue with unshaken confidence. the legislatures of bermuda and antigua, have adopted the very course which the american anti-slavery society recommends to the slave states. with the permission of the british government, these legislatures dispensed with the ap- prenticeship altogether, and on the first of last august, granted immediate and unqualified emancipation. that we may judge of the fanaticism, the madness, the wreckless incendiarism of these legislatures we must take into consideration the number of slaves they “ let loose upon the community," and their rela- tive proportion to the white population. in bermuda there are , whites, , slaves, and free blacks. in antigua, , whites, , slaves, and , free blacks.* the bermuda gazette, of the th august, thus speaks of the great change effected on the st : . "the day was as remarkable for quietude, exemption from labor, and solemnity, as that which marks the sabbath in a christian land. the only bustle perceptible, was in prepara- tion for attending public worship, which his excellency, the governor, most wisely ordered to be performed : thereby dedi- cating it wholly to god, the willer and doer of this great work. the churches and other places of public worship on the island, were crowded to excess, every possible accommodation being afforded to the colored people. from every quarter we hear of their orderly, nay more, exemplary behavior. four days of universal freedom have now passed, and four days of more perfect regularity and quiet have these famed peaceful islands never witnessed.” such was the immediate result of turning loose , slaves. let us now attend to the subsequent testimony. the hon. american almanac.. emancipation in antigua. we quote from the same paper of the st august : “the third week of freedom will close with this day, and again we are bound to express our gratitude and praise to the divine goodness, for the perfect peace and tranquillity, which the island enjoys. not the least symptom of insubordination has manifested itself any where; and the daily accounts from all quarters testify to the excellent disposition and conduct of the new freemen. in a letter from antigua, dated th august, and published in a norfolk paper, we find the following: “the operations of commerce have experienced no inter- ruption ; public confidence remains unshaken. · two sugar plantations have recently leased for as much as they were worth with the negroes included, prior to emancipation.” while the jamaica papers are filled with complaints of the conduct of the apprentices, and predictions of the ruin of the island, one of them ( th september) says : “in antigua, all appears to be peaceable and quiet. its rulers evinced more wis- dom, and proved themselves to be better tacticians, than those of any other colonies, bermuda excepted. in getting rid of the apprenticeship they got rid of the source, and only source of heart-burning between them and their laborers; and we main- tain, as a free colony, will soon experience advantages not to be enjoyed by others, so long at least as the humbug continues." about eight months have now elapsed since the thirty thou- sand slaves of antigua were suddenly “let loose," and, as yet, we have not heard of a single outrage committed by them. it had been customary in this island, as an additional security against insurrection, to proclaim martial law at the christmas holy-days, during which times the slaves had peculiar oppor- tunities for forming conspiracies. the great act of justice ac- complished on the first of august, relieved the planters of all apprehension of insurrection; and not only was the usual proclamation withheld at the last christmas, but the militia was exempted from duty. in a late speech, by the speaker of the antigua house of assembly, he adverted to the “universal tranquillity" that prevailed, and to the “respectful demeanor of the lower classes ;” and declared, that “the agricultural and commercial prosperity of the colony was absolutely on the advance.” gradual emancipation. chapter x. gradual and immediate emancipation. if we have been successful in our endeavors to prove, that the removal of slavery by colonization is both morally and physically impossible, then it necessarily follows, that the slaves must be emancipated here, or that slavery must be indefinitely continued. should the former alternative be adopted, the important question occurs : ought the emancipation to be gradual or immediate? if this question is to be determined with reference to moral obligation, it is certainly difficult for those who regard slavery as sinful to justify its continuance even for a limited time. if, however, the question is to be decided on the ground of mere political expediency, there are many and powerful objections to gradual emancipation; and what may at first view appear paradoxical, the strength of these objections is proportioned to the number of slaves to be emancipated. in new-york, slavery was for the most part gradually abo.. lished ; that is, the children, born after a certain day, became free, as they respectively reached the age of twenty-eight years; and when the whole number of slaves were reduced to ten thousand, they were liberated in a single day. in new- york, the white population so greatly exceeded the black, that no jealousy was entertained of the free negroes, and no incon- venience experienced in uniting free and slave labor. but in those states, in which nearly all the laborers are slaves, where every free black is regarded as a nuisance and an incendiary, and where the planter would, on no consideration, permit him to labor in company with his slaves, much difficulty would necessarily attend a gradual relinquishment of slave labor. suppose, in south carolina for instance, ten thousand slaves should be annually manumitted by law. this would certainly be gradual emancipation, as it would require about forty years to free the whole number. now, what would become of these ten thousand yearly discharged from the plantations ? would their late masters be willing to hire them, and turn them back into their cotton fields ? the supposition is extravagant. gradual emancipation. the planter would dread their influence on his remaining slaves, and these would certainly, and with great reason, be dissatisfied at seeing their late companions working for wages, while they themselves were denied any compensation for their toil. but if the ten thousand liberated slaves were not employed, how could they obtain a livelihood, and how could the planters sup. ply their place on the plantations ? the idea, that by gradual emancipation, the slaves will become fit for freedom, is visiona- ry in the extreme. how is it possible that the liberation of a portion of the slaves, can qualify those who remain in chains, to become useful citizens ? the house of bondage is not the school in which men are to be trained for liberty. as then gradual emancipation, however desirable, if no other can be obtained, is so full of difficulty, and, in the opinion of slave holders, so dangerous that they have almost universally passed laws to prevent it, the only alternative is immediate emancipation or continued slavery. it seems scarcely possible, that any conscientious man, after considering the results of immediate emancipation in st. do- mingo, and guadaloupe, in new-york, in mexico, in south america, and in the west indies, should join in the popular clamor against it, as necessarily leading to massacre and ra- pine. no reason can be assigned, why the whites would not possess the same physical power to prevent or suppress outrage after, as before emancipation; but abundant reason may be given, why the blacks, when restored to their rights, and enjoy- ing the protection and privileges of civil society, should be less disposed to destroy their benefactors and deliverers, than they are when smarting under cruelty and injustice, to destroy those whom they regard as their tyrants and op- pressors. who, with the knowledge, that no white man has ever been murdered in consequence of immediate emancipation, dares to declare in the presence of his maker, that self-preservation for- bids the abolition of slavery ? but we are met with the inquiry, how are the owners to be compensated for the loss of their property? this same objec- tion was made to the suppression of the african slave trade. british merchants had invested large capitals in the traffic, and it was contended, that to prohibit the trade, was to violate the rights of property. all governments possess the right compensation. so far as the whole amount of wealth in the community is concerned, it would be enhanced, not diminished by eman- cipation. this may seem a strange assertion to follow the estimate we have just made of the market value of the slave population. but what is the price paid for a slave? nothing more than the amount of his wages for life, paid in advance, paid it is true to another, but still paid as an equivalent for la. bor to be performed, and to be refunded with interest out of that labor. now it is obvious that it is the product of this labor, which can alone add any thing to the aggregate wealth ; and that no diminution of that wealth can be caused, by paying for the labor as it is performed, monthly, or yearly, instead of pay- ing for the whole of it in advance. this argument, it may be said, applies only to the purchase and sale of slaves; but that where a planter is already in pos- session of them, he would certainly lose a part of his profits, by being compelled to pay him wages, and this loss would be so much deducted by emancipation from the general stock. the fallacy of this opinion may be perceived by recollecting that it can in no degree affect the national wealth, whether the horse with which a farmer tills his corn-field, was reared by himself, or purchased from his neighbor. it is the corn pro- duced, and not the money paid for the animal by one man and received by another, that augments the riches of the country. if the slaves are worth a thousand millions of dollars, it is evidence that their labor must be worth much more; because, to their price is to be added the cost of their maintenance, and the whole is to be reimbursed with profit out of their labor. now colonization, would utterly annihilate all this labor; it calls upon the south to surrender a commodity worth more than a thousand millions; and upon this surrender, which would convert the whole slave region into a wilderness, it rests all its hopes of the ultimate abolition of slavery !! emancipation on the contrary, instead of removing millions of laborers, would stimulate their industry, improve their mo- rals, quicken their intelligence, and convert a dangerous, idle, and vicious population into wholesome citizens. were all the slaves in south carolina emancipated to-morrow, every branch of industry would derive new energy, and every species of property, an increased value from the additional security modes of emancipation. youth, and in old age; the expense also of the idle and worth- less, is as great as that of the good. their cost as free laborers would be but little more than at present, while their characters would be improved, and the employer could select such laborers as his occasions required. the laborers, finding their wages, and of course their comforts depending on their good con- duct, would be prompted to industry and sobriety; and having nothing to gain by insurrection, and feeling no injuries to avenge, all malignant designs against their employers would be laid aside, and they would soon make such advances in intelligence and morality, as would contribute no less to the good order and peace of society, than to their own hap- piness. abolitionists are constantly called on for a plan of emanci- pation. they have little encouragement to respond to the call. if they propose the simple plan of proclaiming by act of the state legislatures, the immediate and unqualified abolition of slavery, they are denounced as reckless incendiaries. "if they intimate, that abolition does not necessarily inhibit all compulso- ry labor, and point to the rural code of st. domingo and the apprentice system of the west indies, they are reproached with wishing to substitute one kind of slavery for another, but, in truth, they are under no obligation of duty or policy to propose any specific plan. no temperance society has felt itself bound because it pronounced the traffic in ardent spirits to be sinful, to furnish venders with plans for employing their capi- tals in other occupations. the details of emancipation, and the various legal provisions proper to render it safe and convenient, are not prescribed by the great principles of justice and religion, but by considera- tions of local policy. it is not probable, that if all the southern legislatures were sincerely anxious to abolish slavery, any two of them would do it in precisely the same manner, and under the same regulations. we have seen one plan pursued in st. domingo, another in bermuda and antigua, a third in the other british west-indies, and still different plans in south america. of all these plans, that adopted in mexico, bermuda and antigua, of immediate, total and unqualified emancipation, will, there is reason to believe, be found in all cases the most safe and expedient. * modes of emancipation. this plan removes from the slave all cause for discontent. he is free, and his own master, and he can ask for no more. yet he is, in fact, for a time, absolutely dependent on his late owner. he can look to no other person for food to eat, clothes to put on, or house to shelter him. his first wish therefore is, to remain where he is, and he receives as a favor, permission to labor in the service of him whom the day before he regard- ed as his oppressor. but labor is no longer the badge of his servitude, and the consummation of his misery: it is the evi- dence of his liberty, for it is voluntary. for the first time in his life, he is a party to a contract. he negotiates with his late master, and returns to the scene of his former toil, and the scene of his stripes and his tears, with a joyful heart, to labor for himself. the wages he has agreed to accept, will, in fact, be little more than the value of his maintenance; for it is not to be expected, that in a treaty with his employer, his diplomacy will gain for him any signal advantages; but still there will be a charm in the very name of wages which will make the pittance he receives, appear a treasure in his eyes. thus will the transition from slave to free labor be effected instan- taneously, and with scarcely any perceptible interruption of the ordinary pursuits of life. in the course of time, the value of negro labor, like all other vendible commodities, will be regulated by the supply and demand : and justice be done both to the planter and his laborers. the very consciousness, more- over, that justice is done to both parties, will remove their mutual suspicions and animosities, and substitute in their place feelings of kindness and confidence. no white man in anti- gua, surrounded as he is by blacks, now dreams of insurrec- tion, or fears the midnight assassin. can as much be said of our southern planters ? in concluding this chapter, we beg leave to address the fol- | lowing questions to the reader, and we beseech him seriously to inquire, what duties are prompted by the answers which his conscience and understanding may compel him to return. do you believe it to be agreeable to the will of god, and the welfare of our country, that slavery should be perpetual ? is it either possible or probable, that slavery can or will be removed by colonization ? danger of slavery. if slavery be not abolished by law, is it not probable, that it will, in time, be terminated by violence ? do the precepts of christianity, and the lessons of history, recommend gradual in preference to immediate emancipation? chapter xi. danger of continued slavery. while slave holders and colonizationists delight to expatiate on the danger of immediate emancipation, and to represent its advocates as reckless incendiaries, ready to deluge the country in blood, they seem scarcely conscious that any danger is to be apprehended from slavery itself. yet the whole history of slavery is a history of the struggles of the oppressed to recover their liberty. the romans had their servile wars, in one of which forty thousand slaves were embodied in arms—italy ra- vaged, and rome herself menanced. a european writer remarks: “ the formidable rebellion of the jamaica slaves, in , is well known; and in almost every island in the archipelago, have repeated insurrections broken out; sometimes the result of plans laid with the utmost secrecy, and very widely extended, always accompanied by the horrors of african warfare." the destruction of property in jamaica, in the insurrection of , was estimated by the legislature at £ , , . any commotion of the emancipated slaves, that should cost the island one-hundredth part of this sum, would be hailed both there and here, as demonstrative of the folly and hazard of emancipation. and have we not in our own country, had melancholy, heart- rending proofs of the danger of slavery ? in , and , negro insurrections occurred in new- york, and we may judge of the alarm they excited, by the shocking means used to prevent their recurrence. of the lead- ers of the last insurrection, thirteen were burned alive, eighteen hung, and eighty transported. in the single state of south- carolina, there have been no less than seven insurrections designed or executed. in , the house of assembly com- plained of certain fugitive slaves, who "keep out armed, and danger of slavery. robbing and plundering houses and plantations, and putting the inhabitants of this province in great fear and terror." in , an open rebellion occurred, in which the negroes were actually armed and embodied. in , there were no less than three - rebellions, as appears from a petition from the council and as- sembly to the king, in which they complain of an “insurrection of our slaves, in which many of the inhabitants were murder- ed in a barbarous and cruel manner; and that was no sooner quelled, than another projected in charleston, and a third lately in the very heart of the settlements, but happily discovered time enough to be prevented.” in , there was a conspiracy of the slaves in camden and its vicinity, “ the professed design of which was to murder all the whites and free themselves.” the conspiracy in charleston in , and the sacrifice of human life to which it led, are well known. but in no instance, has the danger of slavery been so vividly illustrated, as in the tra- gedy of southampton. a fanatic slave conceived, from some supposed signs in the heavens, or peculiarity in the weather, that he was called by god to destroy the whites. he communicated his commission to five other slaves, who engaged to aid him in executing it. the conspirators agreed to meet at a certain place, on the night of the st august, . they assembled at the ap- pointed hour, and the leader, nat turner, beheld with surprise a sixth man, who had not been invited by him to join the enter- prise, but who had learned from another source, the cause of the meeting; and on inquiring for what purpose he had come, receiy- ed the remarkable answer : “my life is worth no more than that of others, and my liberty as dear to me.” with these six associ- ates, turner commenced the work of destruction. by sunrise, the number of murderers was swelled to fourteen, and by ten o'clock the same morning, to forty! from the testimony given on the trial of turner, and which has been published, it appears, that there was no previous con- cert, except between turner and his six original associates, and that no white or free colored man was privy to their design. the dates we have given of the various insurrections, prove conclusively, that they were in no degree connected with dis- cussions respecting abolition ; and at the time of the southamp- ton massacre, there was no anti-slavery society in the united states advocating immediate emancipation. danger of slavery. abolitionists have been often charged with a desire to foment insurrections ; but the charge is wholly gratuitous, and no proof whatever of such sublimated wickedness has ever been addu- ced against them. on the contrary, their characters, profes- sions and conduct repel the calumny. the whole history of abolition shows, that its only tendency is to insure peace and safety. we have brought facts to establish the danger of slavery; let us now attend to the confessions of slave holders to the same point. a south carolina writer, while urging the necessity of a stricter police over the slaves, thus describes them: "let it never be forgotten, that our negroes are truly the jacobins of the country; that they are the anarchists, and the domestic enemy; the common enemy of civilized society, and the barbarians who would if they could, become the destroyers of our race."* the southern religious telegraph says: “hatred to the whites, with the exception in some cases of attachment to the person and family of the master, is nearly universal among the black population. we have then a foe cherished in our very bosoms-a foe willing to draw our life-blood, whenever the opportunity is offered, and, in the mean time, intent on doing us all the mischief in his power.”. now, be it recollected, that these “ destroyers of our race," these foes, willing “ to draw the life-blood” of the whites, are rapidly advancing to an immense numerical majority. and on what grounds do the whites rest their hope of security from these jacobins, and anarchists-on equal laws, the diſfu- sion of education, and the influence of religion? let governor haynes of south carolina, answer the question. “a state of military preparation, must always be with us a state of perfect domestic security. a profound peace, and consequent apathy, may expose us to the danger of domestic insurrection.” — message to the legislature, . thus, profound peace, which is a blessing to all other people, will be a curse to the slave holders, and they are to hold all that is dear to them by the tenure of military preparation ! is it, we ask, possible, for any nation to have a worse popu- lation than that described in the preceding extracts, or to be * a refutation of the calumnies inculcated against the southern and western states.-charleston, . danger of slavery. doomed to a more deplorable fate, than that of perpetual mili- tary preparation ? we have now seen, what are the religious and political prin: ciples, and what are the historical facts which lead the ameri- can anti-slavery society to recommend immediate emancipa- tion to their southern brethren. but it is demanded, with an air of supercilious triumph, what have northern men to do with slavery, and what right have they to interfere with the domestic institutions of the south ? and is this question addressed to the followers of him who commanded his disciples to “go into all the world, and to preach the gospel to every creature ?" as well might it be asked of the christians of america, what they have to do with the religion of brahma, --what right they have to interfere to rescue the widow from the burning pile, or the devotee from the wheels of juggernaut ? christians are no less bound by the injunction to “ do good unto all men,' to endeavor, by lawful means, to break the ſetters of the slave, than to deliver the vic- tim of pagan superstition. the obligation is imperative, and they who duly respect its authority, will not be deterred by vio- lence or denunciation from obeying its monitions. the same moral sense which has led abolitionists to oppose slavery, will, we trust, forever lead them to repudiate in their practice tho detestable doctrine, that the end sanctifies the means. the means they employ, except in relation to slavery under the au- thority of congress, are wholly confined to arguments address- ed to the conscience and understanding; and intended only to excite the voluntary action of the masters. with them, and with them alone, rests the power of deciding on the course they will pursue. but let them ponder well the consequences to themselves and their posterity, of their momentous decision. by rejecting abolition, they reject all the rich and varied blessings in morals, in security, in political power and wealth, which it offers to their acceptance. and what do they retain —the licentiousness, cruelty, and injustice; the depression of enterprise, the wasting of strength, the fearful forebodings, the hourly jeopardy, the frowns of public opinion, and the re- proaches of conscience, which are and must be the inseparable attendants on slavery. before they refuse to retreat from the volcano on which they are standing, let them look into the ter- ritic crater which yawns beneath them. public opinion. jaws will be passed, and treaties made, for excluding the pro- ducts of slave labor from europe. so long ago as , mr. windham, in the house of com- mons, “ did not hesitate to say, that when the proper time arri- ved, and the consent of other powers could be obtained for its abolition, slavery ought not to be suffered to exist among the institutions of any civilized state.” the emperor of austria has issued a decree, declaring- “every man, by the right of nature, sanctioned by reason, must be considered a free person. every slave becomes free from the moment he touches the austrian soil, or an austrian ship.” the edinburgh review insists, that “the existence of slavery in america, is an atrocious crime, with which no means can be kept.” mr. buckingham, member of parliament, lately asserted at a public meeting : " the greater proportion of the people of england, demand not merely emancipation, but the immediate emancipation of the slaves, in whatever quarter of the world they may be found.” daniel o'connell, shortly before the abolition of slavery in the british dominions, declared in public : “ the west-indies will be obliged to grant emancipation, and then we will turn to america, and to every part of europe, and require emancipation.” a society has just been formed in england, entitled, “the british and foreign society for the universal abolition of negro slavery and the slave trade.” our pride may revolt at the idea of foreign interference, but it will be the interference not of force, but of public opinion, against which our fleets and armies will be of no avail." we cannot compel other countries to buy our cotton and sugar; or to admit our citizens from the south, when they visit europe, to the usual courtesies of social intercourse. " when an american comes into society,” said daniel o'con- nell, in a numerous assembly, “he will be asked, 'are you one of the thieves, or are you an honest man? if you are an honest man, then you have given liberty to your slaves; if you are among the thieves, the sooner you take the outside of the house the better.'” conclusion. the very coarseness of this invective in the mouth of the great agitator, indicates the temper of the british population on this subject; a temper which, fostered as it is by the progress of liberal principles, will, in time, become the temper of all europe ; and, indeed, of all the world. while the slave holders are suffering, without sympathy and without redress, from the harassing influence of this temper, their slaves will be multi- plying with a fearful rapidity, and becoming each day more conscious of their own strength; and unless their fetters are loosened, they will inevitably be burst. our southern brethren are the masters of their own destiny : may a gracious god lead them to know the things which belong o their peace, before they be forever hidden from their eyes. tab end. widener library harvard college, cambridge, ma : ( ) - if the item is recalled, the borrower will be notified of the need for an earlier return. (non-receipt of overdue notices does not exempt the borrower from overdue fines.) widener moenen dec thank you for ur collection! | i | _ //z . zozº. is: h a r v a r d c o l l e g e l i b r a r y address of rev. m.r. may, dºw emancipation in british west indies; delivered in the first presbyterian church in syraouse, adgust st, . _ //z . zozº. vert: h a r v a r d c o l l e g e l i b r a r y address of rev. m.r. may, dº emancipation in british west indies; delivered in the first presºterian cºurage; nº syraouse, aigl sº sº, isºlº. emancipation in the british w, indies, august , , an address, deliverld in the first presbyterian church iii ſºrt aouse, on trie first of august, . by samuel j. may, pastor or the chur&r! or messiar, in, syracuse; printed by j. barber, liberty intelligencer officz, syracusm, . |ddress on west india emancipation. “blow ye the trumpet abroad o'er the sea, humanity triumphs—the bondmen are free; sing, for the pride of the tyrant is broken; his scourges and fetters, all clotted with blood, are wrenched from his grasp;—for the word was but spoken, and fetters and scourges were sunk in the flood. blow ye the trumpet abroad o'er the sea, humanity triumphs, the bondmen are free.” blessed be god, this is not a mere poetical fiction. it is a historical fact; and it should be celebrated by the true friends of humanity throughout the earth. the first of au- gust should be hallowed. it is the anniversary of an event more auspicious to the cause of the poor and oppressed, than any other event since the advent of the messiah. the emancipation of the , slaves in the british west indies—which was consummated on the st of august, —is a signal illustration of the omnipotence of the truth, and of the entire sufficiency of moral means to effect the subversion of the worst forms of human ill. it is a practical commentary, nay, it is an extant, living fulfil- ment of the promise of jesus to his disciples, that if they only have faith, they shall remove mountains by a word.— for what evil ever afflicted the human family more moun- tainous, more deeply rooted, and of longer standing, than slavery? ... slavery countenanced, legalized, º by the british empire! and yet it has been abolished. in a harsher, or a milder form, slavery has prevailed in the world from the remotest time—originating in the bar- barous practices of men, who knew no better principle than that might gives right. under the light of christianity, some juster views of the rights of man were acquired, and a tone of feeling produced, by which the kind of slavery, that j in europe for ages, under the feudal system, had given way, and in most of the states had become extinct. but in the th century, slavery was revived in a highly ag- gravated form, in the colonies of the new world. then com- menced what is damned to everlasting fame, for its pre-em- inent atrocity—the african slave trade—begun and carried on almost exclusively by the self-styled christian nations of europe. it was prompted by the basest and most un- yielding passions of the human soul—the thirst for gold, the lust of power, and the love of ease. yet the common opin- ion of the so called civilized world acquiesced in this iniqui- ty; and even christian moralists attempted its justification. no other abomination, except it be the horrid custom of war, has been so strongly entrenched in the world as slavery has been. but it has been successfully assailed—in its worst form—in one of its strongest holds—assailed and completely carried. blessed be god, we can now say completely car- ried carried, not by force and arms—not by stratagem— but by the power of truth! “no war or battle sound was heard the world around: but peaceful was the night,” in which by moral might, this work was done : “it is the lord's doing, and it is marvellous in our eyes.” we cannot yet fully appreciate the importance of this event. we see, and rejoice in its bearing upon the aboli- tion of slavery in our country, and upon the abolition of ne- gro slavery throughout the world. but there are other forms of oppression to be broken up; other abominations to be over- thrown. and hereafter, those who may be roused to at- tempt the removal of some mighty evil, yet untouched, will look back for encouragement to the success of the british abolitionists. in time to come, the philanthropist may ever feel assured, by that event, which has signalized the st of august, that he need not despair of success, if his object be a good one, and he be patient, persevering and prayerful. for this event has done more than any other to establish that most encouraging doctrine, which all, who would go forward with any power, must believe, that “whatever ought to be done can be done—that whatever is right is also practica- ble—that things, which are impossible with men, are possi- ble with god.” . . . . . . . . . “ . . . i would there were time, for me to give you only a brief sketch of the history of that moral conflict, the triumph of which we have come here to celebrate. beginning with the first movement ever made, in mercy to the outraged chil- dren of africa, it would do my heart good to tell, and your hearts good to hear, of the generous espousal by granville sharpe, in , of the cause of a friendless slave, who having been so shockingly beaten by his master, that he was supposed to be disabled for life, was abandoned to perish, if he might, in the streets of london, and afterwards, when he had been unexpectedly restored to health by the skill of a humane physician, was reclaimed by the shameless wretch who had beaten him, and well nigh borne off to the home of perpetual bondage, under what was supposed to be the sanction of english law. it would do my heart good to tell, and your hearts good to hear how, stimulated” by this outrage, granville sharpe was led to institute a care- ful examination of the laws of his country, until he discov- ered, as he expected to do, that there was no provision, under which any man could hold his fellow man as a slave in eng- land; and how by years of persevering importunity at the bench of justice, he procured in —aye, extorted from lord mansfield, that glorious decision, which, howev- er reluctantly given, has signalized that eminent jurist's name more than any other act of his officiaflife. it would do my heart good to tell, and your hearts good to hear, the bold and thrilling condemnation of the slave trade and slavery, by the venerable john wesley, founder of the methodist church,-and of the plain language used and valuable labors performed in this cause, at that early day, by the society of friends. still more would it do our hearts good to speak, and to hear, of the noble self consecra- tion of thomas clarkson and william wilberforce, in their early manhood, to this then hopeless work of humanity,+ and of the unabated ardor and unflinching fidelity, with which they prosecuted their enterprise for twenty long years, until they triumphed over all opposition; and brought many proud men to do them honor, by whom they had been wrathfully and contemptuously denounced as pestilent fanatics, not fit to live.” * it is a fact worth mentioning, that william th, the crowning glory of whose short reign was, that he had the honor of affixing the royal signature to the act of emancipation, was one of the lords who, a few years before, dared to speak indig- mantly and contemptuously of wilberforce and his fellow laborers. the event of which i am speaking, was a signal illustration of this fact. the cry for immediate emancipation rang through the land, and waxed louder and stronger, until the men who were in power, and the men who would be in power—the office holders and the office seekers—were alike compelled to give to it a respectful consideration. the houses of parliament were overwhelmed with peti- tions. these increased in urgency, and in the weight of numbers, until in , may , the leading member of the house of commons introduced a bill for the emancipation of the slaves. that bill was indeed unjust in its spirit, and unhappy in some of its prominent provisions—still it went to the immediate abolition of slavery. the bill was pass- ed—and on the st of august, , it took effect. on the morning of this memorable day, the yoke of slavery was broken from the necks of more than eight hundred thousand —who then stood up before the world disenthralled, eman- cipated—their rights as men recognized, guarantied, se- cured to them, by the government of the british empire. stood up, did i say? no, they received the boon of freedom not in the attitude of exultation, but of reverent gratitude. on their bended knees did they await the coming of the moment that would make them free. as the loud bell at midnight tolled the hour, which separated forever the long ages of slavery that had passed, from the ages to come of liberty, and increasing light and happiness—“as the loud bell tolled its first notes, the crowded assembly prostrated themselves on their knees. all was silent, save the quivering, half-stifled breath of the struggling spirit. the slow notes of the clock fell upon the multitude—peal on peal—peal on peal rolled over the prostrate throng, in tones of angels' voices, thrilling among the desolate chords and weary strings of the hearts, that had so long pined in bondage. scarce had the clock sounded its last note, when the lightning of heaven flashed vividly around, and a loud eal of thunder roared along the sky; as it were, god’s #. of fire, and trump of jubilee a moment of pro- found silence passed. then came the burst. they broke forth into prayer; they shouted, they sung ‘glory!’ ‘al- leluia!"—they clapped their hands, leaped up, fell down, clasped each other in their free arms, cried, ſº and went to and fro, tossing up their unfettered hands. but high above the whole there was a mighty sound, which ever _ //z . zozº. meet: is: eºr h a r v a r d c (o l l e g e l i b r a r y address or rev. m.r. may, on emancipation in british west indies; delivered in the first presºtºrian cºor nº syraouse, august st, sº. emancipation in the british w, indies, august , , an address, deliver d itt the first presbyterlan ceturch iii ſºrt aou′e, on trie first of august, . by samuel j. may, rasror or the churen or messian, in racuse; printed by j. barber, liberty intelligencer officz, s?ract’sm. . rev. mr. may- dear sir: the undersigned, impressed with the belief that the publica- tion of your address, delivered on the last anniversary of negro emancipation in the british west indies, will greatly promote the cause of universal liberty, very respectfully solicit a copy of the same for that purpose. we hope this request will be granted; as a fair history of that event, and of the operation of free colored la- bor, upon profit and character, is, at this time, very much needed. with sentiments of high personal regard for your disinterested zeal in the cause of human freedom, we remain, &c. syracuse, aug. th, . thos. spencer, j. broughton, guy davis, j. l. bagg, joseph barber, david cogswell, j. w. north, , h. hoyt, - c. a. wheaton, e. j. foster, hiram putnam, j. h. bates, w. l. turney, josiah wright. syracuse, aug. , . grrrlzmen :- i am highly gratified that you were interested in my address, and that you deem it worthy of publication. in the hope that you have not overrated it, i sub- mit it to your disposal. yery respectfully, yours, samuel j. may. |ddress on west india emancipation. “blow ye the trumpet abroad o'er the sea, humanity triumphs—the bondmen are free; sing, for the pride of the tyrant is broken; his scourges and fetters, all clotted with blood, are wrenched from his grasp;—for the word was but spoken, and fetters and scourges were sunk in the flood. blow ye the trumpet abroad o'er the sea, humanity triumphs, the bondmen are free.” blessed be god, this is not a mere poetical fiction. it is a historical fact; and it should be celebrated by the true friends of humanity throughout the earth. the first of au- gust should be hallowed. it is the anniversary of an event more auspicious to the cause of the poor and oppressed, than any other event since the advent of the messiah. the emancipation of the , slaves in the british west indies—which was consummated on the st of august, —is a signal illustration of the omnipotence of the truth, and of the entire sufficiency of moral means to effect the subversion of the worst forms of human ill. it is a practical commentary, nay, it is an extant, living fulfil- ment of the promise of jesus to his disciples, that if they only have faith, they shall remove mountains by a word.— for what evil ever afflicted the human family more moun- tainous, more deeply rooted, and of longer standing, than slavery?, slavery countenanced, legalized, protected, by the british empire! and yet it has been abolished. in a harsher, or a milder form, slavery has prevailed in the world from the remotest time—originating in the bar- barous practices of men, who knew no better principle than that might gives right. under the light of christianity, some juster views of the rights of man were acquired, and a tone of feeling produced, by which the kind of slavery, that j in europe for ages, under the feudal system, had given way, and in most of the states had become extinct. but in the th century, slavery was revived in a highly ag- gravated form, in the colonies of the new world. then com- menced what is damned to everlasting fame, for its pre-em- inent atrocity—the african slave trade—begun and carried on almost exclusively by the self-styled christian nations of europe. it was prompted by the basest and most un- yielding passions of the human soul—the thirst for gold, the lust of power, and the love of ease. yet the common opin- ion of the so called civilized world acquiesced in this iniqui- ty; and even christian moralists attempted its justification. no other abomination, except it be the horrid custom of war, has been so strongly entrenched in the world as slavery has been. but it has been successfully assailed—in its worst form—in one of its strongest holds—assailed and completely carried. blessed be god, we can now say completely car- ried carried, not by force and arms—not by stratagem— but by the power of truth! “no war or battle sound was heard the world around: but peaceful was the night,” in which by moral might, this work was done ! “it is the lord's doing, and it is marvellous in our eyes.” we cannot yet fully appreciate the importance of this event. we see, and rejoice in its bearing upon the aboli- tion of slavery in our country, and upon the abolition of ne- gro slavery throughout the world. but there are other forms of oppression to be broken up; other abominations to be over- thrown. and hereafter, those who may be roused to at- tempt the removal of some mighty evil, yet untouched, will look back for encouragement to the success of the british abolitionists. in time to come, the philanthropist may ever feel assured, by that event, which has signalized the st of august, that he need not despair of success, if his object be a good one, and he be patient, persevering and prayerful. for this event has done more than any other to establish that most encouraging doctrine, which all, who would go forward with any power, must believe, that “whatever ought to be done can É. done—that whatever is right is also practica- ble—that things, which are impossible with men, are possi- ble with god.” . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . i would there were time, for me to give you only a brief * sketch of the history of that moral conflict, the triumph of which we have come here to celebrate. beginning with the first movement ever made, in mercy to the outraged chil- dren of africa, it would do my heart good to tell, and your hearts good to hear, of the generous espousal by granville sharpe, in , of the cause of a friendless slave, who having been so shockingly beaten by his master, that he was supposed to be disabled for life, was abandoned to perish, if | might, in the streets of london, and afterwards, when he had been unexpectedly restored to health by the skill of a humane physician, was reclaimed by the shameless wretch who had beaten him, and well nigh borne off to the home of perpetual bondage, under what was supposed to be the sanction of english law. it would do my heart good to tell, and your hearts good to hear how, stimulated” by this outrage, granville sharpe was led to institute a care- ful examination of the laws of his country, until he discov- ered, as he expected to do, that there was no provision, under which any man could hold his fellow man as a slave in eng- land; and how by years of persevering importunity at the bench of justice, he procured in —aye, extorted from lord mansfield, that glorious decision, which, howev- er reluctantly given, has signalized that eminent jurist's name more than any other act of his officiaflife. - it would do my heart good to tell, and your hearts good to hear, the bold and thrilling condemnation of the slave trade and slavery, by the venerable john wesley, founder of the methodist church,-and of the plain language used and valuable labors performed in this cause, at that early day, by the society of friends. still more would it do our hearts good to speak, and to hear, of the noble self consecra- tion of thomas clarkson and william wilberforce, in their early manhood, to this then hopeless work of humanity,+ and of the unabated ardor and unflinching fidelity, with which they prosecuted their enterprise for twenty long years, until they triumphed over all opposition; and brought many proud men to do them honor, by whom they had been wrathfully and contemptuously denounced as pestilent fanatics, not fit to live.” * it is a fact worth mentioning, that william th, the crowning glory of whose short reign was, that he had the honor of affixing the royal signature to the act of emancipation, was one of the lords who, a few years before, dared to speak indig- nantly and contemptuously of wilberforce and his fellow laborers. it would do my heart good to tell, and your hearts to hear, of the revival of this work by fowell buxton, in ; and of the clear and strong annunciation by elizabeth hey- rick, of the new doctrine of “immediate not gradual eman- cipation, the right of the slave and the duty of the master.” she lived not to witness the quickening influence of her truth- ful word; but her name will live forever, in the story of re- deemed humanity. the new view, which she, and a few other kindred spirits, presented of this subject, seems to have enkindled afresh all the anti-slavery zeal in the land; and to have waked up the people to a deep sense of their guiltiness, in having acquiesced so long in the continued en- slavement of those, who were in bondage before clarkson and wilberforce accomplished their generous purpose.— *the people were soon brought to see, and those venerated philanthropists were among the first to acknowledge, that all that had been done for bleeding africa, would be a nul- lity—that the abolition of the slave trade would be but a dead letter upon the statute book, unless slavery itself could be abolished ; for so long as the market for any article of merchandize be kept open, and a sufficient pecuniary in- ducement is offered for the supply of that article, so long will it be furnished, let the risk of the traffic be what it may. (see note a.) * the anti-slavery society of london, in , embraced the doctrine of immediate emancipation. men of signal abili- ty were found ready and anxious to go to and fro, pressing upon the public conscience the sinfulness of holding men as property, or participating in the gains, or the productions of those, who regarded and treated fellow men as domesti- cated brutes. hundreds of thousands, in the united king- dom, were brought to pledge themselves to abstain from the use of the produce of slave labor—and a much larger number, who did not concur in this particular measure, united with great heartiness in demanding of parliament the immediate abolition of slavery. the women of eng- land, scotland and ireland were especially active and suc- cessful, in circulatiug petitions for this boon. and when women leave the retirement, which they love, and become É. active in any cause, it is an evidence, which all istory shows us may not be despised, that the heart of hu- manity is deeply moved; and is bent upon the j. achievement, with a determination that will not be baulked. the event of which i am speaking, was a signal illustration of this fact. the cry for immediate emancipation rang through the land, and waxed louder and stronger, until the men who were in power, and the men who would be in power—the office holders and the office seekers—were alike compelled to give to it a respectful consideration. the houses of parliament were overwhelmed with peti- tions. these increased in urgency, and in the weight of numbers, until in , may , the leading member of the house of commons introduced a bill for the emancipation of the slaves. that bill was indeed unjust in its spirit, and unhappy in some of its prominent provisions—still it went to the immediate abolition of slavery. the bill was pass- ed—and on the st of august, , it took effect. on the morning of this memorable day, the yoke of slavery was broken from the necks of more than eight hundred thousand —who then stood up before the world disenthralled, eman- cipated—their rights as men recognized, guarantied, se- cured to them, by the government of the british empire. stood up, did i say? no, they received the boon of freedom not in the attitude of exultation, but of reverent gratitude. on their bended knees did they await the coming of the moment that would make them free. as the loud bell at midnight tolled the hour, which separated forever the long ages of slavery that had passed, from the ages to come of liberty, and increasing light and happiness—“as the loud bell tolled its first notes, the crowded assembly prostrated themselves on their knees. all was silent, save the quivering, half-stifled breath of the struggling spirit. the slow notes of the clock fell upon the multitude—peal on peal—peal on peal rolled over the prostrate throng, in tones of angels' voices, thrilling among the desolate chords and weary strings of the hearts, that had so long pined in bondage. scarce had the clock sounded its last note, when the lightning of heaven flashed vividly around, and a loud peal of thunder roared along the sky; as it were, god’s pillar of fire, and trump of jubilee a moment of pro- found silence passed. then came the burst. they broke forth into prayer; they shouted, they sung ‘glory!’ ‘al- leluia!’—they clapped their hands, leaped up, fell down, clasped each other in their free arms, cried, laughed, and went to and fro, tossing up their unfettered hands. but high above the whole there was a mighty sound, which ever s and anon swelled up; it was the uttering in negro, broken dialect, of gratitude to god. “after this gush of excitement had spent itself, the con- gregation became calm, and the remainder of the night was occupied in singing and prayer, in reading the bible, and in addresses from the missionaries, explaining the nature of the freedom just received, and exhorting the freed people to show themselves, in all things, worthy of the high boon which god had conferred upon them.” have you ever witnessed, have you ever heard of a scene more sublime than this? do you know of any passage in the history of the whole race of man, that discloses more of the best part of human nature ? when i first read this pas- sage, i was overcome with emotion; and i can never read it without a beating heart. gladly would i give the best volume in my library to any one, who would show me an- other page in the history of man equal to this. it would be my choice to spend the rest of the time, i may occupy on this occasion, in dwelling more at length u on the history of the event we came here to celebrate—in showing you how the evil forebodings, of those who were opposed to emancipation, and the fears of those who favor- ed it, were all put to shame by the excellent conduct of the newly freed men. i should prefer merely to narrate to you the evidences we have of the happy effects of this act of humanity—of the decrease of poverty and crime in the west indies—the increase of public confidence and sense of security—of the rise in the value of real estate, a sure index of the prosperity of a community—and of the plans of individual and social relief and improvement, which have all followed the emancipation of the enslaved. (see note b.) but alas! our country is still full of unbelievers; and i must turn from the glowing narration, to argue certain points with some, to whom all this light, that has sprung up, seems darkness—to whom all this good seems evil. what concern have we, there be many that say—what concern have we with the emancipation in the british west indies. it was a national affair. it was effected by instru- ments, that we cannot use in this country; and your extrav- agant panegyric upon england for this act, is, by implica- tion, a reproach of our own nation, which we do not de- serve. let english philanthropists applaud their govern- ment for the act of west india emancipation, if they can, while so much terrible wrong remains in the social condi- tion of their countrymen at home, and in the condition of the subjects of the british empire, in other parts of the world. we may find some things more worthy of our commendation than this transaction, which, after all that has been said about it, is of a very mixed character, and serves rather to illustrate the egregious inconsistency of england, than to prove her philanthropy. such is the tone, in which i often hear the event of the st of august spoken of be it known to you, fellow citizens, i stand not here the eulogist of england, as a nation. she is a paragon of inconsistencies. i know not how to strike the balance, be- tween her glory and her shame. i would say of her in one line, what pope has said of her most distinguished son, lord bacon,- “the greatest, wisest, meanest of mankind.” but, whatever may be the guilt of that mighty nation as a body politic—however crushing may be the weight of her institutions at home—however grievous her oppressions abroad—the event we this day celebrate reveals the cheer- ing fact, that there are true hearted, noble minded philan- thropists among her people; and that by the power of truth, entreaty, remonstrance, and other moral means, they have wrought such a change in the sentiments and feelings of the people, that the government, unprincipled and corrupt as it may be, could no longer withstand the righteous demands of humanity; thus proving that “truth is mighty and will prevail.” now whatever this great instrument of reform has effect- ed in one part of the world, it may effect in any other part. aye, greater, works than this shall it do. it is the instrument, by which the entire redemption of man is to be wrought out. whatever may have been done for the relief of the suffering in any part, is a cause for congratulation and rejoicing in every other part of the world—for humanity is one. the sufferings of men in all parts of the earth flow from the same, or similar sources. whatever therefore has operated, in england or in india, to relieve the oppressed, to raise up the fallen, may operate to the same beneficent result, in america, or any where else. no one, who is at all acquainted with the story of west b created that public opinion, which will demand the aboli- tion of slavery—to theodore d. weld, and charles bur- leigh, and beriah green, and judge jay, and dr. chan- ning, and dr. follen, and henry b. stanton, and wendell phillips, and others, too numerous to mention, whose elo- quence and whose logic have convinced the understandings, and warmed the hearts of thousands against the tremen- dous wrongs of slavery, to whittier and pierpont and lowell, who have written those soul-stirring songs of free- dom, that have found a voice in the hutchinsons, which has made the very stones cry out shame upon the oppres- sors of man—and to arthur tappan, and francis jackson, who have poured out their money like water, and periled their estates, as if they were of no worth in comparison with human rights—aye, and gerrit smith who has so liberally given his wealth, and his eloquence too, to the cause of the enslaved; and to william goodell—the granville sharpe of our country—who by his penetrating researches into the provisions of our constitution, and the principles of com- mon law, has prepared the way perhaps for some future chief justice to decree, that “slaves cannot breathe in america,” any more than in england. to these men, and women, and to others, as true hearted as they, whom i have not time to name, and to others still, whom i may not know, but of whose faithful words, and generous labors in the cause of the slave, god has been witness—to these, (how- ever now despised) will the praise be due, for that deliv- erance, which is to come to the oppressed, down trodden in our land—although, my word for it, they will not ask for praise, so the work be done. we rejoice this day in the act of west india emancipa- tion, not because it gives us a formula, by which the great question of human redemption, in our own country, is to be solved; but because it increases our faith in the power of that spirit, and the efficiency of those means, by which the event we celebrate was mainly brought about. if moral ower has done so much, we say it may do much more.-- he height and the depth of it have not yet been fathomed. what we propose to do in this country, is not a more hope- less task than was the abolition of the slave trade, when first determined on by clarkson and wilberforce; or the overthrow of slavery by the later abolitionists of great britain. nay, though the work we have to do be different, and much more arduous than theirs, we need not despair, we ought not, for we labor on the vantage ground, gained by their toils and their sacrifices. some of the provisions of the bill for west india eman- cipation, may have been such as we cannot approve. but we need not thence infer, that the abolition of slavery in our republic cannot be accomplished, by such measures as we do approve. and remember the apprenticeship sys- tem, and the payment of £ , , were not measures º or approved, by the abolitionists of great britain; ut by the political partizan managers, who always sully every thing they handle. the early abandonment of the apprenticeship system, by the consent of the planters themselves, is a most emphat- ic acknowledgement of the truth of the doctrine, on which we rely, that the abolition of slavery should be not gradual but immediate and entire. (note c.) the payment of twenty millions of pounds sterling, as the price of liberty, was a compromise of the principle, on which we demand freedom for man—a dereliction of the claim of liberty as the inalienable right, the birthright of all men. it seemed to be a recognition too of the justice of the claim of properly in human beings, which is the sem- inal wrong in this whole system of wickedness. then the fact that this immense sum was paid out of the revenue of england, a revenue derived by taxation from the people, multitudes of whom were already groaning un- der the load of public burthens, which the pride of royalty, the assumption of nobility, the greediness of accumulation and the love of military achievement, had already heaped upon the nation—the fact, i say, that this £ , , was extorted by tax from the already overloaded people of great britain; seems to make the injustice of the act of parliament the more glaring. this provision, i acknowl- edge, sullies greatly the moral purity of the act; and i do not wonder much, that it has led those, who look only at the surface of this matter, to say, that the event, for which we give thanks, was after all effected not so much by the force of truth as by the power of money. - fellow citizens, keep in mind, the abolitionists are not responsible for the way in which the british government saw fit to do this act of tardy justice to the enslaved. but to the abolitionists does belong the praise of having so rous- ed the public sentiment and feeling of england, scotland and .. that the government of those united kingdoms could no longer withstand their demand to break the yoke of oppression. to the british parliament be the shame of devising the apprenticeship system. that was not asked for by the abolitionists. it was suggested by pro-slavery timidity—not by anti-slavery courage and faith in man.- to the british parliament be the shame of having paid twenty millions of pounds to the oppressors, some of whom were wealthy members of their own body; instead rather of paying a much larger sum to the oppressed, if by the pay- ment of money they could have made any adequate com- pensation to the enslaved, for the wrongs that had been done them. to the british parliament be the shame of having paid this immense sum of money to the strong, that they would no longer trample upon the weak; to the rich, that they might no longer rob the poor. but to the british eople be the praise of consenting, that so much of their very life’s blood should be drawn from them, if so be it would only hasten the bestowment of liberty upon the enslaved. the only plea, that will stand a moment in justification of this part of the british act, cannot be set up in behalf of a similar measure in our own country. parliament was legislating for distant dependencies upon the english crown, that were not represented. it was about to enforce a measure upon them, without their consent—a measure that might subject them to some pecuniary loss; and therefore it was urged that compensation ought to be made. this lea, if it were valid for them, would not be for us. we #. no central government, which has the power to eman- cipate the slaves throughout the land. our congress can do some things towards this result; and ought to be urged to do them, with untiring importunity. but it cannot abol- ish slavery throughout the land. this can be done only by the legislatures of the several states. it will not therefore be done, until majorities of the people in the several states have been brought to demand it; and this they will not do, until they have come to see the tremendous wickedness of holding men in slavery. and then probably they will no s living as they might. should we not respect them all the more, for showing this respect for themselves, and their rights. i, for one, am thankful, that they will not work for such wages as men grown old in slaveholding may think enough for them. and i rejoice that such is the climate of the west indies, and so abundant the spontaneous produc- tions of the soil, that they can live, in tolerable comfort, without selling themselves for a piece of bread. would to god, that the poor people in the cities of our own country could as easily escape from those extortioners among us, who are willing to fatten upon their life's blood—to get rich by paying wages, that are not half enough to supply the wants of our mere animal nature. i rejoice that the soil and climate of jamaica are such as to encourage the freed- men, and that their spirit is such as to prompt them, to leave the plantations untilled, rather than work for men, who would oppress them still. this fact increases my confi- dence in them all the more, my assurance that they have feelings, which become them as men. and when i am told that the amount of produce, raised on the island, is more- over greatly lessened by the unwillingness of many of the freed-men to have their wives and daughters labor in the fields, preferring that they should live more like other fe- males, i could clap my hands for joy at this evidence of their hamanity. i should not grieve if there were never another hogshead of sugar exported from the island, if i could only know, that the long oppressed laborers of jamai- ca were coming to taste more and more of the sweets of do- mestic life; and were seeking individual and social, intellec- tual and moral improvement, rather than riches for them- selves or others. i am such an ultraist as to believe, that there are some things much better for men, for all men, than riches—than “gold, aye, than much fine gold.” my hearers, i have inquired into these complaints, which have come to us through certain channels from the west indies. if any of you will take one tithe of the pains, that i have, to inform yourselves, you will know that what i say is true. if the planters would pay fair wages, there would le ..ttle reluctance on the part of the freed-men to labor for them. and if they will not, i hope their lands may be al- lowed to return to the wilderness. let the representations of the state of things in the west > indies, be what they may ; let the worst representation, that has been given, be true; one thing we know, that the eight hundred thousands, who once were slaves there, are slaves no more. this fact alone should be enough to fill our hearts with joy unspeakable. were the love of liberty alive in our land, were not the people of the south drunk with the blood of their victims, and the people of the north besotted with the lust of gain, the fact that eight hundred thousand slaves have been set free, would raise a shout of thanksgiving throughout our borders. deliverance from bondage is the first thing to be done for the redemption of the enslaved. enslavement is an insuperable barrier to hu- man improvement. when this barrier is effectually broken down, then, and not till then, are the golden gates thrown open to endless progress in knowledge and virtue. this barrier is broken down in the british west indies. halle- lujah! praise ye the lord for that! and if it must take generations, to recover the freed-men from the deterioration wrought by slavery, we will thank god all the more, that the commencement of their recovery has been no longer de- layed. we rejoice that they are free; that they are ac- counted men; that their rights are to be henceforth protected by the british arm. we need no prophetic foresight to as- sure us, that this is the dawn of their better day. we rejoice this day for all the oppressed throughout the british realm. millions of the subjects of great britain are groaning under burdens, too grievous to be borne. all the laboring classes in england are cruelly oppressed. the people of ireland are peeled and scathed by the avarice of their masters. countless thousands in hindoostan are trodden under foot. surely the british philanthropists will persevere in the good work they have begun. the moral energy, the faith, which have achieved emancipation in the west indies, cannot, will not slumber until justice and mer- cy are shown to all the subjects of that empire, upon whose possessions the sun never sets. we rejoice in anticipation of the effect, which the aboli- tion of slavery in the west indies must produce upon our own country. no doubt there are many in this land, who delight in the possession of absolute power; who boast of the shame of living upon the unpaid labor of the poor. yet there are, i doubt not, a large number of persons, who with- how to labor to the best advantage. but it may not be denied, that much was gain- ed to the cause of humanity, when the british parliament, and the american con- gress were brought to denounce the slave trade as piracy. the endeavors of the british government to enforce this prohibition, have been on the whole, commendable, especially since . but the duplicity of our gov- ernment has, in a great measure, thwarted those endeavors. see dr. madden's letter to dr. channing, and fowell buxton's work on the slave trade. although my bosom is hot with indignation, i wish to use no stronger language than i find in a recent number of the “onondaga standard,” taken from the “rochester daily advertiser”—both of them democratic papers. “it was contemplated that the slave trade should be prohibited after . it has indeed been made piracy; but the law has ever been evaded; and our government, under the influence of slave- holders' dictation, has hitherto virtually connived at its continuance, by insisting on the exemption from visitation and search, of all vessels carrying the flag of the un- ion. what wrong was ever done, or likely to be done, by an examination simply to ascertain whether our flag was not fraudulently assumed to cover piracy and rob- bing " i rejoice to learn, from a correspondent of the n. y. evangelist, writing from bra- zil, that the hon. mr. wise, the american minister there, has been vigorously pros- ecuting an investigation into this infamous business. mr. wise says in his official communication to the secretary of state—“documents herewith transmitted will show the nature, connections, and extent of the african slave trade as it is, and has for some time been, unblushingly carried on by our citizens under our flag. it has grown so bold and so bad, as no longer to wear a mask, even to those who reside here, and who are at all acquainted with the trade between brazil and africa.” and we are told, by the above correspondent, that mr. wise has expressed the opinion, “that if the peºple of the united states knew the extent to which this worst of pi- racies is conducted under their flag, and by vessels launched and owned in their free, northern waters, a law would be passed at the very next session of congress, for- bidding all trade with the coast of africa,” because the vessels, which go upon that coast, are sure to be engaged directly or indirectly in the slave trade. note. b. result of emancipation. many conflicting statements have been made, in relation to the effect which emancipation has produced upon the character and condition, both moral and physical, of the blacks in the english west india isl- ands. in a debate had in the english house of commons, in , lord stanley made the following statement, on which, it seems to me, full reliance may be placed. “that the emancipation of the negro population of the west indies had, in the benefits which were derived from it, exceeded the most sanguine expectations of the most ardent advocates of the measure. in every one of the islands, the physical condition and prosperity of the laboring classes had reached to an extent far greater than had been anticipated; and what was still more gratifying, the improvement in their physical condition was accompanied by a corresponding improvement in their social and moral habits. religious instruction had produced its anticipated effects, | | ii. the borrower will be charged an overdue fee if this book is not returned to the library on or before the last datestamped below. non-receipt of overdue notices does not exempt the overdue fees. . a b , the aboletine diavery in the french colonies. ky alicia de droguerille an ins general library -of- university of michigan. presented by in. s a kereen jo jan , general library -of- university of michigan. presented by dr. s.a. breen jan , ht ,a - from drs, a hen febr que report made to the chamber of deputies on the abolition of slavery in the french colonies, by alexis de tocqueville; july , . translated from the french. boston: james munroe and company. dccc xl. from afr. o, a, lore ins, ou gu report de made to the chamber of deputies on the abolition of slavery in the french colonies, by alexis de tocqueville; july , . translated from the french boston: james munro e and company. mdcccxl. entered according to the act of congress, in the year , by james munroe and company, in the clerk's office of the district court of the district of massachusetts. cambridge press: metcalf, torry, and ballou. a sagii introduction. the commission, in whose behalf this report was pre- sented to the french chamber last year, was composed of mm. baron roger, de tocqueville, count de sade, wus- tenberg de rémusat, cadeau-d'acy, dugabé, odilon barrot, viscount de panat. the french executive is more and more impressed with the importance of the subject, as may be seen by the fol- lowing report of the minister of the marine and the colo- nies, presented to louis philippe in may last, and which has been approved by his majesty. sire; “each day so augments the number and importance of the questions relative to slavery, as well as to the political consti- tution of the colonies, and these questions raise difficulties so serious, that i feel the necessity of submitting them to the examination of a consulting commission, chosen from the members of the primary state bodies. i have the honor to beg your majesty's approval of the following nomination. the duke de broglie, president, the count de saint-cricq, peers of france. the marquis d'audiffret, the count de sade, wustemberg, de tracy, ) members of the passy, (hyppolite,) chamber of depu- de tocqueville, ties. baron lepelletier-d'aulnay, bignon, baron de mackau, vice-admiral. the count de moges, rear-admiral. filleau de saint-hilaire, counsellor of state and di- rector of the colonies. in order to put the reader of m. de tocqueville's report in possession of as complete an idea of the french colonies as one page can present, the following statistics are subjoin- ed. the table is compiled principally from m'culloch, whose anthority is montvéran, essai de statistique sur les colonies, pièces justicatives, nos. and . population. colonies. martinique, guadaloupe, marie-galante, &c. french guiana, isle de bourbon, senegal, &c. fr. factories in india, census of whites. free col. slaves. total. , | , , , , | , , , , , , , , , , , , | , , , , , , , , ( , eu statement (in killogrammes) of the products of the french colonies imported into france in . the killogramme is equal to lbs. avoirdupois. sugars of wood of coffee. cacao. cotton. cloves &c. anatto. indigo. gum. wax. all qual. all kinds. killogr. killogr. killogr. killogr. killogr. killogr. killogr. killogr. killogr. killogr. , , , , , , , , , , | , , , achita report. they, who have hitherto considered the subject of slavery, have, for the most part, endeavored to show its injustice or to mitigate its hardships. the commission, in the name of which i have the honor to speak, perceived, from the commencement of its labors, that its task was at once more simple and more grand. it has been sometimes assumed that negro slavery had its foundation and justification in nature herself. it has been declared that the slave-trade was a benefit to its unfortunate victims; and that the slave was happier in the tranquillity of bondage, than in the midst of the agitation and the struggles that accom- pany independence. thank god, the commission has no such false and odious doctrines to refute. europe has long since discarded them. they cannot serve the cause of the colonies, and can only injure those plan- ters who still uphold them. the commission has not now to establish the posi- tion, that slavery can and ought to cease. this truth is now universally acknowledged, and one which slaveholders themselves do not deny. the question before us has ceased to be a theoreti- it is at length comprehended in the field of cal one. practical politics. we are not to consider whether slavery is evil, and ought to terminate, but when and how it can best be brought to an end. those, who, while they admit that slavery cannot always continue, desire to defer the period of emanci- pation, say that before breaking the chains of the ne- groes we must prepare them for independence. the black now escapes almost entirely from the salutary bonds of marriage; he is dissolute, idle, and improvi- dent; in more than one respect he resembles a de- praved child rather than a man. the truths of christ- ianity are almost unknown to him, and of the morals of the gospel he knows only the name. · enlighten his religion, reform his habits, establish for him the family relation, extend and fortify his in- tellect, until his mind can conceive the idea of the future, and acquire the power of forethought. after you have accomplished all these things, you can with- out fear set him free. true; but if all these preparations cannot be made in a state of slavery, to exact that they shall have been made before servitude can cease, - is it not in other words to declare that it never shall cease? to insist on giving to a slave the thoughts, the habits, and mor- als of a free man, is to condemn him to remain always a slave. because we have made him unworthy of liberty, can we forever refuse to him and his descend- ants the right of being free? it is true, that the conjugal union is almost unknown among the slaves of our colonies. it is true, that see the statistics of marriage in the documents printed by order of the minister of the marine. our colonial institutions have not favored, as much as they should have done, the marriage of the blacks. it must, however, be allowed, that, in this respect, tho masters have sometimes attempted to do what the law has not done. but the negroes have generally escaped, and still escape, this salutary influence. there exists, indeed, a profound and natural an- tipathy between the institution of marriage and that of slavery. a man does not marry when he cannot ox- ercise marital authority, when his children must be born his equals, irrevocably destined to the wrotched- ness of their father; when, having no power over their fate, he can neither know the duties, the privi- leges, the hopes, nor the cares which belong to the paternal relation. it is easy to perceivo that every motive, which incites the freeman to a lawful union, is lost to the slave by the simple fact of his slavery. the several means which the legislature or the master may use to attract him to that condition, which they have rendered him incapable of desiring, will always be without effect. the same remark may be applied to the other argu- ments. how can the reason of a man be enlightened and strengthened, while we hold him in a state where reason is useless to him, and where its exercise may be injurious ? we cannot seriously hope it. berider, it is absurd to endeavor to render a laborer active and diligent, who is compelled to work without wages, and it is a puerile effort to undertake to endow with disa cretion and habits of foreight those, whose lot it is to remain strangers to their own fate, and who we their future destiny in the hands of another. - the negroes even religion itself can seldom be made to operate on the slave, and at best its influence is extremely superficial. all, who have had occasion to reside in our colonies, agree in saying, that the negroes are much disposed to receive and retain religious faith. are eager for religion,” says the governor general of martinique, in one of his last reports. it seems certain, however, that the negroes have as yet conceived only very obscure and unsettled ideas on the subject of religion. this may be attributed in part to the small number of priests who live in the colonies, to the little zeal of some among them, and to the habitual indifference of the masters on this point. but these are, it must be allowed, only secondary causes; the primary cause is still slavery itself. this is easily understood, and is explained by what precedes. in many countries where the europeans have intro- duced servitude, the masters have always opposed, openly or in secret, the preaching of the gospel to the negroes. christianity is a religion of free men; and they fear, lest in exciting it in the soul of the slave, they may also awaken there some of the instincts of liberty. when, on the contrary, they have had occasion to call on the priest for his assistance in preserving or- der, and introduce him among the laborers, he has had little power, because in the eyes of the slave the priest appeared but as the substitute for the master, and the sanctifier of slavery. in the first case the slaves could not, in the second they would not, receive in- struction. tin lepotatis moreover, how can we succeed in elevating and purifying the mind of one, who feels no responsibility for his own conduct? how convey the idea of moral dignity to a man, who is nothing in his own eyes ? with every exertion, it is hardly possible to enlighten and spiritualize the religion of a slave, whose life is spent in hard and incessant labor, and who is naturally. and irrevocably plunged in ignorance by the very tenor of his condition. it is not easy to purify the life of a man, who can never know the principal charms of the conjugal union, who can see in marriage only another slavery in the bosom of bondage. if the subject be carefully examined, we shall be convinced, that in most slave countries, the negro is entirely indifferent to the truths of religion, or at least that he turns christianity into an exciting and gross superstition. it would seem then hardly reasonable to believe, that in slavery we can destroy those vices to which slavery naturally and necessarily gives birth. the thing is without example in the world. it is only experience of liberty, liberty long possessed, and directed by a power, at once energetic and restrained, which can prompt and form in man the opinions, virtues, and habits, which become a citizen of a free country. the period, which follows the abolition of slavery, has therefore always been a time of uneasiness and social difficulty. this is an inevitable evil; we must resolve to meet it, or make slavery eternal. your commission thought that all the means, which might be employed to prepare the negroes for eman- cipation, would be very slow in operation, and of ex- tremely limited utility. they have, therefore, judged, that little is gained by delay, and have questioned “ emancipation,” says the privy council of guada- loupe, ( th december, ,)“ is now inevitable, not only on account of the efforts of the abolitionists, but as a consequence of the topographical position of our islands, and their vicinity to the english colonies.” the governor of guadaloupe, in his report of the th december, , says, speaking of the extra ses- sion of the colonial council, “ a kind of panic was excited on this occasion, throughout the country; a re- port was current that the slaves were disposed to reclaim their liberty forcibly, if it were not granted by the first of january. nothing has happened to coun- tenance the uneasiness which was manifest. it is cer- tain, however, that the laborers are agitated by the hope of approaching emancipation.” it is easy to conceive, that such a situation is full of perils, and that it already gives rise to a part of the evils, which the destruction of slavery may occasion, without producing any of the benefits, which may be expected from liberty. it is no longer a state of regu- lar and established order; it is a transitory and stormy condition; the dreaded revolution is already begun. the planter, who sees this inevitable revolution ad- vancing upon him day by day, is without definite prospects, and consequently heedless of the future. he begins no new enterprises, because he is uncertain whether he shall reap the fruit of them. he improves nothing, because he is sure of nothing. he takes no pains to preserve that which may not always belong to martinique and guadaloupe are separated only by a narrow arm of the sea from saint lucia, dominica, montserrat, and antigua. all these islands are visible from each other. saint lucia and dominica having been french, their example is still more contagious for our islands. him. the uncertainty of their approaching destiny weighs heavily upon the colonies; it contracts their intelligence and abates their courage. it is partly to this cause, that we must attribute the pecuniary distress in our colonies. the estates and slaves are without purchasers, because there is no se- curity for the proprietors and masters. the same results were also visible in most of the english colo- nies during the period, which immediately preceded the abolition of slavery. of this we shall be convinced on reading the discussions of the english parliament in the session of . if this state of things be long continued, it will ruin the white population, and leave little hope of ever at- taining peaceably and happily the enfranchisement of the blacks. in the gradual and involuntary relaxing of the bond of slavery, the negro becomes gradually accustomed to the idea of being feared; he readily attributes all that humanity accomplishes in his favor to the terror which he inspires. he becomes a bad slave, without acquir- ing any of the virtues of the free man ; he loses that habitual obedience and respect, of which the magis- trate must avail himself when the authority of the master is withdrawn. - the negroes of the antilles,” say those reports which are most recent and most worthy of credit, “ quit their huts almost every night to wander abroad and abandon themselves to dissipation. it is also during this nocturnal liberty, that they employ themselves in robbery and smuggling, and hold their meetings. when day arrives, they are exhausted and little fit for work. when the planters are asked why they give this liberty, so fatal to their slaves, they reply that they are unable to prevent it. in short, when the master demands of his negroes anything that they are unac- customed to do, they resist, at first by idleness, and, without further action on his part, proceed to poison the cattle. the terror of poison is great in this coun- try; by its power the slave governs his master.” this terror of poison seems to prevail the most ex- tensively in martinique. the commission have ex- amined a report by the governor of martinique, dated the th march, , in which this functionary attrib- utes partly to the fear of poison the little interest the planters take in raising cattle. “ the raising of cat- tle,” he says, “ is discouraged by poison.” humanity and morality have often claimed, and sometimes perhaps with imprudence, the abolition of slavery. it is now a measure of political necessity. it is better that the crisis should be brought about by a firm and prudent hand, than to leave the colonies to be enfeebled and degraded by delay, and at length to become incapable of supporting it. your commission have been unanimous in the opin- ion, that the time has come to engage actively in the final abolition of slavery in our colonies; and they have thought it their duty to endeavor to devise the best method of accomplishing that object. two general systems have naturally presented them- selves. the first gives liberty to the slaves individually, and by a succession of slow and progressive measures. the second puts a stop to servitude at once, and for every slave. your commission, after mature investigation, were of the unanimous opinion, that simultaneous emanci- pation presented less inconvenience and fewer perils than gradual emancipation. this opinion, which, moreover, seems universally ad- mitted in the colonies themselves, may at first appear sur- prising. but an attentive examination will soon show, that it is founded upon reasons which seem unan- swerable. these reasons have already strongly at- tracted the attention of the late commission. " the system of simultaneous emancipation,” said the reporter, “appeared preferable.” all gradual emancipation has, indeed, three weighty inconveniences: first. when the government shall at once, and by the direct and visible operation of her will alone, grant independence to all the slaves, she may easily, in re- turn for the new rights which she confers, impose upon each of them certain peculiar and strict obligations, and place them at once under temporary regulations, which shall gradually accustom them to make a good use of their liberty. as the change is complete, the whole society being transformed at the same time, it will not be impossible to introduce new maxims of government, a new police, new functionaries, new laws. these laws applying to all, no one will feel himself injured, none will resist them. the mother country is prepared to make such an effort, and the colonies to submit to it. when, on the contrary, the slaves receive their lib- erty one by one, and by a concurrence of circumstan- ces which appear accidental, the social change thus effected attracts no attention. at each separate en- franchisement the nature of colonial society is funda- mentally changed, while its exterior form presents no alteration. the enfranchised continuing to form a class by themselves, we must create for it special legis- lation, separate magistrates, a distinct government. these are undertakings always difficult and often dan- gerous. it seems more simple and less troublesome to resort to common law. now the common law for a society of slaves does not at all resemble ours; it were a great error to sup- abril pose it. all who have travelled in those countries where slavery exists may have remarked, that the social power interferes less in the affairs of life, and assumes infi- nitely less responsibility, than in countries where slavery is unknown. public authority is not needed to repress vagabonds and idlers, since the laborer is always retained in a certain place and kept at work. society does not provide for the wants of children, old men, and the sick; these charges are attached to slave property. most police laws are unnecessary; the discipline of the master takes their place. in slave countries the master is chief magistrate ; and when the state has established, maintained, and regulated the usages of servitude, the largest part of the task is accomplished. the legislation of a slave country does not take into account the existence of a great number of men at once free, poor, and depraved. it makes no pre- parations to provide for their wants, to repress their disorders, and correct their vices. it is, then, easy for the enfranchised to abuse his inde- pendence, and lead an idle and vagabond life. at first this evil is hardly perceptible, but it increases with the taken and is now exclusively performed by slaves. “ who does not know,” says the privy council of guadaloupe, “ that with regard to labor the past has compromised the future ? who does not know the repugnance of free labor for the continuation of slave labor ? who cannot perceive that the simultaneous employment of these two kinds of labor is a contra- diction, and an obstacle to the end we should keep in view, that of reinstating by means of liberty the cul- ture of the earth, now degraded by slavery ?” thirdly. all gradual emancipation has, moreover, the inevitable effect of leading by a very short path to com- plete emancipation. a very recent and very striking example of this fact has just happened in the english colonies. one part of the negroes were about to attain their liberty two years before the rest. as soon as the period ar- rived for the first, it was found necessary to advance it to the second, and all took possession of their inde- pendence together. it may be fearlessly affirmed, that it will be always thus in every country where this method is pursued. when, by means of gradual emancipation, a great number of negroes have received their liberty, it be- comes almost impossible to hold the others in a state of servitude. how shall we compel the free black to labor by the side of the slave ? how preserve the obedience of the slave in the presence and in the midst of free blacks? how maintain the rule of servi- tude, when the exception of liberty becomes common, and the hard law of slavery, destroyed in principle for all, only exists temporarily and partially for a few ? hence it happens that a multitude of slaves are trious of the slaves, will procure their liberty ; the women, children, and the aged, the unruly and idle will be left on the hands of the master. the moral effect is to a certain extent better, but it also presents great perils. it is to be feared that, reduced to feeble and imbecile agents, the business of labor will be soon deranged ; forced labor will become unproductive before free labor is reinstated and organized. it is true that the principle of redemption has long existed in the spanish colonies, and that it does not appear to have produced there such unhappy results. but it is of public notoriety in the new world, that, among the spaniards, slavery has always been pecul- iarly softened. we may, moreover, convince our- selves of this by examining the decrees of the spanish kings at a period, when in every european nation the black code was so strongly marked with barbarism. the spaniards, who showed themselves so cruel to the indians, have always treated the negroes with singu- lar humanity. in their colonies the situation of the black has approached that of the white more nearly than in any of the others, and the authority of the master has often resembled that of the father of a family. the slave, more kindly treated, sighed less for a freedom, which must be preceded by great efforts. the legislature granted a privilege, which he seldom desired to use. these laws were moreover introduced among the spaniards at a time when slavery, establishcd by law and custom, was the common lot, and seemed to be the natural destiny of the black race. looked upon liberty only as a rare and singular state. the negroes there was no powerful inducement for seizing it. now they are excited to it by every motive; now that slavery is marked by universal reprobation, and ap- pears only as an abuse of power; now that it is strongly opposed by general usage and faintly defended by law ; now that it has become a transitory exception ; now that liberty is so general and so near, imagination already kindles at her approach. another method of gradual emancipation was also proposed by the honorable m. de tracy. without destroying slavery in the present genera- tion, it declares all those children free who may here- after be born. this method does not produce those disastrous con- sequences, which have first been pointed out, but it presents other difficulties and other dangers. since marriage is almost unknown among the slaves, there is scarcely any natural and necessary connexion, save between mother and child. this last family bond, so important to be preserved, is broken, if, while the child is treated like a free man, the mother remains in bondage ; if, by a monstrous subversion, the one is placed lower in the social scale than the other; a state which outrages nature, and from which no real good can ever result. here, also, the general objections, already brought forward against gradual emancipation, present them- selves in full force. in the midst of a preceding gene- ration held in servitude, how can you obtain the labor of the young enfranchised generation? how will you compel the parents to labor as slaves in the midst of their free children? your commission being thus convinced, that uni- versal emancipation was the least dangerous mode of destroying slavery, have applied themselves wholly to the enquiry as to the general conditions and the man- ner in which this emancipation should be effected. your commission have repelled at once the idea of assimilating slave property to other kinds of property protected by law. they do not admit that the restor- ing of a negro to liberty is a parallel case to that of a forced exaction of property by the state for the public good. man has never had the right of possessing man, and the possession itself has always been and still is unlawful. and even if the principles concerning the use of property for the good of the community were here applicable, it is evident that the planter could not, in accordance with these principles, claim in advance the reimbursement of the total value of the slave, for in the place of the slave whom the law takes from him, it offers him a free laborer. the free workman, it is true, will only serve for wages; but the slave himself can only serve on condition of purchase, nourishment, protection, and clothing, which are wages under anoth- er form. the property of the planter, then, is not invaded by the fact of emancipation; he has strictly no right to an indemnity, unless, by the yet doubtful re- sult of this emancipation, the negroes refuse to work, or the wages which they demand for their labor shall exceed the sum for which their coöperation could be compelled during slavery. it is, nevertheless, the unanimous opinion of your commission, that it would be neither humane, equita- ble, nor wise to refuse assistance to the colonies at the ? :~ o cars te a small number of laborers, paid according to their work, than it costs him now, when he is obliged to purchase, and to support throughout the year a multi- tude of slaves, a large portion of whom are always un- productive. on the other hand, it must be acknowledged, that the event of so great a social change will always be attended with uncertainty. even though the final result of the great experiment should be satisfactory, as there are so many just reasons for believing it will be, the passage from one state to another is never unattended with danger; it is accompanied with inevitable incon- venience; it leads to changes in customs and modes of living always difficult and often burdensome. it is possible, it is even probable, that, for a time, until the negro has been trained by new legislation to habits of labor, the cultivation of estates in the colonies will be less productive by free, than it has been by forced labor ; in other words, that wages will be annually more expensive than the purchase and support of slaves are at the present time. to leave the planters to meet this risk alone would be flagrant iniquity. it is unworthy of the grandeur and the generosity of france, to cause the principles of justice, humanity, and reason, so long unrecognised by her and by her children across the sea, at last to triumph at the cost of these latter alone, taking to herself the honor of so tardy a reparation, and leaving nothing but the expense to her colonists. injustice has been committed by both, and both should contribute to repair it. the commission likewise considered, that, if this mode of conduct were not indicated by equity, it would be dictated by interest. a great france does not wish to destroy slavery, only to have the grief of beholding the ruined white man leave the soil of the colonies, and the blacks relapse into barbar- ism. she intends not only to bestow liberty on the enslaved, but to constitute civilized, industrious, and peaceable societies. she will not refuse to her govern- ment the means of attaining this end. france will not forget, that this is a question of lib- erty, happiness, life to three hundred thousand of our fellow creatures, who speak our language, obey our laws, and are even now turning their eyes towards us as their liberators and fathers. if france believes that this is the time to regenerate and save those distant societies, which she has created, and whose fortunes she has put at hazard by introducing slavery into their bosom, she will not consider that it becomes the rank she holds in the world, to compromise by her economy the success of an enterprise so glorious and so sacred. the commission have moreover judged, that the emancipation could be so conducted, and managed with such prudence, that the treasury would only be required to make an advance, and that the nation might, by the product of enfranchised labor, be saved a portion of the expense entailed by emancipation. this will be farther explained. it was therefore the unanimous opinion of the commission, that the planters should receive an indem- nity, the amount of which they cannot yet decide, but the larger part of which should be paid before emanci- pation shall be accomplished. the commission, however, do not regard indemnity as the only condition necessary to the success of the enterprise. there are many others which remain to be mentioned. it is important, first, to direct attention to the kind of danger that is to be feared. many persons, preoccupied by the recollections of st. domingo, are led to believe that the emancipation of the slaves will occasion between the two races, who inhabit our colonies, bloody collisions, whence the ex- pulsion or the massacre of the whites may soon follow. everything leads to the belief that these fears are entirely imaginary, or at least much exaggerated. the commission have examined with the greatest care all the documents relative to the enfranchisement of the slaves in the english colonies, and they feel bound to declare, that nothing, which has taken place in those colonies, leaves room to suppose that emancipation would be accompanied with the disasters which are dreaded. england possessed nineteen slave colonies; these colonies contained in all about nine hundred thousand blacks or mulattoes, and only about two hundred and thirty thousand whites. one of these colonies, jamai- ca, counted for herself alone three hundred and twenty- two thousand slaves, and thirty-five thousand whites; another, demerara, is situated on the continent, and surrounded by uninhabited countries, where the negroes could easily assemble, beyond the reach of the whites. emancipation caused and still occasions inconvenience in the english colonies, but it has nowhere given rise to great disorders or attempts at insurrection. yet england maintains few troops in her colonies, and emancipation there has been accompanied by circum- stances, which might have caused disorder and vio- lence. france has only four colonies. three of these are islands of small extent, and the fourth is almost unin- habited. upon these islands the entire population is placed under the constant control of government; it cannot escape from its action for a single day. the impossibility of resistance destroys the desire on the part of the negroes. slavery, moreover, long softened in the french colonies, cannot call down the ven- geance of the blacks on their former masters. it is not the violent destruction of our colonies, which is to be feared from emancipation, it is their grad- ual decay, and the ruin of their industry by the cessa- tion, the considerable diminution, or the high price of labor. we have not to dread the massacre of the whites by the blacks; but it is to be apprehended, that they will refuse to work with them and for them, or that they may be contented with a few transient exer- tions, which, under a tropical sky, may supply the first wants of man. this seems the only danger we have to fear; but it is of serious importance, and must be removed at all events; for france labors to create civilized societies, and not hordes of savages. the government, there- fore, after having acted on the planter by means of in- demnity, should act on the slave in his turn, by a wise and prudent legislation, which shall first introduce, and omitting senegal, which is only a settlement. the greatest length of martinique is leagues, and its breadth . the two islands of guadaloupe, taken together, are from to leagues long, and about to broad. bourbon is leagues long by to broad. the surface of guiana is estimated at , square leagues, but this colony as yet has only , free inhabitants and , slaves. see statistics published by the minister of marine. then, if necessary, compel the laborious and manly habits of liberty. the chamber will doubtless expect, that, having proceeded thus far, in order to illustrate this ques- tion practically, we should here consider in what man- ner emancipation has been effected in the english colonies. in , the house of commons resolved that in ten years slavery should be abolished. there is nothing to indicate that from this time, until the liberty of the blacks was proclaimed, the colonies had made any effort to prepare themselves for the change, which was announced to them. most of them resisted, even obstinately, the attempts made by the mother country to induce them to take pre- paratory measures. in many of them, especially in jamaica, great embarrassment had long prevailed in most of the private fortunes. under these circumstances, in , the bill of emancipation passed. it is well known that the english colonies are not all subjected to the same mode of government. the most ancient, like jamaica, are almost inde- pendent states; they have political assemblies, which assume the exclusive right of making laws, and claim to hold their rights, not from the english parliament, but from the king of england alone. the most re- cent, such as guiana, have, properly speaking, no rep- resentative body, and the royal power governs them almost without control. it is necessary to bear these facts in mind in order to understand perfectly what is to follow. the bill declares, that, from the st of august, , slavery should be abolished in all the english colo- nies; and that the slave should then pass forever from the control of his master, to be thenceforward subject to the law alone. the legislature, however, did not immediately grant to him all the rights of a free man. slaves more than six years old on the st of august, , were compelled to remain, during a certain num- ber of years, attached to their former masters and to serve them as apprentices. the term of apprenticeship was fixed to extend to the st of august, , for slaves attached to the person, and for the much larger number, who cultiva- ted the fields, to the st of august, . the agricultural, or predial apprentice, as it is ex- pressed in the bill, was bound to serve without wages, for the benefit of a master whom he was not at lib- erty to leave. but the master could no longer compel that labor by his own arbitrary will. between these two men interposed, for the first time, a magistrate, charged to watch that neither of the two transgressed the laws which had been imposed upon them. the master owed nourishment, lodging, and main- tenance to the enfranchised as in the time of slavery. the enfranchised owed to the master forty-five hours of work a week, or five days at nine hours a except at the isle of france, where it was to endure six months lon- ger; and at the cape of good hope, where the period of abolition was delayed four months. the reason of this difference is as follows. the legislature has only imposed certain hours of labor on the agricultural negro, while it necessa- rily leaves the domestic negro constantly at the disposal of his master. it appears then just, that the apprenticeship of the second should terminate earlier than that of the first. day. the remainder of the time was his own. it was the design of the legislature, that the slave should employ, in the service of his master, and for wages, the greater part of the time which was left in each week at his disposal. the master was deprived of the power, which he had hitherto exercised, of inflicting arbitrary punish- ments. the magistrate alone could punish. but the magistrate was authorized to inflict corporal chastise- ment, from which women only were exempt. in the english colonies, and particularly in the old colonies, almost the whole of the public functionaries were chosen from among the planters. the police was entirely in the hands of the justices of peace, that is, of the proprietors. these magistrates, according to the custom of the mother country, were not paid. to regulate the new and various obligations imposed by the bill on the master and the laborer, parliament judged it proper to introduce a magistracy in the colo- nies, which should receive a compensation. the bill which abolished slavery, created a certain number of magistrates of this description. these magistrates who were principally taken from the moth- er country, had an exclusive, but circumscribed and temporary jurisdiction. they could judge only in cases between the appren- tices and the masters, and their power was to expire with the term of apprenticeship, on the st of august, . sixty were placed in the single colony of jamaica, which contained , slaves; nearly in the proportion of one magistrate for every , enfranchised. at guiana there were for , slaves, or about one magistrate for every , blacks. thus far parliament confined itself to declaring it general will. secondary rules, and the details of the methods of executing them, were referred to the local legislatures, in those colonies which had representative assemblies, and in other cases to the metropolitan gov- ernment. thus it was the executive power of the mother country, or the legislative power of the colonies, which was to promulgate all the regulations relative to va- grancy, to the police, to discipline, as well as to the details of the respective obligations of the masters and laborers. to the measures, which have been mentioned, par- liament added another, which was intended to facilitate their success. it granted to the planters an indemnifi- cation, which was fixed at the sum of twenty millions of pounds sterling, or five hundred millions of francs, for the nineteen colonies. the first object of this indemnification was to re- pair the losses which it was supposed that emancipation would occasion to the proprietors of slaves. the second was to ensure the concurrence of the colonial powers. with this intention the bill declared, that the indem- nification should only be paid as each colony should submit to the will of the government, and take in con- cert with her, the measures which the government should judge necessary for the effective action of the bill. this clause had the anticipated result. all the colo- nies, even those which had been most clamorous at the first movements towards emancipation, finally submit- ted; and each legislature, after more or less hesitation, made the laws and took the measures indicated by the government as necessarily consequent on emancipa- tion. parliament had declared that apprenticeship should not continue longer than till august st, ;. but the colonies were at liberty to choose an earlier term, or to reject it altogether. all the english colonies eagerly embraced the sys- tem of apprenticeship, excepting one alone, antigua, which, profiting by the permission granted by the bill, declared on the contrary that, from the st of august, , the slaves should be admitted, without transition, to all the civil rights of free men. hereafter we shall speak of the result of this solitary attempt on the part of antigua. at present our attention is called to the colonies where the apprenticeship was established. in all the colonies, and even in england, it was feared that great disturbance, and possibly great disas- ters, might immediately follow the proclamation of liberty. these fears were fallacious. on the st of august, , seven hundred thousand blacks emerged together from slavery, and without any great commo- tion. there was not a drop of blood shed, nor one estate destroyed, throughout the vast extent of the english colonies. never has so remarkable an event been accomplished with such extraordinary tranquillity and ease. the same spectacle is continued to this day; and if the numerous documents, which have been examined by the commission, may be relied on, it may be said that the number of crimes and offences has not in- creased in the english colonies since the abolition of slavery. - there is not in his majesty's dominions,” says the governor of guiana, “a more tranquil or better regulated province than this colony, and yet there are but two or three whites on each estate. we have, in all, but thirty policemen, who, if necessary, seek assistance among the enfranchised blacks, and these often act as constables without remuneration. these constables are unarmed. the policemen have swords; but i intend to take them away soon, that the last trace of forced obedience may disappear.” this was written in , and under date of the st of september, , we find in another despatch of the same governor : “for three months the swords of the policemen have been exchanged for staves." in gui- ana there are now thirty-one thousand enfranchised blacks, scattered throughout an immense territory. experience moreover has proved, that the difficulty does not consist in restraining the enfranchised from revolt, nor in punishing or preventing crimes, but in training them to laborious habits. in all the colonies the beginning of apprenticeship was attended with difficulty. the negroes, without refusing to labor, worked ill and carelessly. without being rebellious, , they were undisciplined. at first the magistrates were compelled to use nume- rous and severe punishments, which became less and less rigorous and frequent, as the blacks became accus- tomed to the new system of labor. in the first year of the apprenticeship, from the st of august, , to the st of july, , the magis- trates inflicted seven thousand seven hundred and eighty-six punishments on enfranchised slaves in bar- parliamentary papers, published in , p. . greater obstacles in the disposition of the masters than in that of the former slaves. it can hardly be doubted, on reading the documents which have been laid before the commission, and particularly the regulations, re- searches, memoirs, and periodicals or newspapers of the planters themselves, that, discontented with the change imposed by the mother country, they had first attempted to govern enfranchised negroes as they had done while they were slaves, and then sought to re- venge themselves for the resistance, which this mode of conduct had occasioned. this may be perceived particularly in the colonies, whose institutions render them most independent of the government. few colo- nial laws have been enacted at jamaica since the act it would, moreover, be very unjust to judge all the english slave colo- nies by jamaica. not only is jamaica a very large and very populous island, since it is about leagues long by broad, with , inhabi- tants, , of whom are negroes, but the population there assumes a peculiar character, which is nowhere else found in the same degree. almost all the proprietors of jamaica are absentees. the management of their affairs is entrusted to agents, who only remain on the estates long enough to enrich themselves. the same agent is generally charged with the management of several estates. some are mentioned in the parlia- mentary documents, who have as many as , negroes under their or- ders. the administration of these agents was in general very severe. they could not superintend the conduct of their inferiors, and they took no interest in the black population confided to their charge. it appears cer- tain, that in almost every place where the proprietors were resident, the transition from slavery to apprenticeship was easy; which seems clearly to indicate that the greatest obstacles proceed from the whites, and not from the blacks. this same idea, moreover, is often found in the correspon- dence of the english governors, and chiefly in that of the governors of guiana and jamaica. we find especially the following expression in a despatch of the governor of guiana, dated the th of november, ; “ upon every estate where the apprentices are complained of, it has been invariably found, upon examination, that the overseers or agents had either killed the negroes' hogs, or ruined their gardens; that the hours of labor colonies the whites, in spite of the prayers of the ne- groes and the counsel of the governors, persevered in forbidding their apprentices to labor more than seven hours a day, which deprived them of every advantage they might hope from the free labor of saturday. in most of the colonies, and particularly in jamaica, discord and jealousy soon arose between the former masters and the enfranchised blacks. there was a concealed, but constant struggle between them. in all the colonies a double effect was perceptible. the blacks soon showed great confidence in the me- tropolitan government and the salaried magistrates. on the other hand, these magistrates were exposed to the dislike and animadversion of the planters. it often happened, that the colonial courts imposed fines upon them, which were paid from the metropolitan treas- ury. in spite of these unfortunate circumstances, it must be acknowledged that apprenticeship has not produced the great evil, which the planters expected, that is, the cessation of labor. in the english documents we see, that in the begin- ning of apprenticeship most of the planters insisted, that it would be necessary to abandon the cultivation of sugar. it is certain that, during the apprenticeship, the pro- duction of sugar did not sensibly diminish in the english colonies. in many of them it was much increased. at guiana, the produce of exceeded in value that of by about twelve millions. the governor see lord glenelg's speech pronounced in , and the bill of april th of the same year, the object of which was to provide a remedy for this abuse. announced, on the th of september, , that “since the abolition of slavery, the value of property had pro- digiously increased in the colony." we find also in the same documents relative to this colony, that in the course of and , the num- ber of marriages quarterly was about three hundred, and the number of adults or children frequenting schools had increased to nine or ten thousand. these facts are the more remarkable, because at guiana more than one fourth of the enfranchised blacks were born in africa, and were acquired by means of the slave trade. most satisfactory results were also obtained in the island of antigua, where absolute liberty had been granted by the masters themselves in . the tran- sition from slave to free labor was accomplished in this colony with astonishing facility. good will never hav- ing ceased to reign between the whites and the blacks, the latter remained voluntarily with their former mas- ters, and did not seek to obtain exorbitant wages. mr. halley, commander of the government-brig bis- son, having been sent, in december, , to examine the state of antigua, made the following report. “ daily wages are moderate, and nearly correspond with the former cost of supporting the slave. the situation of the proprietors is satisfactory; they are unanimous about the good effects, which result from emancipation, and which they congratulate themselves on having hastened. from that time plantations and estates are in demand; they may be said to have doubled in value, since they can be sold at a higher price than when slaves were attached to them.” parliamentary documents, published in , pp. , . these are admirable results; but it would be danger- ous, it must be allowed, to expect them elsewhere ; for the situation of antigua is very peculiar. the island of antigua contained, at the time of emancipation, but , slaves, , free blacks, and , whites; in all , inhabitants. this popula- tion, small as it is, covers the whole surface of the coun- try. almost all the estates in antigua were occupied ; all were private property. population there was almost as crowded as in europe. the negro was therefore compelled to labor or to starve. at antigua, moreover, (and this cause is still more efficient than the other in. the eyes of the man who can feel and reason,) slavery has always assumed a form of peculiar mildness, and the masters themselves have made great efforts to im- prove the character of the negroes and to conciliate their affection. it may be remembered, that they alone, in , chose that their slaves should pass from bond- age to perfect freedom, thus sacrificing the gratuitous labor which the emancipation bill permitted them to exact for six years. this fact is sufficient to explain all that preceded and followed it. men, who are capable of such conduct in the midst of their slaves, prove that they have been masters full of gentleness and compas- sion; and it may easily be conceived that they have not met with rebellious freed men. things were in this state in the english colonies in the beginning of the year . at this time public opinion in england was again agitated; numerous popular meetings took place; va- rious propositions were made to parliament with the view of softening the fate of the apprentices, and de- livering them from the violence which some of the planters, especially in jamaica, were accused of using towards them. this gave birth to the bill of the th of april, , the object of which was to grant new securities to the enfranchised. but they went yet fur- ther. the apprenticeship was to end for the artisan or domestic negroes on the st of august, ; for others the act had fixed the term two years later. a law was proposed in parliament and was about to be passed, giving liberty to all the negroes on the st of august, . the efforts of the ministry stopped the passage of the law; but the moral effect was produced, and it became impossible to prolong apprenticeship. the english government felt bound to state this new neces- sity to the colonial authorities, and to invite their sub- mission. these events aroused the black population of the colonies, and produced in most of the planters great surprise and deep irritation. many transactions had taken place in the english colonies, on the supposition that apprenticeship would continue until , and its premature dissolution in- jured large interests. on the other hand, the colonies perceived that, in the face of the manifestations of opinion in the mother country, it would be very dangerous to refuse to a part of the blacks the liberty, which the others received. this would have been very difficult, even with the support of public opinion in the mother country; it was impossible to attempt it after what had just passed in england. all the colonies therefore consented, but with a bad grace and with regret, to abolish the apprenticeship in their territories after the st of august. many were late in determining on this step. at trinidad it was only on the th of july, , that the planters could resolve on the measure. complete liberty was then proclaimed in all the eng- lish colonies on the st of august of the same year. it is almost useless to remark, that it was under the ' most unfavorable circumstances that can be imagined. it burst upon them amid the irritation and the em- barrassment of the masters. the negroes became entire- ly free at the very moment when their complaints against the whites had just been brought out, and sometimes ex- aggerated, in the political assemblies of the mother country. there was no preparation for this new liber- ty. in many of the colonies the instructions of the english government did not arrive until many months after the apprenticeship had been abolished. the colonial authorities, left to their own discretion, hastily arranged the first necessary measures. nearly a year has elapsed since this great and for- midable experiment was made. the result of ten months only is already known. this time is too short to form a decided opinion. already, however, some important truths are established. it is certain that absolute liberty, like apprenticeship, has been received in all the english colonies with joy, liberty was granted on the st of august, and it was not until sep- tember that the orders of council, intended to regulate the state of the poor, to organize the police, to repress vagrancy, to fix the relations between laborer and master, were transmitted to the colonies dependent on the crown. parliamentary papers, published in , p. . but without disorder. it is equally certain that the freed negroes have nowhere manifested that taste for a wandering and savage life, which seems to have been expected. they have, on the contrary, appeared much attached to the places in which they had lived, and to the habits of civilization which they had already con- tracted. “it is a remarkable fact,” says captain hal- ley, in a report already quoted, dated the d of de- cember, , “that at jamaica, (the most exposed of all the colonies,) emancipation took effect without dis- order and without disturbing the tranquillity of the island. the negroes have exhibited no inclination to fly from civilization, or withdraw to the interior or to the forests. in general they have remained on the estates where they already lived.” as to the nature and duration of their labor, the commission has examined such contradictory docu- ments, assertions so opposite to each other, that they could form no opinion with entire certainty. let us take, however, a general view of the present state of the english colonies. in those colonies, where the population is large in proportion to the territory, as at barbadoes, antigua, and st. christopher, the negroes, having no other re- source but labor, work well and for moderate wages. in colonies, which do not possess this advantage, where the country is very fertile, and easily cultivated, as at guiana and trinidad, the negroes have demand- ed exorbitant wages, and often for interrupted labor; we find, it is true, by the official reports, that in the culture of sugar was more abundant than in or . in it amounted to , , cwt., in , to , , , and in , to , , . but it is difficult to draw a conclusion from these figures, the cane gathered in having been planted and cultivated during the apprenticeship. yet the proprietors are able to continue the cultivation of the soil with profit. but in jamaica, where the culture of the cane is naturally expensive, on account of the exhaustion of the land, or of the difficulty of transporting the pro- duce to market, where the negroes can easily live without working for the whites; in jamaica, and in islands placed in analogous circumstances, the blacks work less, and much less constantly, since the cessation of slavery than before that period, and the prospects of the sugar trade are doubtful. this unfortunate situation seems to arise from vari- ous causes, which might have been avoided. it must be attributed in the first place to the unhappy rela- tions, which, during the apprenticeship, were estab- lished in most of the colonies, between the masters and the enfranchised blacks. the jealousy and hatred, which then arose, now render the equitable regulation of wages extremely difficult. it is evident that, while the planter almost always endeavored to reduce the wages of the negro below the real value of his labor, the negro was exorbitant in his demands. as not only opposite interests but secret enmity existed be- tween these two men, it is almost impossible that a good understanding should ever be established between them. the reluctance shown by the blacks to constant la- bor, in the service of the great proprietors of the soil, may likewise be explained by the circumstance of their being themselves small proprietors. almost all the earlier enfranchised of the english colonies have retained the gratuitous enjoyment of the cabin, which they inhabited during slavery, and the garden which they were then allowed to use. each of them possesses such a field; it occupies a part of his time, and is sufficient for almost all his wants. the negro prefers to labor for himself, in its cultivation, rather than work on the lands of another. this may be the more easily understood, as there is something analogous to it in those countries of europe where the land is much divided. the small proprietor, occupied upon his own estate, is with difficulty persuaded to grant his services to his neighbor, the rich farmer. it is thus that, in most of our provinces, the number of laborers daily decreases, and their assistance becomes more precarious. if it be thought necessary to the cultivation of colo- nial produce, and to the continuation of the white race in the antilles, that the services of the enfranchised negro may be permanently hired by the great proprie- tors of the soil, it is evident that we should not create for him a domain, where he can easily live by laboring for himself alone. the commission would fail in their duty, if, after having explained to the chamber, somewhat in detail, the manner in which the english government has con- ducted emancipation, and what has thus far been the result of the enterprise, they did not endeavor to draw from these facts light by which to guide ourselves. it has been seen that the parliament of great britain chose to pour into the hands of the planters the whole amount of the indemnification, when once the colonies had acquiesced in the principle of emancipation, and before emancipation was accomplished. this last provision of the law has been much criti- cised in england. it has been said, that "it would have been wiser and more prudent to retain for a time in the hands of the state a portion of this capital; and that in distributing it beforehand to the colonists the government deprived itself, from the beginning, of a powerful means of holding them in dependence on her, and insuring their concurrence.” these criticisms seem reasonable, when it is consid- ered that, from the period when the indemnification was paid, a silent but incessant struggle arose between the colonial legislatures and the government, a struggle which has not yet ceased. the emancipation bill had subjected to apprentice- ship only those children, who were more than six years old. all under that age were immediately considered free. it does not appear that any measure was taken to secure to these latter suitable means of education. this must be considered as a great error. children should either have been left in the same situation with their parents, or the state should have charged itself with their superintendence and instruction. in leaving them to themselves, and thus abandoning them to chance, great embarrassment has been created for the present, and possibly great danger prepared for the future. the measure of apprenticeship was also severely criticised in england. eminent statesmen condemned as well the principle as the measure. they have said, that no compulsory labor whatever could prepare a man for free labor, and that liberty only can teach us to be free. others, while they admit the necessity of see among others the speech of lord howick, d of march, . an apprenticeship, condemn the system which was adopted. your commission incline to the latter opinion. they consider that a time of trial, during which the negroes, already possessing many of the privileges of free men, are still compelled to labor, is indispensable to accustom the planters to the effects of emancipation, and to allow them to introduce in their customs, and their methods of culture, the various changes which emancipation may produce. they consider this intermediate state as not less necessary to advance the education of the black popu- lation, and to prepare them for liberty. so long as absolute slavery exists, the master does not suffer the public authority to intervene between him and his slave. his will is law, and the slave knows no other. this is the very essence of slavery. it may be imagined that, so long as slavery is not abolished, government will find a thousand difficulties in acting upon the black and preparing him for liberty. the same obstacles do not exist when the negro, no longer belonging to the white man, is only bound to labor for a time on his account. on the other hand, when the last traces of servitude are at length effaced, and the negro is raised to the rank of a free man; when he has already tasted abso- lute independence, and believes that he has nothing more to expect from the magistrate, and little to fear, social power loses its control over his will, his opinions, and his habits. but while the promised liberty is not yet complete ; while the respect and obedience nurtured in slavery are still maintained by forced labor ; while, at the same time, the soul of the slave is elevated by the approach of independence, the action of power is easy and effi- cient. the planter no longer rejects the hand of gov- ernment, and the negro yields to its influence without difficulty and without regret. he does not yet see in the magistrate a master, but a guide and a liberator. it is the most favorable moment to found that empire over the minds and the habits of the black population, and acquire that salutary influence, which will be neces- sary to direct them when they shall be entirely free. your commission has therefore decided unanimous- ly, that it is necessary to place an intermediate and transitory state between slavery and liberty, and dili- gently considered what that state ought to be. it seems that, in establishing apprenticeship, the at- tention of the english was turned to the continuation of labor alone ; an immense interest, undoubtedly, but not the only one. the emancipation bill contains no general and efficient measure to promote the education of the young apprentices, and the moral improvement of the adults. there is no attempt to cherish emula- tion among them, nor to lead them gradually through successive stages to the enjoyment of complete inde- pendence. apprenticeship was to remain to the last such as it was first established. at the end of six years, as dur- ing the first year, the apprentice could have the free use of his labor, and the privilege of receiving wages, but one day in the week at most. in the english system of apprenticeship, the property of the planter in the black man is not in fact wholly destroyed; the state has only regulated and limited the use of it. the negro is still compelled to labor with- he should have, moreover, throughout his appren- ticeship, the use of saturday and the possession of a piece of land sufficient for his support. with these facilities he can maintain himself. as to the children, they will continue to be supported by the proprietor under a contract of apprenticeship, which shall ensure to him their services until the age of twenty-one. he shall also have charge of the aged slaves and of sick laborers. there will be regulations to establish uniform habits in this respect. these measures, which should satisfy the demands of humanity, would be favorable to the planters them- selves; and it is believed they would gain in labor, in security, and prospects, much more than they would lose in money. the commission are not called on to discuss the details of this plan, nor to propose its adoption to the chamber; but it is their duty to state that the princi- ples on which it is founded have been unanimously approved. in the english system, the slave was made by law the apprentice of his' former master. the master lost a part of his power; he retained the rest. his was not a borrowed power; he continued to exercise it in virtue of his former right. the government interfered the same obligation was imposed on the masters by the local regula- tions of antigua. “ the local government of antigua,” says captain hal- ley, in his report of the th of december, , “has adopted wise measures, dictated by a highly commendable humanity, relative to the aged and all the infirm who cannot maintain themselves. they have decreed that all such individuals shall remain at the charge of their former own- ers." only to regulate the use and prevent the abuse of this right. a part of the embarrassment attending apprentice- ships has proceeded from this source. the commission have decided, that it would be infi- nitely more conformable to the interest of the negroes, as well as of the planters, to destroy at once every relation which has existed between the master and his slave, and to transfer to the state the guardianship of all the enfranchised population. this method of pro- ceeding has many considerable advantages. inevitable inconveniences accompany the change from slavery to liberty. if possible, they must not even seem to be imposed on the enfranchised negro by his former master. in such cases it is wise to have the whole responsibility, with the power, in the hands of the government. the state becoming thus the protector of the enfran- chised slaves, it is left free to take the best and the most speedy method of preparing them for the com- plete possession of independence. it can impose those conditions, which it may judge indispensable, and com- pel their submission to the requisite trial before they are left wholly to their own responsibilty. it is free to direct, according to circumstances, those measures which may diffuse instruction among them, regulate their habits, and efficiently promote marriage. these measures, emanating from the state, and not from the former masters, will not cause those sentiments of dis- trust and hatred, the fatal effects of which we have seen in the british colonies. imposed on the white as the conditions on which he is to receive the laborer's services, and on the black as the price of independence, they will be easily admitted and strictly executed. the commission have also approved the idea of wages. wages are a just indemnification for the sacrifices of the state. they are useful to the black; for inde- pendently of the comfort which he derives from them, they make him feel the advantages of labor, and estab- lish its respectability in his eyes. the absence of wages is the stamp of slavery. wages, in fine, have the advantage of depriving the planters of all pretext for the unjust suspicions, which they have sometimes entertained of the metropolitan government. by means of wages the pecuniary interest of the state is evidently bound to the support of a productive labor in the colonies, and wages consequently form, in the eyes of these colonies, the strongest guarantee for the exertions of the government to encourage labor. the commission are therefore convinced that a system of apprenticeship, founded upon the basis which has been suggested, would conciliate at once the claims of the treasury and the interests of the planters. in this system, moreover, they find the happiest combina- tion, which could be adopted in favor of the blacks, that race oppressed and degraded by slavery, which it is the duty and the honor of france to civilize, enlight- en, and improve, as well as to enfranchise. upon all the great points, which have been present- ed for the consideration of the chamber, the decisions of the commission were unanimous; they were divided only on the form of expressing their opinions. many of the members have thought that the com- mission, after having rejected the plan proposed by the honorable m. de tracy, should confine themselves to a | university of michigan do not remove or mutilate card le sa . l. adams. letter. h o h a rva r d c o l l e g e l i b r a r y * *-***= *， -*） * -ae-） → → → → → …，-，-，-，-，-，-）， → … ---------- ---- - - ------ a || - - f nº ºs &nza – */ & (%uzz. - cºacá, ow ſolacca exe. c&ea. & . / . . ) * & & ºn , '-czecay. cz rºo - /£ . y . . ºzº, ſº g) /~ // _{’ - - ". a * % /> co-o-º/-azoº - | %. . /£ . . - rvard university library … ." . . ºzº & cº. , tº . (... , z/ ºy l ette r - - - from hon. john quincy adams, read at the recent celebration of w e s t in d f a e m a n c i p a ti o n in bangor, (me.) ( asa walker, c. a. stackpole, and f. m. sabine, esqrs.— committee of correspondence of a meeting of the citizens of bangor and its vicinity, holden on the th of may, . - quincy, th july, . fellow citizens : i have received your letter of the th ult, and perhaps, in answering it, my safest and most prudent course would be to express my regret, that the precarious state of my health, and particularly of my voice, would not warrant me in undertaking an engagement to deliver a public address upon any subject whatever, on the first day of next august. this answer i have been most reluctantly constrained to give to several other kind invitations to address the people on various subjects, in the course of the ensuing summer and autumn. but the oc- casion of which you propose to celebrate the anniversary, is viewed in lights so entirely different and opposite to each other that it cannot be denied to have assumed both a religious and a political aspect, and this must be my apology, while return- ing my thanks for your friendly invitation, for frankly unfold- ing to you other reasons which would have dictated to me the same conclusion, even if the state of my health admitted of my compliance with it. the extinction of slavery from the face of the earth, is a problem, moral, political, religious, which at this moment rocks. the foundations of human society throughout the regions of civilized man. it is, indeed, nothing more nor less than the consummation of the christian religion. it is only as immor- * > . / - e— sa || s, sº (tal beings that all mankind can in any sense be said to be born ‘equal—and when the declaration of independence affirms as a self-evident truth, that all men are born equal, it is precisely the same as if the affirmation had been that all men are born with immortal souls. for take away from man his soul, the immortal spirit that is within him, and he would be a mere tameable beast of the field, and like others of his kind, would become the property of his tamer. hence it is, too, that by the law of nature and of god, man can never be made the property of man. and herein consists the ſallacy with which the holders of slaves often delude themselves, by assuming that the test of property is human law. the soul of one man cannot by human law be made the property of another. the owner of a slave is the owner of a living corpse; but he is not the owner of a man. the natural equality of mankind, affirmed by the signers of the declaration of independence to be held by them as self-ev- ident truth, was not so held by their enemies. it was not so held by the king and parliament of great britain. they held the reverse. they held that sovereign power was unlimitable. that the tie of allegiance bound the subject to implicit obedi- •ence, and, therefore, that the natural equality of mankind was a fable. this was the question of the american revolution- ary war. in the progress of that war, france, spain, the united netherlands became involved in it. the governments of france and spain, absolute monarchies, had no sympathies with the american cause—the rights of human nature. wer- gennes had plotted with gustavus of sweden, the revolution in sweden, from liberty to despotism. turgot, very shortly before the surrender of burgoyne, but after our declaration of independence, had formally advised louis the sixteenth, that it was for the interest of france and spain that the insurrec- tion in the anglo-american colonies should be suppressed. france and spain had been warned of the remote consequen- ces to them as owners of colonies, of the success of the anglo- americans. but neither turgot nor wergennes, nor any one european or american statesman of that age, foresaw or im- agined what would be the consequence, by no means remote, upon their own governments at home, of the dismemberment of the british empire, and the triumphant establishment, by a seven years' war on the continent of north america, of an anglo-saxon confederate nation, on the foundation of the nat- ural equality of mankind, and the inalienable rights of man. aſter louis the sixteenth lost his crown, he remembered, and bitterly repented the part he had taken on the side of the natural equality of mankind, and the rights of human nature in the american revolutionary war. for the revolution in france, by which he lost his throne and his life, was another fruit of the same self-evident truth, that all men are born equal, and have a right to life, liberty, and the pursuit of hap- piness, without infringing upon the same right of all other men. until the day of the declaration of independence, the con- dition of slavery was recognized as lawful in all the english colonies. the constitution of the commonwealth of massa- chusetts, established three years after the declaration of inde- pendence, adopted its self-evident truths, and the judges of the supreme court of the commonwealth, under that constitu- tion, judicially decided that slavery within the commonwealth was thereby ipso facto abolished. since that day, there has not been a slave within the state. the author of the declaration of independence was a slave- holder. his self-evident truths taught him that slave-holding was an outrage upon the natural rights of mankind, at least as: great as parliamentary taxation without representation. he held that opinion to his dying day. he introduced it into his draught of the declaration of independence itself, imputing the existence of slavery in virginia, to george the third, as one of the crimes which proved him to be a tyrant unfit to rule over a free people. among the signers of the declaration of independence, there were at least twenty slave-holders—or probably, thirty. they could not stomach the application of the self-evident truths to themselves, and they lopped it off as an unsightly excrescence upon the tree of liberty. but his grandson and executor has carefully preserved it in the double form of print and ſac sim- ile, in the edition which he has published of his writings, and there it stands, an unanswerable testimonial to posterity. that in the roll of american abolitionists, first and foremost after the name of george washington, is that of thomas jefferson. the result of the north american revolutionary war had prepared the minds of the people of the british islands, to con- template with calm composure the new principle engrafted upon the association of the civilized race of man, the self-evi- dent truth, the natural equality of mankind, and the rights of man. they had waged against it a cruel and disastrous war of seven years. hundreds of thousands of valiant britons had fallen victims, hundreds of millions of british treasure had been squandered to sustain the principle of illimitable sover- eignty against the principle of illimitable human rights. the prize of the conflict was the liberty and the immortal soul of man. the contest was over between britain and her chil- dren. the lord of hosts had decided the wager of battle. human liberty was triumphant, and a new confederation en- tered upon the field of human affairs, with the urim and thummim of the law from sinai, “light and right,” in- scribed upon her bosom, and upon the diadem around her brow, “holiness to the lord.” but while this contest had been in progress, both of intel- lectual conflict and of mortal combat, the same question of hu- man right against lawless power had been started in the land of both the combatants parties to this controversy. the ques- tion of the american revolution had been of political govern- ment in the relations of sovereign and subject. anthony ben- ezet, a native of france, settled in pennsylvania, a member of the society of friends, and granville sharp, an english phi- lanthropist, at london, were at the same time blowing the bu- gle horn of human liberty and the natural equality of man- kind, against the institution of slavery practiced from time im- memorial by all nations, ancient and modern. there were two modes of slavery which had crept in upon the relations of mankind to one another, first as the results of war, by the right of conquest, and secondly, by the voluntary servitude of the feudal system. they had both become odious by the silent progress of christianity. the practice of enslaving ene- mies taken in war had already ceased between christian na- tions. the traffic in slaves had been denounced by the popu- lar writers both of france and england—by locke, addison, and sterne, as well as by raynal, rousseau, montesquieu, and voltaire. it was every where odious, but every where prac- ticed, till just after the close of the american revolutionary war arose the cry for the abolition of the african slave trade. the first assault of the reformers was upon the trade which was prosecuted with such atrocious cruelty that the mere nar- rative of its ordinary details excited disgust and horror. “sweet are the uses of adversity” saith shakspeare, and “in the day of adversity consider,” saith yet higher authority. in the summer of , when the results of the revolutionary war presented themselves to the people of the british islands, in the darkest form of adversity, they had, and they improved the opportunity, of considering the principle for which, and the principle against which they had so obstimately and fiercely contended. their warfare had been against the self- evident truth of human rights. thomas clarkson, with two or three other englishmen, associated themselves together with the purpose of arraying the power of the british empire, for the total abolition of slavery throughout the earth ; and the commission with which they went forth to regenerate the race of man, by leading captivity captive, was the same identical, self-evident truth against which britain had just closed her relentless war, in humilia- tion and defeat. she was now to make the identical principle the inscription upon her banners—to war against slavery for the natural rights of mankind, and to proclaim the jubilee shout of liberty throughout the land—throughout the globe. of that undertaking, clarkson himself has written the his- tory. he has shown in what small beginnings it commenced, by what slow and almost imperceptible progress it advanced— by what interests, prejudices and passions, it was perpetually obstructed. how many years it was before it could obtain ad- mission to the hall of legislation in the british house of com- mons. how, in the meantime, it had been silently making its way to the hearts of the british people. how many strug- gles of argument and of eloquence it had to encounter, before it could lay prostrate all opposition at its feet—and how this emanation of the christian faith, after waiting eighteen hun- dred years for its development, came down at last like a mighty flood, and is even now under the red cross of st. george, overflowing from the white cliffs of albion, and sweep- ing the slave trade and slavery from the face of the terraque- ous globe. people of that renowned island children of the land of our forefathers, proceed, proceed in this glorious career, till the whole earth shall be redeemed from the greatest curse that ever has afflicted the human race—proceed, until millions upon millions of your brethren of the human race restored to the rights with which they were endowed by your and their cre- ator, but of which they have been robbed by ruffians of their own race, shall send their choral shouts of redemption to the skies in blessings upon your names, oh! with what pungent mortification and shame must i confess, that in the transcen- dant glories of that day, our names will not be associated with yours may heaven, in mercy grant that we may be spared the deeper damnation of seeing our names recorded, not among the liberators, but with the oppressors of mankind. fellow citizens ! the first impulse of the regeneration of human liberty came from us—the fourth of july is our anni- versary day. then was the principle proclaimed to the world as that which was to be the vital spark of our existence as a community among the nations of the earth. this is the bright- ness of our glory, and of this we cannot be bereaved. but how can we presume to share in the festivities and unite in songs of triumph of the first of august have we emancipa- ted our slaves have we mulcted ourselves in a hundred millions of dollars, to persuade and prevail upon the man- stealer to relinquish his grasp upon his prey ! have we en- compassed sea and land, and sounded the clarion of freedom to the four ends of heaven, to break the chain of slavery in the four quarters of the earth has the unction of our eloquence moved the bowels of compassion of the holy pontiff of the ro- man catholic church, to give his commands to his christian flock against slavery and the slave trade have we softened the heart of the fiery mussulman of tunis, the follower of the war-denouncing prophet of mecca, to proclaim liberty through- out his land are we carrying into hindostan the inexpres- sible blessings of emancipation ? are we bursting open the everlasting gates, and overleaping the walls of china, to intro- duce into that benighted empire in one concentrated sunbeam, the light of civil and of christian liberty oh no, my coun- trymen l no! nothing of all this instead of all this, are we _^ *h || , †† h a r v a r d c o l l e g e l i b r a r y . | ºr - s \' ^^ \ donaxa. - © - y cºacá, ow ſaxo~, ea. c & . . /& . , ſº - , &c. ſcºo % / & x-ſ& jºe. %.e., . % ~ % *… º dº . %. . /*a- rvard university library **... -- .* * * * - ſº a º . % ºver. …?. c. cºzz, … º.º. ººzcº. l ette ir - - from hon. j o hn quincy a dams, read at the recent celebration of w e s t in d f a e m a n c i p a ti o n in bangor, (me.) asa walken, c. a. stackrole, and f. m. sabine, esqrs— committee of correspondence of a meeting of the citizens of bangor and its vicinity, holden on the th of may, . - quincy, th july, . fellow citizens : i have received your letter of the th ult, and perhaps, in answering it, my safest and most prudent course would be to express my regret, that the precarious state of my health, and particularly of my voice, would not warrant me in undertaking an engagement to deliver a public address upon any subject whatever, on the first day of next august. this answer i have been most reluctantly constrained to give to several other kind invitations to address the people on various subjects, in the course of the ensuing summer and autumn. but the oc- casion of which you propose to celebrate the anniversary, is viewed in lights so entirely different and opposite to each other that it cannot be denied to have assumed both a religious and a political aspect, and this must be my apology, while return- ing my thanks for your friendly invitation, for frankly unfold- ing to you other reasons which would have dictated to me the same conclusion, even if the state of my health admitted of my compliance with it. the extinction of slavery from the face of the earth, is a problem, moral, political, religious, which at this moment rocks. the foundations of human society throughout the regions of civilized man. it is, indeed, nothing more nor less than the consummation of the christian religion. it is only as immor- ** * * / . * // tº e- sa || s, sº (tal beings that all mankind can in any sense be said to be born ‘equal—and when the declaration of independence affirms as a self-evident truth, that all men are born equal, it is precisely the same as if the affirmation had been that all men are born with immortal souls. for take away from man his soul, the immortal spirit that is within him, and he would be a mere tameable beast of the field, and like others of his kind, would become the property of his tamer. hence it is, too, that by the law of nature and of god, man can never be made the property of man. and herein consists the fallacy with which the holders of slaves often delude themselves, by assuming that the test of property is human law. the soul of one man cannot by human law be made the property of another. the owner of a slave is the owner of a living corpse; but he is not the owner of a man. the natural equality of mankind, affirmed by the signers of the declaration of independence to be held by them as self-ev- ident truth, was not so held by their enemies. it was not so held by the king and parliament of great britain. they held the reverse. they held that sovereign power was unlimitable. that the tie of allegiance bound the subject to implicit obedi- •ence, and, therefore, that the natural equality of mankind was a fable. this was the question of the american revolution- ary war. in the progress of that war, france, spain, the united netherlands became involved in it. the governments of france and spain, absolute monarchies, had no sympathies with the american cause—the rights of human nature. wer- gennes had plotted with gustavus of sweden, the revolution in sweden, from liberty to despotism. turgot, very shortly before the surrender of burgoyne, but after our declaration of independence, had formally advised louis the sixteenth, that it was for the interest of france and spain that the insurrec- tion in the anglo-american colonies should be suppressed. france and spain had been warned of the remote consequen- ices to them as owners of colonies, of the success of the anglo- americans. but neither turgot nor wergennes, nor any one european or american statesman of that age, foresaw or im- agined what would be the consequence, by no means remote, upon their own governments at home, of the dismemberment of the british empire, and the triumphant establishment, by a seven years' war on the continent of north america, of an anglo-saxon confederate nation, on the foundation of the nat- ural equality of mankind, and the inalienable rights of man. aſter louis the sixteenth lost his crown, he remembered, and bitterly repented the part he had taken on the side of the natural equality of mankind, and the rights of human nature in the american revolutionary war. for the revolution in france, by which he lost his throne and his life, was another fruit of the same self-evident truth, that all men are born equal, and have a right to life, liberty, and the pursuit of hap- piness, without infringing upon the same right of all other men. until the day of the declaration of independence, the con- dition of slavery was recognized as lawſul in all the english colonies. the constitution of the commonwealth of massa- chusetts, established three years after the declaration of inde- pendence, adopted its self-evident truths, and the judges of the supreme court of the commonwealth, under that constitu- tion, judicially decided that slavery within the commonwealth was thereby ipso facto abolished. since that day, there has not been a slave within the state. the author of the declaration of independence was a slave- holder. his self-evident truths taught him that slave-holding was an outrage upon the natural rights of mankind, at least as: great as parliamentary taxation without representation. he held that opinion to his dying day. he introduced it into his draught of the declaration of independence itself, imputing the existence of slavery in virginia, to george the third, as one of the crimes which proved him to be a tyrant unfit to rule over a free people. among the signers of the declaration of independence, there were at least twenty slave-holders—or probably, thirty. they could not stomach the application of the self-evident truths to themselves, and they lopped it off as an unsightly excrescence upon the tree of liberty. but his grandson and executor has carefully preserved it in the double form of print and ſac sim- ile, in the edition which he has published of his writings, and there it stands, an unanswerable testimonial to posterity. that in the roll of american abolitionists, first and foremost aſter the name of george washington, is that of thomas jefferson. the result of the north american revolutionary war had prepared the minds of the people of the british islands, to con- template with calm composure the new principle engrafted upon the association of the civilized race of man, the self-evi- dent truth, the natural equality of mankind, and the rights of man. they had waged against it a cruel and disastrous war of seven years. hundreds of thousands of valiant britons had fallen victims, hundreds of millions of british treasure had been squandered to sustain the principle of illimitable sover- eignty against the principle of illimitable human rights. the prize of the conflict was the liberty and the immortal soul of man. the contest was over between britain and her chil- dren. the lord of hosts had decided the wager of battle. human liberty was triumphant, and a new confederation en- tered upon the field of human affairs, with the urim and thummim of the law from sinai, “light and right,” in- scribed upon her bosom, and upon the diadem around her brow, “holiness to the lord.” but while this contest had been in progress, both of intel- lectual conflict and of mortal combat, the same question of hu- man right against lawless power had been started in the land of both the combatants parties to this controversy. the ques- tion of the american revolution had been of political govern- ment in the relations of sovereign and subject. anthony ben- ezet, a native of france, settled in pennsylvania, a member of the society of friends, and granville sharp, an english phi- lanthropist, at london, were at the same time blowing the bu- gle horn of human liberty and the natural equality of man- kind, against the institution of slavery practiced from time im- memorial by all nations, ancient and modern. there were two modes of slavery which had crept in upon the relations of mankind to one another, first as the results of war, by the right of conquest, and secondly, by the voluntary servitude of the feudal system. they had both become odious by the silent progress of christianity. the practice of enslaving ene- mies taken in war had already ceased between christian na- tions. the traffic in slaves had been denounced by the popu- lar writers both of france and england—by locke, addison, and sterne, as well as by raynal, rousseau, montesquieu, and voltaire. it was every where odious, but every where prac- ticed, till just after the close of the american revolutionary war arose the cry for the abolition of the african slave trade. the first assault of the reformers was upon the trade which was prosecuted with such atrocious cruelty that the mere nar- rative of its ordinary details excited disgust and horror. “sweet are the uses of adversity” saith shakspeare, and “in the day of adversity consider,” saith yet higher authority. in the summer of , when the results of the revolutionary war presented themselves to the people of the british islands, in the darkest form of adversity, they had, and they improved the opportunity, of considering the principle for which, and the principle against which they had so obstinately and fiercely contended. their warfare had been against the self- evident truth of human rights. thomas clarkson, with two or three other englishmen, associated themselves together with the purpose of arraying the power of the british empire, for the total abolition of slavery throughout the earth ; and the commission with which they went forth to regenerate the race of man, by leading captivity captive, was the same identical, self-evident truth against which britain had just closed her relentless war, in humilia- tion and defeat. she was now to make the identical principle the inscription upon her banners—to war against slavery for the natural rights of mankind, and to proclaim the jubilee shout of liberty throughout the land—throughout the globe. of that undertaking, clarkson himself has written the his- tory. he has shown in what small beginnings it commenced, by what slow and almost imperceptible progress it advanced— by what interests, prejudices and passions, it was perpetually obstructed. how many years it was before it could obtain ad- mission to the hall of legislation in the british house of com- mons. how, in the meantime, it had been silently making its way to the hearts of the british people. how many strug- gles of argument and of eloquence it had to encounter, before it could lay prostrate all opposition at its feet—and how this emanation of the christian faith, after waiting eighteen hun- dred years for its development, came down at last like a mighty flood, and is even now under the red cross of st. george, overflowing from the white cliffs of albion, and sweep- ing the slave trade and slavery from the face of the terraque- ous globe. people of that renowned island children of the land of our forefathers, proceed, proceed in this glorious career, till the whole earth shall be redeemed from the greatest curse that ever has afflicted the human race—proceed, until millions upon millions of your brethren of the human race restored to the rights with which they were endowed by your and their cre- ator, but of which they have been robbed by ruffians of their own race, shall send their choral shouts of redemption to the skies in blessings upon your names. oh! with what pungent mortification and shame must i confess, that in the transcen- dant glories of that day, our names will not be associated with yours may heaven, in mercy grant that we may be spared the deeper damnation of seeing our names recorded, not among the liberators, but with the oppressors of mankind. fellow citizens ! the first impulse of the regeneration of human liberty came from us—the fourth of july is our anni- versary day. then was the principle proclaimed to the world as that which was to be the vital spark of our existence as a community among the nations of the earth. this is the bright- ness of our glory, and of this we cannot be bereaved. but how can we presume to share in the festivities and unite in songs of triumph of the first of august have we emancipa- ted our slaves have we mulcted ourselves in a hundred millions of dollars, to persuade and prevail upon the man- stealer to relinquish his grasp upon his prey ! have we en- compassed sea and land, and sounded the clarion of freedom to the four ends of heaven, to break the chain of slavery in the four quarters of the earth has the unction of our eloquence moved the bowels of compassion of the holy pontiff of the ro- man catholic church, to give his commands to his christian flock against slavery and the slave trade have we softened the heart of the fiery mussulman of tunis, the follower of the war-denouncing prophet of mecca, to proclaim liberty through- out his land are we carrying into hindostan the inexpres- sible blessings of emancipation ? are we bursting open the everlasting gates, and overleaping the walls of china, to intro- duce into that benighted empire in one concentrated sunbeam, the light of civil and of christian liberty oh no, my coun- trymen l no nothing of all this instead of all this, are we . not suffering our own hands to be manacled, and our own feet to be ſettered with the chains of slavery : is it not enough to: be told that by a fraudulent perversion of language in the con- stitution of the united states, we have falsified the constitu- tion itself, by admitting into both the legislative and execu- tive departments of the government, an overwhelming repre- sentation of one species of property to the exclusion of all others, and that the odious property in slaves is it not enough, that by this exclusive privilege of property representation confined to one section of the country, an irre- sistible ascendancy in the action of the general government has been secured, not indeed to that section, but to an oligar- chy of slave-holders in that section—to the cruel oppression of the poor in that same section itself? is it not enough that by the operation of this radical iniquity in the organization of the government, an immense disproportion of all offices, from the highest to the lowest, civil, military, naval, executive and ju- dicial, are held by slave-holders ? have we not seen the sacred right of petition totally suppressed for the people of the free states during a succession of years, and is it not yet in- exorably suppressed ? have we not seen for the last twenty years, the constitution and solemn treaties with foreign na- tions, trampled on by cruel oppression and lawless imprison- ment of colored mariners in the southern states ? in cold- blooded defiance of a solemn adjudication by a southern judge in the circuit court of the union ? and is this not enough * have not the people of the free states been required to re- nounce for their citizens the right of habeas corpus and trial by jury, and to coerce that base surrender of the only practical security to all personal rights, have not the slave-breeders, by state legislation, subjected to fine and imprisonment, the colored citizens of the free states, for merely coming within their jurisdiction ? have we not tamely submitted, for years, to the daily violation of the freedom of the post office and of the press, by a committee of seal-breakers : and have we not seen a sworn post-master general, formally avow, that though he could not license this cut-purse protection of the peculiar institutions, the perpetrators of this highway robbery must jus- tify themselves by the plea of necessity ? and has the pillory or the penitentiary been the reward of that post-master gen- eral have we not seen printing presses destroyed—halls. erected for the promotion of human freedom levelled with the dust, and consumed by fire, and wanton, unprovoked murder perpetrated with impunity, by slave-mongers ? have we not seen human beings, made in the likeness of god, and endowed with immortal souls, burnt at the stake, not for their offences but for their color are not the journals of our senate dis- graced by resolutions calling for war, to indemnify the slave pirates of the enterprise and the creole, for the self-emancipa- tion of their slaves, and to inflict vengeance, by a death of tor- ture, upon the heroic self-deliverance of madison washing- ton have we not been fifteen years plotting rebellion against our neighbor republic of mexico, for abolishing slavery throughout all her provinces ! have we not aided and abet- ted one of her provinces in insurrection against her for that cause ? and have we not invaded openly, and sword in hand, another of her provinces, and all to effect her dismemberment and to add ten more slave states to our confederacy has the cry of war for the conquest of mexico, for the expansion of re-instituted slavery, for the robbery of priests, and the plun- der of religious establishments, yet subsided ? have the pet- tifogging, hair-splitting, nonsensical, and yet in flammatory bickerings about the right of search, pandering to the thirst for revenge in france, panting for war, to prostrate the disputed title of her king, has the sound of this war-trumpet yet faded away upon our ears ? has the supreme and unparalleled ab- -surdity of stipulating by treaty to keep a squadron of eighty guns for five years, without intermission, upon the coast of africa, to suppress the african slave trade, and at the same time denying at the point of the bayonet, the right of that squadron to board or examine any slaver all but sinking under a cargo of victims, if she but hoist a foreign flag—has this di- plomatic bone been yet picked clean or is our indirect par- ticipation in the african slave trade to be protected at what- ever expense of blood and treasure ? is the supreme execu- tive chief of this commonwealth yet to speak not for himself, but for her whole people, and pledge them to shoulder their muskets, and to endorse their knapsacks against the fanatical, non-resistant abolitionists, whenever the overseers may please to raise the bloody flag, with the swindling watch word of the union ? oh! my friends ! i have not the heart to join in the festivity on the first of august, the british anniversary of disenthralled humanity, while all this, and infinitely more than i could tell—but that i would spare the blushes of my coun- try—weigh down my spirits, with the uncertainty, sinking into my grave as l am, whether she is doomed to be numbered among the first liberators or the last oppressors of the race of immortal man. let th rodden-down african, restored by the cheering voice an ristian hand of britain, to his primitive right and condition of manhood, clap his hands and shout for joy on the anniversary of the first of august. let the lordly briton strip off much of his pride on other days of the year, and reserve it all for the pride of conscious beneficence on that day. what lover of classical learning can read the account in livy or in plutarch, of the restoration to freedom of the grecian cities by the roman consul flaminius, without feeling his bosom heave and his blood flow cheerily in his veins the heart leaps with sympathy when we read, that on the first proclamation by the herald, the immense assembled multitude in the tumult of astonishment and joy, could scarcely believe their own ears —that they called back the herald and made him repeat the proclamation, and then—“ tum ab certo jam gaudio tantus cum clamore plausus est ortus, totiesque repetitus, ut facile ap- pareret, nihil omnium bonorum multitudini gratius quam lib- ertatem esse. then rang the welkin with long and redoubled shouts of exultation, clearly proving that of all the enjoyments accessible to the hearts of men, nothing is so delightful to them as liberty.” upwards of two thousand years have revolved since that day, and the first of august is to the briton of this age, what the day of the proclamation of flaminius was to the ancient roman. yes—let them celebrate the first of august as the day to them of deliverance and of glory—and leave to us the pleasant employment of commenting upon their mo- tives, of devising means to shelter the african slaver from their search, and of squandering millions to support on a pestilential coast a squadron of the stripes and stars, with instructions sooner to scuttle their ships than to molest the pirate slaver who shall make his flag-staff the herald of a lie. apologising to you, gentlemen, for the length of this letter, i will close it with an ejaculation to heaven, that you may live to substitute for the first of august, the day when slavery shall be proclaimed a word without a meaning in all the lan- guages of the earth, and when the power of emancipation shall be extinguished in universal freedom. to share in the jubi- lant chorus of that day, if my voice could burst from the cere- ments of the tomb, it should be to shout hallelujah! for the lord god omnipotent reigneth let the earth rejoice and be glad! john quincy adams. african slave trade in jamaic a. - n - comparative treatment of slaves. r. e. a. d. e. e. e. o. r. e. t. h. e. | maryland historical society, oc to ber, . º - - | - - . | º º / - - º african slave trade i n j a m a ic a, comparative treatment of slaves. r e a d b e fo re the maryland historical society, o c t o b e r , . printed for the maryland historicat, society, b y j o h. n. d. t. o y . / , c/?: % º v/ . º … . º ^^, % ºr. afric a.n sl aw e trai) e i n j a m a i ca, a n d comparative treatment of slawes. the cruelty of the spaniards towards the abori- gines of the island of jamaica, has ever been the theme of just and strong indignation by histo- rians:–but the cruelties inflicted by british subjects upon the africans in the same island, as will be evidenced by the statistics hereafter shown, have never met with the reprehension they deserve. it is true, parliament has abolished slavery, but how much of this measure was due to humanity, and how much to policy, is uncertain. the fact, that england for one hundred and seventy-nine years, tolerated the slave trade, a system so cruel, and so destructive to the lives of its unfortunate victims, should forever silence all reproach on the part of british subjects against the united states, so far as slavery in connection with the treatment of those held in bondage is concerned. in the march of humanity, different motives may combine to impel the mass forward:—sympathy and policy may unite to effect a common object; policy in the government, philanthropy in the people. formerly, english manufactures, to an immense amount, were introduced into the spanish posses- sions in america, through jamaica. the dismem- berment of these possessions from spain, opened the ports of spanish america to the direct trade of england; and jamaica ceased to be profitable to her; hence the reduction in the differential duties; and what were those duties but a premium on slave labor — before the emancipation of the slaves in jamaica, many of the owners of the estates were deeply involved in debt, notwithstanding the premium in the form of protection; and emancipation only has- tened their ruin. england, therefore did not abolish slavery in the west indies, until it had become unprofitable. the slavery in disguise now being introduced into the island of jamaica, called apprenticeship, will be more profitable:–nearly the whole amount of capital heretofore employed in the purchase of slaves, will be saved. it is obviously more econom- ical than the former system, and may enable the planters to retrieve their circumstances. english writers tell us with exultation, that the british drum and fife may be heard successively, until the music goes round the world;—but they omit to tell us, that the groans of oppressed human- ity, the cries of infant innocence, and the shrieks of virgin purity, mingle with the sounds that herald the dominion of the british isles. there is another aspect of the subject, which it would be well for the parliament of “exeter hall” to consider, whenever american slavery becomes a matter for anathema. slavery in this country had its origin in the commercial policy of england. under the fostering protection of the british government, the trade in african slaves which supplied all her colonies, america included, was begun and contin- ued; —and continued too, in many instances, against the earnest and repeated remonstances of the col- onists. here is the origin of american slavery ; —and it exhibits an effrontery unparalleled, for england, with all her severities in the east indies; with the toler- ation of slavery in jamaica, for one hundred and seventy-nine years; and the enormous sacrifice of life it entailed upon its miserable victims, and with the continuance of the slave trade, with all its horrors, for so many years, forcing its evils upon unwilling colonies, to be uttering reproaches against the citizens of the united states, for the existence of a system fastened upon them, by her own arbitrary acts. that slavery here, is not what english aboli- tionists profess to believe, nor what in reality it has been in their own colonies, is clearly proved by the following statistics, collected from their own writers. the number of slaves in the united states, in , was . . . . , , in , - - • - e , increase in sixty years, . e e , , (two millions five hundred six thousand one hun- dred and ninety-two; —) the number of free colored people in , was -> e - - , in , . . . . . , increase in sixty years, . e e , (three hundred and sixty-nine thousand one hundred and ninety-five.) it is estimated that one-half of this increase of the free colored population was from emancipation of slaves:—and of course so far, it lessened the increase of the latter, and added to the increase of the former. the number of slaves brought into jamaica by the spaniards during their possession of the island, from to , say in one hundred and forty- six years, was , , (forty thousand.) of these, there were found by penn and wena- bles, at the time of their conquest of the island in , only , , (fifteen hundred.) now if , persons in sixty years amount to , , ,- , persons, in one hundred and seventy-nine years, by the same ratio, would amount to, e - - e e , add the number imported into jamaica in one hundred and seventy-nine years, say from to , (eight hundred and fifty thousand,) . e e . , and the amount will be, - - . , the number of slaves found on the island, at the time of the emancipation in amount brought over, . , , was (three hundred twenty-two thousand four hundred and twenty-one,) , showing a waste of human life under british rule, as contrasted with the ratio of increase in the united states, of . , (five hundred forty-eight thousand one hundred and twenty-three,) exclusive of any estimated increase upon the eight hundred and fifty thou- sand ( , ) who were imported, that would have accrued under a humane system of treat- ment. - in submitting these comparative results of british colonial slavery, with slavery in the united states, it must not be supposed that the compiler of this exhibit is an advocate or friend of slavery. he is not. the question we are considering, is not slavery, but the comparative treatment of slaves. his object is to show, that the odium of its intro- duction here, and the evils that it has inflicted or may inflict upon the united states, are chargeable to england:—and that the iniquity of the institution may be aggravated or lessened, according to the manner in which the slaves are treated. under their treatment in the united states, upon an original stock of , , (six hundred ninety- seven thousand eight hundred and ninety-seven,) they have increased to , , , (three millions two hundred and four thousand and eighty-nine,) while by their treatment in jamaica, they were reduced in one hundred and seventy-nine years, upon a stock of , , (eight hundred fifty-one thousand five hundred) to , , (three hundred twenty-two thousand four hundred and twenty-one.) this statement needs no comment. it exhibits slavery in the british colony of jamaica, tolerated by the parliament of great britain for one hundred and seventy-nine years sufficiently revolting, without dramatic skill to render the picture still more re- pulsive. again ; we may assume, that allowing the , (eight hundred and fifty thousand) imported, and the , (fifteen hundred) spanish slaves, making , ; forty-five years of the one hundred and seventy-nine, of equal productiveness with the ame- rican slaves, would give an increase of , , , (two millions nine hundred thirty-one thousand four hundred and fifty.) here we have a loss of , , lives destroyed in embryo, infancy, and maturity, in the time inter- vening between the capture of the island by admiral penn and general wenables, in , and the period of emancipation in ;-a number nearly equal- ing the population of the united states, at the period of its dismemberment from the british em- pire. further;-in the capture of the slaves, the march of the koffle to the coast, and on the middle passage, the smallest estimate is ten per cent. loss, until the slaves are landed in the west indies. we must therefore add , (eighty-five thousand) to the , , (eight hundred and fifty thousand,) making , , (nine hundred and thirty-five thousand,) requisite, during the whole period of slave importa- tions, to land , in jamaica. this gives a grand total of , , (three mil- lions and sixteen thousand four hundred and fifty) that perished in one hundred and seventy-nine years; or in round numbers, , (seventeen thousand) annually. it results from these facts and deductions, that the evils and fatal effects of slavery, consist as much in the manner in which the slaves are treated, as in the jact of their being held in servitude. the importation of slaves into the united states was not prohibited until the year :-but very few were introduced; there were no sugar lands in the country; cotton was unknown as an article of commerce, and slaves were not wanted. the low estimate of ten per cent. loss on the importation of them into jamaica, and the assumption that they were productive but forty-five years of the one hundred and seventy-nine, will more than balance the small number that were brought into the country. a very important question presents itself here :- what is to be the future situation of the black man?— the colored race have possessed a luxuriant soil, and balmy climate for unknown ages:—to these are added, now, the offer of civilization and its attain- ments, which they have never acquired. the capa- city of the race for progress, will now be deter- mined. the african family will decide for itself its position in the great family of mankind:—i say, decide for itself:-for it is not the acknowledgment of the independence of liberia, by one nation, or another nation, or by all nations, that will elevate the people of that republic to the desired point;-that must be achieved by intellect and labor. the division of the human race, called caucasian, or anglo-saxon, and its numerous subdivisions, will not dispense with the luxury of tropical produc- tions;–they cannot produce them—therefore, if the black man will not furnish them voluntarily, it is to be feared, compulsory means will be adopted to com- pel him. it is then apparent, that the black can render the white race tributary to them—this is now to be de- cided, and forever, in liberia. colonization in afri- ca, therefore, is an experiment far more important than the mere question of manumission. it is an auxiliary in the elevation of the colored race, by transferring to them the knowledge pos- sessed by a race that has preceded them in the march of civilization and its concomitant arts and sciences. if the colored race adopt them, and join in their . onward progress, they will then be placed on an equality. emancipation alone will not effect it; it is but a minor object, the gift of others; and can only have conferred upon its beneficiaries, the opportunity of their ascending to equality. the colored man in his own domicil, and by his own energies must ascend to it. the facility is presented him, of emer- ging from the long and dark night of time in which he has been enveloped. i have said, the crime of slavery consists as much in the manner, as the fact:—it is equally true of manumission. the merit of conferring it, and its value, depend upon the previous preparation for it. this is abundantly proved in the island of jamaica. it would be absurd, to suppose a person capable of understanding algebra, who was ignorant of arith- metic. the colonization society, is in fact, an auxiliary to the elevation of the colored man. if it succeeds, it will guarantee the freedom of the colored race in north and south america, by deciding the long mooted question of the cheapness of free compared with slave labor; and thus rendering slaves valueless. the psychological question that presents itself here, belongs to another department:—i will there- fore, only add a sentence. the native africans have a plurality of local gods; powerful, and as malignant as they are pow- erful. what then must be their sensations, when a knowledge of the true god is unfolded to their minds?—when they are made acquainted with a deity, not confined to lakes or chained to rocks; and are taught that he is the friend of all? the doctrine of equal civil and religious liberty after its rise, spread rapidly through wider regions than the “roman eagle overshadowed.” it could not be arrested by fleets or armies, for it pervaded them; it was not stopped by seas or mountains, it passed over them. like the magnetic influence, it spread from meridian to meridian; and like that subtle fluid, it promises to wrap the globe from pole to pole. but the zones of the earth give character to their inhabitants; and in the highest point of attainment to which the human family may progress, there will doubtless be a difference in the destiny of nations. º - ( / anti-sila very traots. no. . ...t.zt- zº ºf ºzoº /** . cº- avºvº, ca, (z. /* ) the “ruin’’ () f jamaic a. */~~ by r. hildreth. -> chapter i. — historical introduction. perhaps there is not a single delusion more systematically and more perseveringly practised upon the good people of the united states, and of great britain too, than the comparison so perpetually brought to their notice of the alleged present economical ruin of the island of jamaica, as contrasted with its alleged former prosperity, and with the present prosperi- ty of the neighboring island of cuba. and what gives the greater effect to this delusion is, that the instruments for spreading it are frequently men of honest intentions, and, on the generality of subjects, very well informed, but whose total ignorance of the history of jamaica makes them easy dupes, and who, indeed, are very often blindly led into the ditch by guides in the form of respectable residents of the island, hardly less ignorant than themselves; for it is not among the residents of jamaica that any thing be- yond very superficial ideas of the history of the island is generally to be. found. • - as the bearing of this matter on grave domestic questions gives to it a high degree of interest, we propose to explain the true state of facts with respect to jamaica, past as well as present, in order to put our readers in the position to draw legitimate conclusions, and to avoid being deluded by falsehoods, which, though reported by almost every mail from the west indies, whatever currency and general acceptation they may gain by that: repetition, are not rendered thereby any the less groundless and delusive. the island of jamaica has an extent of a little less than six thousand. square miles. it is thus about the size of the states of connecticut and rhode island together. like all the west india islands, it consists of a central group of mountains, with fertile plains, of no great width, extend- ing from their foot to the coast. being placed directly south of the east: end of cuba, and thus cut off from the northern breezes, which reach it: much in the state of a sponge already once squeezed, it suffers much more. from drought than either cuba, hayti, or porto rico; many of its fertile. plains, too distant from the mountains, and unfreshed by summer showers, are, from that cause, rendered worthless; while the rugged character of much of the interior, with the climate and difficulties of transportation, - - . . . . . . . . . /* vº * = f * * * * * * *-s ºr as sº a sº- * - - * - -* | º antesla very tracts. no. . / , º . tº - ºv. ; º º, . . . ºv awarºvºzzº - cº. /**) the “ruin’’ () f jamaic a. *a*. w by r. hildreth. chapter i. — historical introduction. perhaps there is not a single delusion more systematically and more perseveringly practised upon the good people of the united states, and of great britain too, than the comparison so perpetually brought to their notice of the alleged present economical ruin of the island of jamaica, as contrasted with its alleged former prosperity, and with the present prosperi- ty of the neighboring island of cuba. and what gives the greater effect to this delusion is, that the instruments for spreading it are frequently men of honest intentions, and, on the generality of subjects, very well informed, but whose total ignorance of the history of jamaica makes them easy dupes, and who, indeed, are very often blindly led into the ditch by guides in the form of respectable residents of the island, hardly less ignorant than themselves; for it is not among the residents of jamaica that anything be- yond very superficial ideas of the history of the island is generally to be: found. - - - - as the bearing of this matter on grave domestic questions gives to it a high degree of interest, we propose to explain the true state of facts with respect to jamaica, past as well as present, in order to put our readers in the position to draw legitimate conclusions, and to avoid being deluded by falsehoods, which, though reported by almost every mail from the west indies, whatever currency and general acceptation they may gain by that: repetition, are not rendered thereby any the less groundless and delusive. the island of jamaica has an extent of a little less than six thousand- square miles. it is thus about the size of the states of connecticut and, rhode island together. like all the west india islands, it consists of a central group of mountains, with fertile plains, of no great width, extend- ing from their foot to the coast. being placed directly south of the east: end of cuba, and thus cut off from the northern breezes, which reach it: much in the state of a sponge already once squeezed, it suffers much more. from drought than either cuba, hayti, or porto rico; many of its fertile- plains, too distant from the mountains, and unfreshed by summer showers, are, from that cause, rendered worthless; while the rugged character of much of the interior, with the climate and difficulties of transportation, - */ zºº. anti-slavery tracts. -- wholly unfits it for the production of sugar and coffee. in natural fertility of soil, it is, or rather was, – for of virgin soil fit for cultivation none is left, — decidedly inferior to the other three islands, and more exposed, also, to storms and hurricanes, by which, occasionally, it suffers very severely columbus discovered jamaica on his second voyage, in may, . in his fourth voyage, in , he ran his leaky vessel on shore on the coast of the island, and remained there for fifteen months. in , don diego, columbus's viceroy, sent a colony to occupy it. the natives, as in the case of all the west india islands settled by the spaniards, were speedily worn out by unaccustomed labor. negroes were introduced to supply their places; but the demand for colonial produce was then very slight; and when jamaica surrendered to admiral penn (the father of our william penn) in , with whom was our winslow, one of the founders of plym- outh colony, and who, being then in england as agent for massachusetts, was sent out in the fleet by cromwell, as one of the commissioners for superintending such conquests as might be made, it contained only a thou- sand or two of spanish creoles, and a less number of negroes. the span- iards submitted to the invaders; most of the negroes fled to the interior mountains, where they became the progenitors of the maroons, recruited from time to time by additional runaways, from whose depredations jam tica afterwards suffered so much, and of whom she finally got rid, so late as , only by the disgraceful breach of a capitulation into which they had been induced to enter. these maroons, transported by that breach of faith to nova scotia, became, along with some of the refugee slaves from virginia and maryland, whom the british at the close of the revolutionary war had refused to give up, the first settlers of the colony of sierra leone, and some of their descendants are at this day thriving merchants, and among the leading inhabitants of that anglo-african settlement. cromwell, who had expected to get st. domingo, from which his fleet was repulsed, was anxious to make all he could out of jamaica. he tried to persuade the settlers at new haven, who had not prospered altogether according to their expectations, to remove thither in a body, and in a sermon- izing letter endeavored to convince them that they had a call from god to that work. they declined this pressing invitation; but among the adven- turers who did go to jamaica was samuel vassall, who had been one of the first settlers of massachusetts, but whom the intolerant spirit prevailing there had induced to leave, and whose large landed estates acquired in jamaica passed finally, together with his name, into the family of the foxes, the head of which now bears the aristocratic title of lord holland. winslow, who died shortly after landing, was succeeded by sedgwick, an- other new england man, who had served in the parliamentary army, and whose posterity are very honorably distinguished among us. but this new the “ruin" of jamaica. et, amissioner, on arriving in jamaica, did not find things in a very promis- ing condition. the soldiers left there had been principally drawn from the island of barbadoes, which had then a much larger white population than at present—being, in fact, at that time (just two hundred years ago) the most populous and wealthy of the english colonies in america. but these troops by no means came up to the standard of our good puritan, parlia- mentary soldier, who was afterwards major general of massachusetts; and in his official letters he described them very much as our letter writers of to-day describe the jamaica negroes, “so lazy and idle as it cannot enter into the heart of any englishman that such blood should run in the veins of any born in england.” to recruit this rather unpromising population, cromwell ordered a thousand girls and young men to be enlisted in ireland, and he directed the administrators of the scottish government to appre- hend all “known idle, masterless robbers and vagabonds” for transporta- tion thither. a certain number of prisoners of war were also disposed of in the same manner. the best thing that offered to these first english settlers in jamaica was privateering against the spaniards; and even after the establishment of amicable relations between spain and england, they still kept it up. so far did sir thomas modyford, who was governor in , carry his notions of colonial rights, – a man after the heart of our nullifiers, whom he an- ticipated by almost two centuries, – that he declared war on behalf of the island against spain, merely for the sake of being able to give commissions to the cruisers; for it is to be observed that the buccaneers of those times, like the kidnappers of ours, always preferred, when it was possible, to act under a commission. the prosperity of jamaica, like that of the neighbor- ing colony of french st. domingo, (the present empire of hayti,) thus took its start from buccaneering. such was the source of the wealth, lux- ury, and profligacy, no doubt exaggerated by tradition, of port royal, now become an english town. but sir thomas modyford was not, by any means, a man of one idea. besides granting commissions to the bucca- neers, it was he too who introduced the cultivation of sugar; and when buccaneering began to grow less profitable, and more dangerous, – though till the last moment port royal afforded them a market for their prizes and entertainment for their money, - the richer and more stable-minded of the old buccaneers began to import and buy negroes, and to turn their attention to sugar planting — the introduction into europe of the use of tea and coffee having opened an enlarged market, and created a new demand for that article. from buccaneering to sugar planting — such was the second step in the career of population tha prosperity alike in jamaica and in french st. domingo. jamaica, however, still retained its interest in navigation; and from *** ----- - - ºs------ * * * * * * - - - - - anti-slavery tracts. fighting and plundering the spaniards began now to trade with them. this trade, in fact, had in it something of the excitement, the risks, and the profits, too, of buccaneering; for the spanish colonial system allowed no commerce with strangers, and the traffic actually carried on had either to be forced, in spite of the spanish guarda costas, or insinuated by vessels that anchored off the coast under pretence of leaks, injury by storms, or lack of supplies, the eyes of the spanish officers being closed with gold; or else worked through under cover of the assiento treaty, by which spain had ceded first to france, and afterwards to england, the privilege of introdu- cing, annually, a certain number of negro slaves into her colonies, with whom the vessels admitted for that purpose contrived also to smuggle in a great many other kinds of goods. port royal was ruined by an earthquake in , but kingston succeeded it, and grew to be the largest town in the west indies—not at all as a mere port for shipping sugar and landing plantation supplies, but as the entrepot of the entire british trade with spanish america. and this en- trepot it remained till the revolt of the spanish colonies, first against the bonaparte family and afterwards against the restored bourbons, by open- ing the spanish american ports to legitimate commerce, made any such smuggling entrepot unnecessary. kingston, also, while the slave trade lasted, was the grand british entrepot for that traffic; and bryan edwards calculates that, besides the import for domestic supply, kingston had, dur- ing the eighteenth century, the profits on half a million of negroes furnished to other colonies, foreign and british. the city of kingston was thus built up by smuggling and slave trading. both these occupations are now gone, and no other has yet been created to supply their places. this simple statement of historical facts will serve to explain the decay, dilapidation, and houses to let, observed by correspond- ents at kingston, the general stopping-place of travellers, and the source whence come so many jeremiads about ruin, decay, and insolent free nig- gers that won't work. the very same result from similar causes might have been seen, twenty years ago in many dilapidated new england seaport towns, such as newport, salem, and newburyport, into which manufactur- ing industry has again introduced bustle and prosperity. jamaica, how- ever, so far from having any protective policy to aid her in contending against the revolutions of commerce, after having been for years the spoilt child of protection, having been as a slave colony always sustained by the close monopoly (in common with the other british sugar islands) of the british sugar market, and by occasional large parliamentary grants of money direct, has been exposed as a free colony, with its lands exhausted, its credit greatly diminished, and its supply of labor curtailed, to a thorough- going free-trade competition, not only with the virgin soil, resident proprie. | the “ruin" of jamaica, undue advantages, but solely on the fair and honorable ground of reciprocal benefit, have been compelled, much against their inclination, to become plant- ers themselves—being obliged to receive unprofitable west india estates in yment, or lose their money altogether. i have known plantations transferred in this manner which are a burden instead of a benefit, and which are kept up solely in the hope that favorable crops and an advance in prices may, some time or other, invite purchasers. “thus oppression in one class of creditors, and gross injustice towards an- other, contribute equally to keep up cultivation in a country where, if the risks and losses are great, the gains are sometimes commensurate; for sugar estates there are, undoubtedly, from which, instead of the returns that i have esti- mated, double that profit has been obtained. it is indeed true that such in- stances are extremely rare; but, º: to that very circumstance—which to a philosopher, speculating in his closet, would seem sufficient to deter a wise man from adventuring in this line of cultivation — it is chiefly owing that so much money has been expended in it. i mean the fluctuating nature of its returns. the quality of sugar varies occasionally so much as to create a dif- ference in its value of ten shillings the hundred, which, for the superior quali- a ty, is pure gain. much, undoubtedly, depends on skill in the manufacture; and, the process being apparently simple, the beholder feels almost an irresisti- ble propensity to engage in it. though, perhaps, not more than one man in fifty comes away fortunate, every sanguine adventurer takes it for granted that he shall be that one. thus his system of life becomes a course % experiments, and if ruin should be the consequence of his rashness, he imputes his misfortunes to any cause rather than to his own want, and capacity, and foresight.” these extracts from edwards afford an insight into the rationale of slave cultivation according to the system which ultimately prevailed throughout the british west indies, and to a very considerable extent also in the french and dutch colonies. the motive power of the system, the real owners not only of the plantations and of the slaves, but of the nominal proprietors also, were a few great mercantile houses in europe, with whom it was a leading object to secure the transportation of the sugars and of the plantation supplies in their vessels, with the commissions on their sale and purchase. it was these profits, and these alone, that sufficed to cover the numerous risks of sugar planting, and to justify the large advances which the business required. - though often compelled to carry on the estates in their own names and at their own sole risk, these european merchants greatly preferred to standin the relation of mortgagees—thus leaving all the risks to be borne, so long as they could stand under them, by nomihal proprietors. these nominal proprietors were chiefly drawn from the mercantile class, or from the class of overseers, doctors, lawyers, master mechanics, and others, who, going out to the colonies to seek their fortunes, had gradually, as attachés to the plantations, accumulated a few thousand pounds—often, it was said, in the case of the overseers, by cheating their absent employers. whatever resi- dent in the colonies, by whatever means, succeeded in getting together a considerable sum of money, was drawn on, by a fascination like that of the gaming table, to invest it in a sugar plantation, which remained mortgaged for the balance to the european consignees of the produce. the certain anti-silavery tracts. ruin that in nineteen cases out of twenty attended this procedure was pro- verbial in the west indies; yet few indeed who had the means, had the strength of mind to resist the temptation to become (nominal) proprietors —that being the height of west indian glory and dignity; while a few for- tunes acquired here and there by extraordinary crops or series of crops, or by a sudden rise in the sugar market, occasioned by war or other accident, served still to bait the trap. - it was thus that the european sugar houses absorbed every thing—not only the labor of the black slaves, but all the earnings and savings of their white employés also – drawn at last into a plantation investment—the nominal proprietors being scarcely less bond slaves than the very negroes themselves. to these few houses, and to these alone, was sugar planting, under the slave system, a profitable venture. to every body else employed in it, black or white, it was incessant, exhausting, and unrequited toil, except that the black people had a very scanty and insufficient supply of food and clothing, — the latter generally a rag about their loins, – and the white people a pretty good supply of these, with plenty of wine, brandy, ale, rum, and black mistresses, horses to ride, and negroes to domineer over. and this, under the most prosperous times of the slave system, con- stituted the entire sum and substance of jamaica prosperity but even this kind of prosperity, such as it was, carried with it the seeds of its own decay. two things were absolutely essential to its continuance—an un- limited supply of new land, and an unlimited supply of new slaves to take the places of those annually used up on the plantations. the era of the highest planter prosperity of jamaica corresponds exactly with the era of the highest planter prosperity of virginia—that is to say, the twenty years preceding the breaking out of our revolutionary war. during this period the market for colonial produce enlarged steadily. jamaica and virginia, from the establishments already made in them, had the decided advantage over newer and yet infant settlements. there was still a sufficiency of virgin land; slaves were imported in greater numbers than ever before, and the establishment of new plantations went on in an accelerated ratio. but soon the same inevitable drawback laid its claw upon both jamaica and virginia. the lands in both, suitable for plantations, be- gan to be exhausted, and settlers and speculators began to seek out fresh lands elsewhere. the first great rival of jamaica in this respect (what cuba is to her now) was french st. domingo. the cultivation of that colony in the latter half of the last century advanced with very rapid strides, and her exports from the period of the american war—from which jamai ca suffered greatly, in the starvation of her slaves and the loss of her ac- customed supplies of lumber—began to rival and presently to exceed those of the english colony. the french revolution and its result, the self. the “ruin" of jamaica. ſ: : º: º: ** i: º: * º: º º º : emancipation of the slaves of st. domingo, delivered jamaica from that powerful and hated rival. but about the same time with this deliverance, a change was made in the policy of spain respecting porto rico and cuba, and these islands, hitherto without trade, and with a very limited popula- tion, presented themselves as new competitors in the business of sugar growing. presently, too, by the abolition of the slave trade, jamaica lost her annual supply of laborers, who thenceforward, down even to the present moment, have annually diminished. for though the total population of jamaica has increased since emancipation, that increase consists of children not yet of an age for labor; while not only has the adult able-bodied popu- lation gone on still diminishing year by year, but the women, formerly employed equally with the men in the field and the sugar mill, from the necessity of taking care of their infant children and overseeing, not slave huts, but free households, have necessarily been withdrawn from plantation labor. - with her lands year after year more and more exhausted, her supply of labor diminishing, the protective sugar duties repealed, old and worn-out jamaica is exposed to competition with new and fertile cuba. compare virginia and missouri, and their present rate of growth, and understand, o ye travellers and letter writers! why it is that the sugar growing interest de- clines in jamaica and flourishes in cuba; why it is that, in this particular line of sugar growing, the old emancipated colonies cannot compete with the new slave ones. charter iii. — the “ruin” of jamaica an old story. in reference to the alleged former prosperity and pretended present “ruin” of jamaica, we have seen in what that prosperity consisted; and that, by the operation of causes entirely independent of the nature of the labor employed, that prosperity, such as it was, had already reached its period, and had commenced a gradual decline years before the abolition of slavery, or even of the slave trade. that prosperity, to restate the matter in a few words, consisted in the dil- igent and laborious cultivation of a certain number of sugar and coffee plan- tations, by upward of three hundred thousand negroes, in the lowest state of degradation, misery, ignorance, and barbarism, uninstructed, religiously or otherwise, naked, or nearly so, supported on a scanty allowance of the coarsest food, (and a large part of that imported,) forced to labor some six- teen hours a day, and annually diminishing at the rate of nearly three per cent. — the number being kept good only by fresh importations from africa, —while all the profits of this forced and cruel toil went into the coffers of a few great british commercial houses, except what stuck by the way, and ----------------" " the “ruin" of jamaica. women; and such wives as were occasionally brought out from great brit- ain pretty generally soon wished themselves at home again. the white men supplied themselves with mistresses and housekeepers, either from among the slaves or the free people of color, who formed, during the so- much-regretted era of jamaica prosperity, a third and equally distinct class of the population. these free people of color, with whom were reckoned also a few manumitted negroes, amounted to about ten thousand in number, being the offspring of the connections above mentioned. in a few rare cases these colored children were educated and provided for in a fatherly manner. if the mother were a slave, it was considered in jamaica — our dem- ocratic slaveholders think differently — only an act of common decency to secure the freedom of the child; but here, in general, the care of the father stopped. with few exceptions, the males, unprovided with any means of gaining for themselves a creditable livelihood, keenly sensitive to the honor on the one side of their white parentage, and to the disgrace of their afri- can blood on the other, were left speedily to terminate, or miserably to pro- tract, a wretched existence as they might. they were subjected to much the same legal disabilities and indignities as are the colored people of our south- ern states, not being allowed to testify against a white man, to vote, or to hold any office; and the legislature of jamaica had also provided — a thing not yet found necessary in any of our southern states—that no testamentary devise from a white person to a negro or mulatto should be valid if it ex- -ceeded the amount of seven thousand dollars. the females had, as their only resource, the concubinage above described – a degraded position, in which, however, they often fulfilled, with the utmost scrupulousness and self. devotion, all the duties, without enjoying one of the rights, of a wife, and which, as it secured to them and their colored relations a white champion and protector, was regarded as the greatest piece of good fortune, and the most respectable position to which they could possibly attain. such was the prosperity over the decay of which so many regrets are ut- tered—the enjoyments, if they are to be called such, secured by it to the lim- ited white population, and to them only, being of the grossest character. from living constantly among negroes, mostly imported from africa, over whom they exercised despotic authority, the white immigrants, the greater part of them not over refined to begin with, degenerated into gross barbari- ans. their only relaxations were drunken frolics, naked negro girls be- ing employed to wait at table; while it was an ordinary piece of jamaica hospitality to furnish, not only a bed to the guest, but a woman to share it. such were the pleasures of the whites of jamaica. their business consisted in watching and driving up the negroes, and in gradually accumulating the means to flit for a moment as nominal proprietor of a plantation, which proprietorship, in nineteen cases out of twenty, speedily transferred these hard-earned gains into the coffers of some london sugar house. anti-silavery tracts. nor was even this wretched system sustained, except by a strict monopoly of the british sugar market, secured to the british west india planters— a monopoly which, in the latter quarter of the last century, was so severely felt by the british consumers, considering the prices at which they might have purchased the rival sugars of french st. domingo, as to raise a great clamor in. england against the whole system of west india cultivation as a ruinous and losing concern, accompanied by a scheme for drawing the supply of sugar from the east indies — a scheme which only received its quietus when the revolt of the slaves in french st. domingo had freed the british colonies from that invidious contrast. on the other hand, the legis- lature of jamaica complained with no less emphasis of the wretched condi- tion to which the island was reduced. they stated, in a formal report, that, in consequence of the interruption of their usual supplies, resulting from the quarrel between great britain and her northern continental colonies, (now the united states,) fifteen thousand negroes had perished, between the end of and the beginning of , “ of famine, or of diseases con- tracted by scanty and unwholesome diet.” another report, dated november , , represents that, in the course of twenty years preceding, one hundred and seventy-seven estates were sold for the payment of debts, fifty-five were thrown up, —so long ago had that abandonment of estates commenced, of which we nowadays hear so much, as though it were a new thing growing out of amancipation, — and ninety-two were then in the hands of creditors, while, during the same period, eighty thousand and twenty-one executions, amounting to above twenty-two million five hundred thousand pounds ster- ling, had been lodged in the provost marshal's office. - such was the prosperity of jamaica in ; and accounts still more lamentable are given in a another report of november , , and in re- ports of the british house of commons, of july , , of april , —report no. , , and no. , ; from all which it appears that jamaica ruin is an ancient and chromic complaint — as painful, no doubt, but apparently not much more dangerous than the gout, which, as the pa. tient has survived it for seventy years or more, is not likely, perhaps, to re- sult in immediate dissolution; especially as the inhabitants of the island, in spite of this protracted and reiterated ruin of the sugar planters, are vastly better off in every respect — socially, politically, intellectually, religiously, physically, and morally — than at any former period. published for gratuitous distribution, at the office of the american anti-slav ery society, no. nassau street, new yörk. also to be had at the anti-slavery offices, no. cornhill, boston, and no. north fifth street, philadelphia. • ( / e m a n c i pat i n • in the west ind i e.s. by f. b. sanborn. concord, mass. march, . /* , º/, " . %, , - º j/ tº ~~ º …". - /z . /** ſy france, denmark, and sweden, in . it is, then, years since the last act of lib- eration, since the most important one, and since the first. there still remain in slavery, about africans on the continent and islands of america; that is to say, nearly in the united states, nearly in brazil, in cuba, and porto rico, and in the dutch possessions. the slaves of st. domingo were set free under martial law, amid the disorders of the first french revolution; those of great britain were led into liberty in time of pro- found peace, by carefully prepared statutes; those of france and denmark during the revolutionary year of , but without the interposition of martial law. we have here, then, all the possible conditions of a commu. nity, peace, war, and that intermediate state which we call revolution. if the ex- periment had failed in any of these cases, we might think it, owing to peculiar circum- stances; if it had failed in all we might think the policy a mistaken one, at least, so far as these islands are concerned ; if it has succeeded in all, shall we not say it will also succeed every where : let it be noticed that the number of slaves set free is about two- fths of those in this country; or, to be more exact, as many as are now in the states of delaware, maryland, kentucky, virginia, tennessee, missouri, arkansas, louisiana, texas, and florida. but while the - freedmen occupied an area of less than square miles, these ten states have an area of square miles,—a circum- stance very favorable to emancipation; while the climate of none of them is such as to ex- clude the white man from active labors, as in the west indies. at the period of emancipation, st. domin- go presented a condition of things somewhat iike our own at this moment, but much more like what ours may be a year hence if we do not avail ourselves of the teachings of expe- rence. for three years the colony had been torn by civil wars between the whites and mulattoes, in which the negroes had taken little part. the spaniards, in alliance with the revolted slaves of , and in the inter- est of the exiled bourbons, had invaded the country, and occupied several important places. the english, then as now eager to destroy a commercial rival, were in treaty with the planters to invade the island also. the french republic, represented in st. do- mingo by two commissioners, sonthonax and polverel, was on the point of losing the rich colony. the commissioners had but a thou- sand french soldiers, a few hundred mulat- toes, and the fragment of loyal slaveholders, to oppose so many enemies. at this crisis, by a bold act of justice, the very thought of which they had repelled four months before, they brought to the french cause the power- ful aid of megroes. on the th of august, , they declared all the slaves free. just three weeks after, the english troops landed, but it was too late. on the th of february, , the national con- vention confirmed the proclamation of the commissioners, and abolished slavery in the other colonies. in june of the same year, toussaint l'ouverture, with men, who till them had fought under the spanish flag, forced himself into the chief city, re- leased the french general, and put himself and his negro soldiers at the orders of the republic. from that hour the fortune of the war was changed. the english were driven out, ( ) the spanish retired, and early in , toussaint proclaimed the french republic in the spanish portion of the island, already ceded to france by the treaty of , thus confirming the liberation of more slaves who had been own- ed by the spaniards. in the meantime, war alone had not occu- pied the great genius of this negro warrior and statesman. having become virtually governor of the colony, in he had set himself to the task of organizing free labor. —a work begun by the french commission- ers in . sonthonax, returning from an absence in france, in , was astonished at the prosperity which he saw. after the expulsion of the english, in , toussaint recalled the fugitive planters, gave them their former slaves for hired laborers, and opened the ports to free trade. to direct and enforce his regulations, he put the whole island under military government, and supported his sys- tem of labor, when resisted, by the bayonet. the fruits of this sagacious policy were in- stantly visible. commerce returned to the unfortunate island; labor flourished; the planters grew rich; the condition of the la- borers was wonderfully improved; the gov- ernment was respected, and every thing promised well for the future. suddenly, all this prosperity was again destroyed—not by the negroes, who had cre- ated it—but by the stupendous folly of na- poleon. yielding to the urgency of the emi- grant planters, and of josephine, herself a creole of martinique, in napoleon sent an immense army to st. domingo, treach- erously seized toussaint, and imprisoned him in france, where he soon died of neglect. at the same time, he reëstablished slavery and the slave trade in all the french colo- nies except st. domingo, proposing to do so there when he should have conquered it. but his vast armies were destroyed by war and disease, and in the french were finally driven from the island. since then, the fortunes of hayti have been various, but, on the whole, ereditable to her people; especially when we remember that when she gained her independence, near- ly half her people were slaves, who had been imported from africa, and that nine-tenths of them had only the vicious training of slavery to fit them to be citizens. they have in- creased in population and in wealth, in spite of the exactions of france and spain, and our own most illiberal treatment of them. their government has been more stable than that of mexico, or the south american re- publics; their institutions show an honest effort for liberty, under the restraints of law; their literature, though scanty, will endure a comparison with that of cuba or of canada. but whatever have been the misfortunes of hayti, emancipation was not their cause. they began three years before the slaves were freed; they ceased when the negro toussaint acquired power; they began again when napoleon, in reëstablished the old curse of slavery. “the evil that men do lives after them.” it was slavery. not freedom, that ruined the fair hopes of st. domingo; it will be freedom. not slavery, that will restore her to her ancient and over-estimated splendor. she may yet be our most faithful ally, our best friend, and, to the delight of milk street and wall street, our unlimited customer.” both justice and policy require us to recog- nize her independence, and to offer her our alliance and protection. it is now a ques- tion whether she shall belong to us or to spain, from whose encroaching hand we have more to fear, than even from the inso- lence and avarice of england. spain is no longer a feeble state; with mexico, cuba, and hayti in her possession, she would be- *the customer is the immediate jewel of our souls.”— emerson. come a commercial power of the first rank; shall we allow it? such was the first great experiment of ne- gro emancipation; now for the second. in the very midst of the “horrors of st. domingo” the english abolitionists were waging their war against the slave trade. on the th of may, , mr. pitt brought forward in parliament his motion against it; a year later, wilberforce made his first speech against it, supported by pitt, fox, and burke. clarkson and the quakers had moved still earlier; and zachary macaulay, father of the brilliant historian, joined with them. in their efforts abolished the infamous traffic, a year before it was ended here by act of congress. christian vii. of denmark had still earlier, in , forbidden his subjects to take part in it. in mr. canning's resolutions, looking to the final abolition of slavery itself, passed the house of commons, supported there, and in the na- tion at large, by wilberforce, buxton, the two macaulays, lord broughan, and many other illustrious men. in , by act of parliament, after long discussion, slavery was declared forever abolished in all the british colonies. this law went into effect, on the st pf august , in all the colonies save "mauritius, where it took effect february st., . it provided, for an intermediate state between slavery and entire freedom, a system of ap- prenticeship, which was to continue for six years. in effect it continued but four years, being found to work badly, like all measures of gradual emancipation; and all the ne: groes became unconditionally free on the st of august, , in the west indies, and on the first of march, , in mauritius. the small island of antigua, however, had at first chosen immediate freedom, rejecting the supposed advantages of apprenticeship, which system, it should be said, the english abo- litionists had not favored. it was a conces- sion to the slaveholders, and like all such concessions had only bad results. the number of slaves thus set free, was . ; they were scattered through nine- teen colonies, controlled by a strong central government; the measures for their liberation had been preparing for ten years, and were carried out by humane and resolute govern. ors, in a time of universal peace. these circumstances show the strongest contrast in almost every particular, to the events of , in st. domingo; naturally, we should expect a greater success than there; what have the results been ask this question of the first man you meet, and ten to one his answer will be, “emancipation in the british colonies is a failure.” ask him how he knows this, and he will tell you “he has heard so, everybody say so.” ask him to give you figures and facts for it, and he is silent. he has not, and the american peo- ple generally, have not taken the trouble to spend an hour in the examination of a mat- ter far more important to us, than it has ever been to england. but without authority, without investigation, in the very face and eyes of notorious facts, he continues to repeat what is at once a mistake and a slander. and why? because in this, as in so many other points, public opinion has been under the control of those insolent planters and their commercial allies at the north, from whose tyranny we are now, thank god fast freeing ourselves. “it is opinion, not truth,” said sir walter raleigh, “that travelleth the world without passport.” forgetting the prejudices which we have learned from slav- ery, let us take the testimony, not of plant- ers and slave-drivers; not of vulgar politi- cians, aiming at the white house, nor of those profound sages, the traders in cotton and sugar,<no, but of figures,-those im- partial reporters, who can neither vote nor hold office, nor buy and sell in any market, but whose silent statement the slaveholder dreads and hates more than all argu- ments. let it be said, first, that emancipation was feared and denounced by most of the white colonists, whose fears were shared to some ex- tent by the british government. no ken. tucky congressman, or new york secessionist can exceed in terrors or threats the “west india body of merchants and planters” resident in england, during the year . these noblemen and gentlemen, interested in the sugar trade, predicted as a consequence of any measure of emancipation, “a commercial crisis unparalleled in the history of the em- pire;” “an extreme danger to the lives and properties of the free persons resident in the colonies;” “confusion and anarchy;” “whole districts, indeed whole colonies,” they said, “might be completely depopulated;” they could see nothing in the law proposed “but confiscation of property, and the prospect of all those calamities which must result from a dissolution of the ties which connect the col- onies with the british empire.” they declared further, that it “is not even calculated to advance the comforts and well- being of the negro, that it endangers the con- tinuance of the colonies as dependencies of the british crown, and utterly destroys the possibility of their productive cultivation;” that it would “throw the black population back into a state of barbarism.”f these gloomy forebodings have a too fa- miliar sound. how did the event justify them? the colonies are still loyal to the british crown, as we know to our cost; they are more productive than before emancipa- tion; no such commercial crisis took place; the population instead of diminishing at the rate of annually, as it had done from to , is increasing; and the negroes. have made extraordinary advances in wealth, civilization, and morality. there has certain- ly been a decrease in the sugar crop, and there have been many other changes, but of these emancipation has been but in part the cause. the british government did not neglect to guard against the imagined dangers. they sent out additional troops, and created a special police; they made careful provision, as was thought, for the supply of labor; and under the name of indemnity, they distrib- uted nearly $ among the plant- ers, out of which the laborers' wages could be paid, until the new system had been fairly tested. the first results of emancipation aston- ished every one. in antigua, where the slaves instantly became their own masters, the public quiet was completely undisturbed. the first of august happened to fall on fri- day, and it was wisely resolved by the mas- ters, to give their slaves a holiday until monday, the th. these three days were spent by the negroes—first, in prayer and thanksgiving to god for their great de- liverance—then, in expressions of joy and congratulation among themselves. on mon- day, with few exceptions, they returned to their homes, took up the shovel and the hoe again, and have ever since continued to be peaceful citizens. in the other islands there were similar events; scarcely a riot occurred, and not a single white man lost his life. the only sufferers were a few rash negroes, at trinidad and st. christopher's,who attempted *proceedings of west india body, pp. , , , . (lon- don, .) tibid, pp. , . a combination against the authorities. in trinidad, one negro was hanged, and a few others sentenced to hard labor; in st. chris- topher's, four or five were transported for life. in only one colony was martial law pro- claimed; nor have there since been any seri- ous outbreaks among the negroes, though this is the twenty-eighth year of their freedom. yet, in jamaica alone, from – , there had been five insurrections, of which the last, in the winter of – , cost the lives of negroes, and involved a destruction of property, amounting to six or seven millions of dollars. peace, therefore, was the first effect of freedom. so much for the fears of murder and pil- lage entertained by the colonists. the sec- ond great evil which they feared, was a com- plete cessation of labor, or such irregularity as to derange all the operations of business. in some colonies, and especially in jamaica, this fear has been partly realized; in others, as in antigua, barbadoes, the bahamas, noth- ing of the kind has occurred. now as the same cause ought always to produce the same effect, may we not suspect that the diminu- tion of labor in jamaica and elsewhere, is due to other causes than the emancipation of the laborer? at any rate, may we not find some other reason for it, than the native idle- ness of the negro, of which mr. carlyle and a host of shallowers writes, say so much may it not spring from a feeling which the anglo-saxon of all men ought to respect, since he has so much of it, earth-hunger— a desire to own land, and not to be the ser- vant of another man? a committee of the house of commons in , asserted that this was the case. they said: “labor has diminished because the blacks have devoted themselves to work more profit- able for them than field work, and because they have generally been able, especially in the larger colonies, to purchase lands without difficulty, to live comfortably, and enrich themselves without being obliged to give the planters more than three or four days of seven hours in each week. the low price of land, the ill-will of the planters, the harsh- mess of the laws which establish the relation between the laborer and his employer, these have been the chief causes of the diffi- culties experienced.” to the same effect, francis hincks, gov- *see cochin's abolition de l'esclovoge, tome i. p. . we have translated from the french, not having access to the blue book in question. ernor-in-chief of the windward islands, said in ;f “there has been a considerable withdrawal of labor from sugar cultivation, in jamaica. among the causes, next to the tenure of land, the insolvency of the proprie- tors has been the chief. the only wonder is, that with such a land tenure as exists in the west indies, a single laborer remains on the sugar estates.” mr. sewell, a canadian by birth, now an american citizen, who visited jamaica in , and who has written a book of high value, on the labor question in the west indies,f speaks in the same tone; “all the impartial testimony that i could ob- tain in jamaica,” he says, “summed up a crushing contradiction to the unqualified pre- tension of the planter, that the negro would not work. and when i asked the negro himself, why he preferred the toil of the mine (eight hours in the day and six days in the week) to the comparatively easy labor of the plantation, his explanation was very simple— ‘buckra don't pay.’” be it remembered that mr. sewell is no abolitionist. but let us see how great is the evil com- plained of certainly if idleness has in- creased in the british colonies, it will show itself by diminished imports and exports; for the foreign and domestic trade of a coun- try is the sure index of its industry. first let us consider the sugar crop alone, in which the alleged diminution has been greatest. there is no doubt that the sugar crop of ja- maica, and of several of the other colonies, has much decreased since emancipation. but it must not be forgotten that this de- crease began so long ago as , and con- tinued steadily until , when it seemed to be checked, and there is now, we are told, a slight gain. we must bear in mind, too, that the negroes in jamaica have decreased, since , nearly twenty per cent., and that the sugar monopoly, which the colonies en- joyed has been entirely superseded by the modern english theories of free trade, while the planters have been all this time in a state of chronic bankruptcy, far worse than the financial condition of our southern states. remembering all these things, we find by the sure evidence of arithmetic that all the british sugar colonies produced, during the four last years of slavery, a yearly average of cwt ; in the four years of ap- t see anti-slavery standard (n.y.) sept. , , for a report of this speech, made at london, aug. st, . t the ordeal of free labor in the british west indies. by wm. g. sewell. n. y., , p. . prenticeship, cwt., a loss of - per cent. ; in the first six years of freedom cwt., a loss of per cent. ; but in , cwt., a slight gain over the last years of slavery. in the two last years of slavery they exported to great britain cwt; in - they ex- ported cwt; a gain of per cent. leaving jamaica out of view, and also mauritius, where the crop has immensely in- creased, by reason of the immigration of coolies, we find that the remaining fifteen sugar colonies produced in the three last years of slavery cwt, ; in the three years – – , cwt., a slight gain. from to the ton- nage of vessels entering at eight of these islands—the only ones reportedš—had in- creased more than six per cent. if the colonies which have been well man- aged are considered, we shall find a still more marked gain. the four colonies of antigua, barbadoes, guiana, and trinidad, exported, in the last four years of slavery, an annual average of pounds of sugar; from to , they have annually exported - pounds,-an increase of per cent. for fourteen years before emancipa- tion, the same colºnies imported an average of $ , ; in , they imported $ , ,—an increase of per cent. it is true that in barbadoes and trinidad, the population has largely increased, but by no means in this ratio; in guiana and an- tigua, there are fewer people than in . some of the single colonies show results still more astonishing. take antigua, for example, the island where the slaves were immediately emanci- pated. for the fourteen years before eman- cipation, the annual imports averaged $ - ; for , the imports were $ - , or more than double, while its exports have increased more than per cent. in this instance, free labor has had a fair field from the start, and all has gone well; in barbadoes, grenada, mauritius, and, indeed, most of the colonies, the same is true, though in a less degree. on the whole, we can say that the evils resulting from the scarcity of labor were never so great as had been feared, and in many islands did not exist at all; they were by no means owing wholly to emancipation, and they will soon be entirely removed. $edinburgh review, april, . but we may be told that the prosperity of cuba is a proof of the advantages of slavery. nobody denies that cuba has made, and is making, great advances in wealth. her ex- ports have risen from $ in , to $ in ;| her imports in the same time, from $ to $ - , . her population has increased nearly as fast. in , it was ; in , it was at least , , , of whom half were probably slaves. there has been a similar increase in porto rico, the other colony of spain; but there, the proportion of slaves to the whole population, is only about one-eighth. both these islands, how- ever, are comparatively thinly settled; espe- cially cuba, whose population is but to the square mile, or about the same as new hampshire. jamaica, on the contrary, has , and barbadoes , to the square mile. the abundance of land, together with the fertility of the soil, its favorable position for commerce, and the greater liberality of spain's commercial policy in recent years, will ex- plain the rapid growth of cuba, which, after all, is only a quarter part of the growth of iowa, within the last fifteen years. let us see if there is not some delusion about the wealth of cuba; let us apply a more certain test. how much value per man, for her whole population, will the trade of cuba show for we answer, $ . now, the trade of the french west indies, which we are told have been ruined by emancipa- tion, as well as the british colonies, gives a yearly average of $ per man, from to . the imports of cuba for , are $ . per head; those of antigua, for , are $ . per head. in , the whole trade of great britain with her west india colonies, was over $ , giving a greater sum per head than cuba can show. where, then, are the boasted advantages of slavery yet in cuba, slavery is said to be mild, and the proportion of whites to blacks is nearly four times as great as in the british colonies. we may add that in the fabulous prosperity of st. domingo, before the french revolu- tion, her exports and imports are set at about $ , giving about the same average per head as in antigua in . - | cochin–tome ii., p., . to this careful french writer, we have been much in- debted for statistics, concerning the results of emancipa- tion. had he thrown these more into a tabular form, he would have much increased the value of his book. schoel- cher's volumes are still of great authority, though pub- lished fifteen or twehty years ago. so much for the “ruin” of the british colonies, and the prosperity of the spanish. let us now turn to the last argument of the british planters; that emancipation would barbarize the negro. nor have we dwelt so long on the pecuniary results of emancipa- tion because we regard those as the most im- portant; but because they have been most frequently called in question. we believe most firmly in that good old maxim of the democratic party, “the greatest good of the greatest number,”—interpreting it to mean “the greatest good of all.” so even if the whites in the british colonies had been pecuniarily ruined by emancipation, and the prosperity of the colonies destroyed, we think we could have endured it with forti- tude, on the assurance that the negroes and mulattoes were immeasurably the gainers. now the whites have not been ruined as a whole, and their own folly is the chief cause of what troubles have come upon them since . leaying them for the present out of the º let us consider the moral and social condition of the negroes since emancipation. here the testimony is all one way, and of the strongest kind. . true, mr. carlyle sneers at “quashee” lying in the sun, with his “pumpkin,” and “his saccharine juices,”—but a sneer is not testi- mony nor argument. did not mr. carlyle once make a rather plain statement about “eighteen million of bores,” and did any american believe him : because a crabbed scotchman does not fancy the color, or the features, or the dialect of some of his fellow-men, are we to disbe- lieve our own eyes and ears, and reject all history till he has manipulated it? in november , lord glenelg, who had been colonial secretary, wrote:* “up to this time the results of the great experiment of abolition have justified the liveliest hopes of its authors and advocates. after having ex- amined carefully the evils that have attended its execution, it seems to me that they must be in great measure attributed to the old co- lonial system. whoever has reflected on hu- man nature, and the history of slavery, must have expected that such a reform could not be brought about without embarassments. i am happy, then, to be able to say that in a short period of time there has been a progress in the social condition which will increase the happiness of mankind, and of which history affords no greater example.” in a committee of the house of com- mons, reported thus: “the great act of emancipation of slaves in the west india colonies has produced the most favorable effects, so far as concerns the physical and social condition of the black population. as to their moral condition, their improvement is more than proved by their constantly increasing eagerness for re- ligious and secular instruction, by their de- sire, more and more perceptible, to assume the obligations of marriage, and fulfil the duties of domestic life; by the reformation of their morals and their rapid progress in civi- lization; finally, by the value which they now attach to the acquisition of property and a position of independence.”f in i a commission of french peers, deputies, and official persons was appointed to examine into the results of british eman- cipation, and report a project for the french colonies. at the head of this commission was the now venerable duke de broglie, whose position among french philanthropists, is like lord brougham's, in england; among its members, were the great de tocqueville, who had already made a report in favor of emancipation; ( ) admiral mackau, hippolyte passy, de tracy, and other emi- nent statesman. they continued their in- quiries until march , when their report was presented, written by the duke de broglie, after quoting largely from eng- lish documents, they say: - “nobody any longer pretends that the blacks are a savage, unsocial race, ready to lay waste the country the instant they are unchained. the event has quieted these ap- prehensions; the negroes, on the contrary, are a very gentle, very obedient, and wonder- fully easy to govern. all the documents which we have examined, agree on this point. we must cease, no less, to represent them as an abject, idle, stupid race, insensible to the pleasures which activity and industry pro- cure, and incapable of the least effort to ac- quire them. all the documents published by the english government, entirely confirm this assertion. all the negroes have shown the most lively sense of the blessings of civi- lization; all have been prompt to do what is necessary to obtain them, and most of them have succeeded. we have shown what a prodigious increase has taken place in the importation of goods for their use. they *quoted by cochin–tome i. p., . f quoted in the duc de broglie's report. # this report in two quarto volumes, is a marvel of faith- ful and impartial labor. i havo everywhere become artisans, farmers, freeholders; they have built houses, cleared lands, founded villages; and if any one will take the trouble to examine the answers made to the circular questions asked by the english government, in and , he will see that these answers are uniform, and that all the colonial authorities agree that the condi- tion of the black peasantry is equal or supe- rior to that of the richest and happiest peas- antry of europe.” m. jules lechevalier, a french writer of some note who had visited all these islands, and the southern states of america, testified before this commission. he said, * “eman- cipation has worked marvellous results for the negro. i can find no other word to ex- press what i think about this. • education, religion, and liberty make a man of the ne- gro, such as nobody would recognize—an en- tirely new being. for my part i answer, emancipation is very successful. the respect and attachment of the negroes for the english government has become a sentiment of re- ligion. thus a black will not name the king without taking off his hat. if you ask him who is the author of the liberty which he has gained, he will reply, “god and the king.” it should be noticed that this witness was un- friendly to the abolitionists. mr. burnley, for forty years a planter in trinidad, was in- troduced by his friend de tocqueville. said he f “i confess that the majority of the planters expected disorders; but that was not the opinion of reflecting people. for, setting aside the natural mildness of the negroes, what reasonable ground was there to expect violence from men whose moral and social osition was being changed for the better? hat caused doubt and anxiety to the intel- ligent colonists was how to keep up the sup- ply of labor. on this point we confess today, for the most part, that our fears were exag- gerated, and we believe that the blacks will work like the whites when they are subjected to the same necessities.” we should do the subject an injustice, were we to omit here the testimony of mr. emerson to the same point. we quote from his address on the st of august , an admirable essay which, it is much to be re- gretted is out of print. - “it was the sarcasm of montesquieu, ; ‘it would not do to suppose that negroes were men, lest it should turn out that whites were not;’ for the white has for ages done what he could to keep the negro in that hoggish state. it now appears that the negro race is, more than any other, susceptible of rapid civilization. the emancipation is observed in the island to have wrought for the negro a benefit as sudden as when a thermometer is brought out of the shade into the sun. it has given him eyes and ears. he is now the principal, if not the only, mechanic in the west indies, and is, besides, an architect, a physician, a lawyer, a magistrate, an editor, and a valued and increasing political power.”$ a more recent authority, mr. sewell, brings the evidence down to . “i think,” says he, (p. ,) “that the position of the jamaica peasant, in , is a stand- ing rebuke to those who, wittingly or unwit- tingly, encourage the vulgar lie that the af- rican cannot possibly be elevated. very large numbers . as merchants, mechan- ics, and tradesmen, and not a few of the ex- slaves of jamaica, or their children, are members of the legislature, and fill respon- sible offices under government. in the as- sembly alone, there are seventeen black and colored men, out of a total of forty-seven. the whole people of jamaica work;-i am utterly amazed at the progress they have made.” anthony trollope confirms most of these statements, in his flippant and shallow book, “the west indies, and the spanish main.” but we will not leave the matter to rest on authority, however illustrious or abundant; we will bring forward the evidence that this improvement has taken place. - - there are three chief tests of civilization: ( .) the security of life; ( .) the security of property, and the value attached to it; ( .) the sanctity of marriage and the posi- tion of woman. now, these three tests can be applied rigorously by means of statistics, and we find them all verified with increasing force in the west indies. it is hardly needful to say that in slavery the right of property is constantly violated towards the slave, and often towards the master; while marriage, properly speaking, #see cochin–tome ii. p. , who quotes thus: “il est impossible que nous supposions que ces gens-lâ soient des hommes, parceque, sinous les supposions des hommes, on *report. st part pp. – . f d part p. th, tome i. commencerait a croire que nous ne sommes pas nous-mêmes chrétiens.” esprit des lois, lib. xv. §see conway's “dial,” cincinati, . there was a derangement of commerce and agriculture for a few years. the trade of the colonies fell off per cent. in , as compared with , which was a very pros- perous year. at the same time, the trade of france fell off per cent. from – there is a falling off of per cent., as com- pared with the five years before emancipa- tion; but in the five subsequent years, from – , there is a gain of nearly per cent., and the four colonies are steadily gain- ing in wealth and numbers. we have al- ready spoken of the effect of slavery to di- minish population in the west indies. since emancipation, this tendency has been checked in the french colonies, though it still con- tinues in some of the english islands. the population of the french possessions, in , was ; in , it had fallen to ; in , it had risen to - , exclusive of immigration.s the dutch colony of guiana, where slaves are still held, gives a most atrocious example of this loss of population.| about there were slaves there, producing an annual value of $ ; in there were but , slaves and free blacks; a decrease of per cent. in years, or, if we include the free blacks, of per cent. but these slaves only pro- duced in a value of $ . of plantations have been abandoned."[ and the production has fallen away nine-tenths; yet emancipation has never troubled the dutch sugar growers. from the danish colonies since emancipa- tion we have few statistics, but those are all favorable to freedom. we know that st. thomas is a rich emporium, and that santa cruz flourishes. some disorders, by which the negroes were the greatest sufferers, attended emancipation; but they were occasioned by the ill temper of the planters, and were soon quieted by the excellent government. for the past ten years we hear no tidings of tu- mult or distress from them. in when theodore parker visited santa cruz and st. thomas, a member of his family wrote thus of the freed slaves: “i often think how delighted you would be with the results of emancipation, as we see them all around us, and have abundant op- portunity to examine them; twenty thousand § cochin, tome i., p. . |see cochin, ii.. p . tedinburgh review, april, . aft;" report of the am. a. s. society, n.y., —p. people raised at once from the condition of cattle to that of responsible º: tected and assisted, if need be, by the gov- ernment. the thrifty and industrious al- ready succeed in laying up enough to put them forward in the world, build a comforta- ble little home in town, and bring their children up to trades. they have great pride in being independent. they are gradually acquiring a pride of matrimony. a noble young man here, an episcopal . minister, has established a day school for the colored children of his parish, and i was never so pleased with any school i have ever visited. the progress has been surprising indeed.” “here, as elsewhere,” says cochin, “slav- ery did no good, and emancipation no harm. a hurricane, or the change of a single degree in the thermometer, would have had an in- fluence more hurtful and more lasting, than the fortunate release of or men, unjustly enslaved.” in the single swedish island of st. bar- tholomew, there were in , slaves, out of a population of . these have all since been freed by purchase gradually made by king oscar, $ , a year having been voted for this purpose by the swedish par- liament. we have no information about the effects; if they had been bad, we should, no doubt, have heard of it. we have now spoken of the condition of all the west india islands where emancipa- tion has taken place. it has been shown that all from which we have statistics, except jamaica and hayti, are more wealthy than during slavery, and that all, without excep- tion, are increasing their trade and produc- tion; that the ruin of hayti and jamaica, so far as it exists, is owing to many other causes than emancipation,-chiefly in the one case, to the cruel policy of napoleon, and the un- generous course of france, spain, and the united states, and in the other, to the folly of the planters, and the evils begotten by slavery. it has been shown, too, how delu- sive is the assumed prosperity of cuba and porto rico—islands now passing through the hot fit of the slaveholding fever, but which must soon be let blood by emancipation, as in hayti, or pass into the ague fit and mel- ancholy decline of the dutch colonies, which slavery still curses. it has been shown that the negro is not bloodthirsty, that he is not idle, that he is capable of civilization. let us add that he is not a pauper, contrary to the theories of many americans, who fear to do an act of justice, lest we of the north shall be overrun by black paupers from the south. no, the paupers of the south are clothed in soft raiment, and live delicately, and are, or would be, in kings' houses. it is a curious, but well attested fact, that among the free colored people of the british west indies, in , the proportion of paupers was one in , while among the whites it was one in .* in many places, the proportion was still more surprising. in barbadoes, there were whites, and free blacks; there were white pau- pers, and one black one ! in berbice, there were two colored paupers out of , and sev- enteen white ones out of . in jamaica, the free colored were to the whites as two to one, while the white paupers were to the colored, as two to one. in massachusetts, in , the number of paupers was one in . no return was made of colored paupers, but we are told that the returns of philadelphia, where there were in , about col- ored persons, show a much greater proportion of white, than of colored paupers. . many authorities have already been quoted to show the happy results of emancipation, and we have been careful to take the testi- mony of enemies as well as friends. let us add a few more to the list. in , de tocqueville wrote thus;f “many persons, prečccupied by the recollec- tions of st. domingo, are led to believe that the emancipation of the slaves will occasion bloody collisions between the two races, whence the expulsion or the massacre of the whites may soon follow. everything leads to the belief that these fears are imaginary, or at least, much eacaggerated. nothing which has taken place in the english colonies leaves room to suppose that emancipation would be accompanied with the disasters which are dreaded.” in the encyclopedia britannica, a work of the highest authority, occurs this passage in the article on slavery, published in : “there can be but one opinion regarding the results of emancipation entertained by any man who will dispassionately investi- gate the condition of the colored populations in the west indies; and that opinion will redound, in the highest degree, to the sa- * blue book, may , . quoted in the tourist . f report on the abolition of slavery in the french colo- nies. by alexis de tocqueville. (translation) boston, . p. . this is a pamphlet of pages. t gacity of those who then advocated the de- liverance of the slave. england, by freeing her slaves, performed a politic, as well as a very just act.” mr. sewell, who has already been quoted, says, at the close of his book, written in : “the act of british emancipation has been widely abused; but its detractors must live among the people it disenthralled, if they would learn the value at which it can be es- timated. time, which develops the freedom that act created, adds continually to its lustre. freedom, when allowed fair play, injured the prosperity of none of these west indian colonies. it saved them from a far deeper and more lasting depression than any they have yet known. it was a boon conferred upon all classes of society; upon planter and upon laborer; upon commerce and agricul- ture; upon industry and education; upon morality and religion. and if a perfect measure of success remains to be achieved, let not freedom be condemned ; for the ob- stacles to be overcome were great, and the workers few and unwilling.” - the hon. charles francis adams, in a letter written july st, , says: “west india emancipation is gravely pro- nounced a failure. i have heard it so de- scribed on the floor of the house of repre- sentatives. the only reason given, is that the british islands do not produce so many pounds of coffee and sugar as they did when they could force them out of the bones and muscles of slaves. now mankind may, by possibility, be tolerably well off, and yet do entirely without coffee and sugar. but how can they be happy without good security for their right to seek happiness in their own way? yet they tell us, because coffee and sugar fail there is no good in emancipation. if, by reason of this failure, it could be shown that there was misery and famine in the land, that starvation was in a fair way to turn the garden into a wilder- ness, i should be ready to concede something to the argument. but i hear of no such thing as that.” the hon. charles sumner, in a letter of july th, , says: “well-proved facts vindicate completely the policy of emancipation, even if it were not commanded by the simplest rules of mor- ality. . . . two different governors of this island (jamaica)f have assured me that, with #see new york independent of march , for an impor- tant letter of gov. hinks on this point. all their experience there, they looked upon emancipation as a blessing.” here ends our chapter on the west in- dies. what inference can be drawn from all this? we answer—first: that emancipation in the united states is safe. if it was so in jamaica, where the whites were as one to fif- teen, will it not be in maryland, where they are more than three to one, in kentucky, where they are nearly four to one, in mis- souri, where they are nearly ten to one second : it will be politic. if the free- ing of half a million of slaves in , saved st. domingo from falling into the hands of england, the freeing of four mil- lions, in , may save the cotton states from a like fate, which even our recent and brilliant victories perhaps may hasten. third: it must not be attended by forced colonization. if the great want of the west indies is labor, with what expectation can we ship out of our southern states two-thirds of the laboring population ? immigration is the demand in the west indias, it would be folly for us to try emigration. fourth. it must not be gradual, but im- mediate and complete. if the experience of antigua and jamaica teaches anything, it teaches that simultaneous and entire emanci- pation is the safest, the cheapest, and the wisest course. fifth. it will attract more white men to the south than it will send black men to the north. this is the opinion of a sensible fu- gitive, to whom we owe the statement; but the history of immigration to the west in- dies, and to mauritius and bourbon proves it true. why should the negroes come here after emancipation? on the contrary, reasons both of climate and of political economy will carry them south in great numbers, not only from the border states, but from the north and from canada. finally, these facts prove, what no man of lofty virtue ever can doubt, that justice is always earpedient. the greeks had a story which devout old herodotus has preserved, that glaucus, the spartan, wishing to commit an injustice, and to confirm it by an oath, asked of the oracle if he might do so. “glaucus, son of epicy- des!” answered the priestess, in her solemn chant, “for the present perjury is profitable, and theft; swear, then, for death lies in wait for the just and the unjust. but there is a nameless child of perjury, without hands, without feet, yet swiftly she pursues till she clutches and destroys thy race, and all thy house. but the race of the just man flour- ishes forever.” thus the oracle. “and now,” adds the narrator, “there is no descendant of glaucus at all, not any branch of the stock of glaucus; but he has been cast forth from sparta, root and branch.” centuries earlier, the wise athenian law. giver, in grave verse, which demosthenes loved to quote, had warned his countrymen of the same truth.* my soul, athenians, prompts me to relate what miseries upon injustice wait. riches by theft, and cozenage to possess, the sacred bounds of justice ye transgress; who silent sees the present, knows the past, and will revenge these injuries at last. but justice all things orderly designs, and in strict fetters the unjust confines. what's sour she sweetens, and allays what cloys. wrong she repels, ill in the growth destroys, softens the stubborn, the unjust reforms, and in the state calms all seditious storms. bitter dissensions by her rule supprest, who wisely governs all things for the best. and earlier yet, the stern warnings of the hebrew sage, who led forth his despised peo- ple from the oppression of egypt, had an- nounced the eternal law with no doubtful wo ce: “beware that thou forget not the lord thy god, in not keeping his commandments and his judgments, and his sta- tutes which i command this day; lest when thou hast eaten and art full, and hast built goodly houses, and dwelt there- in ; and when thy flocks and thy herds multiply, and thy silver and thy gold is multiplied, and all that thou hast is multiplied; then thine heart be lifted up, and thou forget the lord thy god. . . . and thou say in thine heart, my power and the might of my hand hath gotten me this wealth. and it shall be, if thou do at all forget the lord thy god, i testify against you this day that ye shall surely perish. as the nations which the lord destroyeth before your face, so shall ye perish ; because ye would not be obedient łº,the voice of the lord your god.”—[deuteronomy viii. *demosthenes. false legation, . stanley's trans- lation in the history of philosophy. uncle tom's story of his lifejosiah henson, harriet beecher stowe, john lobb uncle tom's cabin “march is a great day in ſi annals, for it marks the birth in of uncle tom's cabin." “originally the story came ou newspaper serial, and there was difficulty in finding a publisher fo volume form, but when it did ap went like a prairie fire. the bog come at a ripe moment when t in “black ivory" was verging demnation by the moral sense american nation. within months , copies had been america, and in four months stowe had received to, doll royalty.” - rvie . q., jerrirs p --er- “nil pes peran pu". - many parsons have e truly a good epitaph. som times it was the fashion to wri punning ones, examples of whi may be found in the book, “t old time parson’’ (methue taken. the following epita missionary is humorous, thou it was not intended to such :- to the memory of > murdered by his black servan “well done, good and fait servant.”—matt. xxv. . deliverance wrought by god.-all the great “exoduses" from slavery to free- dom have been wrought by god. one can hardly read this chapter without thinking of the emancipation of the slaves in the th century. the horrible slave trade was abolished in as far as fngland was concerned; by the act of all slaves within the british empire were set free, the mother country paying £ , , as compensation to the slave-owners in the west indies and south africa. on august , slaves were freed imagine it! in jamaica, on the set day, thousands of them gathered as slaves in their chapels for prayer. as midnight approached they knelt in silence and listened for the striking of the hour. it strack amid shouting and laughing and weeping all the congregation. sang, “praise god, from whom all blessings flow.” the midnight departure from egypt, with moses in the van, was practically a similar event to that midnight scene in the nineteenth century when the work of wil- berforce and others was crowned with success. - what the coon would have dome. “the night before a negro battalion was to go over the top an officer, addressing a coon who was almost scared white, said:— “: sam, what would you do if you saw the whole blamed german cavalry coming right at you this very minute ’ - “‘boss,” replied the black man, between knee- quakes, ‘i’d sure spread the news through france : * * . the admiral tells of another “coon,” who took a batch of huns prisoner in a trench. one of the germans, in pitiable accents, begged the negro to let him off with his life. “blease, blease spare me !” he moaned. “i haf a wife and five children got.” “you'se mistaken, mistah fritz.” said rastus. “you ain’t got no wife and five children. what you'se got is a widow and five orphans l’’ blackmanproblems, newly rich negroes. nº. by f. a. mckenzie. *|| new york city. it was a gathering of the dandies of darkey- dom, an afro-american concert, at carnegie hall—the queen's hall of new york city. there was a large afro-american (do not hurt their feelings by saying “nigger”) crowd, the men in evening dress and the women in white. scores of ladies in the audience were wearing the most elegant and costly garments the rue de la pazz could supply. the splendidness of the dress of the men, the glory of their silk shirts, the cut of their clothes, and the gloss of their silk handkerchiefs made me feel shabby. these were the new coloured rich of america. there was something pathetic in the gathering. the white dresses served only to accentuate the signs of the disastrous effects northern city life has on negro women. a note of melancholy pervaded much of the music. “we may be rich, but we are still exiles,” it seemed to say. the rich blacks in new york are so numerous that they form a community of their own. they hold no social intercourse with the whites. | every club is closed to them, and they are denied admission to the big hotels. i do not know a single black man in wall-street or in the big business offices “down town,” save as porter or janitor one of the new rich has made money out of real estate; another is re- puted to have cleared a fortune out of a bleach- |ing compound for complexions. sadly enough, their own people look down on - * ~- *… t. i.e.----------- --- --------------- - up to the average dr. henry howard, of new york, tells the following story. he was travelling by rail in the southern states of america and asked the negro porter what was the average tip. “one dollar, sah,” replied the darkie. dr. howard thought it rather a stiff tip, but he handed over the dollar bill. the darkie's eyes sparkled. “thank you, sah, you are the very first gentleman who has ever come up to the average.” … / * * • & %- %º . % . . / ºn tº /* . a . & / ) college staff goest dispute about uncle tom's fº * cabin.” - - from our own correspondent. new york, wednesday. the old issue between north and south ºn slavery has been revived in a heated dis- ute between the p}. and faculty of hatham episcopa institute, a girls' finish- ing school at chatham, virginia. the dis- pute has culminated in the resignation of the entire teaching staff. - the trouble began a few days ago when it was announced that, a lecturer would deliver a eulogistic address on harriet beecher stowe, author of “uncle tom's cabin.” the rev. dr. pruden, episcopal rector and president of the institute, being a man of southern traditions, promptly vetoed the suggestion on the ground common among many southern families that harriet stowe's work is, mischievous by reason of its flºº ºf the negro character... |, miss eliza willis, principal of the insti- tute, opposed dr. pruden, describing his action as the purest provincialism. in this she was, supported by the entire faculty, composed of graduates of northern colleges. the rev. beyerley tucker, bishop of the diocese of southern virginia, vainly sought to effect a settlement. tºr. pruden yielded to the extent of apologising for the charac- ter of some of his words reflecting on the faculty, but declined to allow the lecture to be held, and now he is organising a new staff. | | | | ||- ||-|- ae"…----ź…-#šº----* -，%-----±----∞∞∞ |- -，:-ź|-ſae |-ae|---Ņ |·….·-：-------~~~~ |- ||- | | | | | | | | |- ||- |-！ \, \ ---- |\|- || ||-|- |· | –|- |- “wintle com's story of jis fift." ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~ utobiography § rev josiah henson (mrs. harriet beecher stowe's “uncle tom"). a rom to . with a preface º by m rs. harriet b e e c h e r stovve, and an §ntrobuttory {\ott by george sturge, and s. morley, esq., m.p. edited by john lobb, managing editor of the “christian age,” editor of d. l. moody’s “arrows and anecdotes" and “ the story of the great reznival.” sixteenth thousand. london : “christian age” office, , farringdon street. . (only authorised edition, and copyright.) spoon up brack sº º, 'd away, ºcor lil brack sheep dat stray º o ºne los in dewin' and rain.…, £ a...". shepherd. he say, “o hirelin' go fin' my sheep again. an' de hirelin' ... -- º am brack an' bad. - º ... he smile de lil' brack sheep is de onliest lamb he had. - --- an' he say, “ o hirelin', hº * de …in an' de rain am colº and datiº braskāśiº" nº de hirelin' frown, “o shepherd, dat sheep am ol' an' grey.” but de shepherd he smile like de lil' brack sheep wuz fair as de break ob day. - an' he say, “o hirelin', hasten! lo, here is de ninety an’ nine, but dere way off from de sheep-fol' is dat lil' brack sheep ob mine.” an' de hirelin' frown, “o shepherd, de rest ob de sheep am here.” but de shepherd he smile like de lil' brack sheep he hol’ it de mostes' dear. _ an' de shepherd go out in de darkness, where de night was col' an’ bleak, an' de lil' brack sheep he fin' it, and lay it agains' his cheek. an' de hirelin' frown, “o shepherd, don’ bring dat sheep to me.” but de shepherd he smile, an’ he hol' it close, an' de lil' brack sheep—is me ! - . . . * * friends with u.s. - - 㺠- by an old journalist. in the “daily news” of sept. mr. warre b. wells wrote: “i asked one of the best informed americans in london the other day, “do you believe in this theory of an inevitable anglo-american war?’’. ‘i will give you an irish answer,” said he, with a smile, "america and eng- | land never will be friends.’” unless the cynie who said gratitude was only a lively anticipation of favours to come was right, americans, should be our very good friends, as they must ever be our debtors.º.º. - + ºx | as i have reached an age, which is at- tained by not more than seven in every hundred thousand born, i have a lively recollection of the american civil war, and of this i am sure—that the united states, as they existºto-day, owe their entity to the self-sacrifice and right feel- ing of the people of this country of sixty - -- years ago. ººº-º-º: - | i hope those who know all about the american civil war will forgive me for very briefly explaining the cause for the |benefit of those who know little of it. ºvery existeºpºnny...in the sº - | states, where quo a aq ) #. were cultivated, anºe northern states, feeling asha: si. - tº: ºshamed that slavery shoul }}. the states at all; had i. º: tº ºppression. when abrah. lineoln . abolitionist, was elected president the “yassa. #.” ºf ºeſºpted it as a chaiien. washingto **. of the slave states at once secedei. ** g #. *reparate, repúblic, and tejº perhaps; º davis as president tº remain. of rome?’ º tates sat on the fence “nossa, ſº fore taking ºn"º. ºt jumped be: *** * most of the slave owners clai - xial #ººl, º - * as superior persons, - the northerners”. yankº * º: º º º!, *...an argument—the old º ºf ºººººººº. - e south. wº *. arguments more pº by . ..º. ºr. federal, states at once mocka ed new orleans and other south. * - the “so you revolution, º - - *. mrs. harriet beecher stowe. see page . £ h . % preface. --- he numerous friends of the author of this work will need no greater recommendation than his name to make it welcome. among all the singular and interesting records to which the insti- tution of american slavery has given rise, we know of none more striking, more characteristic and in- structive, than that of josia h henson. born a slave—a slave in effect in a heathen land—and under a heathen master, he grew up without christian light or knowledge, and like the gentiles spoken of by st. paul, “without the law did by nature the things that are written in the law.” one sermon, one offer of salvation by christ, was sufficient for him, as for the ethiopian eunuch, to make him at once a believer from the heart and a preacher of jesus. to the great christian doctrine of forgiveness of enemies and the returning of good for evil, he was by god's grace made a faithful witness, under cir- cumstances that try men's souls and make us all who read it say, “lead us not into such temptation.” we earnestly commend this portion of his narrative to those who, under much smaller temptations, think themselves entitled to render evil for evil. preface. the african race appear as yet to have been com- panions only of the sufferings of christ. in the melancholy scene of his death—while europe in the person of the roman delivered him unto death, and asia in the person of the jew clamoured for his execution—africa was represented in the person of simon the cyrenean, who came patiently bearing after him the load of the cross; and ever since then poor africa has been toiling on, bearing the weary cross of contempt and oppression after jesus. but they who suffer with him shall also reign; and when the unwritten annals of slavery shall appear in the judgment, many simons who have gone meekly bearing their cross after jesus to unknown graves, shall rise to thrones and crowns ! verily a day shall come when he shall appear for these his hidden ones, and then “many that are last shall be first, and the first shall be last.” harriet beecher stowe. andover, mass. introductory note. by george sturge, and s. morley, esq., m.p. – - n rev. j. henson's visit to england, samuel morley, esq., m.p., and george sturge, kindly undertook to be the treasurers of the fund to liquidate the claims of his mortgagees. preface. in response to our request for a few words intro- ductory to “uncle tom's life,” we have the follow- ing from george sturge. “my knowledge of josiah henson dates from his visit to this country twenty-five years ago, when my late brother thomas sturge, with other friends of the negro race, helped to establish “the dawn institute for the education of coloured people in canada.’ i regard josiah henson in many respects as a remarkable man. when i contemplate his unselfish efforts (at great risk to himself) to rescue his brethren in slavery, after he had obtained his own liberty, and his labours as a free man to educate and enlighten them, i consider that there are few men now living who have done so much for the negro race. when it is remembered, too, that he was a slave for forty-two years, his life affords an encouraging crample of what may be done, even by one who has laboured under the greatest disadvantages, who is earnestly desirous to benefit his race. his christian simplicity, and the absence of all bitter feeling towards those who have oppressed him, will have commended him to all who have made his acquaintance. the life of “uncle tom,' now ex- tended in its records to the present date, will be found by its readers to possess deep interest, and will doubtless be favourably received. on submitting these observations to samuel morley, his remark was, ‘i thorough ly agree with them.’” sydenham, oct. . contents. chapter i. my birth and childhood. earliest memories.—born in maryland.—my father's fight with an overseer.—one hundred stripes and his ear cut off. -chapter ii. my first great trial. origin of my name.—a kind master.—he is drowned.—my mother's prayers.-a slave-auction.—torn from my mother. —severe sickness.-a cruel master - - chapter iii. my boyhood and youth. early employment.—slave-life.-food, lodging, clothing.— amusements.-gleams of sunshine.—my knight-errantry chapter iv. my con v e r sion. my praying mother.—a good man.—hear a sermon for the first time.—its effect upon me chapter w. maimed for life. taking care of my drunken master.—his fight with an over- seer.—rescue him.—am terribly beaten by the overseer chapter wi. a responsible journey. my marriage.—marriage of my master.—his ruin.—comes to me for aid.—a great enterprise undertaken.—long and suc- cessful journey.—incidents by the way - c h a pte r w ii. a new home. become a methodist preacher.—my poor companions sold.— my agony.—sent for again. - chapter viii. return to maryland. reception from my old master.—a slave again.—appeal chapter ix. taken south, away from wife and children. start for new orleans.—study navigation on the mississippi . chapter x. a terrible temptation. sigh for death.-a murder in my heart.—the axe raised contents. chapter xi. providential ideliverance. offered for sale.—examined by purchasers.-plead with my young master in vain.-man's extremity, god's opportunity chapter xii. escape from bondage. solitary musings.-preparations for flight. —a long good-night to master.—a dark night on the river.—night-journeys chapter xiii. journey to canada. good samaritans.—alone in the wilderness.—meet some indians.—reach sandusky.—another friend.—all aboard . - chapter xiv. new scenes and a new home. a poor man in a strange land.—begin to acquire property.— resume preaching.—boys go to school.--what gave me a desire to learn to read.—a day of prayer in the woods * c. h. a. pte r x w. life in canada. condition of the blacks in canada.-a tour of exploration . chapter xvi. conducting slaves to canada. ympathy for the slaves. –james lightfoot.— my first mission to the south.-a kentucky company of fugitives.—safe at home. - - •' . - - - - - . chapter xvii. secord journey on the underground railroad. a shower of stars.--kentuckians.—a stratagem.—a provi- dence.—conducted across the miami river by a cow.— arrival at cincinnati.-one of the party taken ill.—we leave him to die.—meet a “friend.”—a poor white man . c h a pter x w iii. home at dawn. condition in canada.-efforts in behalf of my people.—rev. mr. wilson. — a convention of blacks.-manual-labour school - - - - - • . . chapter xix. lumbering operations. industrial project.—find some able friends in boston.—pro- cure funds and construct a sawmill.—sales of lumber in boston.—incident in the custom house - - . chapter xx. visit to england. debt on the institution.—a new pecuniary enterprise.—letters of recommendation to england.—personal difficulties . . contents. chapter xxi. the world's fair in london. my contribution to the great exhibition.—difficulty with the american superintendent. — happy release. — the great crowd.—a call from the queen.—medal awarded to me . chapter xxii. visits to the ragged schools. speech at sunday-school anniversary.—interview with lord grey.—interview with the archbishop of canterbury, and . dinner with lord john russell, the great events of my life . chapter xxiii. closing up my london agency. my narrative published.—letter from home apprising me of the sickness of my wife.—departure from london.—arrival at home.—meeting with my family . - - - . chapter xxiv. my brother's freedom. am i my brother's keeper?—efforts to secure his freedom . chapter xxv. mrs. stowe's characters. my visit to mrs. stowe. —why i am called “uncle tom.”— her interest in my life-story.—her famous book.-is it an exaggeration ?—mrs. stowe's key . - - - . chapter xxvi. the manual labour school at dawn. troubles.—misplaced confidence.—eyes opened.—lawsuit.— . wilberforce university - - chapter xxvii. idols shattered. the fate of the sawmill.—how the grist-mill vanished in the night - - . chapter xxviii. fugitive slaves en listing in the states. taking up arms for my country.-civil war in america.-risk of imprisonment for seven years.-special providence saves iale . - - - - - . chapter xxix. early aspirations checked. desire to learn to spell nipped in the bud.—superstition . chapter xxx. my family. a new light in my desolate home.—my children. —my third visit to england.—mr. hughes . - - - - . chapter xxxi. my third and last visit to london. meeting old friends and making new ones.—christian age.— prof. fowler's description . - - - . . . . . mrs. h. beecher stowe's “uncle tom.” -º- chapter i. my birth and childhood. earliest memories.—born in maryland.—my father's fight with an overseer.—one hundred stripes and his ear cut off.—throws away his banjo and becomes morose.-sold south, he story of my life, which i am about to record, is one full of striking incident. keener pangs, deeper joys, more singular vicissitudes, few have been led in god’s providence to experience. as i look back on it through the vista of more than eighty years, and scene after scene rises before me, an ever fresh wonder fills my mind. i delight to recall it. i dwell on it as did the jews on the mar- vellous history of their rescue from the bondage of egypt. time has touched with its mellowing fin- gers its sterner features. the sufferings of the past are now like a dream, and the enduring lessons left behind, make me to praise god that my soul has been b mrs. h. beecher stowe’s “uncle tom.” tempered by him in so fiery a furnace and under such heavy blows. i was born june th, , in charles county, maryland, on a farm belonging to mr. francis newman, about a mile from port tobacco. my mother was a slave of dr. josiah mcpherson, but hired to mr. newman, to whom my father be- longed. the only incident i can remember which occurred while my mother continued on mr. new- man's farm, was the appearance one day of my father with his head bloody and his back lacerated. he was beside himself with mingled rage and suffer- ing. the overseer had brutally assaulted my mother, when my father sprang upon him like a tiger. in a moment the overseer was down, and, mastered by rage, my father would have killed him but for the entreaties of my mother, and the overseer's own promise that nothing should ever be said of the matter. the promise was kept—like most promises of the cowardly and debased—as long as the danger lasted. the laws of slave states proviſie means and oppor- tunities for revenge so ample, that miscreants like him never fail to improve them. “a nigger has struck a white man;” that is enough to set a whole county on fire; no question is asked about the pro- vocation. the authorities were soon in pursuit of my father. the penalty was one hundred lashes on the bare back, and to have the right ear nailed to the whipping-post, and then severed from the body. for a time my father kept out of the way, hiding in the woods, and at night venturing into some cabin , my birth and childhood. in search of food. but at length the strict watch set baffled all his efforts. his supplies cut off, he was fairly starved out, and compelled by hunger to come back and give himself up. the day for the execution of the penalty was appointed. the negroes from the neighbouring plantations were summoned to witness the scene. a powerful blacksmith named hewes laid on the stripes. fifty were given, during which the cries of my father might be heard a mile, and then a pause ensued. true, he had struck a white man, but as valuable property he must not be damaged. judicious men felt his pulse. oh! he could stand the whole. again and again the thong fell on his lacerated back. his cries grew fainter and fainter, till a feeble groan was the only response to the final blows. his head was then thrust against the post, and his right ear fastened to it with a tack; a swift pass of a knife, and the bleeding member was left sticking to the place. then came a hurra from the degraded crowd, and the exclamation, “that's what he's got for striking a white man.” in the estimation of the illiterate, besotted poor whites who constituted the witnesses of such scenes in charles county, maryland, the man who did not feel rage enough at hearing of “a nigger” striking a white, to be ready to burn him alive, was only fit to be lynched out of the neighbourhood. previous to this affair, my father, from all i can learn, had been a good-humoured and light-hearted man, the ringleader in all fun at corn-huskings and christmas buffoonery. his banjo was the life of the mrs. h. beecher stowe’s “uncle tom.” farm, and all night long at a merry-making would he play on it while the other negroes danced. but from this hour he became utterly changed. sullen, morose, and dogged, nothing could be done with him. the milk of human kindness in his heart was turned to gall. he brooded over his wrongs. no fear or threats of being sold to the far south—the greatest of all terrors to the maryland slave—would render him tractable. so off he was sent to ala- bama. what was his after-fate neither my mother nor i have ever learned; the great day will reveal all. this was the first chapter in my history. chapter ii. my first great trial. origin of my name. –a kind master.—he is drowned.— my mother’s prayers.—a sdave auction.—torn from my mother. -severe sickness. —a cruel master.—sold again and rfstored to my mother. a". the sale of my father by newman, dr. mcpherson would no longer hire out my mother to him. she returned, accordingly, to his estate. he was far kinder to his slaves than the . planters generally were, never suffering them to be struck by any one. he was a man of good, kind impulses, liberal, jovial, hearty. no degree of arbi- trary power could ever lead him to cruelty. as the first negro child ever born to him, i was his especial pet. he gave me his own christian name, josiah, and with that he also gave me my last name, henson, after an uncle of his, who was an officer in the revolutionary war. a bright spot in my child- hood was my residence with him—bright, but, alas ! fleeting. events were rapidly maturing which were to change the whole aspect of my life. the kind doctor was not exempt from that failing which too often besets easy, social natures in a dissipated community. he could not restrain his convivial propensities. although he maintained a high repu- mrs. h. beecher stowe’s “uncle tom.” tation for goodness of heart and cn almost saint- like benevolence, the habit of intemperance steadily gained ground, and finally occasioned his death. two negroes on the plantation found him one morn- ing lying dead in the middle of a narrow stream, not a foot in depth. he had been away the night previous at a social party, and when returning home had fallen from his horse, probably, and being too intoxicated to stagger through the stream, fell and was drowned. “there's the place where massa got drownded at; ” how well i remember having it pointed out to me in those very words. for two or three years my mother and her young family of six children had resided on the doctor's estate, and we had been in the main very happy. she was a good mother to us, a woman of deep piety, anxious above all things to touch our hearts with a sense of religion. how or where she acquired her knowledge of god, or her acquaintance with the lord's prayer, which she so frequently taught us to repeat, i am unable to say. i remember seeing her often on her knees, and hearing her pray by repeat- ing constant ejaculations, and short phrases which were within my infant comprehension, and have re- mained in my memory to this hour. our term of happy union as one family was now, alas! at an end. the doctor's death was a great calamity to us, for the estate and the slaves were to be sold and the proceeds divided among the heirs. the first sad announcement that the sale was to be; the knowledge that all ties of the past were to be sundered; the frantic terror at the idea of being sent my first great trial. “down south;” the almost certainty that one mem- ber of a family will be torn from another; the anxious scanning of purchasers’ faces; the agony at parting, often for ever, with husband, wife, child—these must be seen and felt to be fully understood. young as i was then, the iron entered into my soul. the re- membrance of the breaking up of mcpherson's estate is photographed in its minutest features in my mind. the crowd collected round the stand, the huddling group of negroes, the examination of muscle, teeth, the exhibition of agility, the look of the auctioneer, the agony of my mother—i can shut my eyes and see them all. my brothers and sisters were bid off first, and one by one, while my mother, paralysed by grief, held me by the hand. her turn came, and she was bought by isaac riley, of montgomery county. then i was offered to the assembled purchasers. my mother, half-distracted with the thought of parting for ever from all her children, pushed through the crowd, while the bidding for me was going on, to the spot where riley was standing. she fell at his feet, and clung to his knees, entreat- ing him in tones that a mother only could command, to buy her baby as well as herself, and spare to her one, at least, of her little ones. will it, can it be believed that this man, thus appealed to, was capable not merely of turning a deaf ear to her supplication, but of disengaging himself from her with such violent blows and kicks, as to reduce her to the necessity of creeping out of his reach, and mingling the groan of bodily suffering with the sob of a break- mrs. h. beecher stowe’s “uncle tom.” ing heart? as she crawled away from the brutal man, i heard her sob out, “oh, lord jesus, how long, how long shall i suffer this way?” i must have been then between five and six years old. i was bought by a stranger named robb, and truly a robber he was to me. he took me to his home, about forty miles distant, and put me into his negro quarters with about forty others, of all ages, colours, and conditions, all strangers to me. of course nobody cared for me. the slaves were brutalised by this degradation, and had no sympathy for mé. i soon fell sick, and lay for some days almost dead on the ground. sometimes a slave would give me a piece of corn-bread, or a bit of herring. finally i became so feeble that i could not move. this, however, was fortunate for me; for in the course of a few weeks, robb met riley, who had bought my mother, and offered to sell me to him cheap. riley said he was afraid, “the little nigger would die;” but he agreed, finally, to pay a small sum for me in horse-shoeing if i lived, and nothing if i died. robb was a tavern-keeper, and owned a line of stages with the horses, and lived near mont- gomery court house; riley carried on blacksmithing about five miles from that place. this clenched the bargain, and i was soon sent to my mother. a blessed change it was. i had been lying on a lot of rags, thrown on a dirt floor. all day long i had been left alone, crying for water, crying for mother; the slaves, who left at daylight, when they returned cared nothing for me. now, i was once more with my best friend on earth, and under her care; desti- my first, great trial. tute as she was of the proper means of nursing me, i recovered my health, and grew to be an uncommonly vigorous boy. and man. i faithfully served riley for many years. he was coarse and vulgar in his habits, and unprincipled and cruel in his general deportment. his slaves had little opportunity for relaxation from wearying labour, were supplied with the scantiest means of sustaining their toil by necessary food, and had no security for personal rights. when such a master is a tyrant, the slaves often become cringing, treacherous, false, and thieving. riley and his slaves were no exception to the general rule, but might be cited as apt illustrations of the nature of the relation. chapter iii. my boyhood and youth, early employment.-slave-life.-food, lodging, clothing...— amusements.-gleams of sunshine.-my knight-errantry. –become an overseer and general superintendent. yearliest employments were, to carry buckets of water to the men at work, and to hold a horse- plough, used for weeding between the rows of corn. as i grew older and taller, i was entrusted with the care of master's saddle-horse. then a hoe was put into my hands, and i was soon required to do the day's work of a man; and it was not long before i could do it, at least as well as my associates in misery. a description of the everyday life of a slave on a southern plantation illustrates the character and habits of the slave and the slaveholder, created and perpetuated by their relative position. the prin- cipal food of those upon my master's plantation con- sisted of corn-meal, and salt herrings; to which was added in summer a little buttermilk, and the few vegetables which each might raise for himself and his family, on the little piece of ground which was assigned to him for the purpose, called a truck- patch. in ordinary times we had two regular meals in a my boyhood and youth, day: breakfast at twelve o'clock, after labouring from daylight, and supper when the work of the remainder of the day was over. in harvest season we had three. our dress was of tow-cloth ; for the children, nothing but a shirt; for the older ones a pair of pantaloons or a gown in addition, according to the sex. besides these, in the winter a round jacket or overcoat, a wool-hat once in two or three years, for the males, and a pair of coarse shoes once a year. we lodged in log huts, and on the bare ground. wooden floors were an unknown luxury. in a single room were huddled, like cattle, ten or a dozen persons, men, women, and children. all ideas of refinement and decency were, of course, out of the question. we had neither bedsteads, nor furniture of any description. our beds were collections of straw and old rags, thrown down in the corners and boxed in with boards; a single blanket the only covering. our favourite way of sleeping, however, was on a plank, our heads raised on an old jacket and our feet toasting before the smouldering fire. the wind whistled and the rain and snow blew in through the cracks, and the damp earth soaked in the moisture till the floor was miry as a pig-sty. such were our houses. in these wretched hovels were we penned at night, and fed by day; here were the children born and the sick—neglected. notwithstanding this system of management i grew to be a robust and vigorous lad. at fifteen years of age there were few who could compete with me in work or sport. i was as lively as a mrs. h. beecher stowe’s “uncle tom.” young buck, and running over with animal spirits. i could run faster, wrestle better, and jump higher than anybody about me, and at an evening shake- down in our own or a neighbour's kitchen, my feet became absolutely invisible from the rate at which they moved. all this caused my master and my fellow-slaves to look upon me as a wonderfully smart fellow, and prophecy the great things i should do when i became a man. my vanity became vastly inflamed, and fully coincided in their opinion. julius caesar never aspired and plotted for the im- perial crown more ambitiously than did i to out-hoe, out-reap, out-husk, out-dance, out-strip every com- petitor; and from all i can learn he never enjoyed his triumph half as much. one word of commen- dation from the petty despot who ruled over us would set me up for a month. - god be praised, that, however hedged in by cir- cumstances, the joyful exuberance of youth will - bound at times over them all. ours is a light- hearted race. the sternest and most covetous master cannot frighten or whip the fun out of us; certainly old riley never did out of me. in those days i had many a merry time, and would have had, had i lived with nothing but moccasins and rattle- snakes in okafenoke swamp. slavery did its best to make me wretched, but, along with memories of miry cabins, frosted feet, weary toil under the blazing sun, curses and blows, there flock in others, of jolly christmas times, dances before old massa's door for the first drink of egg-nog, extra meat at holiday times, midnight-visits to apple-orchards, broiling my boyhood and youth, stray chickens, and first-rate tricks to dodge work. the god who makes the lambs gambol, the kittens play, the birds sing, and the fish leap, gave me a light, merry, and joyous heart. true it was, that the fun and freedom of christmas, at which time my master relaxed his front, was generally followed up by a portentous back-action, under which he drove and cursed worse than ever; still the fun and free- dom were fixed facts; we had had them and he could not help it. besides these pleasant memories i have others of a deeper and richer kind. i early learned to employ my spirit of adventure for the benefit of my fellow- sufferers. the condition of the male slave is bad enough ; but that of the female, often compelled to perform severe labour, sick or well, unpitied and unaided, is one that arouses the spirit of sympathy in every heart not dead to all feeling. the miseries - which i saw many of the women suffer, often oppressed me with a load of sorrow. no white knight, rescuing a white fair lady from cruel oppres- sion, ever felt the throbbing of a chivalrous heart more intensely than i, a black knight, did, when running down a chicken to hide it in an out-of-the-way place till dark, that i might be able then to carry it to some poor overworked black fair one, to whom it was at once food, luxury, and medicine. no scotch borderer, levying black mail or sweeping off a drove of cattle, ever felt more assured of the justice of his act than i of mine, when i was driving a pig or a sheep a mile or two into the woods, to slaughter mrs. h. beecher stowe’s “uncle tom.” for the good of those whom riley was starving. i felt good, moral, heroic. was this wrong? i can only say in reply, that, at this distance of time, my conscience does not reproach me for it. then i esteemed it among the best of my deeds. it was my training in the luxury of doing good, in the divinity of a sympathetic heart, in the righteousness of indignation against the cruel, and oppressive. there and then was my soul made conscious of all the chivalry of which my circum- stances and condition in life admitted. i love the sentiment in its splendid environment of castles, and tilts, and gallantry; but having fallen on other times, i loved it also in the homely guise of sambo as paladin, dinah as an oppressed maiden, and old riley as grim oppressor. by means of the influence thus acquired, the great amount of work i performed upon the farm, and by the detection of the knavery of the overseer, who plundered his employer for more selfish ends, was caught in the act and dismissed, i was promoted to be superintendent of the farm-work, and managed to raise more than double the crops, with more cheerful and willing labour, than was ever seen on the estate before. - i was now, practically, overseer. my pride and ambition had made me master of every kind of farm- work. but, like all ambition, its reward was in- crease of burdens. the crops of wheat, oats, barley, potatoes, corn, tobacco, all had to be cared for by me. i was often compelled to start at midnight with the waggon for the distant market, to drive on my boyhood and youth. through mud and rain till morning, sell the produce, reach home hungry and tired, and nine times out of ten, reap my sole reward in curses for not getting higher prices. my master was a fearful blasphemer. clearly as he saw my profitableness to him, he was too much of a brute to reward me with kindness or even decent treatment. previous to my attaining this important station, however, an incident occurred which produced so powerful an influence on my in- tellectual development, my character, condition, my religious culture, and in short, on my whole nature, body and soul, that it deserves especial notice and commemoration. this, however, requires another chapter. - chapter iv. my conwiersion. my praying. mother.—a good man.—hear a sermon for the first time. –its effect upon me.-prayer and communion. —its first fruits. remember being torn from a dear and affec- - tionate mother; i saw her tears and heard her groans; i remember all the particulars. from a little boy up i have remembered my mother; i re- member what the prayers of my dear mother were; i have heard her pray for me; for she was a good christian woman before i was born ; and i thank god that i was born of a good christian mother, a mother whose prayers fell on my ear. of all earthly blessings there is none can approach to a good mother. i remember her entreaties; i remember her prayers to god for me. blessed is the child, the son or daughter, that has the prayers of a mother. i. remember well the feeling that those prayers wrought upon my heart, though i was but a boy. my heart exults with gratitude when i mention the name of a good man who first taught me the blessed- ness of religion. his name was john mckenny. he lived at georgetown, a few miles only from riley's plantation; his business was that of a baker, my conversion. - and his character was that of an upright, benevolent christian. he was noted especially for his detesta- tion of slavery, and his resolute avoidance of the em- ployment of slave-labour in his business. he would not even hire a slave, the price of whose toil must be paid to his master, but contented himself with the work of his own hands, and with such free labour as he could procure. his reputation was high, not only for this almost singular abstinence from what no one about him thought wrong, but for his general probity and excellence. this man occasionally served as a minister of the gospel, and preached in a neighbour- hood where preachers were somewhat rare at that period. one sunday when he was to officiate in this way, at a place three or four miles distant, my mother urged me to ask master's permission to go and hear him. i had so often been beaten for making such a request that i refused to make it. my mother came to me and said: “now, my son, i want you to go and ask master to let you go down and hear mr. mckenny preach.” i said to my mother: “i do not want to go; i am afraid he will beat me.” she said: “go and ask him.” i turned round, like many other boys, and said i would not go. she was standing against a rail; she dropped her head down and shed a tear. i stood and looked at her and was touched at her sorrow. i said: “i will go, mother.” she said: “that is right.” i went up to the house, and just before i got to the door, master saw my shadow. he turned round and asked what i wanted. i said: “i want to ask you if i c mrs. h. beecher stowe’s “uncle tom.” can go to the meeting.” “where?” “down at new. port mill.” “who is going to preach p” “mr. mckenny.” “what do you want to hear him preach for p” here i was in a difficulty; i did not know what i wanted to go for, and i told him so. “what good will it do for you?” here i was at another point. “who put that into your head p” there was another thing; i did not want to get my poor old mother into trouble. but she had always told me to tell the truth. so i answered: “my mother.” “ah,” said he, “i thought it was your mother. i suppose she wants to have you spoilt. when will you come back p” “as soon as meeting is over.” well, i went to the meet- ing, i heard the preacher, but i could not see him. they would not let niggers go into the meeting. i went all round the house; i could hear him, and at last i got in front of the door. i saw him with his hands raised, looking up to heaven, and he said, with emphasis: “jesus christ, the son of god, tasted death for every man; for the high, for the low, for the rich, for the poor, the bond, the free, the negro in his chains, the man in gold and diamonds.” his heart was filled with the love of christ, and by the power of the spirit of god he preached a universal salvation through jesus christ. i stood and heard it. it touched my heart, and i cried out: “i wonder if jesus christ died for me.” and then i wondered what could have induced him to die for me. i was then eighteen years old, i had never heard a sermon, nor any conversation whatever, upon religious topics, my conversion. except what i had heard from my mother, on the responsibility of all to a supreme being. this was heb. ii. , the first text of the bible to which i had ever listened, knowing it to be such. i have never forgotten it, and scarcely a day has passed since, in which i have not recalled it, and the sermon that was preached from it. - the divine character of jesus christ, his tender love for mankind, his forgiving spirit, his compas- sion for the outcast and despised, his cruel cruci- fixion and glorious ascension, were all depicted, and some of the points were dwelt on with great power; great, at least, to me, who then heard of these things for the first time in my life. again and again did the preacher reiterate the words “for every man.” these glad tidings, this salvation, were not for the benefit of a select few only. they were for the slave as well as the master, the poor as well as the rich, for the persecuted, the distressed, the heavy-laden, the captive; even for me among the rest, a poor, despised, abused creature, deemed by others fit for nothing but unrequited toil—but mental and bodily degradation. oh, the blessedness and sweetness of feeling that i was loved ! i would have died that moment with joy, and i kept repeating to myself, “the compassionate saviour about whom i have heard “loves me,’ ‘he looks down in compassion from heaven on me,’ ‘he died to save my soul,” and ‘he'll welcome me to the skies.” i was transported with delicious joy. i seemed to see a glorious being, in a cloud of splendour, smiling down from on high mrs. h. beecher stowe’s “uncle tom.” in sharp contrast with the experience i had felt of the contempt and brutality of my earthly master, i basked, as it were, in the benign smiles of this heavenly being. i thought, “he’ll be my dear refuge —he'll wipe away all tears from my eyes.” “now i can bear all things; nothing will seem hard after this.” i felt sure that if “massa riley’’ only knew him, he would not live such a coarse, wicked, cruel life. swallowed up in the beauty of the divine love, i “loved my enemies, and prayed for them that did despitefully use and entreat me.” revolving the things which i had heard in my mind as i went home. i became so excited that i turned aside from the road into the woods, and prayed to god for light and for aid with an earnest- ness, which, however unenlightened, was at least sincere and heartfelt; and which the subsequent course of my life has led me to imagine was accept- able to him who heareth prayer. at all events, i date my conversion, and my awakening to a new life—a consciousness of power and a destiny superior to anything i had before conceived of—from this day, so memorable to me. i used every means and opportunity of inquiry into religious matters; and so deep was my conviction of their superior import- ance to everything else, so clear my perception of my own faults, and so undoubting my observation of the darkness and sin that surrounded me, that i could not help talking much on these subjects with those about me; and it was not long before i began to pray with them, exhort them, and impart to the my conversion. poor slaves those little glimmerings of light from another world, which had reached my own eye. in a few years i became quite an esteemed preacher among them, and i believe that, through the grace of god, i was useful to many. - i must return, however, for the present, to the course of my life in secular affairs, the facts of which it is my principal object to relate. chapter w. maimed for life. taking care of my drunken master.—his fight with an overseer.—rescue him.–am terribly beaten by the over- seer.—my master seeks redress at law, but fails. – sufferings then and since.-retain my post as superin- tendent. he difference between the manner in which it was designed that all men should regard one another as children of the same father, and the manner in which men of different colour actually treated each other, is well exemplified by an incident that happened to me within a year or two from this period; that is, when i was nineteen or twenty years old. my master's habits were such as were common enough among the dissipated planters of the neigh- bourhood; and one of their frequent practices was to assemble on saturday or sunday, which were their holidays, and gamble, run horses, or fight game-cocks, discuss politics, and drink whisky and brandy-and-water all day long. perfectly aware that they would not be able to find their own way home at night, each one ordered his body-servant to come after him and help him home. i was chosen for this confidential duty by my master; and many were the times i have held him on his horse, when he 'maimed for life. could not hold himself in the saddle, and walked by his side in darkness and mud from the tavern to his house. quarrels and brawls of the most violent description were frequent consequences of these meetings; and whenever they became espe- cially dangerous, and glasses were thrown, dirks drawn, and pistols fired, it was the duty of the slaves to rush in, and each one drag his master from the fight, and carry him home. to tell the truth, this was a part of my business for which i felt no reluctance. i was young, remarkably athletic and self-relying, and in such affrays i carried it with a high hand, and would elbow my way among the whites, whom it would have been almost death for me to strike, seize my master and drag him out, mount him on his horse, or crowd him into his buggy, with the ease with which i would handle a bag of corn. i knew that i was doing for him what he could not do for himself, showing my superiority to others, and acquiring their respect in some degree, at the same time. on one of these occasions my master got into a quarrel with his brother's overseer, bryce litton. all present sided with litton against him, and soon there was a general row. i was sitting, at the time, out on the front steps of the tavern, and, hearing the scuffle, rushed in to look after my charge. my master, a stout man and a terrible bruiser, could generally hold his own in an ordinary general fight, and clear a handsome space around him ; but now he was cornered, and a dozen were striking at him with fists, crockery, chairs, and anything that came handy. mrs. h. beecher stowe’s “uncle tom.” the moment he saw me, he hallooed, “that's it, sie! pitch in show me fair play.” it was a rough business, and i went in roughly, showing, tripping, and doing my best for the rescue. with infinite trouble, and many a bruise on my own head and shoulders, i at length got him out of the room. he was crazy with drink and rage, and struggled hard with me to get back and renew the fight. but i managed to force him into his waggon, jump in, and drive off. by ill-luck, in the height of the scuffle, bryce litton got a severe fall. whether the whisky he had drunk, or a chance-shove from me, was the cause, i am unable to say. he, however, attributed it to me, and treasured up his vengeance for the first favourable opportunity. the opportunity soon carne. about a week afterwards, i was sent by my master to a place a few miles distant, on horseback, with some letters. i took a short cut through a lane, separated by gates from the high road, and bounded by a fence on each side. this lane passed through a part of the farm owned by my master's brother, and his over- seer was in the adjoining field, with three negroes, when i went by. on my return, half an hour after- wards, the overseer was sitting on the fence, but i could see nothing of the black fellows. i rode on, utterly unsuspicious of any trouble; but as i approached, he jumped off the fence, and at the same moment two of the negroes sprang up from under the bushes where they had been concealed, and stood with him in mediately in front of me, while maimed for life. the third sprang over the fence just behind me. i was thus enclosed between what i could no longer doubt were hostile forces. the overseer seized my horse's bridle and ordered me to alight, in the usual elegant phraseology addressed by such men to slaves. i asked what i was to alight for. “to take the worst flogging you ever had in your life, you black scoundrel.” he added many oaths that i will not repeat. “but what am i to be flogged for, mr. l. p” i asked. “not a word,” said he, “but 'light at once, and take off your jacket.” i saw there was nothing else to be done, and slipped off the horse on the opposite side from him. “now take off your shirt,” cried he ; and as i demurred at this he lifted a stick he had in his hand to strike me, but so sud- denly and violently that he frightened the horse, which broke away from him and ran home. i was thus left without means of escape to sustain the attacks of four men as well as i might. in avoiding mr. l.'s blow, i had accidentally got into a corner of the fence where i could not be approached except in front. the overseer called upon the negroes to seize me; but they, knowing something of my physical power, were slow to obey. at length they did their best, and as they brought themselves within my reach i knocked them down successively; and i gave one of them, who tried to trip up my feet, when he was down, a kick with my heavy shoe, which knocked out several teeth, and sent him howl- ing away. meanwhile bryce litton beat my head with a stick, not heavy enough to knock me down, but mrs. h. beecher stowe’s “uncle tom.” it drew blood freely. iie shouted all the while, “won't you give up ! won’t you give up !” adding oath after oath. exasperated at my defence, he sud- denly seized a heavy fence-rail and rushed at me with rage. the ponderous blow fell; i lifted my arm to ward it off, the bone cracked like a pipe-stem, and i fell headlong to the ground. . repeated blows then rained on my back till both shoulder-blades were broken, and the blood gushed copiously from my mouth. in vain the negroes interposed. “didn't you see the nigger strike me?” of course they must say “yes,” although the lying coward had avoided close quarters, and fought with his stick alone. at length, his vengeance satisfied, he desisted, telling me “to remember what it was to strike a white man.” meanwhile an alarm had been raised at the house by the return of the horse without his rider, and my master started off with a small party to learn what the trouble was. when he first saw me he swore with rage. “you’ve been fighting, you mean nigger l’’ i told him bryce litton had been beating me, because he said i shoved him the other night at the tavern, when they had a fuss. seeing how muc i was injured, he became still more fearfully mad; and after having me carried home, mounted his horse and rode over to montgomery court house to enter a complaint. little good came of it. litton swore that when he spoke to me in the lane i “sassed” him, jumped off my horse, attacked him, and would have killed him but for the help of his negroes. of course no negro's testimony was admitted against a white man, and he was acquitted. my master was obliged to pay all the costs of court; and although maimed for life. he had the satisfaction of calling litton a liar and scoundrel, and giving him a tremendous bruising, still even this partial compensation was rendered less gratifying by what followed, which was a suit for damages and a heavy fine. my sufferings after this cruel treatment were intense. besides my broken arm and the wounds on my head, i could feel and hear the pieces of my shoulder-blades grate against each other with every breath. no physician or surgeon was called to dress my wounds, and i never knew one to be called on riley's estate on any occasion whatever. “a nigger will get well anyway,” was a fixed principle of faith, and facts seemed to justify it. the robust, physical health produced by a life of outdoor labour, made our wounds heal with as little inflammation as they do in the case of cattle. i was attended by my master's sister, miss patty, as we called her, the esculapius of the plantation. she was a powerful, big-boned woman, who flinched at no responsibility, from wrenching out teeth to setting bones. i have seen her go into the house and get a rifle to shoot a furious ox that the negroes were in vain trying to butcher. she splintered my arm and bound up my back as well as she knew how. alas! it was but cobbler's work. from that day to this i have been unable to raise my hands as high as my head. it was five months before i could work at all, and the first time i tried to plough, a hard knock of the coulter against a stone shattered my shoulder-blades again, and gave me even greater agony than at first. and so i have gone through life maimed and mutilated. practice in time enabled me to perform £ mrs. h. beecher stowe’s “uncle tom.” many of the farm labours with considerable effi- ciency; but the free, vigorous play of the muscles of my arm was gone for ever. i retained my situation as overseer, together with the especial favour of my master, who was pleased with saving the expense of a large salary for a white superintendent, and with the superior crops i was able to raise for him. i will not deny that i used his property more freely than he would have done himself, in supplying his people with better food; but if i cheated him in this way, in small matters, it was unequivocally for his own benefit in more important ones; and i accounted, with the strictest honesty, for every dollar i received in the sale of the property entrusted to me. gradually the disposal of everything raised on the farm, the wheat, oats, hay, fruit, butter, and whatever else there might be, —was confided to me, as it was quite evident that i could and did sell for better prices than any one else he could employ, and he was quite incompetent to attend to the business himself. for many years i was his factotum, and supplied him with all his means for all his purposes, whether they were good or bad. i had no reason to think highly of his moral character; but it was my duty to be faithful to him in the position in which he placed me; and i can boldly declare, before god and man, that i was so. i forgave him the causeless blows and injuries he had inflicted on me in childhood and youth, and was proud of the favour he now showed me, and of the character and reputation i had earned by strenu- ous and persevering efforts. chapter wi a responsible journey. my marriage.-marriage of my master.—his ruin.-comes to me for aid.—a great enterprise undertaken.—long and successful journey.-incidents by the way. —struggle between inclination and duty.—duty triumphant. hen i was about twenty-two years of age, i married a very efficient, and, for a slave, a very well-taught girl, belonging to a neighbouring family reputed to be pious and kind. i first met her at the religious meetings which i attended. she has borne me twelve children, seven of whom still survive and promise to be the comfort of my declining years. for a considerable period, my occupations were to superintend the farming operations, and to sell the produce in the neighbouring markets of washington and georgetown. many respectable people, yet living there, may possibly have some recollection of “siah,” or “sie,” (as they used to call me,) as their market-man; but if they have forgotten me, i re- member them with an honest satisfaction. at length my master, at the age of forty-five, married a young woman of eighteen, who had some little property, and more thrift. her economy was , remarkable, and she added no comfort to the estab- mrs. h. beecher stowe’s “uncle tom.” lishment. she had a younger brother, francis, to whom riley was appointed guardian, and who used to complain of the meanness of the provision made for the household; he would often come to me, with tears in his eyes, to tell me he could not get enough to eat. i made him my friend for life, by sympa- thising with him and satisfying his appetite, by sharing with him the food i took care to provide for my own family. he is still living, and, i under- stand, one of the wealthiest men in washington city. after a time, however, continual dissipation was more than a match for domestic saving. my master fell into difficulty, and from difficulty into a lawsuit with a brother-in-law, who charged him with dis- honesty in the management of property confided to him in trust. the lawsuit was protracted enough to cause his ruin of itself. harsh and tyrannical as my master had been, i really pitied him in his present distress. at times he was dreadfully dejected, at others, crazy with drink and rage. day after day would he ride over to montgomery court house about his business, and every day his affairs grew more desperate. he would come into my cabin to tell me how things were going, but spent the time chiefly in lamenting his misfortunes and cursing his brother-in-law. i tried to comfort him as best i could. he had con- fidence in my fidelity and judgment, and partly through pride, partly through that divine spirit of love i had learned to worship in jesus, i entered with interest into all his perplexities. the poor, ' a responsible journey. drinking, furious, shiftless, moaning creature was utterly incapable of managing his affairs. one night in the month of january, long after i had fallen asleep, he came into my cabin and waked me up. i thought it strange, but for a time he said nothing, and sat moodily warming himself at the fire. then he began to groan and wring his hands. “sick, massa p” said i. he made no reply, but kept on moaning. “can’t i help you any way, massa p” i spoke tenderly, for my heart was full of compassion at his wretched appearance. at last, collecting himself, he cried, “oh, sie! i’m ruined, ruined, ruined l’” “how so, massa?” “they’ve got judgment against me, and in less than two weeks every nigger i’ve got will be put up and sold.” then he burst into a storm of curses at his brother- in-law. i sat silent, powerless to utter a word. pity for him and terror at the anticipation of my own family's future fate filled my heart. “and now, sie,” he continued, “there's only one way i can save anything. you can do it; won’t you, won’t you?” in his distress he rose and actually threw his arms around me. misery had levelled all dis- tinctions. “if i can do it, massa, i will. what is it?” without replying he went on, “won't you, won’t you? i raised you, sie; i made you over- seer; i know i have abused you, sie, but i didn’t mean it.” still he avoided telling me what he wanted, “promise me you'll do it, boy.” he seemed reso. lutely bent on having my promise first, well know- ing from past experience, that what i agreed to do i spared no pains to accomplish. solicited in this way, mrs. h. beecher stowe’s “uncle tom.” with urgency and tears, by the man whom i had so zealously served for over thirty years, and who now seemed absolutely dependent upon his slave; im- pelled, too, by the fear which he skilfully awakened, that the sheriff would seize every one who belonged to him, and that all would be separated, or perhaps sold to go to georgia, or louisiana—an object of perpetual dread to the slave of the more northern states—i consented, and promised faithfully to do all i could to save him from the fate impending over him. at last the proposition came. “i want you to run away, sie, to my brother amos in kentucky, and take all the servants along with you.” i could not have been more startled had he asked me to go to the moon. “kentucky, massa? kentucky? i don’t know the way.” “oh, it’s easy enough for a smart fellow like you to find it; i’ll give you a pass and tell you just what to do.” perceiving that i hesitated, he endeavoured to frighten me by again referring to the terrors of being sold and taken to georgia. eor two or three hours he continued to urge the undertaking, appealing to my pride, my sympathies, and my fears, and at last, appalling as it seemed, i told him i would do my best. there were eighteen negroes, besides my wife, two children, and myself to transport nearly a thousand miles, through a country about which i knew nothing, and in mid- winter, for it was the month of february, . my master proposed to follow me in a few months, and establish himself in kentucky. a responsible journey. my mind once made up, i set earnestly about the needful preparations. they were few and easily made. a one-horse waggon, well-stocked with oats, meal, and bacon, for our own and the horse's sup- port, was soon made ready. my pride was aroused in view of the importance of my responsibility, and heart and soul i became identified with my master’s project of running off his negroes. the second night after the scheme was formed, we were under way. fortunately for the success of the undertak- ing, these people had long been under my direction, and were devotedly attached to me in return for the many alleviations i had afforded to their miserable condition, the comforts i had procured them, and the consideration i had always manifested for them. . under these circumstances, no difficulty arose from want of submission to my authority. the dread of being separated, and sold away down south, should they remain on the old estate, united them as one man, and kept them patient and alert. we started from home about eleven o'clock at night, and till the following noon made no permanent halt. the men trudged on foot, the children were put into the waggon, and now and then my wife rode for a while. on we went through alexandria, culpepper, fauquier, harper's ferry, cumberland, over the mountains on the national turnpike to wheeling. in all the taverns along the road there were regular places for the droves of negroes who were continually passing through the country under the care of overseers. in these we lodged, and our lodging constituted our only expense, for our d - mrs. h. beecher stowe’s “uncle tom.” food we carried with us. to all who asked questions i showed my master's pass, authorising me to con- duct his negroes to kentucky, and often was the encomium of “smart nigger” bestowed on me, to my immense gratification. at the places where we stopped for the night, we often met negro-drivers with their droves, who were almost uniformly kept chained to prevent them from running away. the inquiry was often propounded to me by the drivers, “whose niggers are those?” on being informed, the next inquiry usually was, “where are they going?” “to kentucky.” “who drives them?” “well, i have charge of them,” was my reply. “what a smart nigger!” was the usual exclamation, with an oath. “will your master sell you? come in and stop with us.” in this way i was often invited to pass the evening with them in the bar-room; their negroes, in the meantime, lying chained in the pen, while mine were scattered around at liberty. - arriving at wheeling, in pursuance of the plan laid down by my master, i sold the horse and waggon, and purchased a large boat, called in that region, a yawl. our mode of locomotion was now decidedly more agreeable than tramping along day after day at the rate we had kept up ever since leaving home. very little labour at the oars was necessary. the tide floated us steadily along, and we had ample leisure to sleep and recruit our strength. a new and unexpected trouble now assailed me. on passing along the ohio shore, we were repeatedly told by persons conversing with us that we were no longer slaves but free men, if we chose to be so. at a responsible journey. cincinnati, especially, crowds of coloured people gathered round us, and insisted on our remaining with them. they told us we were fools to think of going on and surrendering ourselves up to a new º, owner; that now we could be our own masters, and put ourselves out of all reach of pursuit. i saw that , the people under me were getting much excited. divided counsels and signs of insubordination began to manifest themselves. i began, too, to feel my own resolution giving way. freedom had ever been an obi ition, though no other means of obtaining it had occurred to me but purchasing myself. i had never dreamed of running away. i had a sentiment of honour-on—the subject. the duties of the slave to his master as appointed over him in the lord, i had ever heard urged by ministers and religious men. entrancing as the ideas were, that the coast was clear for a run for freedom, that i might liberate my companions, might carry off my wife and children, and some day own a house and land, and be no longer despised and abused, still my- notions of right were against it. i had promised my master to take his property to kentucky, and deposit it with his brother #. pride, too, came in to confirm me. i had un - at *jºy vanity na or ear- ing myself praised; i thought it would be a feather #. it through thoroughly, and had often painted the scene in my imagination of the final surrender of my charge to master amos, and the immense admiration and respect with which he would regard me. under the influence of these impressions, and - mits. h. beecher stowe’s “uncle tom.” seeing that the allurements of the crowd were pro- ducing a manifest effect, i sternly assumed the captain, and ordered the boat to be pushed off into the stream. a shower of curses followed me from the shore; but the negroes under me, accustomed to obey, and, alas! too degraded and ignorant of the advantages of liberty to know what they were for- feiting, offered no resistance to my command. often since that day has my soul been pierced with bitter anguish, at the thought of having been thus instrumental in consigning to the infernal bondage of slavery, so many of my fellow-beings. i have wrestled in prayer with god for forgiveness. having experienced myself the sweetness of liberty, and knowing too well the after-misery of a number of these slaves, my infatuation has often seemed to me to have been the unpardonable sin. but leon- +...º.º.º- to my bestlight, though the light that was i darkness. those were my days of ignorance. i knew not then the glory of free manhood, or that the title-deed of the slave-owner is robbery and outrage. what advantages i may have personally lost by thus throwing away an opportunity of obtaining freedom! but the perception of my own strength of character, the feeling of integrity, the sentiment of high honour, i thus gained by obedience to what i believed right, are advantages which i prize. he that is faithful over a little, will be faithful over much. before god i tried to do my best, and the error of judgment lies at the door of the degrading system under which i had been nurtured. chapter vii. a new home. become a methodist preacher.—my poor companions sold. – my agon.y. —sent for again.—interview with a kind methodist preacher.— visit free soil and begin my struggle for freedom. arrived at davis county, kentucky, about the middle of april, , and delivered myself and my companions to my owner's brother, mr. amos riley, who had a large plantation with from eighty to one hundred negroes. his house was situated about five miles south of the ohio river, and fifteen miles above the yellow banks, on big blackfords creek. there i remained three years, and was employed meantime on the farm, of which i had the general management, in consequence of the recommendation for ability and honesty which i brought with me from maryland. the situation was, in many re- spects, more comfortable than the one i had left. the farm was larger and more fertile, and there was a greater abundance of food, which is, of course, one of the principal sources of the comfort of a slave, debarred as he is from so many enjoyments which other men can obtain. sufficiency of food is an im- portant item in any man’s account of life; it is tenfold more so in that of the slave, whose appetite mrs. h. beecher stowe’s “uncle tom.” is always stimulated by his arduous labour, and whose mind is little occupied by thought on subjects of deeper interest. my post of superintendent gave me some advantages, of which i did not fail to avail myself, particularly with regard to those religious privileges, which, since i first heard of christ and christianity, had greatly occupied my mind. in rentucky the opportunities of attending the preach- ing of whites, as well as of blacks, were more numerous; and partly by attending them, and the camp-meetings which occurred from time to time, and partly from studying carefully my own heart, and observing the developments of character around me, in all the stations of life which i could watch, i became better acquainted with those religious feel- ings which are deeply implanted in the breast of every human being, and learned by practice how best to arouse them, and keep them excited, how to stir up the callous and indifferent, and, in general, to produce some good religious impressions on the ignorant and thoughtless community by which i was surrounded. no great amount of theological knowledge is re- quisite for the purpose. if it had been, it is manifest enough that preaching never could have been my vocation ; but i am persuaded that, speaking from the fulness of a heart deeply impressed with its own sinfulness and imperfection, and with the mercy of god, in christ jesus, my humble ministrations have not been entirely useless to those who have had less opportunity than myself to reflect upon these all- important subjects. it is certain that i could not a new home. " º generated by the hateful “institution, exhibited in its most odious and naked deformity. i refrain from the endeavour to do what i saw others doing in this field; and i laboured at once to improve myself and those about me in the cultivation of the harvests which ripen only in eternity. i cannot but derive some satisfaction, too, from the proofs i have had that my services have been acceptable to those to whom they have been rendered. in the course of three years, from to , i availed myself of . all the opportunities of improvement which occurred, and was admitted as a preacher by a quarterly con- ference of the methodist episcopal church. in the spring of the year , news arrived from my master that he was unable to induce his wife to accompany him to kentucky, and that he must there- fore remain where he was. he sent out an agent to sell all his slaves, except me and my family, and to carry back the proceeds to him. and now another of those heartrending scenes was to be witnessed, which had impressed itself so deeply on my childish soul. husbands and wives, parents and children, were to be separated for ever. affections, which are as strong in the african as in the european, were to be cruelly disregarded; and the iron selfishness ” was to be was exempted from a personal share in the dreadful calamity; but i could not see without the deepest grief, the agony of my associates. it was like that my own mother had once manifested, when i was separated from her for a time. i could not refrain from feeling the bitterest hatred of the system, and of those who sustained it. what else, indeed, could be mrs. ii. beecher stowe’s “uncle tom.” the feeling of a slave, liable at every moment of his life to these frightful and unnecessary calamities, which might be caused by the caprice, or the supposed necessities of the slaveholders, and inflicted upon him without sympathy or redress, under the sanction of the laws which upheld the institution? as i surveyed this scene, and listened to the groans and outcries of my afflicted companions, my eyes were opened, and i lamented that i had pre- vented them from availing themselves of the oppor- tunity for acquiring freedom which offered itself at cincinnati. i had only thought of being faith ; master’s interests, i nothing of º: #. : the slaves. oh! what would i not have given to have had the chance offered once more! but now, through me, were they doomed to wear out life miserably in the hot and pestilential climate of the far south. death would have been welcome to me in my agony. from that hour i saw through, hated, and cursed the whole system of slavery. one absorbing purpose occupied my soul—to gai - dom, self- ion deliverance from the eruel. caprices and fortunes of dissolute tyrants. once to get away, with my wife and children, to some spot where i could feel that they were indeed mine— where no grasping master could stand between me and them, as arbiter of their destiny—was a heaven yearned after with insatiable longing. for it i stood ready to pray, toil, dissemble, plot like a fox, and fight like a tiger. all the noble instincts of my soul, and all the ferocious passions of my animal nature, were aroused and quickened into vigorous action. a new home. - . the object of my old master riley in directing that i and my family should be exempted from the sale, was a desire on his part to get me back to maryland, and employ me in his own service. his best farms had been taken away from him, and but a few tracts of poor land remained, which he cultivated with hired labour after i took his slaves, and month by month he grew poorer and more desperate. he had written to his brother amos to give me a pass. and let me travel back; but this his brother was re- luctant to do, as i saved him the expense of an over- seer, and he moreover was aware that no legal steps could be taken to force him to comply. i knew of all this, but dared not seem anxious to return, for fear of exciting suspicion. in the course of the summer of , a methodist preacher, a most excellent white man, visited our neighbourhood, and i became acquainted with him. he was soon interested in me, and visited me fre- quently, and one day talked to me in a confidential manner about my position. he said, “you ought to be free. you have too much capacity to be confined to the limited and comparatively useless sphere of a slave, and though it must not be known that i have spoken to you on this subject, yet, if you will obtain mr. amos's consent to go to see your old master in maryland, i will try and put you in a way by which i think you may succeed in buying yourself.” he said this to me more than once; and as it was in harmony with all my aspirations and wishes, was flattering to my self-esteem, and gratified my im- patience to bring matters to a direct issue, i now resolved to make the attempt to get the necessary mrs. h. beecher stowe’s “uncle tom.” º leave. the autumn work was over, i was no longer needed in the fields, and a better chance would never offer itself. still i dreaded to make the proposal. so much hung on it, such fond hopes were bound up with it, that i trembled for the result. i opened the subject one sunday morning while shaving mr. amos, and adroitly managed, by bring- ing the shaving brush close into his mouth whenever he was disposed to interrupt me, to “get a good say”. first. of course, i made no allusion to my plan of buying myself, but urged my request on the sole ground of a desire to see my old master. to my surprise, he made little objection. i had been faith- ful to him, and gained, in his rude way of showing it, his regard. long before spring i would be back again. he even told me i had earned such a privi- lege. the certificate he gave me, allowed me to pass and repass between kentucky and maryland as servant of amos riley. furnished with this, and with a letter of recommendation from my methodist friend to a brother preacher in cincinnati, i started about the middle of september, , for the east. a new era in my history now opened upon me. a letter i carried with me to a kind-hearted man in cincinnati, procured me a number of invaluable friends, who entered heart and soul into my plans. they procured me an opportunity to preach in two or three of the pulpits of the city, and i made my appeal with that eloquence which spontaneously breaks forth from a breast all alive and fanned into a glow by an inspiring project. contact with those who were free themselves, and a proud sense of a new home. exultation in taking my destiny into my own hands, gave me the sacred “gift of tongues.” i was plead- ing an issue of life and death, of heaven and hell, and such as heard me felt this in their hearts. in three or four days i left the city with no less a sum than one hundred and sixty dollars in my pockets, and with a soul jubilant with thanksgiving, and high in hope, directed my steps towards chillicothe, to attend the session of the ohio conference of the methodist epis- copal church. my kind friend accompanied me, and, by his influence and exertions, still further suc- cess attended me. by his advice, i then purchased a decent suit of clothes and an excellent horse, and travelled from town to town, preaching as i went. everywhere i met with kindness. the contrast between the respect with which i was treated and the ordinary abuse of plantation life, gratified me in the extreme, as it must any one who has within him one spark of per- sonal dignity as a man. the sweet enjoyment of sympathy, moreover, and the hearty “god speed you, brother l’’ which accompanied every dollar i received, were to my long-starved heart a celestial repast, and angels' food. liberty was a glorious hope in my mind; not as an escape from toil, for i rejoiced in toil when my heart was in it, but as the avenue to a sense of self-respect, to ennobling occu- pation, and to association with superior minds. still, dear as was the thought of liberty, i still clung to my determination to gain it in one way only—by. purchase. the cup of my affliction was not yet full enough to lead me to disregard all terms with my master. chapter viii. return to maryland. recept ion from my old master.—a slave again.—appeai, to an old friend.—buy my freedom.–cheated and betrayed. —back to kentucky, and a slave again. efore i left ohio and set my face towards mont- gomery county, i was master of two hundred and seventy-five dollars, besides my horse and clothes. proud of my success, i enjoyed the thought of show- ing myself once more in the place where i had been known simply as “riley's head-nigger; ” and it was with no little satisfaction that about christmas i rode up to the old house. - - my master gave me a boisterous reception, and expressed great delight at seeing me. “what have you been doing, sie? you’ve turned into a regular black gentleman.” my horse and dress sorely puzzled him, and i soon saw they irritated him. the clothes i wore were certainly better than his. very soon the workings of that tyrannical hate with which the coarse and brutal, who have no inherent superiority, ever regard the least sign of equality in their dependents, were visible in his manner. his face seemed to say, “i’ll take the gentleman out of you pretty soon.” i gave him an account of my preaching which was consistent with the truth, and ireturn to maryland. explained my appearance, but did not betray to him my principal purpose. he soon asked to see my pass, and when he found it authorised me to return to kentucky, handed it to his wife, and desired her to put it into his desk. the manoeuvre was cool and startling. i heard the old prison-gate clang, and the bolt shoot into the socket once more. but i said nothing, and resolved to manoeuvre also. after putting my horse in the stable i retired to the kitchen, where my master told me i was to sleep for the night. oh, how different from my accommo- dations in the free states, for the last three months, was that crowded room, with its earth-floor, its filth and stench ! i looked around me with a sensation of disgust. the negroes present were strangers to me. i found my mother had died during my absence, and every tie which had ever connected me with the place was broken. full of gloomy reflections at my loneli- ness, and the poverty-stricken aspect of the whole farm, isat down, and while my companions were snor- ing in unconsciousness, i kept awake, thinking how i could escape from the accursed spot. i knew of but one friend to whom i could appeal—“master frank,” the brother of riley's wife, before mentioned, who was now of age, and had established himself in busi- ness in washington. i thought he would take an interest in me, for i had done much to lighten his sorrows when he was an abused and harshly-treated boy in the house. to him i resolved to go, and as soon as i thought it time to start, i saddled my horse and rode up to the house. it was early in the morning, and my master had already gone to the mrs. h. beecher stowe’s “uncle tom.” tavern on his usual business, when mrs. riley came out to look at my horse and equipments. “where are you going, 'siah p” was the natural question. i replied, “i am going to washington, mistress, to see mr. frank, and i must take my pass with me, if you please.” “oh, everybody knows you here; you won’t need your pass.” “but i can’t go to washington without it. i may be met by some surly stranger, who will stop me and plague me, if he can’t do anything worse.” “well, i'll get it for you,” she answered; and glad i was to see her return with it in her hand, and to have her give it to me, while she little imagined its importance to my plan. my reception by master frank was all i expected, as kind and hearty as possible. he was delighted at my appearance, and i immediately told him all my plans and hopes. he entered cordially into them, and expressed a strong sympathy for me. i found that he thoroughly detested riley, whom he charged with having defrauded him of a large proportion of his property which he had held as guardian, though, as he was not at warfare with him, he readily agreed to negotiate for my freedom, and bring him to the most favourable terms. accordingly, in a few days he rode over to the house, and had a long conversa- tion with him on the subject of my emancipation. he disclosed to him the facts that i had got some money and my pass, and urged that i was a smart fellow, who was bent upon getting his freedom, and nad served the family faithfully for many years; that i had really paid for myself a hundred times return to maryland. . over, in the increased amount of produce i had raised by my skill and influence; and that if he did not take care, and accept a fair offer when i made it to him, he would find some day that i had the means to do without his help, and that he would see neither me nor my money; that with my horse and my pass i was pretty independent of him already, and he had better make up his mind to do what was really inevitable, and do it with a good grace. by such arguments as these, mr. frank not only induced him to think of the thing, but before long brought him to an actual bargain, by which he agreed to give me my manumission-papers for four hundred and fifty dollars, of which three hundred and fifty dollars were to be in cash, and the remainder in my note. my money and my horse enabled me to pay the cash at once, and thus my great hope seemed in a fair way of being realised. some time was spent in the negotiation of this affair, and it was not until the th of march, , that i received my manumission-papers in due form . of law. i prepared to start at once on my return to rentucky; and on the th, as i was getting ready, in the morning, for my journey, my master accosted me in the most friendly manner, and entered into conversation with me about my plans. he asked me what i was going to do with my certificate of free- dom; whether i was going to show it, if questioned on the road. i told him, “yes.” “you’ll be a fool if you do,” he rejoined. “some slave-trader will get hold of it, and tear it up, and you'll be thrown into prison, sold for your jail-fees, and be in his mrs. h. beecher stowe’s “uncle tom.” possession before any of your friends can help you. . don't show it at all. your pass is enough. let me enclose your papers for you under cover to my brother. nobody will dare to break a seal, for that is a state-prison matter; and when you arrive in rentucky you will have it with you all safe and sound.” for this friendly advice, as i thought it, i felt extremely grateful. secure in my happiness, i cherished no suspicion of others. i accordingly permitted him to enclose my precious papers in an envelope composed of several wrappers, and after he had sealed it with three seals, and directed it to his brother in davies county, kentucky, he gave it to me, and i carefully stowed it in my carpet-bag. leaving immediately for wheeling, to which place i was obliged to travel on foot, i there took boat, and in due time reached my destination. i was arrested repeatedly on the way; but by insisting always on being carried before a magistrate, i suc- ceeded in escaping all serious impediments by means of my pass, which was quite regular, and could not be set aside by any responsible authority. the boat which took me down from louisville, landed me about dark, and my walk of five miles brought me to the plantation at bedtime. i went directly to my own cabin, and found my wife and little ones well. of course we had enough to com- municate to each other. i soon found that i had something to learn as well as to tell. letters had reached the “great house,”—as the master's was always called,—long before i arrived, telling them return to maryland. what i had been doing. the children of the family had eagerly communicated the good news to my wife —how i had been preaching, and raising money, and making a bargain for my freedom. it was not long before charlotte began to question me, with much excitement, how i had raised the money. she evidently thought i had stolen it. her opinion of my powers as a preacher was not exalted enough to permit her to believe i had gained it as i really did. i contrived, however, to quiet her fears on this score. “but how are you going to raise enough to pay the remainder of the thousand dollars?” “what thousand dollars?” “the thousand dollars you are to give for your freedom.” oh, how those words smote me! at once i suspected treachery. again and again i questioned her as to what she had heard. she persisted in repeating the same story as the substance of my master's letters. master amos said i had paid three hundred and fifty dollars down, and when i had made up six hundred and fifty more i was to have my free papers. i now began to perceive the trick that had been played upon me, and to see the management by which riley had contrived that the only evidence of my freedom should be kept from every eye but that of his brother amos, who was requested to retain it until i had made up the balance i was reported to have agreed to pay. indignation is a faint word to express my deep sense of such villainy. i was alternately beside myself with rage, and paralysed with despair. my dream of bliss was over. what could i do to set myself right p. the only witness to the truth, - e mrs. h. beecher stowe’s “uncle tom.” master frank, was a thousand miles away. i could neither write to him, nor get any one else to write. every man about me who could write was a slave- holder. i dared not go before a magistrate with my papers, for fear i should be seized and sold down the river before anything could be done. i felt that every white man’s hand was against me. “my god! my god! why hast thou forsaken me?” was my bitter cry. one thing only seemed clear. my papers must never be surrendered to master amos. i told my wife i had not seen them since i left louisville. they might be in my bag, or they might be lost. at all events i did not wish to look myself. if she found them there, and hid them away, out of my knowledge, it would be the best disposition to make of them. the next morning, at the blowing of the horn, i went out to find master amos. i found him sitting on a stile, and as i drew near enough for him to recognise me, he shouted out a hearty welcome in his usual style. “why, halloa, sie! is that you? got back, eh? i’m glad to see you ! why, you’re a regular black gentleman ” and he surveyed my dress with an appreciative grin. “well, boy, how’s your master p isaac says you want to be free. want to be free, eh? i think your master treats you pretty hard, though. six hundred and fifty dollars don’t come so easy in old kentuck. how does he ever expect you to raise all that ? it's too much, boy, it's too much.” in the conversation that followed i found my wife was right. riley had no idea of letting me off, and supposed i could never return to maryland, raise the six hundred and fifty dollars if his brother obtained possession of me. master amos soon asked me if i had not a paper for him. i told him i had had one, but the last isaw of it was at louisville, and now it was not in my bag, and i did not know what had become of it. he sent me back to the landing to see if it had been dropped on the way. of course i did not find it. he made, however, little stir about it, for he had intentions of his own to keep me working for him, and regarded the whole as a trick of his brother's to get money out of me. all he said about the loss was, “well, boy, bad luck happens to everybody, sometimes.” - all this was very smooth and pleasant to a man who was in a frenzy of grief at the base and ap- parently irremediable trick that had been played upon him. i had supposed that i should soon be free to start out and gain the hundred dollars which would discharge my obligation to my master. but i perceived that i was to begin again with my old labours. it was useless to give expression to my feelings, and i went about my work with as quiet a mind as i could, resolved to trust in god, and never despair. chapter ix. taken south, away from wife and children. start for new orleans.–study navigation on the mississippi, —the captain struck blind.—find some of my old com- panions.—the lower depths. - hings went on in this way about a year. from time to time master amos joked me about the six hundred and fifty dollars, and said his brother kept writing to know why i did not send something. it was “diamond cut diamond” with the two brothers. mr. amos had no desire to play into the hands of mr. isaac. he was glad enough to secure my services to take care of his stock and his people. one day my master suddenly informed me that his son amos, a young man about twenty-one years of age, was going down the river to new orleans, with a flat-boat loaded with produce from the farm, and that i was to go with him. he was to start the next day, and i was to accompany him and help him dispose of his cargo to the best advantage. this intimation was enough. though it was not distinctly stated, yet i well knew what was in- tended, and my heart sunk within me at the pros- pect of this fatal blight to all my long-cherished hopes. there was no alternative but death itself; taken south, away from wife and children. still i thought that there was hope as long as there was life, and i would not despair even yet. the ex- pectation of my fate, however, produced the degree of misery nearest to that of despair, and it is in vain for me to attempt to describe the wretchedness i ex- perienced as i made ready to go on board the flat- boat. i had little preparation to make, to be sure; but there was one thing that seemed to me im- portant. i asked my wife to sew my manumission- paper securely in a piece of cloth, and to sew that again round my person. i thought that its posses- sion might be the means of saving me yet, and i would not neglect anything that offered the smallest chance of escape from the frightful servitude with which i was threatened. the immediate cause of this movement on the part of master amos i never fully understood. it grew out of a frequent exchange of letters, which had been kept up between him and his brother in maryland. whether as a compromise between their rival claims it was agreed to sell me and divide the proceeds, or that master amos, in fear of my run- ning away, had resolved to turn me into riches without wings, for his own profit, i never knew. the fact of his intention, however, was clear enough; and god knows it was a fearful blow. my wife and children accompanied me to the landing, where i bade them an adieu which might be for life, and then stepped into the boat, manned by three white men, who had been hired for the trip. mr. amos and myself were the only other persons on board. the load consisted of beef-cattle, pigs, **** mrs. h. beecher stowe's “ uncle tom.” ** poultry, corn, whisky, and other articles which were to be sold as we dropped down the river, wherever they could be disposed of to the greatest advantage. it was a common trading-voyage to new orleans, the interest of which consisted not in the incidents that occurred, not in storms, shipwreck, or external disaster of any sort; but in the storm of passions contending within me, and the imminent risk of the shipwreck of my soul, which was impending over me nearly the whole period of the voyage. one circumstance, only, i will mention, illustrating, as other events in my life have often done, the counsel of the saviour, “he that will be chief among you, let him be your servant.” we were all bound to take our turn at the helm, sometimes under direction of the captain, and some- times on our own responsibility, as he could not be always awake. in the daytime there was less diffi- culty than at night, when it required some one who knew how to avoid sandbars and snags in the river; the captain was the only person on board who had this knowledge. but whether by day or by night, as i was the only negro in the boat, i was compelled to stand at least three turns at the helm to any other person’s one; so that, from being much with the captain, and frequently thrown upon my own exer- tions, i learned the art of steering and managing the boat far better than the rest. i watched the manoeuvres necessary to shoot by a “sawyer,” to land on a bank, avoid a snag, or a steamboat, in the rapid current of the mississippi, till i could do it as well as the captain. after a while, he was attacked taken south, away from wife and children. by a disease of the eyes; they became very much inflamed and swollen. he was soon rendered totally blind, and unable to perform his share of duty. i was the person who could best take his place, and i was in fact master of the boat from that time till our arrival at new orleans. after the captain º, blind, we were obliged to lie by at night, as none of the rest of us had been down the river before; and it was necessary to keep watch all night, to prevent depredations by the negroes on shore, who used frequently to attack such boats as ours, for the sake of the provisions on board. on our way down the river we stopped at vicks- burg, and i got permission to visit a plantation a few miles from the town, where some of my old companions whom i had brought from kentucky were living. it was the saddest visit i ever made. four years in an unhealthy climate and under a hard master had done the ordinary work of twenty. their cheeks were literally caved in with starvation and disease. they described their daily life, which was to toil half-naked in malarious marshes, under a burning, maddening sun, exposed to poison of mosquitoes and black gnats, and they said they looked forward to death as their only deliverance. some of them fairly cried at seeing me there, and at the thought of the fate which they felt awaited me. their worst fears of being sold down south had been more than realised. i went away sick at heart, and to this day the remembrance of that wretched group haunts me chapter x. a terrible temptation. sigh for death.-a murder in my heart.--the axe raised.- conscience speaks and i am saved.—god be praised ! ll outward nature seemed to feed my gloomy thoughts. i know not what most men see in voyaging down the mississippi. if gay and hopeful, probably much of beauty and interest. if eager merchants, probably a golden river, freighted with the wealth of nations. i saw nothing but portents of woe and despair. wretched slave-pens; a smell of stagnant waters; half-putrid carcases of horses or oxen floating along, covered with turkey-buzzards and swarms of green flies, these are the images with which memory crowds my mind. my faith in god utterly gave way. i could no longer pray or trust. i thought he had abandoned me and cast me off for ever. i looked not to him for help. i saw only the foul miasmas, the emaciated frames of my negro companions; and in them saw the sure, swift, loving intervention of the one unfailing friend of the wretched,—death ! yes; death and the gravel “there the wicked cease from troubling, and the weary are at rest. there the prisoners rest together; they hear not the voice of the oppressor.” two years of this would kill me. i dwelt on the thought a terrible temptation. with melancholy yet sweet satisfaction. two years and then i should be free. free! ever my cherished hope, though not as i had thought it would come. as i paced backwards and forwards on the deck, during my watch, i revolved in my mind many a painful and passionate thought. after all that i had done for isaac and amos riley, after all the regard they had professed for me, such a return as this for my services, such an evidence of their utter disregard of my claims upon them, and the intense selfishness with which they were ready to sacrifice me, at any moment, to their supposed interest, turned my blood to gall, and changed me from a lively, and, i will say, a pleasant-tempered fellow, into a savage, morose, dangerous slave. i was going not at all as a lamb to the slaughter; but i felt myself becoming more ferocious every day; and as we approached the place where this iniquity was to be consummated, i became more and more agitated with an almost un- controllable fury. i said to myself, “if this is to be my lot, i cannot survive it long. i am not so young as those whose wretched condition i have but just seen, and if it has brought them to such a condition, it will soon kill me. i am to be taken to a place and a condition where my life is to be shortened, as well as made more wretched. why should i not prevent this wrong if i can, by shortening the lives of those who intend to accomplish such injustice p i can do the last easily enough. they have no suspicion of me, and they are at this moment under my control, and in my power. there are many ways in which i can dispatch them and escape; and i feel that i mrs. h. beecher stowe’s “uncle tom.” * - should be justified in availing myself of the first good opportunity.” these, thoughts did not flit across my mind's eye and then disappear, but they fashioned themselves into shapes which grew larger and seemed firmer every time they presented them- selves; at length my mind was made up to convert the phantom-shadows into a positive reality. i resolved to kill my four companions, take what money there was in the boat, scuttle the craft, and escape to the north. it was a poor plan, maybe, and would very likely have failed; but it was as well contrived, under the circumstances, as the plans of murderers usually are. blinded by passion, and stung to madness as i was, i could not see any difficulty about it. one dark, rainy night, within a few days’ sail of new orleans, my hour seemed to have come. i was alone on the deck, master amos and the hands were all asleep below, and i crept down noise- lessly, got hold of an axe, entered the cabin, and looking by the aid of the dim light there for my victims, my eyes fell upon master amos, who was nearest to me, my hand slid along the axe-handle, i raised it to strike the fatal blow, when suddenly the thought came to me, “what i commit murder * and you a christian p” i had not called it murder before, but self-defence, to prevent others from murdering me. i thought it was justifiable, and even praiseworthy. all at once the truth burst upon me that it was a crime. i was going to kill a young man who had done nothing to injure me, but was only obeying the commands of his father. i was about to lose the fruit of all my efforts at self- - - a terrible temptation. . improvement, the character i had acquired, and the peace of mind that had never deserted me. all this came upon me with a distinctness which almost made me think i heard it whispered in my ear; and i believe i even turned my head to listen. i shrunk back, laid down the axe, and thanked god, as i have done every day since, that i did not commit that murder. º my feelings were still agitated, but they were changed. i was filled with shame and remorse for the design i had entertained, and fearing that my companions would detect it in my face, or that a careless word would betray my guilty thoughts, i remained on deck all night, instead of rousing one of the men to relieve the watch, and nothing brought composure to my mind but the solemn resolution i then made, to resign myself to the will of god, and take with thankfulness, if i could, but with sub- mission, at all events, whatever he might decide should be my lot. i reflected that if my life were reduced to a brief term, i should have less to suffer; that it was better to die with a christian's hope, and a quiet conscience, than to live with the incessant recollection of a crime that would destroy the value of life, and under the weight of a secret that would crush out the satisfaction that might be expected from freedom and every other blessing. it was long before i recovered my self-control and serenity. yet i believe that no one but those to whom i have told the story myself, ever suspected me of having entertained such thoughts for a moment. chapter xi, providential ideliverance. of fered for sale.-examined by purchasers.-plead with my young master in vain.—man's extremity, god's opport- tunity..—good for evil.-return north...-my increased value.-resolve to be a slave no longer. is a few days after this trying crisis in my life, we arrived at new orleans. the little that re- mained of our cargo was soon sold, the men were discharged, and nothing was left but to dispose of me, and break up the boat, and then master amos intended to take passage on a steamboat, and go home. there was no longer any disguise about the disposition which was to be made of me. master amos acknowledged that such were his instructions, and he set about fulfilling them. several planters came to the boat to look at me; i was sent on some hasty errand that they might see how i could run; my points were canvassed as those of a horse would have been ; and, doubtless, some account of my various faculties entered into the discussion of the bargain, that my value as a domestic animal might be enhanced. master amos had talked, with ap- parent kindness, about getting me a good master who would employ me as a coachman, or as a house- providential deliverance. servant; but as time passed on i could discern no particular effort of the kind. in our intervals of leisure i tried every possible means to move his heart. with tears and groans i besought him not to sell me away from my wife and children. i dwelt on my past services to his father, and called to his remembrance a thousand things i had done for him personally. i told him about the wretched condition of the slaves i had seen near vicksburg. sometimes he would shed tears himself, and say he was sorry for me. but still i saw his purpose was unchanged. he now kept out of my way as much as possible, and forestalled every effort i made to talk with him. his conscience evidently troubled him. he knew he was doing a cruel and wicked thing, and wanted to escape from thinking about it. i followed him up hard, for i was suppli- cating for my life. i fell down and clung to his knees in entreaties. sometimes when too closely pressed, he would curse and strike me. may god forgive him lº and yet it was not all his fault; he was made so by the accursed relation of slave-master and slave. i was property,+not a man, not a father, not a husband. and the laws of property and self- interest, not of humanity and love, bore sway. at length everything was wound up but this single affair. i was to be sold the next day, and master amos was to set off on his return in a steam- boat at six o'clock in the afternoon. i could not sleep that night; its hours seemed interminably long, though it was one of the shortest of the year. the slow way in which we had come down had mrs. h. beecher stowe’s “uncle tom.” brought us to the long days and heats of june; and everybody knows what the climate of new orleans is at that period of the year. ** and now occurred one of those sudden, marked interpositions of providence, by which in a moment, the whole current of a human being's life is changed; one of those slight and, at first, unappreciated con- tingencies, by which the faith that man's extremity is god’s opportunity is kept alive. little did i think, when just before daylight master amos called me and told me he felt sick, how much my future was bound up in those few words. his stomach was disordered, and i advised him to lie down again, thinking it would soon pass off. before long he felt worse, and it was soon evident that the river-fever was upon him. he became rapidly ill, and by eight o'clock in the morning was utterly prostrate. the tables were now turned. i was no longer property, no longer a brute-beast to be bought and sold, but his only friend in the midst of strangers. oh, how different was his tone from what it had been the day before . he was now the supplicant, a poor, terrified object, afraid of death, and writhing with pain; there lay the late arbiter of my destiny. how he besought me to forgive him! “stick to me, sie! stick to me, sie! don’t leave me, don’t leaveme. i’m sorry i was going to sell you.” sometimes he would say he had only been joking, and never intended to part with me. yes, the tables were utterly turned. he entreated me to dispatch matters, sell the flat-boat in which we had been living, and get him and his trunk, con- taining the proceeds of the trip, on board the steamer providential deliverance. as quickly as possible. i attended to all his requests, and by twelve o’clock that day, he was in one of the cabins of the steamer appropriated to sick passengers. o my god! how my heart sang jubilees of praise to thee, as the steamboat swung loose from the levee and breasted the mighty tide of the mississippi away from this land of bondage and death! away from misery and despairl once more exulting hope possessed me, and i thought, if i do not now find my way to freedom, may god never give me a chance again! before we had proceeded many hours on our voyage, my young master appeared to be better. the change of air in a measure revived him; and well it was for him that such was the case. short as his illness had been, the fever had raged like a fire, and he was already near death. i watched and nursed him like a mother; for all remembrance of personal wrong was obliterated at the sight of his peril. his eyes followed me in entreaty wherever i went. his strength was so entirely gone, that he could neither speak nor move a limb, and could only indicate his wish for a teaspoonful of gruel, or some- thing to moisten his throat, by a feeble motion of his lips. i nursed him carefully and constantly. nothing else could have saved his life. it hung by a thread for a long time. we were twelve days in reaching home, for the water was low at that season, particularly in the ohio river; and when we arrived at our landing, he was still unable to speak, and could only be moved on a litter. something of this mrs. h. beecher stowe’s “uncle tom.” sort was fixed up at the landing, on which he could be carried to the house, which was five miles off; and i got a party of the slaves belonging to the estate to form relays for the purpose. as we ap- proached the house, the surprise at seeing me back again, and the perplexity to imagine what i was bringing along, with such a party, were extreme; but the discovery was soon made which explained the strange appearance; and the grief of father and mother, brothers and sisters, made itself seen and heard. loud and long were the lamentations over poor amos; and when the family came a little to themselves, great were the commendations bestowed upon me for my care of him and of the property. although we reached home by the th of july, it was not until the middle of august that master amos was well enough to leave his chamber. to do him justice, he manifested strong gratitude towards me. almost his first words after recovering his strength sufficiently to talk, were in commendation of my conduct. “if i had sold him i should have died.” on the rest of the family no permanent im- pression seemed to have been made. the first few words of praise were all i ever received. i was set at my old work. my merits, whatever they were, instead of exciting sympathy or any feeling of at- tachment to me, seemed only to enhance my market- value in their eyes. i saw that my master's only thought was to render me profitable to himself. from him i had nothing to hope, and i turned my thoughts to myself and my own energies. before long i felt assured another attempt would providential deliverance. be made to dispose of me. providence seemed to have interfered once to defeat the scheme, but i could not expect such extraordinary circumstances to be repeated; and i was bound to do everything in my power to secure myself and my family from the wicked conspiracy of isaac and amos riley against my life, as well as against my natural rights, and those which i had acquired, even under the bar- barous laws of slavery, by the money i had paid for myself. if isaac had only been honest enough to adhere to his bargain, i would have adhered to mine, and paid him all i had promised. but his attempt to kidnap me again, after having pocketed three- fourths of my market value, in my opinion, absolved me from all obligation to pay him any more, or to continue in a position which exposed me to his machinations. chapter xii. escape from bondage. solitary musings.-preparations for flight.-a long good night to master.-a. dare night on the riwer.—night journeys in indian.a.—on the brink of starvation.—a kind woman.—a new style of drinking cup.-reach cincinnati. uring the bright and hopeful days i spent in ohio, while away on my preaching tour, i had heard much of the course pursued by fugitives from slavery, and became acquainted with a number of benevolent men engaged in helping them on their way. canada was often spoken of as the only sure refuge from pursuit, and that blessed land was now the desire of my longing heart. infinite toils and perils lay between me and that haven of promise, enough to daunt the stoutest heart; but the fire behind me was too hot and fierce to let me pause to consider them. i knew the north star—blessed be god for setting it in the heavens ! like the star of bethlehem, it announced where my salvation, lay. could i follow it through forest, and stream, and field, it would guide my feet in the way of hope. i thought of it as my god-given guide to the land of promise far away beneath its light. i knew that it had led thousands of my poor, hunted brethren to escape from bondage. freedom and blessedness. i felt energy enough in my own breast to contend with privation and danger; and had i been a free, untrammelled man, knowing no tie of father or husband, and concerned for my own safety only, i would have felt all difficul- ties light in view of the hope that was set before me. but, alas! i had a wife and four dear children; how should i provide for them p abandon them i could not; no l not even for the blessed boon of freedom. they, too, must go. they, too, must share with me the life of liberty. - - it was not without long thought upon the subject that i devised a plan of escape. but at last i matured it. my mind fully made up, i communi- cated the intention to my wife. she was over- whelmed with terror. with a woman's instinct she clung to hearth and home. she knew nothing of the wide world beyond, and her imagination peopled it with unseen horrors. she said, “we shall die in the wilderness, we shall be hunted down with blood- hounds; we shall be brought back and whipped to death.” with tears and supplications she besought me to remain at home, contented. in vain i ex- plained to her our liability to be torn asunder at any moment; the horrors of the slavery i had lately seen; the happiness we should enjoy together in a land of freedom, safe from all pursuing harm. she had not suffered the bitterness of my lot, nor felt the same longing for deliverance. she was a poor, timid, unreasoning slave-woman. i argued the matter with her at various times, till i was satisfied that argument alone would not pre- mrs. h. beecher stowe’s “uncle tom.” vail. i then told her deliberately, that though it would be a cruel trial for me to part with her, i would nevertheless do it, and take all the children with me except the youngest, rather than remain at home, only to be forcibly torn from her, and sent down to linger out a wretched existence in the dens i had lately visited. again she wept and entreated, but i was sternly resolute. the whole night long she fruitlessly urged me to relent; exhausted and maddened, i left her, in the morning, to go to my work for the day. before i had gone far, i heard her voice calling me, and waiting till i came up, she said, at last, she would go with me. blessed relief! . my tears of joy flowed faster than had hers of grief. our cabin, at this time, was near the landing. the plantation itself extended the whole five miles from the house to the river. there were several distinct farms, all of which i was overseeing, and therefore i was riding about from one to another every day. our oldest boy was at the house with master amos; the rest of the children were with my wife. the chief practical difficulty that had weighed upon my mind, was connected with the youngest two of the children. they were of three and two years respectively, and of course would have to be carried. both stout and healthy, they were a heavy burden, and my wife had declared that i should break down under it before i had got five miles from home. sometime previously i had directed her to make me a large knapsack of tow-cloth, large enough to hold them both, and arranged with strong straps to go escape from bondage. round my shoulders. this done, i had practised carrying them night after night, both to test my own strength and accustom them to submit to it. to them it was fine fun, and to my great joy i found i could manage them successfully. my wife's consent was given on thursday morning, and i resolved to start on the night of the following saturday. sunday was a holiday; on monday and tuesday i was to be away on farms distant from the house; thus several days would elapse before ishould be missed, and by that time i should have got a good start. * at length the eventful night arrived. all things were ready, with the single exception that i had not yet obtained my master's permission for little tom to visit his mother. about sundown i went up to the great house to report my work, and after talking for a time, started off, as usual, for home; when, suddenly appearing to recollect something i had forgotten, i turned carelessly back, and said, “oh, master amos, i most forgot. tom's mother wants to know if you won't let him come down a few days; she wants to mend his clothes and fix him up a little.” “yes, boy, yes; he can go.” “thankee, master amos; good night, good night. the lord bless you!” in spite of myself i threw a good deal of emphasis into my farewell. i could not refrain from an inward chuckle at the thought—how long a good night that will be the coast was all clear now, and, as i trudged along home, i took an affec- tionate look at the well-known objects on my way. strange to say, sorrow mingled with my joy; but mrs. h. beecher stowe’s “uncle tom.” no man can live long anywhere without feeling some attachment to the soil on which he labours. it was about the middle of september, and by nine o'clock all was ready. it was a dark, moonless night, when we got into the little skiff, in which i had induced a fellow-slave to set us across the river. it was an anxious moment. we sat still as death. in the middle of the stream the good fellow said to me, “it will be the end of me if this is ever found out; but you won’t be brought back alive, sie, will you?” “not if i can help it,” i replied; and i thought of the pistols and knife i had bought some time before of a poor white. “and if they’re too many for you, and you get seized, you’ll never tell my part in this business?” “not if i’m shot through like a sieve.” “that's all,” said he, “and god help you.” heaven reward him. he, too, has since followed in my steps; and many a time in a land of freedom have we talked over that dark night on the river. in due time we landed on the indiana shore. a hearty, grateful farewell was spoken, such as none but companions in danger can utter, and i heard the oars of the skiff propelling him home. there i stood in the darkness, my dear ones with me, and the dim unknown future before us. but there was little time for reflection. before daylight should come on, we must put as many miles behind us as possible, and be safely hidden in the woods. we had no friends to look to for assistance, for the population in that section of the country was then bitterly hostile to the fugitive. if discovered, we should be seized and lodged in jail. in god was our escape from bondage. only hope. fervently did i pray to him as we trudged on cautiously and stealthily, as fast as the darkness and the feebleness of my wife and boys would allow. to her, indeed, i was compelled to talk sternly; she trembled like a leaf, and even then implored me to return. for a fortnight we pressed steadily on, keeping to the road during the night, hiding whenever a chance vehicle or horseman was heard, and during the day burying ourselves in the woods. our provisions were rapidly giving out. two days before reaching cincinnati they were utterly exhausted. all night long the children cried with hunger, and my poor wife loaded me with reproaches for bringing them into such misery. it was a bitter thing to hear them cry, and god knows i needed encouragement myself. my limbs were weary, and my back and shoulders raw with the burden i carried. a fearful dread of detection ever pursued me, and i would start out of my sleep in terror, my heart beating against my ribs, expecting to find the dogs and slave-hunters after me. had i been alone, i would have borne starvation, even to exhaustion, before i would have ventured in sight of a house in quest of food. but now something must be done; it was necessary to run the risk of exposure by daylight upon the road. the only way to proceed was to adopt a bold course. accordingly, i left our hiding-place, took to the road, and turned towards the south, to lull any suspicion that might be aroused were i to be seen going the other way. before long i came to a mrs. h. beecher stowe’s “ uncle tom.” house. a furious dog rushed out at me, and his master following to quiet him, i asked if he would sell me a little bread and meat. he was a surly fellow. “no, i have nothing for niggers!” at the next, i succeeded no better, at first. the man of the house met me in the same style; but his wife, hearing our conversation, said to her husband, “how can you treat any human being so p. if a dog was hungry i would give him something to eat.” she then added, “we have children, and who knows but they may some day need the help of a friend.” the man laughed and told her that if she took care of niggers, he wouldn't. she asked me to come in, loaded a plate with venison and bread, and, when i laid it into my handkerchief, and put a quarter of a dollar on the table, she quietly took it up and put it in my handkerchief, with an additional quantity of venison. i felt the hot tears roll down my cheeks as she said, “god bless you; ” and i hurried away to bless my starving wife and little ones. a little while after eating the venison, which was quite salt, the children became very thirsty, and groaned and sighed so that i went off stealthily, breaking the bushes to keep my path, to find water. i found a little rill, and drank a large draught. then i tried to carry some in my hat; but, alas ! it leaked. finally, i took off both shoes, which luckily had no holes in them, rinsed them out, filled them with water, and carried it to my family. they drank it with great delight. i have since then sat at splendidly-furnished tables in canada, the united escape from bondage. states, and england; but never did i see any human beings relish anything more than my poor famishing little ones did that refreshing draught out of their father's shoes. that night we made a long run, and two days afterwards we reached cincinnati. chapter xiii. journey to canada. good samaritans.-alone in the wilderxless.-meet somr. indians.—reachi sandusky. —another friend.—all aboard. —buffalo.—a “free nigger.”—frenzy of joy on reaching canada. now felt comparatively at home. before entering the town i hid my wife and children in the woods, and then walked on alone in search of my friends. they welcomed me warmly, and just after dusk my wife and children were brought in, and we found ourselves hospitably cheered and refreshed. two weeks of exposure to incessant fatigue, anxiety, rain, and chill, made it indescribably sweet to enjoy once more the comfort of rest and shelter. i have sometimes heard harsh and bitter words spoken of those devoted men who were banded together to succour and bid god speed to the hunted fugitive; men who, through pity for the suffering, voluntarily exposed themselves to hatred, fines, and imprisonment. if there be a god who will have mercy on the merciful, great will be their reward. in the great day when men shall stand in judgment before the divine master, crowds of the outcast and forsaken of earth, will gather around them, and in joyful tones bear witness, “we were hungry and ye journey to canada. gave us meat, thirsty and ye gave us drink, naked and ye clothed us, sick and ye visited us.” and he who has declared that, “inasmuch as ye have done it unto the least of these my brethren, ye have done it unto me,” will accept the attestation, and hail them with his welcome, “come ye blessed of my father.” their glory shall yet be proclaimed from the house-tops, and may that “peace of god which the world can neither give nor take away” dwell richly in their hearts - among such as those—good samaritans, of whom the lord would say, “go ye and do likewise,”—our lot was now cast. carefully they provided for our welfare until our strength was recruited, and then they set us thirty miles on our way by waggon. we followed the same course as before—travelling by night and resting by day—till we arrived at the scioto, where we had been told we should strike the military road of general hull, made in the last war with great britain, and might then safely travel by day. we found the road, accordingly, by the large sycamore and elms which marked its beginning, and entered upon it with fresh spirits early in the day. nobody had told us that it was cut through the wilderness, and i had neglected to provide any food, thinking we should soon come to some habitation, where we could be supplied. but we travelled on all day without seeing one, and lay down at night, hungry and weary enough. the wolves were howling around us, and though too cowardly to approach, their noise terrified my poor wife and children. nothing remained to us in the morning but a little mrs. h. beecher stowe’s “uncle tom.” piece of dried beef, too little, indeed, to satisfy our cravings, but enough to afflict us with intolerable thirst. i divided most of this amongst us, and then we started for a second day's tramp in the wilder- ness. a painful day it was to us. the road was rough, the underbrush tore our clothes and exhausted our strength; trees that had been blown down, blocked the way; we were faint with hunger, and no prospect of relief opened up before us. we spoke little, but steadily struggled along; i with my babes on my back, my wife aiding the two other children to climb over the fallen trunks and force themselves through the briers. suddenly, as i was plodding along a little ahead of my wife and the boys, i heard them call me, and turning round saw my wife pros- trate on the ground. “mother’s dying,” cried tom; and when i reached her, it seemed really so. from sheer exhaustion she had fallen in surmounting a log. distracted with anxiety, i feared she was gone. for some minutes no sign of life was manifest; but after a time she opened her eyes, and finally recover- ing enough to take a few mouthfuls of the beef, her strength returned, and we once more went bravely on our way. i cheered the sad group with hopes i was far from sharing myself. for the first time i was nearly ready to abandon myself to despair. starvation in the wilderness was the doom that stared me and mine in the face. but again, “man’s extremity was god's opportunity.” we had not gone far, and i suppose it was about three o'clock in the afternoon, when we discerned some persons approaching us at no great distance. journey to canada. we were instantly on the alert, as we could hardly expect them to be friends. the advance of a few paces showed me they were indians, with packs on their shoulders; and they were so near that if they were hostile it would be useless to try to escape. so i walked along boldly, till we came close upon them. they were bent down with their burdens, and had not raised their eyes till now; and when they did so, and saw me coming towards them, they looked at me in a frightened sort of a way for a moment, and then, setting up a peculiar howl, turned round, and ran as fast as they could. there were three or four of them, and what they were afraid of i could not imagine. there was no doubt they were frightened, and we heard their wild and prolonged howl, as they ran, for a mile or more. my wife was alarmed, too, and thought they were merely running back to collect more of a party, and then would come and murder us; and she wanted to turn back. i told her they were numerous enough to do that, if they wanted to, without help; and that as for turning back, i had had quite too much of the road behind us, and that it would be a ridiculous thing that both parties should run away. if they were disposed to run, i would follow. we did follow, and the noise soon ceased. as we advanced, we could discover indians peeping at us from behind the trees, and dodging out of sight if they thought we were looking at them. presently we came upon their wigwams, and saw a fine-looking, stately indian, with his arms folded, waiting for us to approach. he was, ap- parently, the chief; and, saluting us civilly, he soon mrs. h. beecher stowe’s “uncle tom.” w discovered we were human beings, and spoke to his young men, who were scattered about, and made them come in and give up their foolish fears. and now curiosity seemed to prevail. each one wanted to touch the children, who were as shy as partridges with their long life in the woods; and as they shrunk away, and uttered a little cry of alarm, the indian would jump back too, as if he thought they would bite him. however, a little while sufficed to make them understand whither we were going, and what we needed; and then they supplied our wants, fed us bountifully, and gave us a comfortable wigwam for our night's rest. the next day we resumed our march, having ascertained from the indians that we were only about twenty-five miles from the lake. they sent some of their young men to point out the place where we were to turn off, and parted from us with as much kindness as possible. in passing over the part of ohio near the lake, where such an extensive plain is found, we came to a spot overflowed by a stream, across which the road passed. i forded it first, with the help of a sounding- pole, and then taking the children on my back, first the two little ones, and then the others, one at a time, and, lastly, my wife, i succeeded in getting them safely across. at this time the skin was worn from my back to an extent almost equal to the size of the knapsack. one night more was passed in the woods, and in the course of the next forenoon, we came out upon the wide, treeless plain which lies south and west of sandusky city. the houses of the village were in journey to canada. plain sight. about a mile from the lake i hid my wife and children in the bushes, and pushed forward. i was attracted by a house on the left, between which and a small coasting vessel, a number of men were passing and repassing with great activity. promptly deciding to approach them, i drew near, and scarcely had i come within hailing distance, when the captain of the schooner cried out, “hollo there, man! you want to work?” “yes, sir!” shouted i. “come along, come along; i'll give you a shilling an hour. must get off with this wind.” as i came near, he said, “oh, you can’t work; you're crippled.” “can't i?” said i; and in a minute i had hold of a bag of corn, and fol- lowed the gang in emptying it into the hold. i took my place in the line of labourers next to a coloured man, and soon got into conversation with him. “how far is it to canada p” he gave me a peculiar look, and in a minute i saw he knew all. “want to go to canada? come along with us, them. our captain's a fine fellow. we’re going to buffalo.” “buffalo; how far is that from canada?” “don’t you know, man p just across the river.” i now opened my mind frankly to him, and told him about my wife and children. “i’ll speak to the captain,” said he. he did so, and in a moment the captain took me aside, and said, “the doctor says you want to go to buffalo with your family.” “yes, sir.” “well, why not go with me!” was his frank reply. “doctor says you’ve got a family.” “yes, sir.” “where do you stop?” “about a mile back.” “how long have you been here p” “no mrs. h. beecher stowe’s “ uncle tom.” time,” i answered, after a moment's hesitation. “come, my good fellow, tell us all about it. you're running away, ain’t you?” i saw he was a friend, and opened my heart to him. “how long will it take you to get ready ?” “be here in half an hour, sir.” “well, go along and get them.” off i started; but, before i had run fifty feet, he called me back. “stop,” said he ; “you go on getting the grain in. when we get off, i'll lay to over opposite that island, and send a boat back. there’s a lot of regular nigger-catchers in the town below, and they might suspect if you brought your party out of the bush by daylight.” i worked away with a will. soon the two or three hundred bushels of corn were aboard, the hatches fastened down, the anchor raised, and the sails hoisted. i watched the vessel with intense interest as she left her moorings. away she went before the free breeze. already she seemed beyond the spot at which the captain agreed to lay to, and still she flew along. my heart sank within me; so near de- liverance, and again to have my hopes blasted, again to be cast on my own resources ! i felt that they had been making sport of my misery. the sun had sunk to rest, and the purple and gold of the west were fading away into grey. suddenly, how- ever, as i gazed with a weary heart, the vessel swung round into the wind, the sails flapped, and she stood motionless. a moment more, and a boat was lowered from her stern, and with a steady stroke made for the point at which i stood. i felt that my hour of journey to canada. release had come. on she came, and in ten minutes she rode up handsomely on to the beach. my black friend and two sailors jumped out, and we started off at once for my wife and children. to my horror, they were gone from the place where i left them. overpowered with fear, i supposed they had been found and carried off. there was no time to lose, and the men told me i would have to go alone. just at the point of despair, however, i stumbled on one of the children. my wife, it seemed, alarmed at my long absence, had given up all for lost, and supposed i had fallen into the hands of the enemy. when she heard my voice, mingled with those of the others, she thought my captors were leading me back to make me discover my family, and in the extremity of her terror she had tried to hide herself. i had hard work to satisfy her. our long habits of concealment and anxiety had rendered her suspicious of every one; and her agitation was so great that for a time she was incapable of understanding what i said, and went on in a sort of paroxysm of distress and fear. this, however, was soon over, and the kindness of my companions did much to facilitate the matter. and now we were off for the boat. it required little time to embark our baggage—one convenience, at least, of having nothing. the men bent their backs with a will, and headed steadily for a light hung from the vessel's mast. i was praising god in my soul. three hearty cheers welcomed us as we reached the schooner, and never till my dying day shall i forget the shout of the captain—he was a g mrs. h. beecher stowe’s “uncle tom.” scotchman—“coom up on deck, and clop your wings and craw like a rooster; you're a free nigger as sure as you're a live mon.” round went the vessel, the wind plunged into her sails as though innocu- lated with the common feeling—the water seethed and hissed past her sides. man and nature, and, more than all, i felt the god of man and nature, who breathes love into the heart and maketh the winds his ministers, were with us. my happiness that night rose at times to positive pain. unnerved by so sudden a change from destitution and danger to such kindness and blessed security, i wept like a child. the next evening we reached buffalo, but it was too late to cross the river that night. “you see those trees,” said the noble-hearted captain, next morning, pointing to a group in the distance; “they grow on free soil, and as soon as your feet touch that, you’re a mon. i want to see you go and be a freeman. i’m poor myself, and have nothing to give you; i only sail the boat for wages; but i’ll see you across. here, green,” said he to a ferryman, “what will you take this man and his family over for—he's got no money?” “three shillings.” he then took a dollar out of his pocket and gave it to ‘me. never shall i forget the spirit in which he spoke. he put his hand on my head and said, “be a good fellow, won’t you?” i felt streams of emo- tion running down in electric courses from head to foot. “yes,” said i; “i’ll use my freedom well; i’ll give my soul to god.” he stood waving his journey to canada. hat as we pushed off for the opposite shore. god bless him god bless him eternally men it was the th of october, , in the morning, when my feet first touched the canada shore. i threw myself on the ground, rolled in the sand, seized handfuls of it and kissed them, and danced around, till, in the eyes of several who were present, i passed for a madman. “he’s some crazy fellow,” said a colonel warren, who happened to be there. “oh no, master | don't you know p i’m free l’” he burst into a shout of laughter. “well, i never knew freedom make a man roll in the sand in such a fashion.” still i could not control myself. i hugged and kissed my wife and children, and, until the first exuberant burst of feeling was over, went on as before. chapter xiv. new scenes and a new home. a poor man in a strange land.—begin to acquire property. —resume preaching...—boys go to school.-what gave me a des ee to learn to read.—a day of prayer in the woods. here was not much time to be lost, though, in frolic even, at this extraordinary moment. i was a stranger in a strange land, and had to look about me at once for refuge and resource. i found a lodging for the night, and the next morning set about exploring the interior for the means of sup- port. i knew nothing about the country or the people, but kept my eyes and ears open, and made such inquiries as opportunity afforded. i heard, in the course of the day, of a mr. hibbard, who lived some six or seven miles off. he was a rich man, as riches were counted there, had a large farm, and several small tenements on it, which he was in the habit of letting to his labourers. to him i went immediately, though the character given him by his neighbours was not, by any means, unexceptionably good. but i thought he was not, probably, any worse than those i had been accustomed to serve, and that i could get along with him, if honest and faithful work would satisfy him. in the afternoon i found him, and soon struck a bargain with him for employment. i asked new scenes and a new home. him if there was any house where he would let me live. he said, “yes,” and led the way to an old two-story sort of shanty, into the lower story of which the pigs had broken, and had apparently made it their resting-place for some time. still, it was a house, and i forthwith expelled the pigs, and set about cleaning it for the occupancy of a better sort of tenants. with the aid of hoe and shovel, hot water and a mop, i got the floor into a tolerable condition by midnight, and only then did i rest from my labour. the next day i brought the rest of the hensons, the only furniture i had, to my house, and though there was nothing there but bare walls and floors, we were all in a state of great delight, and my wife laughed and acknowledged that it was better than a log cabin with an earth-floor. i begged some straw of mr. hibbard, and confining it by logs in the corners of the room, i made beds of it three feet thick, upon which we reposed luxuriously after our long fatigues. another trial awaited me which i had not anti- cipated. in consequence of the great exposures we had been through, my wife and all the children fell sick; and it was not without extreme peril that they escaped with their lives. my employer soon found that my labour was of more value to him than that of those he was accus- tomed to hire; and as i consequently gained his favour, and his wife took quite a fancy to mine, we soon procured some of the comforts of life, while the necessaries of life, food and fuel, were abundant. i remained with mr. hibbard three years, sometimes mrs. h. beecher stowe's “uncle tom.” working on shares, and sometimes for wages; and i managed in that time to procure some pigs, a cow, and a horse. thus my condition gradually improved, and i felt that my toils and sacrifices for freedom had not been in vain. nor were my labours for the improvement of myself and others, in more important things than food and clothing, without effect. it so happened that one of my maryland friends arrived in this neighbourhood, and hearing of my being here, inquired if i ever preached now, and spread the reputation i had acquired elsewhere for my gifts in the pulpit. i had said nothing myself, and had not intended to say anything of my having ever officiated in that way. i went to meeting with others, when i had an opportunity, and enjoyed the quiet of the sabbath when there was no assembly. i could not refuse to labour in this field, however, when after- wards desired to do so; and i was from this time frequently called upon, not by blacks alone, but by all classes in my vicinity—the comparatively edu- cated, as well as the lamentably ignorant—to speak to them on their duty, responsibility, and immor- tality, on their obligations to themselves, their saviour, and their maker. i am aware it must seem strange to many that a man so ignorant, unable to read, and having heard so little as i had of religion, natural or revealed, should be able to preach acceptably to persons who had enjoyed greater advantages than myself. i can explain it only by reference to our saviour's com- parison of the kingdom of heaven to a plant which may spring from a seed no bigger than a mustard- new scenes and a new home. seed, and may yet reach such a size, that the birds of the air may take shelter therein. religion is not so much knowledge as wisdom; and observation upon what passes without, and reflection upon what passes within a man’s heart, will give him a larger growth in grace than is imagined by the devoted adherents of creeds, or the confident followers of christ, who call him “lord, lord,” but do not the things which he says. mr. hibbard was good enough to give my eldest boy, tom, two quarters’ schooling, to which the schoolmaster added more, of his own kindness, so that my boy learned to read fluently and well. it was a great advantage, not only to him, but to me; for i used to get him to read much to me in the bible, especially on sunday mornings, when i was going to preach ; and i could easily commit to memory a few verses, or a chapter, from hearing him read it over. one beautiful summer sabbath i rose early, and called him to come and read to me. “where shall i read, father?” “anywhere, my son,” i answered, for i knew not how to direct him. he opened upon psalm ciii., “bless the lord, o my soul: and all that is within me, bless his holy name;” and as he read this beautiful outpouring of gratitude, which i now first heard, my heart melted within me. i recalled, with all the rapidity of which thought is capable, the whole current of my life; and, as i remembered the dangers and afflictions from which the lord had delivered me, and compared my pre- sent condition with what it had been, not only my mrs. h. beecher stowe’s “uncle tom.” heart but my eyes overflowed, and i could neither check nor conceal the emotion which overpowered me. the words, “bless the lord, o my soul,” with which the psalm begins and ends, were all i needed, or could use, to express the fulness of my thankful heart. when he had finished, tom turned to me and asked, “father, who was david p” he had observed my excitement, and added, “he writes pretty, don’t he p” and then repeated his question. it was a question i was utterly unable to answer. i had never heard of david, but could not bear to acknowledge my ignorance to my own child. so i answered, evasively, “he was a man of god, my son.” “i suppose so,” said he, “but i want to know something more about him. where did he live? what did he do?” as he went on question- ing me, i saw it was in vain to attempt to escape, and so i told him frankly i did not know. “why, father,” said he, “can’t you read?” this was a worse question than the other, and, if i had any pride in me at the moment, it took it all out of me pretty quick. it was a direct question, and must have a direct answer; so i told him at once i could not. “why not?” said he. “because i never had an opportunity to learn, nor anybody to teach me.” “well, you can learn now, father.” “no, my son, i am too old, and have not time enough. i must work all day, or you would not have enough to eat.” “then you might do it at night.” “but still there is nobody to teach me. i can't afford to pay anybody for it, and, of course, no one can do it for nothing.” “why, father, i’ll teach you. i can do it, i know. new scenes and a new home. and then you’ll know so much more that you will be able to talk better, and preach better.” the little fellow was so earnest, there was no resisting him; but it is hard to describe the conflicting feel- ings within me at such a proposition from such a quarter. i was delighted with the conviction that my children would have advantages i had never enjoyed; but it was no slight mortification to think of being instructed by my young son. yet am- bition, and a true desire to learn, for the good it would do my own mind, conquered the shame, and i agreed to try. but i did not reach this state of mind instantly. i was greatly moved by the conversation i had with tom, so much so, that i could not undertake to preach that day. the congregation were disap- pointed, and i passed the sunday in solitary reflec- tion in the woods. i was too much engrossed with the multitude of my thoughts to return home to dinner, and spent the whole day in secret meditation and prayer, trying to compose myself, and ascertain my true position. it was not difficult to see that my predicament was one of profound ignorance, and that i ought to use every opportunity of enlighten- ing it. i began to take lessons of tom, therefore, immediately, and followed it up every evening, by the light of a pine knot, or some hickory bark, which was the only light i could afford. weeks passed, and my progress was so slow that poor tom was almost discouraged, and used to drop asleep sometimes, and whine a little over my dulness, and talk to me very much as a schoolmaster talks to a mrs. h. beecher stowe’s “uncle tom.” stupid boy, till i began to be afraid that my age, nearly fifty, my want of practice in looking at such little scratches, the daily fatigue, and the dim light, would be effectual preventives of my ever acquiring the art of reading. but tom's perseverance and mine conquered at last, and in the course of the winter i did really learn to read a little. it was, and has been ever since, a great comfort to me to have made this acquisition; though it has made me comprehend better the terrible abyss of ignorance into which i had been plunged all my previous life. it made me also feel more deeply and bitterly the oppression under which i had toiled and groaned, the crushing and cruel nature of which i had not appreciated, till i found out, in some slight degree, from what i had been debarred. at the same time it made me more anxious than before, to do something for the rescue and the elevation of those who were suffering the same evils i had endured, and who did not know how degraded and ignorant they really were. chapter xv. iife in canada. condition of the blacks in canada.—a tour of exploration. —appeal to the legislature. –improvements. a". about three years had passed, i improved my condition again by taking service with a gentleman by the name of riseley, whose residence was only a few miles distant. he was a man of more elevation of mind than mr. hibbard, and of superior abilities. at his place i began to reflect, more and more, upon the circumstances of the blacks, who were already somewhat numerous in this region. i was not the only one who had escaped from the states, and had settled on the first spot in canada which they had reached. several hundreds of coloured persons were in the neighbour- hood, and, in the first joy of their deliverance, they were living in a way, which, i could see, led to little or no progress in improvement. they were content to have the proceeds of their labour at their own command, and had not the ambition for, or the per- ception of what was within their easy reach, if they did but know it. they were generally working for hire upon the lands of others, and had not yet dreamed of becoming independent proprietors them- selves. it soon became my great object to awaken mrs. h. beecher stowe’s “ uncle tom.” them to a sense of the advantages which were within their grasp ; and mr. riseley, seeing clearly the justness of my views, and willing to co-operate with me in the attempt to make them generally known among the blacks, permitted me to call meetings at his house of those who were known to be amongst the most intelligent and successful of our class. at these meetings we considered and dis- cussed the subject, till we were all of one mind; and it was agreed, among the ten or twelve of us who assembled at them, that we would invest our earnings in land, and undertake the task—which, though no light one certainly, would yet soon reward us for our effort—of settling upon wild lands, which we could call our own, and where every tree which we felled, and every bushel of corn we raised, would be for ourselves; in other words, where we could secure all the profits of our own labour. the advantages of such a course of procedure have been exemplified for two hundred years and more, by the people who have thereby acquired an indestructible character for energy, enterprise, and self-reliance. it was precisely this energetic spirit which i wished to instil into my fellow-slaves, if possible; and i was not deterred from the task by the perception of the immense contrast in all their habits and character generated by long ages of free- dom and servitude, activity and sloth, independence and subjection. my associates agreed with me, and we resolved to select some spot among the many offered to our choice, where we could colonize, and raise our own crops, eat our own bread, and be, in iife in canada. short, our own masters. i was deputed to explore the country, and find a place to which i would be willing to migrate myself; and they all said they would go with me, whenever such a one should be found. i set out accordingly in the autumn of , and travelled on foot all over the extensive region between lakes ontario, erie, and huron. when i came to the territory east of lake st. clair and detroit river, i was strongly impressed with its fertility and its superiority, for all our purposes, to any other spot i had seen. i determined this should be the place; and so reported, on my return, to my future companions. they were wisely cautious, however, and sent me off again in the summer, that i might see it at the opposite seasons of the year, and be better able to judge of its advantages. i found no reason to change my opinion, but upon going farther towards the head of lake erie, i discovered an extensive tract of government-land, which, for some years, had been granted to a mr. mccormick upon certain conditions, and which he had rented out to settlers upon such terms as he could obtain. this land being already cleared, offered some advantages for the immediate raising of crops, which were not to be overlooked by per- sons whose resources were so limited as ours. we determined to go there first, for a time, and with the proceeds of what we could earn there, to make our purchases in dawn afterwards. this plan was followed, and some dozen or more of us settled upon those lands the following spring, and accumulated something by the crops of wheat and tobacco we were able to raise. mrs. h. beecher stowe’s “uncle tom.” i discovered, before long, that mccormick had not complied with the conditions of his grant, and was not, therefore, entitled to the rent he exacted from the settlers. i was advised by sir john cock- burn, to whom i applied on the subject, to appeal to the legislature for relief. we did so; and though mccormick was able, by the aid of his friends, to defeat us for one year, yet we succeeded the next, upon a second appeal, and were freed from all rent thereafter, so long as we remained. still, this was not our own land. the government, though it de- manded no rent, might set up the land for sale at any time, and then we should, probably, be driven off by wealthier purchasers, with the entire loss of all our improvements, and with no retreat provided. it was manifest that it was altogether better for us to purchase before competition was invited; and we kept this fully in mind during the time we stayed there. we remained in this position six or seven years; and all this while the coloured population was increasing rapidly around us, and spreading very fast into the interior settlements and the large towns. the immigration from the united states was incessant, and some, i am willing to admit, were brought hither with my knowledge and con- nivance; and i will now proceed to give a short account of the plans and operations i had arranged for the liberation of some of my brethren, which i hope may prove interesting to the reader. chapter xvi. conducting slaves to canada. sympathy for the slaves. —-james lightfoot. —my first mission to the south.—a kentucky company of fugitiyes. —safe at home. can never be properly felt by him while he remains in such a position. after i had tasted the blessings of freedom, my mind reverted to those whom i knew were groaning in captivity, and i at once proceeded to take measures to free as many as i could. i thought that, by using exertion, num- bers might make their escape as i did, if they had some practical advice how to proceed. i was once attending a very large meeting at fort erie, at which a great many coloured people were present. in the course of my preaching, i tried to impress upon them the importance of the obliga- tions they were under; first, to god, for their de- liverance; and then, secondly, to their fellow-men, to do all that was in their power to bring others out of bondage. in the congregation was a man named james lightfoot, who was of a very active tempera- ment, and had obtained his freedom by fleeing to canada, but had never thought of his family and friends whom he had left behind, until the time he tº degraded and hopeless condition of a slave mrs. h. beecher stowe’s “uncle tom.” heard me speaking, although he himself had been free for some five years. however, that day the cause was brought home to his heart. when the service was concluded, he begged to have an inter- view with me, to which i gladly acceded, and an arrangement was made for further conversation on the same subject one week from that time. he then informed me where he came from, also to whom he belonged, and that he had left behind a dear father and mother, three sisters and four brothers; and that they lived on the ohio river, not far from the city of maysville. he said that he never saw his duty towards them to be so clear and unmistakable as he did at that time, and professed himself ready to co-operate in any measures that might be devised for their release. during the short period of his freedom he had accumulated some little property, the whole of which, he stated, he would cheerfully devote to carrying out those measures; for he had no rest, night nor day, since the meeting above mentioned. i was not able at that time to propose what was best to be done, and thus we parted; but in a few days he came to see me again on the same errand. seeing the agony of his heart in behalf of his kindred, i consented to commence the painful and dangerous task of endeavouring to free those whom he so much loved. i left my own family in the hands of no other save god, and commenced the journey alone, on foot, and travelled thus about four hundred miles. but the lord furnished me with strength sufficient for the undertaking. i passed conducting slaves to canada. through the states of new york, pennsylvania, and ohio–free states, so called—crossed the ohio river into kentucky, and ultimately found his friends in the place he had described. i was an entire stranger to them, but i took with me a small token of their brother who was gone, which they at once recognised; and this was to let them know that he had gone to canada, the land of freedom, and had now sent a friend to assist them in making their escape. this created no little excite- ment. but his parents had become so far advanced in years that they could not undertake the fatigue; his sisters had a number of children, and they could not travel; his four brothers and a nephew were young men, and sufficiently able for the journey, but the thought of leaving their father, and mother, and sisters, was too painful; and they also considered it unsafe to make the attempt then, for fear that the excitement and grief of their friends might betray them; so they declined going at that time, but prom- ised that they would go in a year if i would return for them. to this i assented, and then went between forty and fifty miles into the interior of kentucky, having heard that there was a large party ready to attempt their escape if they had a leader to direct their movements. i travelled by night, resting by day, and at length reached bourbon county, the place where i expected to find these people. after a delay of about a week, spent in discussing plans, making arrangements, and other matters, i found that there were about thirty collected from different states, who h mrs. h. beecher stowe’s “uncle tom.” were disposed to make the attempt. at length, on a saturday night, we started. the agony of parting can be better conceived than described; as, in their case, husbands were leaving their wives, mothers their children, and children their parents. this, at first sight, will appear strange, and even incredible; but, when we take into consideration the fact, that at any time they were liable to be separated, by being sold to what are termed “nigger traders,” and the probability that such an event would take place, it will, i think, cease to excite any surprise. we succeeded in crossing the ohio river in safety, and arrived in cincinnati the third night after our departure. here we procured assistance; and, after stopping a short time to rest, we started for rich- mond, indiana. this is a town which had been settled by quakers, and there we found friends in- deed, who at once helped us on our way, without loss of time; and after a difficult journey of two weeks, through the wilderness, we reached toledo, ohio, a town on the south-western shore of lake erie, and there we took passage for canada, which we reached in safety. i then went home to my family, taking with me a part of this large party, the rest finding their friends scattered in other towns, perfectly satisfied with my conduct in the matter, in being permitted to be the instrument of freeing such a number of my fellow-creatures. º chapter xvii. “second journey on the underground railroad. shower of stars.–kentuckians.--a stratagem.–a provi- dencf.-conducted across the miami river by a cow.— arrival at cincinnati.-one of the party taken ill.-wn leave iiim to die.-meet a “friend."—a poor white man. -a strange impression.-once more in canada. remained at home, working on my farm, until the next autumn, about the time i had pro- mised to assist in the restoring to liberty the friends of james lightfoot, the individual who had excited my sympathy at the meeting at fort erie. in pur- suance of this promise, i again started on my long journey into kentucky. on my way, that strange occurrence happened, called the great meteoric shower. the heavens seemed broken up into streaks of light and falling stars. i reached lancaster, ohio, at three o'clock in the morning, found the village aroused, the bells ringing, and the people exclaiming, “the day of judgment is come !” i thought it was probably so; but felt that i was in the right business, and walked on through the village, leaving the terrified people behind. the stars continued to fall till the light of the sun appeared. on arriving at portsmouth, in the state of ohio, mrs. h. beecher stowe’s “uncle tom.” i had a very narrow escape from being detected. the place was frequented by a number of kentuckians, who were quite ready to suspect a coloured man, if they saw anything unusual about him. i reached portsmouth in the morning, and waited until two in the afternoon for the steamboat, so that i might not arrive in maysville till after dark. while in the town i was obliged to resort to a stratagem, in order to avoid being questioned by the kentuckians i saw in the place. to this end i procured some dried leaves, put them into a cloth and bound it all round my face, reaching nearly to my eyes, and pretended to be so seriously affected in my head and teeth as not to be able to speak. i then hung around the village till the time for the evening boat, so as to arrive at maysville in the night. i was accosted by several during my short stay in ports- mouth, who appeared very anxious to get some particulars from me as to who i was, where i was going, and to whom i belonged. to all their numerous inquiries i merely shook my head, mumbled out indistinct answers, and acted so that they could not get anything out of me; and, by this artifice, i cceeded in avoiding any unpleasant consequences. i got on board the boat and reached. maysville, kentucky, in the evening, about a fort- night from the time i had left canada. on landing, a wonderful providence happened to me. the second person i met in the street was jefferson lightfoot, brother of the james lightfoot previously mentioned, and one of the party who had promised to escape if i would assist them. he stated journey on the underground railroad. that they were still determined to make the attempt, decided to put it into execution the following satur- day night, and preparations for the journey were at once commenced. the reason why saturday night was chosen on this and the previous occasion was, that from not having to labour the next day, and being allowed to visit their families, they would not be missed until the time came for their usual appear- ance in the field, at which period they would be some eighty or a hundred miles away. during the interval i had to keep myself concealed by day, and used to meet them by night to make the necessary arrangements. - from fear of being detected, they started of with- out bidding their father or mother farewell, and then, in order to prevent the bloodhounds from fol- lowing on our trail, we seized a skiff, a little below the city, and made our way down the river. it was not the shortest way, but it was the surest. it was sixty-five miles from maysville to cin- cinnati, and we thought we could reach that city before daylight, and then take the stage for sandusky. our boat sprung a leak before we had got half way, and we narrowly escaped being drowned; provi- dentially, however, we got to the shore before the boat sunk. we then took another boat, but this detention prevented us from arriving at cincinnati in time for the stage. day broke upon us when we were about ten miles above the city, and we were compelled to leave our boat from fear of being apprehended. this was an anxious time. however, we had got so far away that we knew there was no * ve. mrs. h. beecher stowe’s “uncle tom.” danger of being discovered by the hounds, and we thought we would go on foot. when we got within seven miles of cincinnati, we came to the miami river, and we could not reach the city without crossing it. - this was a great barrier to us, for the water ap- peared to be deep, and we were afraid to ask the loan of a boat, being apprehensive it might lead to our detection. we went first up and then down the river, trying to find a convenient crossing-place, but failed. i then said to my company, “boys, let us. go up the river and try again.” we started, and after going about a mile we saw a cow coming out of a wood, and going to the river as though she in- tended to drink. then said i, “boys, let us go. and see what the cow is about, it may be that she will tell us some news.” i said this in order to: cheer them up. one of them replied, in rather a. peevish way, “oh, that cow can't talk; ” but i again urged them to come on. the cow remained until we approached her within a rod or two; she then walked into the river, and went straight across without swimming, which caused me to remark, “the lord sent that cow to show us where to cross the river!” this has always seemed to me to be a very wonderful event. - having urged our way with considerable haste, we were literally saturated with perspiration, though it was snowing at the time, and my companions thought that it would be highly dangerous for us to proceed through the water, especially as there was a large- quantity of ice in the river. but as it was a ques- journey on the underground railroad. tion of life or death with us, there was no time left for reasoning; i therefore advanced—they reluctantly following. the youngest of the lightfoots, ere we reached halfway over the river, was seized with violent contraction of the limbs, which prevented further self-exertion on his part; he was, therefore, carried the remainder of the distance. after resort- ing to continued friction, he partially recovered, and we proceeded on our journey. we reached cincinnati about eleven on sunday morning, too late for the stage that day; but having found some friends, we hid ourselves until monday evening, when we recommenced our long and toil- some journey, through mud, rain, and snow, towards canada. we had increased our distance about one hundred miles, by going out of our road to get among the quakers. during our passage through the woods, the boy before referred to was taken alarmingly ill, and we were compelled to proceed with him on our backs; but finding this mode of conveying him exceedingly irksome, we constructed a kind of litter with our shirts and handkerchiefs laid across poles. by this time we got into the state of indiana, so that we could travel by day as long as we kept to the woods. our patient continued to get worse, and it appeared, both to himself and to us, that death would soon release him from his suffer- ings. he therefore begged to be left in some secluded spot, to die alone, as he feared that the delay occasioned by his having to be carried through the bush, might lead to the capture of the whole company. with very considerable reluctance we mrs. h. beecher stowe’s “uncle tom.” º acceded to his request, and laid him in a sheltered place, with a full expectation that death would soon put an end to his sufferings. the poor fellow ex- pressed his readiness to meet the last struggle in hope of eternal life. sad, indeed, was the parting; and it was with difficulty we tore ourselves away. we had not, however, proceeded more than two miles on our journey, when one of the brothers of the dying man made a sudden stop, and expressed his in- ability to proceed whilst he had the consciousness that he had left his brother to perish, in all pro- bability, a prey to the devouring wolves. his grief was so great that we determined to return, and at length reached the spot, where we found the poor fellow apparently dying, moaning out with every breath a prayer to heaven. words cannot describe the joyousness experienced by the lightfoots when they saw their poor afflicted brother once more; they literally danced for joy. we at once prepared to resume our journey as we best could, and once more penetrated the bush. after making some progress, we saw, at a little distance on the road, a waggon approaching, and i immediately determined to ascer- tain whether some assistance could not be obtained. i at length circumvented the road, so as to make it appear that i had been journeying in an opposite direction to that which the waggon was taking. when i came up with the driver, i bade him good day. he said, “where is thee going?” “to canada.” i saw his coat, heard his thee and thou, and set him down for a quaker. i therefore plainly told him our circumstances. he at once stopped his journey on the underground railroad. s jhorses, and expressed his willingness to assist us. i returned to the place where my companions were in waiting for me, and soon had them in the presence of the quaker. immediately on viewing the sufferer he was moved to tears, and without delay turned his horses' heads, to proceed in the direction of his home, although he had intended to go to a distant market with a load of produce for sale. the reception we met with from the quaker's family overjoyed our hearts, and the transports with which the poor men looked upon their brother, now so favourably circum- stanced, cannot be described. we remained with this happy family for the night, and received from them every kindness. it was arranged that the boy should remain behind, until, -through the blessing of god, he should recover. we were kindly provided by them with a sack of biscuit and a joint of meat, and once more set our faces in the direction of lake erie. after proceeding some distance on our road, we perceived a white man approaching, but as he was travelling alone, and on foot, we were not alarmed at his presence. it turned out that he had been re- siding for some time in the south, and although a free white man, his employers had attempted to castigate him; in return for which he had used violence, which made it necessary that he should at once escape. we travelled in company, and found that his presence was of signal service to us in de- livering us out of the hands of the slave-hunters who were now on our track, and eagerly grasping after their prey. we had resolved on reaching the lake, i mrs. h. beecher stowe’s “uncle tom.” a distance of forty miles, by the following morning; we, therefore, walked all night. - just as the day was breaking, we reached a way- side tavern, immediately contiguous to the lake, and our white companion having knocked up the land- land, ordered breakfast for six. whilst our breakfast. was in course of preparation, we dosed off into slum- ber, wearied with our long-continued exertion. just as our breakfast was ready, whilst half-asleep. and half-awake, an impression came forcibly upon. me that danger was nigh, and that i must at once leave the house. i immediately urged my com- panions to follow me out, which they were exceed- ingly unwilling to do; but as they had promised me. submission, they at length yielded to my request. we retired to the yard at the side of the house, and commenced washing ourselves with the snow, which was now up to our knees. presently we heard the tramping of horses, and were at once warned of the necessity of secreting ourselves. we crept beneath a pile of bushes, close at hand, which permitted a full view of the road. the horsemen came to a dead stop at the door of the house, and commenced their inquiries; my companions at once recognised the parties on horseback, and whispered their names to me. this was a critical moment, and the loud beat- ings of their hearts testified the dreadful alarm with which they viewed the seene. had we been within doors, we should have been inevitably sacrificed. our white friend proceeded to the door in advance of the landlord, and maintained his position. he was at once interrogated by the slave-hunters whether he journey on the underground railroad. i. . had seen any negroes pass that way. he said, yes,. he thought he had. their number was demanded, and they were told about six, and that they were: proceeding in the direction of detroit; and that they might be some few miles on the road. they at once reigned their horses, which were greatly fatigued, through having been ridden all night, and were soon out of sight. we at length ventured into the house, and devoured breakfast in an incredibly short space of time. after what had transpired, the landlord became acquainted with our circumstances, and at once offered to sail us in his boat across to canada. we were happy enough to have such an offer, and soon the white sail of our little bark was laying to . the wind, and we were gliding along on our way, with the land of liberty in full view. words can- not describe the feelings experienced by my com- panions as they neared the shore—their bosoms were: swelling with inexpressible joy as they mounted the seats of the boat, ready, eagerly, to spring forward, that they might touch the soil of the freeman. and when they reached the shore, they danced and wept for joy, and kissed the earth on which they first. stepped, no longer the slave–but the free. after the lapse of a few months, on one joyous. sabbath morning, i had the happiness of clasping the poor boy we had left in the kind care of the quaker, no longer attenuated in frame, but robust and healthy, and surrounded by his family. thus my joy was consummated, and superadded were the blessings of those who were ready to perish, which came upon me. it is one of the greatest sources of mrs. h. beecher stowe’s “uncle tom.” my happiness to know, that by similar means to those above narrated, i have been instrumental in delivering one hundred and eighteen human beings out of the cruel and merciless grasp of the slave- holder. mr. frank taylor, the owner of the lightfoots, whose escape i have just narrated, soon after he missed his slaves, fell ill, and became quite deranged; on recovering, he was persuaded by his friends to free the remainder of the family of the lightfoots, which he at length did, and after a short lapse of time, they all met each other in canada, where they are now living. chapter xviii. fiome at dawn. condition in canada.—efforts in behalf of my people.- rev. m.r. wilson.—a convention of blacks.–manual-labour. school. did not find that our prosperity increased with i our numbers. the mere delight the slaves. . took in their freedom, rendered them, at first, con- tented with a lot far inferior to that to which they might have attained. their ignorance often led them to make unprofitable bargains, and they would often hire wild land on short terms, and bind them- selves to clear a certain number of acres. but by the time they were cleared and fitted for cultivation, and the lease was out, the landlords would take posses- sion of the cleared land and raise a splendid crop on it. the tenants would, very likely, start again on just such another bargain, and be no better off at the end of ten years than at the beginning. another way in which they lost the profits of their labour was by raising nothing but tobacco, the high price of which was very tempting, and the cultivation of which was a monopoly in their hands, as no white man understood it, or could compete with them at all. the consequence was, however, that the had mrs. h. beecher stowe’s “uncle tom.” nothing but tobacco to sell, and soon there was rather too much of it in the market, and the price of wheat rose, while their commodity was depressed; hence they lost all they should have saved, in the profit they gave the trader for his corn and stores. i saw the effect of these things so clearly, that i could not help trying to make my friends and neigh- bours see it too; and i set seriously about the business of lecturing upon the subject of crops, wages, and profit, just as if i had been brought up to it. i insisted on the necessity of their raising their own crops, saving their own wages, and securing the profits of their own labour, using such plain arguments as occurred to me, and were as clear to their comprehension as to mine. i did this very openly ; and, frequently, my audience con- sisted in part of the very traders whose inordinate profits upon individuals i was trying to diminish, but whose balance of profit would not be ultimately lessened, because they would have so many more persons to trade with, who would be able to pay them a reasonable advance in cash, or its equivalent, on all their purchases. the purse is a tender part of the system; but i handled it so gently, that the sensible portion of my natural opponents were not, i believe, offended; while those whom i wished to benefit, saw, for the most part, the propriety of my advice, and took it. at least, there are now great numbers of coloured fugitives, in this region of canada, who own their farms, are training up their children in true independence, and giving them a good elementary education, who had not taken a home at dawn. singlé step towards such a result before i began to talk to them. while i remained at colchester, i became ac- quainted with a congregational missionary from massachusetts, by the name of hiram wilson, who took an interest in our people, and was disposed to do what he could to promote the cause of improve- ment which i had so much at heart. he co- operated with me in many efforts, and i have been associated with him for over thirty years. he has been a faithful friend, and still continues his im- portant labours of love in our behalf. among other things, he wrote to a quaker friend of his, an englishman, by the name of james c. fuller, residing at skeneateles, new york, and endeavoured to interest him in the welfare of our struggling population. he succeeded so far, that mr. fuller, who was going on a visit to england, promised to interest his friends there, to induce them to aid us. he came back with fifteen hundred dollars which had been subscribed for our benefit. it was a great ques- tion how this sum, which sounded vast to many of my brethren, should be appropriated. i had my own decided opinion as to what it was best for us all to do with it. but, in order to come to a satisfac- tory conclusion, it was thought expedient to call a convention of delegates from every settlement of blacks that was within reach; that all might see that the ultimate decision was sanctioned by the disinterested votes of those who were thought by their companions best able to judge what would meet * * mrs. h. beecher stowe’s “uncle tom.” the wants of our community. mr. wilson and myself, therefore, called such a convention, to meet. in london, upper canada, and it was held in june, . i urged the appropriation of the money to the establishment of a manual-labour school, at which our children could gain those elements of knowledge which are usually taught in a grammar-school. i urged that the boys should be taught, in addition, the practice of some mechanical art, and the girls, should be instructed in those domestic arts which are the proper occupation and ornament of their sex; and that such an establishment would not only train up those who would afterwards instruct others, but that it would gradually enable us to become inde- pendent of the white man for our intellectual progress, as we could be for our physical prosperity. it was the more necessary, as in many districts, owing to the insurmountable prejudices of the in- habitants, the children of the blacks were not allowed. to share the advantages of the common school. there was some opposition to this plan in the con- vention; but in the course of the discussion, which continued for three days, it appeared so obviously for the advantage of all to husband this donation, so- as to preserve it for a purpose of permanent utility, that the proposal was, at last, unanimously adopted; and a committee of three was appointed to select and purchase a site for the establishment. mr. wilson and myself were the active members of this committee, and after traversing the country for several months, we could find no place more suitable home at dawn. than that upon which i had had my eye for three or four years, for a permanent settlement, in the town of dawn. , - we therefore bought two hundred acres of fine rich land, on the river sydenham, covered with a heavy growth of black walnut and white wood, at , four dollars the acre. i had made a bargain for two hundred acres adjoining this lot, on my own account; and circumstances favoured me so, that the man of whom i purchased, was glad to let me have them at a large discount from the price i had agreed to pay, if i would give him cash for the balance i owed him. i transferred a portion of the advantage of this bargain to the institution, by selling to it one hundred acres more, at the low price at which i obtained them. in i removed with my family to dawn, and as a considerable number of my friends were soon there about me, and the school was permanently fixed there, as we thought, the future importance of this settlement seemed to be decided. there are many other settlements which are prosperous; in- deed, the coloured population is scattered over a territory which does not fall far short of three hundred miles in extent, in each direction, and pro- bably numbers not less than twenty thousand persons in all. we looked to the school, and the possession of landed property by individuals, as two great means by which our oppressed and degraded race could be elevated to enjoy a participation in the blessings of civilisation, whereas they had hitherto been permitted to share only its miseries and vices. i mrs. h. beecher stowe’s “uncle tom.” my efforts to aid them, in every way in my power, and to procure the aid of others for them, have been. constant. i have made many journeys into new york, connecticut, massachusetts, and maine, in all: of which states i have found or made many friends to the cause, as well as personal friends. i have received many liberal gifts for my people, and ex- perienced much kindness of treatment; but i must be allowed to allude particularly to the donations. received from boston—by which we were enabled to: erect a sawmill, and thus to begin in good earnest the clearing of our lands, and to secure a profitable return for the support of our school—as among those which have been most welcome and valuable to us. some of the trips i have made, have led to some incidents and observations which must be the theme. of a future chapter. chapter xix: lumbering offrations. industrial project.-find some able friends in boston.— procure funds and construct a sawmill.-sales of lumber in boston.-incident in the custom house. he land on which we settled in canada was t covered with a beautiful forest of noble trees of various kinds. our people were accustomed to cut them down and burn them on the ground, simply to get rid of them. often as i roamed through the forest, i was afflicted at seeing such waste, and longed to devise some means of converting this abundant natural wealth into money, so as to im- prove the condition of the people. full of this subject, i left my home on a journey of observation through the state of new york, and new england. i kept my purposes to myself, not breathing a word of my intentions to any mortal. i found in new york, mills where precisely such logs as those in canada were sawed into lumber, which i learned commanded large prices. in new england i found a ready market for the black walnut, white wood, and other lumber, such as abounded and was wasted in canada. on reaching boston, mass., i made known these mrs. h. beecher stowe’s “uncle tom.” facts and my feelings to some philanthropic gentle- men with whom i had become acquainted. it can- not be improper for me to mention the names of these gentlemen, who lent so ready an ear to my repre- sentations, and placed so much confidence in my judgment, that they furnished me with the means of starting what has since proved a very profitable enterprise. rev. ephraim peabody introduced me to samuel elliot, esq., who was kind enough to examine care- fully into all my representations, and to draw up a sketch of them, which was afterwards presented to amos lawrence, esq., and others. by means of this, many of the leading gentlemen of boston con- tributed about fourteen hundred dollars, to aid me in this enterprise. - with this money i returned to canada, and im- mediately set myself about building a sawmill in camden (then dawn). the improvement in the sur- rounding section was astonishing. the people began to labour in earnest, and the progress in clearing and cultivating the land was cheering. - but after the framework of my mill was com- pleted and covered, my scanty funds were exhausted. this was a trying time. i had begun the work in faith, i had expended the money honestly, and to the best of my judgment, and now should the whole enterprise fail? i immediately returned to my boston friends. amos lawrence, h. ingersoll bow- ditch, and samuel a. elliot, esqs., listened to me again, and gave me to understand that they deemed me an honest man. they encouraged me in my lumbering operations. business-enterprise, and the approval of such men was like balm to my soul. they endorsed a note for me and put it into the bank, by which i was enabled to borrow, on my own responsibility, about eighteen hundred dollars more. with this i soon completed the mill, stocked it with machinery, and had the pleasure of seeing it in successful operation. i ought here to add, that the mill was not to be my own private property, but to belong to the association, which established an excellent manual-labour school, where many children and youth of both sexes have been educated. the school was well-attended by coloured children, whites, and some indians. this enterprise having been completed to a great extent by my own labour and the labour of my own sons, who took charge of the mill, i immediately began to consider how i could discharge my pecu- niary obligations. i chartered a vessel, and loaded it with eighty thousand feet of good prime black walnut-lumber, sawed in our mill, and contracted with the captain to deliver it for me at oswego, n. y. i entered into a contract there with a party to have it delivered at boston, but the party having forwarded it to new york, failed to.carry it any farther. there great efforts were made to cheat me out of the lumber, but, by the good friendship of mr. lawrence, of boston, who furnished me the means of having it reshipped, i succeeded in bringing the whole eighty thousand feet safely to boston, where i sold it to mr. jonas chickering for forty-five dollars per thousand feet. the proceeds paid all expenses, and would have cancelled all the mrs. h. beecher stowe’s “uncle tom.” debts i had incurred; but my friends insisted that i should retain a part of the funds for future use. after that i brought another large load of lumber by the same route. the next season i brought a large cargo oy the river st. lawrence, which came direct to boston, where, without the aid of any agent or third party whatever, i paid my own duties, got the lumber through the custom house, and sold it at a hand- some profit. a little incident occurred when paying the duties, which has often since afforded me a great deal of amusement. the fugitive slave law had just been passed in the united states, which made it quite an offence to harbour or render aid to a fugitive slave. when the custom house officer pre- sented his bill to me for the duties on my lumber, i jokingly remarked to him that perhaps he would render himself liable to trouble if he should have dealings with a fugitive slave, and if so, i would relieve him of the trouble of taking my money. “are you a fugitive slave, sir?” “yes, sir,” said i; “and perhaps you had better not have any dealings with me.” “i have nothing to do with that,” said the official; “there is your bill. you have acted like a man, and i deal with you as a man.” i enjoyed the scene, and the bystanders seemed to relish it, and i paid him the money. i look back upon the enterprise related in this chapter with a great deal of pleasure, for the mill which was then built, introduced an entire change in the appearance of that section of the country, and in the habits of the people. *** -, --~~ chapter xx. visit to england. ºpdbt on the institution.—a new pecuniary enterprise.- letters of recommendation to england.—personal diffi- culties.–called an impostor.-triumphant wictory over these troubles. y interest in the manual labour school in dawn, was the means of my visiting eng- ſland. those who have never engaged in such business, can have no idea of the many difficulties connected with so great an enterprise. in spite of all the efforts of the association, a debt of about seven thousand five hundred dollars rested upon it. a meeting of its trustees and friends, in the year , was called to consider its condition, and to devise, if possible, some means for its relief. after a long discussion of the matter, it was finally deter- mined to separate the concern into two departments, and put it under the charge of two parties, the ong to take the mill and a certain portion of the land for four years, and to pay all the debts of the institution in that time; and the other party to take the other £buildings and land, and to conduct the school. a certain party was found willing to assume the school. but it was more difficult to find one who mrs. h. beecher stowe’s “uncle tom.” would be enterprising enough to take the mill for four years encumbered with a debt of seven thousand five hundred dollars. at length i concluded to do it, provided that mr. peter b. smith would assume an equal share of the responsibility, and attend to the business of the mill. he readily consented. i decided to go to england, carry with me some of the best specimens of black walnut-boards our farm would produce and exhibit them in the world's great industrial exhibition, then in session at lon- don, and perhaps negotiate there for the sale of lumber. i accordingly left for england, being readily furnished with very complimentary letters of intro- duction to such men as thomas binney, samuel gurney, lord brougham, hon. abbot lawrence, then american minister to england, from rev. john rolfe, of toronto, chief justice robinson, sir allen mcnab, col. john prince, rev. dr. duffield, of detroit, michigan; judge conant, of the same city; hon. ross wilkinson, u. s. judge, residing also in detroit ; hon. charles sumner and amos law- rence, esq., of massachusetts. from the gentlemen above mentioned, i had in england a most cordial reception, and was immediately introduced to the very best society in the kingdom. i regret exceedingly to make any allusions to per- sonal difficulties, or to individuals who have pursued an unjust and unchristian course towards me or others, but i cannot give anything like a correct view of this part of my history, without, at least, a brief allusion to these difficulties. visit to england. . it was undoubtedly the plan of certain individuals of the party who assumed the care of the school, probably from unworthy sectarian feelings, to obtain entire possession of the property of the association, or certainly, completely to destroy my influence over it and connection with it. much to my astonishment, therefore, when i had arrived in england, and had been cordially received by the men above mentioned, and had preached in the pulpits of rev. thomas binney, baptist noel, william brock, james sherman, george smith, and dr. burns, in london, and had already introduced my enterprise before a portion of the british public, i was confronted by a printed circular, to the following effect: “that one styling himself rev. josiah hen- son was an impostor, obtaining money under false pretences; that he could exhibit no good credentials; that whatever money he might obtain would not be appropriated according to the wish of the donors, and that the said josiah henson was an artful, skil- ful, and eloquent man, and would probably deceive the public.” this was a severe blow, but fortunately i had already requested my friends to appoint a committee of twelve persons to examine carefully into the merits of my enterprise, and particularly desired that this committee should appoint a sub-committee of three, and a treasurer, to receive every farthing contributed to me by the public, and to appropriate it only as they should deem proper. this committee had been appointed, and consisted of samuel gurney, samuel gurney, junior, samuel morley, esq., george hitchcock, esq., rev. james sherman, rev. thomas mrs. h. beecher stowe’s “ uncle tom.” binney, rev. john branch, eusebius smith, esq., john scobell, secretary of the british and foreign anti-slavery society, lord ashley (now earl of shaftesbury), george sturge, and thomas sturge. the sub-committee of three were, john scobell, rev. ..john branch, and eusebius smith, who appointed samuel gurney, junior, treasurer. many of the above names are known throughout the world. when the above attack was made upon me, a meeting of those interested in my cause was called, and my accuser, who was in the country, was re- quested to meet me face to face. i believe all the difficulty arose from little petty jealousies, fostered, perhaps, by the unworthy influ- ences of slavery, over the misguided people who were for a time misled by false representations. we met before a company of english gentlemen, who heard all that my accuser had to say. they asked me for a reply. i simply restated to them the facts i had previously made known. i reminded them that a man who devotes himself to doing good, must and will be misunderstood and have enemies. i called their attention to the misinterpretation of their own motives made by their enemies. i related to them the parable of christ about the wheat and the tares. my recommendatory letters were re-read —a sufficient reply to the allegation that i was an impostor. º they assured me of their entire confidence and satisfaction; but to be able to clear every aspersion •on my character they determined, at their own -expense, to send an agent to canada, to make a full visit to england. - inquiry into the matter, and advised me to accom- pany him. accordingly, their agent and myself started for canada immediately. i had already collected nearly seventeen hundred dollars, which, of course, remained in the hands of the treasurer. a mass meeting, of all interested in the matter, was called in the institution on the premises. a large assemblage met, and rev. john rolfe, of toronto, presided. a thorough examination into the records of the institution was made. the origi- nator of the slander against me, denied having made it; it was proved upon him, and the whole conven- tion unanimously repudiated the false charges. the agent remained in canada about three months, and before leaving, sent me a letter, informing me that whenever i should see fit to return to england, i should find in the hands of amos lawrence, esq., of boston, a draft to defray the expenses of the journey. accordingly, in the latter part of , i returned. the ground was now prepared for me, and i reaped an abundant harvest. the whole debt of the institution was cancelled in a few months, when i was recalled to canada by the fatal illness of my wife. several very interesting occurrences happened during my stay in england, which i must relate in another chapter. chapter xxi. the world's fair in london. my contribution to the great exhibition.—difficulty with. the american superintendent.-happy release. —the great crowd.—a call from the queen.—medal awarded to me. have already mentioned that the first idea which suggested to me the plan of going to england, was to exhibit, at the world's great fair, in lon- don, some of the best specimens of our black walnut- lumber, in the hope that it might lead to sales in england. for this purpose, i selected some of the best boards out of the cargo which i had brought to boston, which mr. chickering was kind enough to have properly packed in boxes, and sent to england in the american ship which carried the american products for exhibition. the boards which i selected were four in number, excellent specimens, about seven feet in length and four feet in width, of beautiful grain and texture. on their arrival in england, i had them planed and perfectly polished, in french style, so that they actually shone like a inlrror. the history of my connection with the world's fair is a little amusing. because my boards hap- pened to be carried over in the american ship, the the world's fair in london. superintendent of the american department, who was from boston, insisted that my lumber should be exhibited in the american department. to this i objected. i was a citizen of canada, my boards were from canada, and there was an apartment of the building appropriated to canadian products. i therefore insisted that my boards should be removed from the american department to the canadian. but, said the american, “you cannot do it. all these things are under my control. you can exhibit what belongs to you if you please, but not a single thing here must be moved an inch without my consent.” - this was quite a damper to me. i thought his position was rather absurd, and for the time it seemed impossible to move him or my boards. a happy suggestion, however, occurred to me. thought i, if this yankee wants to retain my furni- ture, the world shall know who owns it. i accord- ingly hired a painter to paint in large white letters on the tops of my boards: “this is the product of the industry of a fugitive slave from the united states, whosf residence is dawn, canada.” this was done early in the morning. in due time, the american superintendent came around, and found me at my post. the gaze of astonishment with which he read my inscription, was laughable to witness. his face was as black as a thunder-cloud. “look here, sir,” said he. “what, under heaven, have you got up there p”—“oh, that is only a little information to let the people know who i am.”—“but don’t you know better than that ? mrs. h. beecher stowe’s “uncle tom.” do you suppose i am going to have that insult up there?” the english gentlemen began to gather around, chuckling with half-suppressed delight, to see the wrath of the yankee. this only added fuel to the fire. “well, sir,” said he, “do you suppose i brought that stuff across the atlantic for nothing p” —“i never asked you to bring it for nothing. i am ready to pay you, and have been from the beginning.”—“well, sir, you may take it away, and carry it where you please.”—“oh,” said i, “i think, as you wanted it very much, i will not dis- turb it. you can have it now.”—“no, sir; take it away!”—“i beg your pardon, sir,” said i, “when i wanted to remove it, you would not allow it, and now, for all me, it shall remain.” in the meantime. the crowd enjoyed it and so did i. the result was, that by the next day, the boards were removed to. their proper place at no expense to me, and no bill was ever presented to me for carrying the lumber across the atlantic. - in that immense exhibition, my humble contribu- tion received its due share of attention. i had many interesting conversations with individuals, among that almost innumerable multitude from every nation under heaven. perhaps my complexion at- tracted attention, but nearly all who passed, paused to look at me, and at themselves, as reflected in my large black walnut mirrors. among others, the queen of england, victoria, preceded by her guide, and attended by her cortége, paused to view me and my property. i uncovered my head and saluted her as respectfully as i could,. the world's fair in london. , and she was pleased with perfect grace to return my salutation. “is he indeed a fugitive slave?” i heard her inquire; and the answer was, “he is. indeed, and that is his work.” but notwithstanding such pleasant occurrences, the time wore heavily away. the immense crowd, kept in as perfect order as a single family, became wearisome to me, and i was not sorry, as related in a preceding chapter, to go back to canada, leaving my boards on exhibition. on returning to england the exhibition was still in progress. there seemed no diminution of the crowd. like the waters of the great mississippi, the channel was still full, though the individuals were changed. - but among all the exhibitors from every nation in europe, and from asia, america, and the isles of the . sea, there was not a single black man but myself. there were negroes there from africa, brought to be exhibited, but no negro-exhibitors but myself. though my condition was wonderfully changed from what it was in my childhood and youth, yet it was a little saddening to reflect that my people were not more largely represented there. the time will yet come, i trust, when such a state of things will no longer exist. at the close of the exhibition, on my return to canada, i received from england a large quarto bound volume containing a full description of all the objects presented at the exhibition, the names of the officers of all the committees, juries, exhibitors, prizes, &c., &c. among others, i found my own mrs. h. beecher stowe’s “uncle tom.” name recorded; and in addition a bronze medal was awarded to me. i also received a beautiful picture of the queen and royal family, of the size of life, and several other objects of interest. these testimonials of honour i greatly prize. i fully succeeded in my mission to england, and re- leased myself from the voluntarily-assumed debt in behalf of the manual-labour school. while in eng- land, i was permitted to enjoy some excellent oppor- tunities to witness its best society, which i propose to relate in the following chapter. - #y chapter xxii. visits to the ragged schools. speech at sunday-school anniversary. —interview with lorb grey. —interview with the archbishop of canterbury, anb dinner with lord john russell, the great events of my life. hile in england i was frequently called upon to speak at public meetings of various kinds. i was deeply interested in the ragged school enter- prise, and frequently addressed the schools, and also public meetings held in their behalf. i attended most of the great anniversaries held in may, and was called upon to speak at many of them. on several occasions i did what i could, to make known the true condition of slaves, in exeter hall and other places. on one occasion, i recollect, an eminent man from pennsyl- vania was addressing the anniversary of a sabbath school union. he boasted of the great benefits of sunday schools in the united states, and asserted that all classes indiscriminately enjoyed their bless- ings. i felt bound to contradict him, and after putting to the speaker a few questions, which he stammeringly answered, i told the immense meeting that in the southern states, the great body of the coloured people were almost entirely neglected, and in many places they were excluded altogether; and , r. mrs. h. beecher stowe’s “uncle tom.” that in the majority of the northern states, the great mass of the coloured children were not sought out and gathered into sunday schools. this created some little storm, but my own personal observation and experience carried conviction to the people. being thus introduced to the public, i became well acquainted with many of the leading men of eng- land. ilord grey made a proposition to me, which, if circumstances had permitted, i should have been glad to have accepted. it was to go to india, and there superintend some great efforts made by the government to introduce the culture of cotton on the american plan. he promised to appoint me to an office, with a good salary. had it not been for my warm interest in my canadian enterprise, i should have accepted his proposal. one of the most pleasing incidents for me now to look back upon, was a long interview which i was permitted to enjoy with the archbishop of canter- bury. the elevated social position of this man, the highest beneath the crown, is well known to all those acquainted with english society. samuel gurney, the noted philanthropist, introduced me, by a note and his family-card, to his grace the archbishop. the latter received me kindly in his palace. i immediately entered into a conversation with him upon the condition of my people, and the plans i had in view. he expressed the strongest interest in me, and after about a half-hour's conversation, he inquired, “at what university, sir, did you gradu- ate?” “i graduated, your grace,” said i, in reply, “at the university of adversity.” “the university visits to the iragged schools. •of adversity,” said he, looking up with astonish- ment; “where is that ?” i saw his surprise, and explained. “it was my lot, your grace,” said i, “to be born a slave, and to pass my boyhood and all the former part of my life as a slave. i never entered a school, never read the bible in my youth, and received all of my training under the most adverse circumstances. this is what i mean by graduating in the university of adversity.” “i understand you, sir,” said he. “but is it possible that you are not a scholar?” “i am not,” said i. “but i should never have suspected that you were not a liberally educated man. i have heard many negroes talk, but have never seen one that could use such language as you. will you tell me, sir, how you learned our language p” i then explained to him, as well as i could, my early life; that it had always been my custom to observe good speakers, and to imitate only those who seemed to speak most correctly. “it is astonishing,” said the archbishop. “and is it possible that you were brought up ignorant of religion ? how did you attain to the knowledge of christ?” i explained to him, in reply, “that a poor ignorant slave mother had taught me to say the lord's prayer, though i did not then know how, truly, to pray.” “and how were you led to a better knowledge of the saviour p” i answered that it was by the hearing of the gospel preached. he then asked me to repeat the text, and to explain all the cir- cumstances. i told him the text of the first sermon i had heard, was, “he, by the grace of god, tasted death for every man.” “a beautiful text was that,” mrs. h. beecher stowe’s “uncle toyſ.” said the archbishop, and so affected was he by my simple story, that he shed tears freely. i had been told by samuel gurney that perhaps the archbishop would give me an interview of a quarter of an hour; i glanced at the clock and found that i had already been there an hour and a half, and arose to depart. he followed me to the door, and begged of me if ever i came to england to call and see him again; and shaking hands affectionately with me, while the tears trembled in his eyes, he graciously put into my hands a bank-note for £ , and bade me adieu. i have always esteemed him as a walm-hearted christian. - thus ended the interview with the venerable arch- bishop sumner, of england. on my second visit to england, i had an invitation, in company with a large number of sabbath school teachers, to spend a day in the beautiful grounds of lord john russell, then prime minister of england. his magnificent park, filled with deer, of varied colours, from all climes, and sleek hares, which the poet cowper would have envied, with numberless birds, whose plumage rivalled the rainbow in gorgeous colours, together with the choicest specimens of the finny tribe, sporting in their native element, drew from me the involuntary exclamation: “oh, how diſ- ferent the condition of these happy, sportive, joy- ful creatures, from what was once my own condition, and what is now the lot of millions of my coloured brethren in americal * this occupancy of the elegant grounds of england's prime minister, for the day, by a party of sabbath school teachers, visits to the ragged schools. was a picnic, with this difference, that, instead of each teacher providing his own cakes, and pies, and fruit, they were furnished by men and women, who were allowed to come on to the grounds, with every variety of choice eatables for sale. after strolling over these charming grounds, enjoying the beautiful scenery, the happy gambols of the brute creation, and the conversation of the many intelligent men and women with whom we came in contact, we were most unexpectedly, at five o'clock, sent for to visit the elegant mansion of the proprietor. there we found what i will call a surprise-party, or at any rate, we were taken by surprise, for three hundred of us were ushered into a spacious dining hall, whose dimensions could not have been less than one hundred feet by sixty, and here were tables, groaning under every article of luxury for the palate, which england could supply, and to this bountiful repast we were all made welcome. i was invited to take the head of the table; i never felt so highly honoured. the blessing was invoked by singing the following verse: “be present at our table, lord, be here and everywhere adored : these creatures bless, and grant that we may feast in paradise with thee l’” after dinner, various toasts were proposed, on several subjects, and il, my humble way i offered the following: “first to england. honour to the brave, freedom to the slave, success to british emancipation. god bless the queen l'' mrs. ii. beecher stowe’s “uncle tom.” cheers and laughter followed the reading of this: toast, succeeded by the usual english exclamations, “up, up, up again /* i again arose and gave, to, our most sovereign lady, the queen: “may she have a long life, and a happy death. may she reign in righteousness, and rule in love " - and to her illustrious consort, prince albert : “may he have peace at home, pleasure abroad, love his queen, and serve the lord!” - among the distinguished persons who made speeches on this joyous occasion, were rev. william, drock, hon. samuel m. peto, and the brother-in- law of mr. peto, with his accomplished and beautiful lady. thus ended one of the pleasantest days of my life. chapter xxiii. closing up my london agency, my narrative published.—letter from iiome appirising me of the sickness of my wife.-departure from london.— airrival at home.-meeting witii my family.—the great sortſtow of my life, the death of my wife. the dinner at lord john russell's, as detailed in t the previous chapter, was in the month of june, ; from that time to the st of august, i was busily employed in finishing up all matters connected with my agency, in which i was very successful, having accomplished the objects of my mission. during the month of august, i was engaged in publishing a narrative of incidents in my slave-life, which i had been urgently requested to do by some of the noblest men and women in england. just as i had completed the work, i received, on the rd of september, a letter from my family in canada, stating that my beloved wife, the companion of my life, the sharer of my joys and sorrows, was at the point of death, and that she earnestly desired me to return immediately, that she might see me once more before she bade adieu to earth. this was a trying hour for me. i was in england, four thou- sand miles from my home. j was not long in de- ciding to go home. on the morning of the th mrs. ii. beecher stowe's “uncle tom.” of september, having received the letter from home at four o'clock on the afternoon of the rd, i was on my way from london to liverpool, and embarked from liverpool on the th, in the steamer canada, bound for boston. on the th of the same month i arrived at my own canadian home. those who have been placed in similar situations, can realise what must have been my feelings as i drew near my humble dwelling. i had heard nothing since the information contained in the letter which reached me at liverpool. i knew not whether my dear wife, the mother of my children, she who had travelled with me, sad, solitary, and footsore, from the land of bondage, who had been to me a kind, affectionate, and dutiful wife for forty years, was still alive, or whether she had entered into her rest. a merciful father had, however, kindly prolonged her life, and we were permitted once more to meet. and oh! such a meeting ! i was met in the yard by four of my daughters, who rushed to my arms, delighted at my unexpected return. they begged me not to go in to see mother, until they should first go and prepare her for it, thinking very wisely that the shock would be too great for her poor shattered nerves to bear. i consented that they should precede me. they gradually prepared her mind for our meeting. when i went to her bed- side, she received and embraced me with the calm- ness and fortitude of a christian, and even chided me for the strong emotions of sorrow which i found it utterly impossible to suppress. i found her per- fectly calm and resigned to the will of god, awaiting closing up my london agency. with christian firmness the hour for her summons. she was rejoiced to see me once more, while at the same time she said that perhaps she had done wrong in allowing me to leave england when my business- prospects were so flattering. i told her that i was more than satisfied, that i was truly thankful to my iieavenly father for granting us this interview, ino matter what the pecuniary sacrifice might be. we talked over our whole past life as far as her strength would permit, reviewing the many scenes of sorrow and trouble, as well as the many bright and happy days of our pilgrimage, until exhausted nature sought repose, and she sunk into a quiet sleep. - the day following she revived; my return seemed to inspire her with the hope that possibly she might again be restored to health. it was not, however, so to be ; but god in his mercy granted her a reprieve, and her life was prolonged a few weeks. i thus had the melancholy satisfaction of watching day and night by her bed of languishing and pain, and was permitted to close her eyes when the final summons came. she blessed me, and blessed her children, commending us to the ever-watchful care of that saviour who had sustained her in so many hours of trial; and finally, after kissing me and each one of the children, she passed from earth to heaven without a pang or a groan, as gently as the falling to sleep of an infant on its mother's breast. “who would not wish to die like those whom god's own spirit deigns to bless to sink into that soft repose, then wake to perfect happiness " mrs. h. beecher stowe’s “uncle tom.” i can truly and from an overflowing heart say, that she was a sincere and devoted christian, a faithful and kind wife to me, even to the day of her death arranging all our domestic matters, in such a manner as to contribute as largely as possible. to my comfort and happiness. chapter xxiv. my brother's freedom. am my brother's keeper – . ffol:ts to secul:e his fitee-- dom.–attempts to raise the money. —union of iiis family. t received numerous tokens of regard from many. i philanthropic gentlemen while i was in lon- don, which i shall never forget; but i was particu- larly touched by the special kindness of samuel morley, esq., and george hitchcock, esq., of st. paul’s churchyard. these two gentlemen invited. me to dine with them every day at half-past one. i gratefully accepted their invitation, and dined alternately with these gentlemen, always receiving a very warm welcome from them. the spirit of manhood, one of the strongest elements of my mind, was in no instance wounded, for i was invariably received and entertained as a respected guest. one day i was sitting at mr. morley's table, and was about to partake of his bountiful supply of nourish- ing food, when suddenly my mind reverted to the past. i remembered the trying scenes of my event- ful life, and that my only brother was still bound in the iron chains of slavery, deprived of all the com- forts of life, dragging out an abject, miserable ex- istence, while i was surrounded with luxuries, and, mrs. h. beecher stowe’s “uncle toyſ.” sitting at the sumptuous table of one of the first men in the kingdom. i could almost hear the clanking of his chains, and, in my mind's eye, see him with scarcely a crust of bread to satisfy his hunger, or a glass of water to quench his thirst. i was so forcibly impressed with my vision, that i rose from the table without eating a mouthful of food. struck with my unusual appearance, for i had always been cheerful and happy, mr. morley said, “what is the matter, josiah p. has anything occurred to disturb your peace of mind?” at first i could not control my emotions suffi- ciently, to reply. he added, “come, come, josiah, do help yourself and make yourself at home.” soon i summoned the courage to tell him the cause of my agitation, and asked him “to excuse me from eating my dinner on that day, for i had no appetite.” - i then and there resolved in my own mind, that as soon as i returned to america, i would make every possible effort to secure to my brother the blessed freedom i enjoyed. slavery had no power to eradicate the social ties that bound the different members of a family to- gether, and though families were often torn asunder, yet memory generally kept the affections warm and abiding. i had made several efforts to induce my brother to run away previous to my going to england. mr. william l. chaplain, of new york, saw him in his southern home, and tried to induce him to take the underground railroad—that is, to run away. but he mrs. ii. beecher stowe’s “uncle tom.” ‘marvellously attained. all my previous plans to rescue my brother had failed, but i was not at all disposed to relinquish the project. by the aid of friends, i learned that the mistress to whom my brother belonged would give him his freedom-papers , for dollars, and i concluded that i must raise dollars, or about £ , so that i should be able to take him to my home in canada. i consulted some of the anti-slavery friends in boston, particu- larly amos lawrence, esq., and they agreed to pub- lish the story of my life, as i had suggested to them, that i might be able, from its sale, to raise a suffi- cient sum of money to buy my brother's freedom. i took a package of the books on my back and travelled in the new england states, and succeeded in interest- ing the people, so that i was enabled to raise the money i required. then, through the negotiation of mr. charles c. berry, cashier of the city bank in boston, massachusetts, who had friends at the south, i joyfully sent the ransom. soon my brother came from maryland to baltimore ; thence by sea to boston, where i met him and took him to my home in canada, and kept him there for fifteen years. when president lincoln's proclamation of eman- cipation gave freedom to all the slaves in america, my brother's eldest son came to canada to see his father, and the meeting would have done president lincoln's heart good if he had witnessed it. the son went back and remained with his mother and brothers for three years. then he came to canada to take my brother to rejoin his wife and family in new jersey; for after the emancipation chapter xxv. mrs. stowe's characters. my visit to mrs. stow e.-wiiy i am called “uncle tom.” —iier interest in my life-story..—her famous isook.—i: it an exaggeration ?—mrs. stowe's key. fter my successful visit to england, i travelled a. in canada, and in maine, new hampshire, vermont, massachusetts, connecticut, and rhode island. in all these states i was cordially welcomed as a speaker in the pulpits of the congregationalists, presbyterians, methodists, baptists, and universal- ists. i held many meetings, and discussed the subject of slavery in all its bearings on society. at that time, slavery was considered to be a permanent institution of the south, and it was supposed that nothing but an earthquake would have the power to: break up the foundations of the system. it is a mistaken idea that the majority of the slaveholders. would have sold their slaves if the government had offered to buy them. they liked the system, had grown up with it, and were not disposed to part with it without a struggle. anti-slavery ideas were not popular at the south, nor generally at the north. on this account, those who had sufficient moral courage to discuss the merits and demerits of the mrs. stowe's ciiaracters. system, were accustomed to hold meetings and con- ventions for this purpose. i was constantly travel- ling and doing all i could to help to change the public sentiment at the north. i was in the vicinity of andover, mass., where mrs. harriet beecher stowe resided. she sent for me and my travelling companion, mr. george clark, a white gentleman, who had a fine voice for singing, and usually sang at my meetings to add to their interest. we went to mrs. stowe's house, and she was deeply interested in the story of my life and misfortunes, and had me narrate its details to her. she said she was glad it had been published, and hoped it would be of great service, and would open the eyes of the people to the enormity of the crime of holding men in bondage. she manifested so much interest in me, that i told her about the peculiarities of many slaveholders, and the slaves in the region where i had lived for forty- two years. my experiences had been more varied than those of the majority of slaves, for i was not only my master's overseer, but a market-man for twenty-five years in the market at washington, going there to sell the produce from my master's plantation. soon after, mrs. stowe's remarkable book, “uncle tom’s cabin,” was published, and circulated in all parts of america, and read openly at the north, stealthily at the south. many thought that her state- ments were exaggerations. she then published the key to the book to prove that it was impossible to exaggerate the enormities of slavery, and she therein gave many parallel cases, and referred to my pub- , mrs. h. beecher stowe’s “uncle tom.” lished life-story, as an exemplification of the truth of the character of her uncle tom. from that time to the present, i have been called “uncle tom,” and i feel proud of the title. if my humble words in any way inspired that gifted lady to write such a plain- tive story that the whole community has been touched with pity for the sufferings of the poor slave, i have not lived in vain; for i believe that her book was the beginning of the glorious end. it was a wedge that finally rent asunder that gigantic fabric with a fearful crash. though she made her hero die, it was fit that she did this to complete her story; and if god had not given to me a giant's constitution, i should have died over and over again long before i reached canada. i regard it as one of the most remarkable features of my life that i have rallied after so many exposures to all kinds of hardships. i am grateful to god for his abundant mercies to me in bringing me out of egypt into the promised land, and i hope to be his faithful servant to my dying hour. the white slaves, george harris, and his wife liza, were my particular friends. george harris, whose real name is lewis clark, is about three parts white. he has travelled and lectured with me in the new england states. he is a very ingenious and intelligent man, as mrs. stowe represented him. he and his wife lived in canada for a long time after their escape from slavery, and finally moved to oberlin, ohio, to educate their children, for there is still a great prejudice, in certain localities of canada, with regard to admitting children who mrs. stowe's characters. ‘have one drop of black blood in their veins, into the schools where white children are taught; yet the coloured people of those districts pay their pro- portion of taxes and school-rates. many people thought that mrs. stowe's interest- ing description of eliza was a great exaggeration, and that it was impossible for a slave woman to escape in such a manner. that mrs. stowe had a real incident for her character will be evident from the following quotation from the published “ike- miniscences of levi coffin,” in which he gives the truthful version of this thrilling incident, as told him by the woman herself: “she said she was a slave from kentucky, the property of a man who lived a few miles back from the ohio river, below ripley, ohio. her master and mistress were kind to her, and she had a comfortable home, but her master got into some pecuniary difficulty, and she found that she and her only child were to be separated. she had buried two children, and was doubly attached to the one ‘she had left, a bright, promising child, over two years old. when she found that it was to be taken from her, she was filled with grief and dismay, and resolved to make her escape that night, if possible. she watched her opportunity, and when darkness had settled down, and all the family had retired to sleep, she started with her child in her arms and walked straight toward the ohio river. she knew that it was frozen over at that season of the year, and hoped to cross without difficulty on the ico; but when she reached its banks at daylight she found mrs. h. beecher stowe’s “uncle tom.” that the ice had broken up and was slowly drifting in large cakes. she ventured to go to a house near by, where she was kindly received and permitted to remain through the day. she hoped to find some way to cross the river the next night, but there seemed little prospect of any one being able to cross in safety, for during the day the ice became more broken and dangerous to cross. in the evening she discovered that pursuers were near the house, and with desperate courage she determined to cross the river or perish in the attempt. clasping her child in her arms, she darted out of the back door and ran toward the river, followed by her pursuers, who had just dismounted from their horses when they caught sight of her. no fear or thought of personal danger entered eliza's mind, for she felt that she would rather be drowned than be captured and separated from her child. clasping her babe to her bosom with her left arm, she sprang on to the first cake of ice, then from that to another and another. sometimes the cake she was on would sink beneath her weight, then she would slide her child on to the next cake, pull herself on with her hands, and so continue her hazardous journey. she became wet to the waist with ice-water, and her hands were benumbed with cold, but as she made her way from one cake of ice to another, she felt that surely the lord was preserving and upholding her, p and that nothing could harm her. “when she reached the ohio side near itipley, she was completely exhausted and almost breath- less. a man who had been standing on the bank mrs. stowe’s characters. watching her progress with amazement, and expect- ing every moment to see her go down, assisted her up the bank. after she had recovered her strength a little, he directed her to a house on the hill in the outskirts of the town. she made her way to the place, and was kindly received and cared for. it was not considered safe for her to remain there during the night, so, after resting awhile, and being provided with food and dry clothing, she was con- ducted to a station on the underground railroad, a few miles farther from the river. the next night she was forwarded on from station to station to our house in newport, where she arrived safely and remained several days. “other fugitives arrived in the meantime, and eliza and her child were sent with them by the greenville branch of the underground railroad to sandusky, ohio. they reached that place in safety, and crossed the lake to canada, locating finally at chatham, canada west.” eliza died in oberlin this year, but her husband is still an active, cnterprising man. iiis brother's complexion is so nearly white, that it is almost im- possible for any one, who is not acquainted with his history, to perceive that he has any coloured blood. he is in the custom house in doston, mass. there was on our plantation a negro girl, dinah, who was as near like mrs. stowe's topsy as two peas in a pod. dinah was clear-witted, as sharp and cunning as a fox, but she purposely acted like a fool, or idiot, in order to take advantage of her mis- tress. when the latter said, “dinah, go and do mrs. h. beecher stowe’s “uncle tom.” your work,” she would reply with a laugh, “yes, yes; when i get ready ;” or, “go, do it yourself.” sometimes she would scream out, “i won’t ; that’s. a lie—catch me if you can; ” and then she would take to her heels and run away. she was so queer and funny in her ways, that she was constantly doing all kinds of odd things, but escaped the whipping that other slaves, who did not behave half so badly, had received daily, because her mistress. thought she was an idiot. there was a gentleman, mr. st. clair young, who lived in the neighbourhood of my old home. ho- was as kind-hearted as mrs. stowe's st. clair. soon after i left the district, i learned that he became a. converted man, gave his slaves their freedom, sold his land, moved into indiana, and preached as a. methodist minister. it is a fact, that as soon as the conscience of a slaveholder was aroused, he was obliged to give up, his slaves or his religious convictions; for these were so antagonistic they could not agree. mr. st. clair young had a sweet little girl who could easily have been the original of precious little eva. the children of slaveholders were often kind-hearted, good-tempered, and were genial companions during their childhood, before they were old enough to ex- •ercise authority. then, under the influence of their circumstances, slavery would often turn the mildest. disposition into a cross one, the same as thunder will turn sweet milk. bryce litton, who broke my arms and maimed mc. for life, would stand very well for mrs. stowe's, mrs. stowe's characters. cruel legree. litton was the most tyrannical, bar- barous man i ever saw, and i have good reason to know that his revengeful and malicious spirit would have led him to perform the most cruel acts. he lived a miserable life, like a hog, and died like a dog a few years after i left that part of the country. he was universally detested even among slaveholders, for when an overseer far exceeded the bounds of what they termed humanity, he was a marked man, his society was avoided, and his career was by no means a pleasant one. even slaveholders, like thieves, had a certain creed of honour. mrs. stowe's book is not an exaggerated account of the evils of society. the truth has never been half-told; the story would be too horrible to hear. i could fill this book with cases that have come under my own experience and observation, by which i could prove that the slaveholder could and did break every one of the ten commandments with im. punity. a slave was not allowed to testify against a white man in a court of justice, hence he had to bear all the cruelties his master was pleased to inflict. i could give statements of facts that would appal a generous and kind-hearted soul. chapter xxvi. the manual labour school at dawn. rtºº bles.–misplaced confidence.-eyes opened.—lawsuit.- wilbertfolice university. ifficulties had arisen in the management of d the manual labour institution at dawn, before i visited england in . debts had ac- cumulated, and i had pledged myself to take the saw- mill and part of the land, and clear off the debts as i have before explained. the school was established with the express idea that it was not to promulgate sectarianism. but those who had obtained control over it, were inclined to drift it into a particular sect. i opposed this, and hence incurred their disapproba- tion. soon after i visited england, and began to raise a fund for the benefit of the school; but, as i before stated, the dominant party attempted to tounteract my efforts by slandering me. my com- mittee in london proposed that a gentleman should visit canada, and ascertain the facts respecting my personal character. mr. samuel morley suggested that i should go to canada with the gentleman. he said, “if things are as you say, josiah, we will provide a way for you to return, and you can then inish your work here. dut if you are an impostor, mrs. h. beecher stowe’s “uncle toyſ.” moral lighthouse, a beacon whose illumination should be perpetual.” this looked reasonable, and i agreed with the trustees when they conferred upon him the assign- ment, for i knew that he was respected in london, had been sent to the west indies to inquire into the condition of slavery there, and that his reports had helped to secure the emancipation of the slaves in the west indies. he presented the case to the committee in london, and when he told them he expected they would endorse him, samuel morley said, “we did not authorise you to represent that we would shoulder the responsibility of the school, and we cannot do it.” it was decided that the committee would be interested in the welfare of the school, but that they would not incur any pecuniary risks for it. in about two years the gentleman returned to canada, and took with him the funds i had raised for the school debts. he bought up the debts, giving to some cents in the dollar, to others the full amount. then, his family being with him, he took possession of the premises, and the charge of the institution in earnest. iie said, “i am going to renovate this place, “de novo.’” i shall never forget those words, they sounded so grandly to my ears. i soon found he intended to commence at the beginning. i had great faith in his integrity, and believed overy word he uttered, and at that time would have pledged myself to carry out his ideas to the uttermost. as the land was in splendid con- tiie manual ladour sciiool at dawn. dition, he probably anticipated having by-and-by a. model farm, which would bring a large annuity. it is my candid opinion that, in the beginning. he intended to benefit the coloured race, and to have a splendid school which should be the pride of tho. neighbourhood. if he had been a practical instead of a theoretical farmer, he doubtless would have accomplished those blessed results. he soon began to buy the most expensive cattle in the market, at fancy prices, and without any reference to the fact that he had not sufficient fodder to feed them after he had them in his stables. iie also bought ex- pensive farming utensils to work the farm scientific- ally, and then pulled down the school-buildings, as. they were too primitive to suit his magnificent ideas, and he promised to erect more substantial and com— modious buildings. i upheld him in all these sugges- tions, for i had a kind of respect for the man that, almost amounted to veneration. at his request, i often went to market with him, and he generally asked my judgment about the finc- cattle that he was constantly adding to his stock. i sometimes ventured to suggest that they would require a great amount of grain during the long canadian winter. iłut he invariably declined to. take my advice in this respect, and i concluded he knew what he was doing, and must have had ex- perience, or he would not have pursued such a reck- less course. one year passed away, and there were no school buildings and no school. our people said, “surely he will commence building next year.” the second mrs. h. beecher stowk’s “uncle tom.” year passed away, and again isilenced the question- ings and murmurings; for i still had confidence in his integrity of purpose. the third year passed, and then the coloured people began to tell me “i was in league with him, and that in some way he and i were gaining pecuniary advantages from the cultiva- tion of that splendid tract of three hundred acres of land on the sydenham river.” dy-and-by his finances became involved, and he borrowed of me several hundred dollars to meet his bills, and the fourth year passed; still there was no school. he supported his family and his brother-in- law's family from the farm that belonged to our coloured people. true, the family of his brother-in- law, from their straitened circumstances, frequently came to my house for food, and my wife gave them the best we had. the fifth, sixth, seventh, eighth, and ninth year passed, and we had no school, and not an individual could make any change. he had no title to the land, so he had no power to sell this, and it was a most fortunate thing. i had repeatedly said to him, “the people are growling.” he replied, “let them growl.” he invariably refused to dis- cuss the question. at length, when nine years had passed, i began to doubt the man's intentions, and i thought i would have a serious conversation with him on the subject, and ascertain what he proposed doing. i said to him as politely as i could, “the people about here are beginning to talk very hard about you and myself, and i do not want to let them have any cause to think ill of us. if you will be so kind as to give me some intimation when you propose the manual labour school at dawn. to commence the school-buildings i can satisfy them.” he curtly replied, “when i get ready; when i please.” i said, meekly, “it is quite unfortunate for me, for my honour is impeached, as i have always defended you.” “what's your honour to me? i don't care what they say.” iie added, in a very dignified manner, “i did not come here for the coloured people to dictate to me.” i replied, “if you really do not intend to build us a school, you ought to leave the farm, and let us manage for ourselves.” with some excitement he said, “pay me what i have expended during the many years i have tried to make this place meet its expenses, and i will go at once.” the scales fell from my eyes; i saw through the man's motives. i went to the coloured people and told them, sadly, “that i had been greatly deceived, that we should never have a school until we gained possession of the property, and that if i had a power of attorney to act for them i would consult an able lawyer, and ascertain what could be done.” a con- vention of the coloured people of the region was called. i was given by them the power of attorney to examine the subject and act for them. i went immediately to london, canada, and laid the case before lawyer wilson, since made a judge, and lawyer mckenzie, two eminent lawyers. they promised to weigh the matter very carefully, and to let me know the result. in about three months they sent me word “that if i could find two substantial mrs. h. beeciier stowe’s “uxcle toxi.” men, one coloured and one white, who owned free- hold property unencumbered, and were willing to pledge themselves to pay the costs, that they would undertake the case.” they said “i must keep in the background, while the two men should be the osten- sible “relators.’” i found the men that same night, and pledged myself to them “that i would pay the costs if they would allow their names to be used.” the attorney-general brought the suit for non-fulfil- ment of trusts and formaladministration of the affairs of the school. a clever lawyer of toronto defended the gentleman, and the war commenced in earnest. in the beginning i paid two hundred dollars, and borrowed money from time to time by mortgaging, first one house and lot, then three houses and lots, then re-mortgaged them, then sold several lots to pay the mortgages, then re-mortgaged, and was constantly called upon to pay disbursements to the lawyers. it was an anxious, perplexing period, for the case was taken from court to court, till seven years had elapsed, when at last, wearied and ex- hausted, the lawyer offered to give it up as a non- suit if his expenses during these seven years could be paid. to this we all agreed, and the important case was decided in our favour. then the court of chancery appointed a new board of trustees, granted a bill to incorporate the institution as the wilber- force university, also the power to sell the land, which brought about , dollars, £ , , in cash, with a stipulation that the university should be erected on a plot of ground in the same county. the town of chatham, canada, was selected, and for four the manual labour school at dawn. years the school has been self-sustaining, and has been attended by many pupils. - thus ended seven years of perplexity and excite- ment. during them i learned many practical lessons. in the beginning of the contest the gentleman left the premises, but installed his son as master over them. i had leased a plot of ground on the school-farm, and had ploughed it for several years. when this young gentleman heard that my men were ploughing the ground, he sent word to them “to be off his premises.” i said to my men, “go to your ploughing to-morrow morning, and i will be there to sustain you.” the next morning my men began their work. soon the young gentleman appeared on the spot with several of his men. he commanded mine “to leave at once.” i was at hand, and said, “i leased this land from your father, and as long as he retains the possession of the whole farm i have a legal right to work this plot, and i shall defend that right.” he mildly said, “why, mr. henson, is that you? i thought you were a praying man, not a fighting man?” i replied, “when it is necessary i can fight, as i have done for canada when she was in trouble. i intend to respect the rights of others, and they must respect mine.” iie soon became angry; first came words, then blows. i could not prevent him from bruising his head several times against my heavy walking-stick, which i held before me to ward off the blows he attempted to level at me. when he was tired of that kind of play, he went off . mrs. h. beecher stowe’s “uncle tom.” muttering a threat, “that he would have a writ served upon me immediately.” i at once had my fastest horse harnessed to my waggon, and rode off to the nearest magistrate accompanied by a constable. the magistrate readily gave me a writ for the young gentleman. when we were returning we met him within a mile from the railroad-station. he had intended to go and see his father, and then have a summons out for me. the constable alighted, touched him on the shoulder, and said, “you are my prisoner, in the name of the queen, for assault and battery on josiah henson on his own premises.” he was crestfallen and very angry, especially when he was obliged to walk between ten and fifteen miles to dresden to the court to have his trial. his lawyer removed the trial from one court to another, till at london, canada, he was compelled to pay costs and a bonus to end the suit. he gave me no further trouble, for he perceived that i had a practical knowledge of the common laws of the country. this incident shows how important it was for the coloured people to be able to defend their natural and inalienable rights after they became freemen and citizens of canada. chapter xxvii. idols shattered. the fate of the sawmill.-how the grist-mill vanished in the night. s so many of my friends have been interested in the history of the sawmill that was erected on our school-premises, a few words about its fate may be appreciated. it was a great undertaking to secure the money necessary to purchase the materials for the mill, and the building of it, and a great responsibility to work it successfully. it would have continued to have been a very profitable in- vestment, as it was at first, had it been properly managed; for the river sydenham is navigable for vessels, and we could send the lumber by water to detroit, or to almost any part of the united states. though there was no school on the premises, the mill was leased to a man who employed forty or fifty men, and they worked faithfully, sawed many thousand feet of lumber, and the lumber was shipped from time to time to different ports. after several prosperous years there came a period of depression, simply because the man who leased the mill did not attend to his business carefully. at length he had a lot of timber sawed, filled three vessels with it, and these sailed for some unknown port. the man m mrs. h. beecher stowe’s “uncle tom.” - disappeared and left his workmen in a starving con- dition, with their wages in arrears. he gave out the word that he was going off to lay in supplies for the future. the men had no money and could not procure the necessaries of life. they waited till they were convinced their master did not intend to return; then they vented their angry and re- vengeful feelings on the mill itself, and tore up even its foundations. thus they ruthlessly destroyed this valuable building, the establishment of which had cost me so many anxious hours, and had proved to be such a valuable piece of property in my hands. when it was gone, i felt as if i had parted with an old idolised friend. though canada was the land of freedom to the fugitive slaves, yet they met with so much prejudice at first, on account of their colour, that it was with difficulty they could procure the common com- forts of life. when they endeavoured to have their corn ground they found it no easy matter. a man would often walk three and four miles with two or three bushels on his shoulders, through paths in which the mud was knee-deep, leave his corn at the mill, and then go repeatedly after it in vain; he would be put off with a variety of excuses till he was quite discouraged, and would conclude that it was almost useless for him to raise any grain; and yet there was no other way for him to have a bit of bread or corn-cake. i was tired of hearing these complaints, which became real grievances, and with- out having a spare dollar in my pocket, i determined that, as the only remedy was to have a grist-mill, independently of any already established, i would idols shattered. erect one and help the coloured people out of their difficulties. º accordingly i went to boston, mass., among my devoted friends, and told them of the necessities of the case, and by their generous help, which, thank god, has never failed me in an hour of need, i soon collected , dollars, or £ , , obtained a plan, arranged for its building, introduced steam-power to work it, and in a short time we ground the corn for the entire neighbourhood, and this venture was a decided success. when the lawsuit commenced, i did not wish to have any trouble with the young gentleman who was placed on the school-premises, about the grist- mill, which i had rented to a man. a short time previously i, therefore, proposed to sell the mill, as it belonged to me personally; but i agreed to move it from the grounds of the institution, as i had no lease of the land on which it was built, so i was obliged to resort to stratagem to accomplish my purpose. my son-in-law was the miller, and acceded to my proposition, which was that twenty men should be secreted in the mill one sunday night, and as soon as the hour of midnight had struck, these men should carefully take down the mill and remove every vestige, foundation, engine, and timber, a short distance on to the road, which was the common highway. by ten o'clock on monday morn- ing the mill had vanished, as if by magic, from its old resting-place, and by noon it was carried off, in ten or twelve teams that were in readiness, to dres- den. it was erected speedily, and it remains there to this day, in splendid working order. fugitive slaves enlisting in the states. could have carried a gun, i would have gone per- sonally, but i thought it was my duty to talk to the people. i told them “that the young and able- bodied ought to go into the field like men, that they should stand up to the rack, and help the govern- ment.” my oldest son, tom, who was in california, enlisted on a man-of-war in san francisco, and i suppose he must have been killed, as i have not heard from him since that time. my son-in-law, wheeler, enlisted in detroit. i advised the people, in general terms, to do the same, and said that if any of them wished to go to enlist early, so as to secure the bounty offered, i would provide for their families till they could send the bounty-money to them. a number went, and some lost their bounty-money through “sharpers” lying in wait for them. so i proposed to go with a second lot, that they need not be annoyed in this way. there was one man, named john alexander, who had decided to be of this second company. i therefore sent some pork and clothing from the stores to his wife and family, as they were poor. at the last he gave me the slip, and during my absence he traitorously and untruthfully declared “that i had tried to induce him and others to enlist.” he even testified to this statement before a magistrate, and my wife telegraphed to me “to remain in boston and not return, for a writ was ready to take me as soon as i appeared in dresden, and if the charge was proved, the penalty, by the foreign enlistment act, would be seven years' imprisonment.” at first i thought i would remain away till the excitement mrs. h. beecher stowe’s “uncle tom.” had subsided. then i reflected that what i had done was for the cause of christ, and with good motives; that the war was a righteous war; that the coloured people ought to take some part in it. i said to one of my companions, “god helping me, i will not run away when i have done no wrong.” i soon returned to dresden, and rode in a waggon to my own door in the most public manner; for i was not ashamed to be seen. this was on a thurs- day afternoon about four o'clock. my family were highly excited, and, with tears in their eyes, begged me to go away; but i said, “i must remain and have this slander cleared up publicly, as the whole community had been discussing it.” the next morning, friday, before seven o’clock, the con- stable, an old friend, came to my home. i was sitting on the fence talking to my son-in-law. the constable said, pleasantly, “good morning, mr. henson; have you any potatoes to sell?” “good morning,” i answered. “yes, sir, i have some.” “i should like to buy a few if you can spare any.” “how many do you want?” “ten or fifteen bushels.” “i can spare one hundred bushels.” “oh, i do not want so many.” “very well; i suppose it is only one good black potato about my size that you want, and you can have it if you will come and get it.” he at once came forward, put his hand on my shoulder, and said, “mr. henson, you are my prisoner in the name of the queen. here is a writ for you.” “all right, bill.” his name was william nellis. fue; fhve slaves enlisting in the states. “let me have a bit of breakfast, and then you can have me.” we went into the house, where my wife and children were crying. i invited the constable to eat, but he declined, saying he had eaten his breakfast. we talked for half an hour. then i took my hat and said to him, “i am ready; how are we going p. the writ says you must take me.” the constable said, “if you will have your horse and waggon prepared, i’ll pay for it.” “i will do no such a thing; you must take me, and if you have no other way, go get a wheelbarrow, for i will not walk with you.” he argued with me for an hour or two, till it was nearly noon. then i said, “you can go your way when you like, and you may tell the squire i will soon be there.” i found that two clever magistrates had arranged everything before i came home. i was not allowed to make a defence or to have a lawyer to plead my case. one of the magistrates was prejudiced against me on account of the interest i had taken in the suit against the school-trustees; the other, squire terrace, was my friend. but both were obliged to decide legally, and if they had agreed as to the interpretation of the law, there would have been no opportunity for me to appeal from the magistrate's court. they did not agree, and the case was referred to the next magis- trate. when he had heard the statements, he could not decide, and it was proposed to consult the county attorney, mr. mclean, of chatham, who was a friend of mine. i had worked faithfully for his grandfather, and was esteemed by the family as a man who con- scientiously kept his word, and tried to discharge mrs. h. beecher stowe’s “uncle tom.” every known duty. mr. mclean said, “i am sur- prised to find these charges against mr. henson. he is a common-sense man, and knows the laws better than the majority of the people. there must be a screw loose somewhere in this affair. if what john alexander has declared on oath be true, nothing will prevent mr. henson from seven years' imprison- ment in kingston under the foreign enlistment act, which does not allow a man to entice or persuade another to enlist in the army. mr. henson, give me your version of the case.” i then told the whole truth, word for word, and did not dodge a single hair. i admitted that i had given john alexander's wife provisions, and said “i would give them to any one, white or black, if i had them to give, and the individual needed them; but i did not suppose the man would turn my gene- rosity against me in this base manner.” i perceived that this was the only proof they had, and the man called it bribery on my part to get him to enlist. squire mclean said, “we all know mr. henson’s character, that he is an honest, upright, christian man. now what is the character of his accuser? to- day is saturday; i will defer my decision till mon- day morning, and in the meantime inquiries can be made respecting the veracity of john alexander.” how i should get released from the legal net that was spread over me i did not know, but i trusted in god; i knew he had delivered me many, many times before from the lions’ den, and, like daniel of olden times, i now put my faith in him. in my heart i cried out, “o lord, deliver me, but in fugitive slaves enlisting in the states. prison, or under the free air of heaven, i will praise thy great and holy name.” still in the custody of the constable, i was allowed to go home on saturday afternoon. a man called that night at my house and said to me, “there is a man loading his boat up the river, a bit; he comes from the same district where john alexander lived before he prowled about dresden. this smith says alexander is a thief, that he stole a lot of clothes from a line in a yard there, and other things, and a writ was taken out to apprehend him, but he ran away, and is now trying to send an innocent man to prison by telling a lot of lies, and he ought to be stopped.” as soon as this man left my house the constable gave me permission to call on squire terrace. this was saturday evening. i gave him the drift of what the man had told me of smith's knowledge of john alexander. the squire said, “go home and be quiet over sunday, for monday morning before the sun rises i will be at the river, and if i can find that smith, and he testify as you have represented, i will have him in court on monday morning by nine o'clock.” i remained quiet during sunday, and my soul was full of joy and rejoicing, for this unlooked-for providence of god which i was sure would deliver me. “suppose he should not be found p” said one of my family. i answered, “but he will, i am cer- tain.” though my fate hung upon a thread that might easily be cut, i anticipated no evil results. early on monday morning squire terrace was at mrs. h. beecher stowes “ uncle tom.” -- the river's bank; he saw the boat half a mile off; he hailed it, and said, “is there a man named smith on that boat p” “i’m the man, sir.” “come ashore, i want to speak to you.” this smith then told the magistrate that he had worked with alexander, and that “he was a mean, lying thief, and he could prove it.” “enough ; i subpoena you to appear at the court this morning by nine o'clock to testify in this case,” squire terrace answered. the time came. it was understood at court that a witness would testify to the character of john alexander, who was present in an exultant frame of mind. the witness was called. the attorney said, “you have worked with john alexander; is he a trustworthy man p. has he a good, reliable cha- racter ?” smith said, “he is one of the greatest rogues out of prison.” alexander was about to interrupt him; but smith looked him square in the face, and said, “you know if you stepped your foot where you used to work with me, you’d be hustled off to prison, where you ought to go if you got your deserts.” squire mcdonald exclaimed, “what do you say? is the man a rogue—has he no character p” “he has none, sir; but was obliged to “cut sticks,’ as we say up in the country—that is, he gave ‘leg bail’ and ran away.” - “well,” said squire mcdonald, “if john alex- ander has no character, mr. henson has his acquittal.” he was as much astounded at the appearance of the witness as my accuser was. it is needless to say that my friends and family re- fugitive slaves enlisting in the states. joiced with me at this signal deliverance. i sent john alexander word “that the world, or that part of it where i lived, was too small for him and me; that if he crossed my path i was afraid i should be tempted to shoot him.” he was in terror, for he knew he deserved shooting, or a severe castigation. at last he sent by a couple of friends a humble request for me to forgive him ; i told them he must come to me personally and acknowledge his con- temptible meanness in the presence of three of my friends, whom i named. he came at an appointed time, and on his knees he confessed his sin and ingratitude to me for my kindness to his family, and in the name of the lord begged my forgiveness. i said, “it was about the meanest thing you could do to defame me in my absence, when my character was one of the most precious things i had to cherish. you ought to be hung, and i have been tempted to dispatch you; but i leave you in the hands of the lord; vengeance belongeth to him, and not to me. i forgive you. go and sin no more.” not very long after, there was another peculiar incident, connected with the civil war, which threatened to give me some trouble. many in the states, both white and coloured, enlisted merely to receive the bounty, and then they “jumped the bounty,” as it was termed—that is, they took the money and did not go into the army. a friend of mine, alexander pool, a coloured man of my neighbourhood, told me “that his son and wife's brother were talking about running away to join the army, but he thought he ought to get a bounty for mrs. h. beecher stowe’s “uncle tom.” them, and he wished i would take them to detroit and advise them what to do.” i replied, “i do not intend to subject myself to another trial on that score. i don't care whether they enlist or not; still, if they are going to the war, you ought to get some of their bounty, and it would enable you to pay for your land, but i can’t enlist them.” he repeatedly asked my advice about the way to get to detroit, and at length solicited me to accom- pany them there, and he offered to pay my expenses and for the time i lost. i said to the lads, “it is not my wish that you should enlist, but for your father's sake i will go to detroit with you to pro- tect you from the sharpers.” we went, and they entered their names as martin pool and basil pool, and represented themselves as two brothers. i thought by this that probably their idea had been to run away, but the officer took possession of them and handed me a packet of money in an envelope directed to their father. i took from this package one hundred dollars and sent to the two lads. i took the remainder, eleven hundred dollars, to their father. he gave me four hundred for my expenses and trouble. the father had never seen so much money as he now had in his possession, but instead of using it for a good purpose he squandered it in dissipation. these lads went to the war, were in several battles, came back, and got their discharge. they demanded some of their bounty-money from their father. he pretended he had not received any. they said, “i must have kept it,” and were very angry. they demanded it of me; but i indignantly fugitive slaves enlisting in the states. told them “that they might go back to their father and ask him for it.” they consulted a lawyer, who sent them to squire mcdonald, the same magistrate who conducted my case with john alexander. he said, “i am surprised that mr. henson should have had anything to do with enlisting men, for he knows the law in such a case. i would advise you to make no stir in the matter, but to go with me to see him. perhaps i can induce him to pay you something down, and then by instalments in the future to make up the difference.” he called upon me with these lads, and said, “i am amazed to find that you have enlisted these young men and appropriated their bounty. i have called to suggest to you, mr. henson, to pay them something to-day, and then you can arrange to make up the balance at a more convenient time.” i replied, “squire mcdonald, i know nothing of what you refer to. i have not done what these men say.” i turned to them and said, “i suppose you have your discharge-papers with you?” “oh, yes,” basil davis answered, eagerly, not suspecting in the least my purpose in wishing to see them. he pulled his out of his pocket. i turned to squire mcdonald and said, “you had better look after this man, he enlisted and was discharged under a false pretence; why didn’t he use his right name, unless it was to enable him to run off and ‘jump the bounty?” and now, because he could not succeed in escaping, but had to serve in the war, he must come back and vilify my name; you had better look after him.” mrs. h. beecher stowe’s “uncle tom.” the squire and his clients soon left me in peace. as their shadows were retreating i could not help laughing out loud and exclaiming, “though there are more ways to kill a dog than feeding him on sweet cake, it will take cleverer lads to get the better of father henson than those who have just paid me a visit.” i, however, learned another lesson, and thought that in the future i had better let coloured volunteers gain wisdom and experience for themselves, without giving them either advice or personal assistance. chapter xxix. early aspirations checked. i) esire to learn to spell. nipped in the bud.—superstition. – insurrection.-preaching and its penalty. -negro songs. harp flashes of lightning come from black clouds, s sprightly words of wit come from those who live in dark hovels, and bright gleams of intelligence come from children brought up in the most abject ignorance of books. it has often been a mystery to me how i gained a practical knowledge of figures, enough to sell all the produce of four farms during twenty-five years in the market at washington, for i had to compute fractions and make great estimates, and yet i never studied arithmetic. i came in con- tact with many of the most intelligent gentlemen in washington, for i used to take great pride in selecting the best butter for some of the best families, and was delighted to take it to their houses. they manifested a great interest in me, and when they conversed i listened attentively and remembered their phrases and sentences, and in this way ilearned to speak more correctly than the majority of the slaves, or even the poor whites of the district. i never said “go dar,” or “gib me,” and other negro phrases, for i was anxious to imitate those whom i mrs. h. beecher stowe’s “uncle tom.” respected as gentlemen. i also gained a very good practical knowledge of law from hearing clever lawyers talk and explain their cases. if i had been a white boy and been blessed with the opportunities to study law in my youth, i think i should have been delighted with its study and practice. the know- ledge i “picked up" has enabled me in several in- stances to protect my own rights and those of my people. i shall never forget my first attempts to learn to spell. i was about thirteen years of age, when i nearly lost my life because i made an effort to gain this kind of knowledge. the schools for the white children were generally four or five miles apart, and a negro boy was accustomed to drive his master's children in a waggon to school in the morning, and to go for them in the afternoon. a negro boy, william, belonging to lewis bell, was a bright, clever lad. he learned to read and to spell by hearing his master's boys talk about their lessons while they were riding to and from school. i was so pleased to hear william read, that he told me if i would buy a webster's spelling-book in the store at washington he would soon teach me. i had already made some ink out of charcoal, and had cut a goose quill so that it looked like my master's pen, and i had begun to make scratches on odd bits of paper i had picked up in the market. i had noticed that all the butter i sold was stamped with two letters, “i. r.,” and after awhile i learned that those letters stood for my master, isaac riley, and i tried and tried to imitate those marks, and they were really the first letters i ever wrote. early aspirations checked. it seemed to me if i took some of the apples that fell from the trees in the orchard and sold them i should be able to get the money for the spelling- book. i did this. early the next morning i was about to harness the horse for my master; the horse was frisky and ran, and i ran to catch him, when my hat fell off and the book in it dropped on to the ground. after i had harnessed the horse my master exclaimed, “what's that ?” “a spelling-book.” “whose is it?” “mine.” “where did you get it?” “bought it, sir, when i went to market.” “biow much was it p” “eleven cents.” “where did you get the money?” “i sold some apples out of our orchard.” “our orchard l’’ he exclaimed, in a passion. “i’ll teach you to get apples from our orchard for such a vile purpose, so you’ll remember it. give me that book.” i stooped to pick it up, and as i saw his big cane coming down i dodged. “pick up that book,” he cried, using an awful oath. at last i was obliged to do it, when he beat nie across the head and back till my eyes were swollen and i became unconscious. my poor mother found me in this state, and it was some time before i was able to be about my work again. when my master saw me after i recovered, he said, sneeringly, “so you want to be a fine gentleman p remember if you meddle with a book again. i’ll knock yºur brains out.” the wonder to me is, why i have any brains left. i shall carry to my grave a scar my master made that day on my head. i did not open a book again till after i was forty-two years of age and out of the land of slavery. there was so much - m early aspirations checked. incessant toil, and they were scantily supplied with the poorest fare, which could not possibly give them strength. when removed from the debasing influ- ences of slavery, the fugitives, as a general thing, had as keen perceptions of the sense of property as the white population. it has been an exceptional thing for a coloured man to steal after he reached canada; and stealing is regarded by him as a dis- graceful sin. he knows he can enjoy the proceeds of his own labour in the land of freedom, and all the fugitives in canada can earn their own livelihood if they will exert themselves. at first they had to live on roots and herbs; but after a few years they began to own their own farms, to raise all kinds of grain and vegetables, and to cultivate a great variety of fruit-trees. all may now sit under their own vine and fig-tree. some have asked me “if those who have been accustomed to a hot climate at the south, do not find the cold canadian winters long and un- pleasant p” i have only one reply to make to that query, “that cool freedom is far better than hot oppres- sion.” it is easy to protect ourselves against the inclemency of the weather, but we could not ward off the blows of a cruel master, who was well aware that it was necessary to crush the manhood of the slave, to make him subservient to his master's selfish interests. superstition and ignorance are generally found in company together. sixty years ago the whites in maryland and virginia were very ignorant. with the exception of the few who were educated at the north and the professional gentlemen, not one man early aspirations checked. . and the spell had to be broken by some doctor who understood how to take advantage of this peculiar feature of the negro's mind. education soon clears away all this belief in witchcraft. in many districts the blacks far outnumbered the whites. sometimes one planter had negroes on an extensive plantation. the year before nat tur- ner's insurrection, for which he lost his life, there was an extensive organisation among the blacks who represented a district of fifty miles in extent, in the neighbourhood where i lived. the plans were well- laid, every detail had been well-considered, even the time when the blow was to be struck had been appointed. it was to be at eleven o’clock at night, when the moon was full at that time. certain slaves were to fire the barns and stables in all the different planta- tions comprised within the area, at the same hour. then others were to be stationed at the houses, and as the masters rushed out to ascertain what the matter was, the slaves were to kill them and then kill the entire families, and burn up their houses. “not one white shall be left to tell the tale !” ex- claimed an excited slave. i could not agree with the leaders, and yet i felt that the evils of slavery could not be exaggerated, and that we had a right to our freedom. little by little the light came to my soul, till i was convinced that it was not a feasible or christian plan of procedure; so i began to raise doubts and queries, to discuss the subject, and finally, i had the moral courage to speak my mind plainly. i said, “suppose we should kill one thousand of the mrs. h. beecher stowe’s “uncle tom.” white population, we should surely lose our own lives, and make the chains of those in bondage heavier and more securely riveted. no, let us suffer in god’s name, and wait his time for ethiopia to stretch forth her hands and be free.” at last i prevailed on them to abandon the project. it is certain that the slaves had provocation enough to rise and take the places of their masters. i saw at one time, a faithful fellow-workman receive lashes on his bare back, simply because, when he was a little tardy, he resisted being beaten by a came over the head. he was nearly dead when he was given into my care for me to look after his condition. after i began to preach, i just escaped receiving thirty-nine lashes at the public whipping-post in alexandria, near washington, simply for asking the mayor to give me permission to comply with a re- quest to preach there. he indignantly ordered me to be taken to prison on the saturday, and to receive the whipping on the monday or to pay a fine of dollars. i had no money, and i prayed to god to show me what to do. at last i found some one to send to my master's young brother. he came to see me in jail, and by giving him my watch, worth dollars, he paid the fine and i was released. before we left the city, however, the blacks collected around me, and the lord opened my mouth, and i had the moral courage to give them such a sermon as they had not heard for a long time. as soon as i had ‘inished my sermon, my young master, who was ready with his waggon, hurried me into it, and we rode out of the city in great haste, for, as he told me, the early aspirations checked. law would not allow me to preach openly to a number of slaves in that district. under very different influences, i was talking or preaching to a very large audience of intelligent white ladies and gentlemen in tremont temple, boston, mass., after i had escaped from slavery. i had nearly finished my discourse, when, wrought up to the highest pitch of excitement, i exclaimed, “i wish i had the entire control of the southern slave- holders for twenty-four hours!” a man at the extreme end of that large hall jumped up, and said, excitedly, “mr. chairman, may i ask the speaker one question?” the gentleman who presided, fear- ing that the man intended to raise a row, said, mildly, “mr. henson has the platform, and no one must interrupt him without his permission.” i said, “the gentleman at the back of the house may ask me the question.” he rose, and, in an excited manner, rather sneeringly asked, “and pray, what would you do with them p’’ there was a breathless silence, and all my friends were anxious, not knowing how much i might be agitated by my past memories of the cruelty of slave- holders, and that i had cause for revengeful feelings, if i did not manifest them. i said, in as loud and deep a voice as i could command, “first, i would have them all thoroughly converted to god; and secondly, i would send them immediately to heaven, before they had one minute's time to backslide.” i then sat down, and there was such an uproar of cheers and hurrahs as i had never heard at any meeting. i may as well close this chapter by giving a mrs. h. beecher stowe’s “uncle tom.” sample of the songs the slaves sing when the family is about to separate because some of the members have been sold to new masters. some- times they sing these plaintive melodies, clanking their chains to keep time with their voices. when i was down in egypt's land, close by the river, i heard one tell of the promised land, down by the river side. chorus. we'll end this strife, down by the river, we'll end this strife, down by the river side. i never shall forget this day, down by the river, when jesus washed my sins away, down by the river side. chorus. 'twas just before the break of day, down by the river, when jesus washed my sins away, down by the river side. chorus. cheer up, cheer up, we're gaining ground down by the river. º old satan's kingdom we'll pull down, down by the river side. chorus. shout, dear children, for you are free, down by the river, christ has brought to you, liberty, down by the river side. chorus. chapter xxx. . my family. a new light in my desolate home.-my children.—my third visit to england.—mr. hughfs. y heart and home were desolate after i lost the wife who had been my faithful companion in slavery, and had escaped with me to canada. for four years it seemed to me her place could not be filled. i kept company with no one; i never walked out with any woman, and i thought it would be so to the end; but i was so lonely, so utterly miserable, that at last i decided that i would try to find another companion. i had travelled exten- sively, and had made many acquaintances, but i knew of but one woman whom i cared to have for a wife. she was a widow, an estimable woman, one who had been a faithful teacher in the sunday school, and quite a mother in the church to which she belonged. she had been brought up by a quaker lady in baltimore, and had received a good education in the ordinary branches. her mother had been a slave, but was such a superior laundress, that she earned enough to buy her freedom of her mistress, and then she earned enough to buy her mrs. h. beecher stowe’s “uncle tom.” husband's freedom. one of her daughters has lived for many years with a family, and she has travelled with them around the world. i went to boston and called upon the pleasant widow several times before i could summon the courage to ask her if she would be my wife. it was about two years before we were married in boston by our bishop, who was holding a series of meetings at the time in the city. she has made me an excel- lent wife, and my cup has indeed run over with god’s mercies. she had one son and two daughters. i have now seven living children. my eldest son, tom, went to california, and i think was killed in the civil war, for i have not heard from him since he enlisted. isaac, my second son, was a clever and godly lad. he was educated in a school in london for many years through the kindness of my london friends. he married, was ordained as a wesleyan minister, and preached for about fifteen years. he died when only thirty-seven, and was universally be- loved. my third son, josiah, was very anxious to learn the shoemaker's trade, but i persuaded him to help me on my farm. at twenty-two he married a very capable young woman, and then he said, “i am determined now to have my own way, father; i’ve tried to stick to the farm, but i can't do so any longer; i know i can make my way.” he left canada, and went to jackson, michigan, where there was a great prejudice against employing coloured young men in the shoe-business. he found an english boot and shoe-maker there who agreed to teach him. he was bound to him for two years. , my family. his young wife was a good washer and ironer, and she went out to work by the day, and obtained ex- cellent wages, and the young people were very happy. at the end of the two years his master said to me, “young josiah henson is a clever fellow. he can make as good a boot as his master.” my son then went to adrian, where there was an anti- slavery college. he bought a couple of lots of ground in time. he worked at his trade during the winter, and in the spring went out to do lathing, plastering, and hanging paper in the houses of some of the best people. he was very fond of horticul- ture, and has cultivated a great variety of fruit trees. he has continued to do well, and now has property worth several thousand dollars. my fourth son, peter, is a farmer, looks after my farm, and stays with me. - my four daughters are married; all of them can read and write very well, and one of them has been educated for two years in oberlin. there has been a great change in the condition of the coloured people since i first went to canada. then, there was not a bible or a hymn-book for a coloured indi- vidual to use for several hundred miles; and none of us could have read the bible if we had possessed one; but now there are in every cabin the elements of education. when it was known i had preached at the south, i had urgent requests to labour in this way in canada, and as a methodist episcopal elder i have had a district of three hundred miles, over which i have travelled, held meetings, attended conferences, have established churches, and been mrs. h. beecher stowe’s “uncle tom.” interested in every movement that has been started for the improvement of our people. we have had great assistance from the late rev. mr. hughes, the secretary of the colonial and con- tinental missionary church society in canada (who died april th, ). for sixteen or seventeen years he worked most zealously as a missionary in canada; he was always my devoted friend; he knew all my troubles with regard to the school, that my finances had been crippled by my mortgaging my property to pay the expenses of that lawsuit during seven years, and he proposed that i should again visit london in my old age, and he assured me that my old friends would rally to my assistance. it was a sad day to me when, only three months before i left canada, i was summoned to his dying bedside. his last moments were peaceful, and his faith to the last was triumphant. he died as he had lived, a genuine christian. in the last annual report of the colonial and continental church society, which has reached me since i came to london, he has kindly referred to my mission in london as follows: “josiah henson (mrs. stowe's “uncle tom'), who, i think you are aware, resides near dresden, proposes starting in a week or two for england. his principal object will be to try to raise money to clear off a heavy mortgage he had to give on his farm in order to meet the costs of the long lawsuit over the dawn institute property, and which but for him would have been entirely lost. mr. henson bore the whole expense of that suit, and when the case was settled it was found that the my family. trustees, appointed by the court of chancery, had no power to refund him out of the estate. the proceeds of the sale of the dawn property, nearly , dollars, constitute the greater part of the endowment of the wilberforce educational insti- tute. you will be pleased to learn that this insti- tute is now in active operation, and if only wisely managed in the future will be a great blessing, in an educational point of view, to the coloured people of canada. a voyage to england is no light under- taking for a man of henson's extreme age, he being now eighty-seven. though he is not by any means the man he was when in england twenty-five years ago, yet he still possesses extraordinary energy both of body and mind, and knowing, as i do, his circum- stances, and the hardship of his case, i sincerely hope he may be successful.” - it may be well to add a few of many testimonials i received, when it was known i intended to visit england:— “we, the undersigned, beg to certify that we have known the reverend josiah henson for a number of years; that he has resided, as we be- lieve, in the county of kent, ontario, for the last forty-five years; that he has ever borne the highest character in this community, and is worthy of the confidence of the public.—wm. bryant wells, judge c. c. co. kent, ontario; john mercer, sheriff, kent; wm. douglas, clerk of the peace, kent; h. smythe, mayor, town of chatham; francis w. sandys, a.m., archdeacon of kent, ontario.—chat- ham, th april, .” mrs. h. beecher stowe’s “uncle tom.” “memorial church rectory, london, ontario, may , .--to the secretaries of the colonial and continental church society.—dear sirs, in the last report to the society, our lamented friend mr. hughes speaks of a proposed visit to england of the rev. josiah henson (mrs. stowe’s “uncle tom’) for the purpose of raising funds to clear off a mortgage which mr. henson had to give on his farm in order to meet the costs of a lawsuit over the dawn institute. the object of this note is to introduce him to you, hoping that you may be able to further his cause in england. he was well known to the friends of the coloured race twenty years ago, but the changes make it essential that he should have some who can recommend him in his present effort. you are already acquainted with the work of the wilberforce institute, which has been sustained at great personal expense by mr. henson. his experience as a slave, and as a preacher among the fugitives in canada, makes his story extremely interesting. mrs. stowe, in her ‘key to uncle tom’s cabin,” gives a sketch of his life to confirm the character she has painted. on the authority of mr. hughes, who knew mr. henson for many years, and thought most highly of his work and character, i beg to introduce to you one who has been a great blessing to his coloured brethren in canada. if you can give him any letters, or further his cause in any way, it will assist the movement with which the colonial and continental church society has been connected for many years.-yours very sincerely, w. harrison tilley, clerical secretary to corre- my third and last visit to london. always received the most generous treatment, both in america and england, from the members of the friends’ society, and specially from george sturge, esq., who has interested himself to the extent of assuring me he would send me back to my canadian home with a light heart. i am cer- tain my heart will be heavy with gratitude, for it will be full of that emotion, and i shall pray to my dying day for blessings to rest upon one who has afforded me so much relief. among the new friends i have made are pro- fessor and mrs. fowler, formerly of new york, now residing in london, and i have always felt at home in their pleasant office. - professor fowler, with his remarkable skill, gave me an analysis of my character from my head. i told him “i should have supposed my old master had beaten out all my brains,” but he humorously remarked “that perhaps my skull was so thick, the blows did not penetrate.” the description he gave of me was published, with my portrait, in the christian age, a weekly paper, and notwithstanding there were , copies of this number circulated, a third edition had to be printed to meet the demand. i am sure professor fowler's description will be of interest, and there- fore give it insertion here. “the organisation of “uncle tom’ is as remarkable as his life and labours have been. his father was six feet in height, and was a very powerful, muscu- lar man. he had a strong sense of justice and virtue, and an unflinching will. his son, uncle tom, is five feet seven inches in height. o mrs. h. beecher stowe’s “uncle tom.” “from his father he inherited a very strong osseous, muscular system, and a powerful constitution, as his physiology indicates and his most laborious life has proved. he has a large brain, twenty-three inches in circumference, with a predominance of brain in the superior coronal region, indicating great mental vigour, compass of mind, and availability of talent. his head is narrow, long, and high. the strength of his social nature centres in love to his wife and children, especially the latter, which he has proved to be intense, by his carrying two of his children on his back miles, travelling on foot during the night, while fleeing from slavery and seeking his freedom on british soil in canada. his head is very high in the crown and above the ears. no white man has a greater sense of liberty, love of freedom, manliness of feeling, and independence of mind, joined to a degree of firmness, perseverance, and determination of mind, not exceeded by a cromwell or a wellington, than uncle tom. his sense of moral obligations and love of truth are very strong. “he is scrupulously honest, and his mind is as transparent as daylight. he is not inclined to double dealing, deception, and hypocrisy, undue selfishness or greed in his disposition, but he is cautious, looks ahead, and prepares for the future. “he has by organisation, as well as by grace, a strong feeling of devotion, worship, and sense of dependence. as a christian, some of his strongest religious feelings are his love of prayer and thank- fulness, and his disposition to seek aid and consola- tion from a higher source than man in the hour of trouble. the exercise of his veneration was his com- my third and last visit to london. fort when a slave, and it has been a comfort to him through all the vicissitudes of life. benevolence is also very large; he is full of the missionary element, delights to do good, and many years of his life have been spent in labours of love. he is liable to forget his own interests when he can make himself useful to others. in his mind, “faith without works is dead.’ he does not expect an answer to his prayers without he makes an effort in the right direction. he is active, industrious, and delights to be occupied; is always busy in one way or another ; and is not afraid of hard work if neces- sary. his mind works slowly but quite safely. when he has an object he holds on to it till his end is accomplished. he is one of the real plodding kind. he has not the qualities to render him shöwy. and imaginative, but he has good powers of imitation, and can easily adapt himself to a change of situation and circumstances. he has a vast amount of dry humour, and is very direct, practical, natural, and truthful in his style of talking. his intellectual faculties are of the most practical and common-sense kind. “he has superior powers to draw correct conclusions and inferences, as he understands them. he deals mostly in facts, conditions, qualities, and bearings of things, and turns all his knowledge into useful channels. he has a remarkable gift for observing everything that is transpiring around him; has a superior memory of persons he sees, facts he hears, of places, events, and anecdotes; and his mind is like a great storehouse, in which he has collected a vast amount of interesting incidents. he has a good mrs. h. beecher stowe’s “uncle tom.” capacity to arrange, systematise, organise, and plan, with reference to definite results. “he is a great lover of simple truths; acts and speaks just as he feels, and thinks instinctively; cannot assume a character and appear differently from what he really feels, and has a thorough abhor- rence of hypocrisy or falsehood. he has great courage in times of danger, also great presence of mind and great self-control in the midst of excite- ment and opposition. “he is not revengeful, but has any amount of con- temptuous feeling towards those who act meanly. he is more direct in his style of talking than copious or wordy; yet, having but little restraint from secretiveness, and so much varied knowledge and ex- perience, he finds it easy to talk when he has atten- tive listeners. “though in his eighty-eighth year, he appears to be at least fifteen years younger, for he is firm in step, erect in form, disposed to wait on himself, and prefers to walk rather than ride; is positive in his manner of speaking, social in his disposition, emotional in his feelings, tender in his sympathies, distinct in his intellectual operations, humorous in his conversation, and apt in his illustrations. while many at fifty years of age consider that there is no opportunity left for them to improve their condition, uncle tom, at eighty-eight, is buoyant, elastic, and still anxious to make improvements. “i have been much gratified in making the ac- quaintance of “uncle tom,’ and hope the friends of the coloured race in england will send him back to my third and last visit to london. canada with sufficient means to enable him to live in comfort the remainder of his days.” another of my new friends is mr. john lobb (the managing editor of the christian age). he has an extensive acquaintance with most of the evangelical ministers in london. he has arranged all my engagements, assisted me in addressing, at their request, very large audiences in public buildings, chapels, and places of worship. indeed, he has on every public occasion rendered me material assist- ance as my chairman. under such obligations, i felt it to be a pleasant duty to make some acceptable acknowledgment, which i trust it will prove to be. i have therefore assigned the sole copyright of this work to mr. john lobb. on my visit to london in , i had made acquaintance with the family of mr. thomas church, author of “gospel victories,” and was glad to renew our friendship and love in . i thank him for so ably assisting in my correspondence while in london. i cannot omit to acknowledge my obligations to dr. macaulay, of the religious tract society, and the able editor of a widely prized monthly, called the sunday at home. to other remembrances of kindness, i feel thankful for his excellent article in the october part for , headed “uncle tom,” and his confirmatory observations in favour of my history, and the object of my present visit to london. invitations have come from all parts of england, ireland, and scotland, for me to speak to the people, but my strength was not sufficient to undertake all. i copy from the christian age, the following my third and last visit to london. “summary of • uncle tom's' public services. in august, , on sunday, at victoria park tabernacle, to a congregation exceeding , persons. at wood green, on thursday, in the “tent” erected for evan- gelistic services by t. b. smithies, esq., editor of the “british workman.” in the unavoidable absence of baroness coutts, she kindly deputed rev. mr. sinclair to take her carriage and place it at “uncle tom’s” service at the close of the proceedings. in september, , again at wood green, in the wesleyan chapel, which accommodated over , persons. little wild street baptist chapel, drury lane.—crowded beyond the capacity of the place. epsom.—this neighbourhood has been rarely moved with an excitement like that which followed “uncle tom’s” visit here. brixton.—on friday, at the congregational church, to a large and appreciative audience. mildmay park.-on sunday, in this large and beautiful con- ference hall; although it seats , persons, the building was crowded in every part, and hundreds failed to gain admission. stoke newington.—on sunday evening, in the congregational church, walford road. wallington.—on wednesday the place of meeting was thronged. rev. dr. whittemore, and rev. j. williams, of the vicarage, taking part in the proceedings. new north road congregational church, though capacious, was overcrowded on thursday; and a second meeting in the large schoolroom was conducted at the same time, “uncle tom,” after the chapel address, adjourning to supplement the other meeting, to the intense delight of all. - milton road congregational church, in stoke newington, was also crowded in every part by a large company. mayfield terrace wesleyan chapel on sunday was, though large and commodious, filled to overflowing. mile end.—on sunday, the great tent belonging to f. n. charrington, esq., was filled, “uncle tom " also delivering a lecture on the monday evening. the south coast.—during the week “uncle tom " addressed large audiences in portsmouth, southampton, and in the town ; at ryde, isle of wight. her majesty's ship “victory.”—“uncle tom’ visited this famous vessel, which bore nelson's flag, and on the deck of which he received his death-wound in the moment of triumph over the combined fleets of france and spain, off cape trafalgar. by com- mand, the whole of the ship's officers and crew were collected to receive an address from “uncle tom.” to each of the company a copy, was presented of the christian age, containing “uncle tom’s” portrait. appeni) ix. messrs. hitchcock and williams', st. paul's churchyard- “ uncle tom " gave an address here to the employees, george williams, esq., founder of “the young men's christian associa- tion,” presiding. mr. john lobb, on introducing “uncle tom,” said, “here is the hero of mrs. harriet beecher stowe's “uncle tom's cabin;” the “uncle tom’’ who rescued eva from a watery grave; the “uncle tom " who accompanied george harris to mrs. h. b. stowe's residence, whose united history furnished her with such interesting records as appear in “uncle tom's cabin,” of world-wide fame; the “uncle tom,” too, so maimed for life by legree, but whose real name is bryce litton, as re- corded in mr. henson’s “life,” and confirmed in pages to of mrs. stowe's key to “uncle tom's cabin.” pictoria park tabernacle.—over , persons were present, when a handsomely composed testimonial, duly framed, was pre- sented to ‘uncle tom.’” finis. appendix a. a sketch of mirs. h. beecher stowe. lthough this esteemed lady, of a noble family, enjoys a - world-wide fame, there may probably be many to whom the succeeding lines, descriptive º her character and history, will be of interest. her father was lyman beecher, d.d., born in , and, until of mature age, he was brought up to the trade of his father, a blacksmith. after leaving it for a course of study at yale college, new haven, he entered upon the work of the ministry. for some time dr. lyman beecher was pastor of a church at lich- field, and here harriet beecher was born, a.d. . ultimately he removed to boston; and in quitted it for lane, in cincin- nati. here lyman beecher took charge of the seminary, and sought to establish collegiate studies in connection with self-supporting labour. in this enterprise professor calvin stowe took part, and for a time their work prospered. the slavery then existing in the united states led to its overthrow. the year had witnessed the french revolution. an agitation had sprung up in england - º appendix. against colonial slavery. american judicial courts had imprisoned and fined many who had spoken against slavery. all these historic facts called the attention of philanthropists in the united states to the evils and crime of slavery ; dr. beecher's seminary could not resist the rising discussion of that crowned iniquity . the mob threatened, and kentucky slaveholders went over to urge it on to violence. to save the property, the trustees interfered, and calmed the mob by the assurance that slavery should not further be dis- cussed in the seminary. another rebellion came from within, for the students refused to obey the order of the trustees, and left the seminary in a body. for years beecher and stowe sought in vain to restore the prosperity of that seminary. in they returned to the eastern states—stowe to the professor's chair of biblical literature in andover theological seminary, and lyman beecher to the work of the ministry in cincinnati. harriet beecher spent eighteen years in this lane seminary; having previously assisted her sister catharine, in the conduct of a training school for female teachers. cincinnati is a city situated on the northern bank of the ohio; and upon the high hill, whose point, crowned with an observatory, overhanging the city on the west, was lane seminary. the village nearest to it was called the walnut hills and one of the prettiest in the environs. it was here, therefore, that harriet beecher lived, and helped her sister in teaching, until her marriage, at the age of twenty-five, with professor calvin e. stowe, of the seminary, over which her father then was president. but few of mrs. h. beecher-stowe's numerous offspring have survived. mrs. stowe says:– “charlie, the most beautiful of my children, and the most be- loved, lies buried near my cincinnati residence. it was at his dying bed and at his grave that i learnt what a poor slave-mother may feel when her child is torn from her. in the depths of my sorrow, which seemed to me immeasurable, it was my only prayer to god that such anguish might not be suffered in vain. “there were circumstances connected with this child's death of such peculiar bitterness—of what might seem almost cruel suffering —that i felt i could never be consoled for it, unless it should appear that the crushing of my own heart might enable me to work out some great good to others. - “his death took place during the cholera-summer, when in a circle of five miles around me, , were buried—a mortality which i have never heard exceeded anywhere. “my husband, in feeble health, was obliged to be absent the whole time, and i had sole charge of a family of fifteen persons. he did not return to me, because i would not permit it ; for in many instances where parents had returned from a distance to their families, and to the infected atmosphere, the result had been sudden death, and the physicians warned me that if he returned, it would only be to die. my poor charlie died for want of timely medical aid; for in the universal confusion and despair that prevailed, it was often impossible to obtain assistance till it was too late.” appendix. between and , cincinnati became the prominent battle- ground of freedom and slavery. it will now be clear to the reader how painfully familiar mrs. h. b. stowe became with the horrors of slavery. the road which ran through walnut hills, only a few feet from mrs. stowe's door, was ultimately a favourite route of “the underground railway,” so called, and so familiar in the pages of “uncle tom's cabin.” the “railway” consisted of a noble line of quakers and other anti-slavery friends, who lived at intervals, say, of fifteen or twenty miles, between the ohio river and the northern lakes. these friends had combined to help fugitive slaves forward in their escape to canada. a fugitive would be taken at night, on horseback or in a covered waggon, from station to station, as described, until he stood on a free soil, and found the british banner floating o'er his head. or, “thus when herform flits wildly by, with bloodless cheek and fearless eye, resolved to free her child or die, we still our very breath— till, safely on the farther shore she stands, the desperate journey o'er so fraught with life and death.” referring once more to the “underground railway,” we may remind our readers that the first station north of cincinnati was a few miles up mill creek, at the house of the pious and lion-hearted wanzant, otherwise called van trompe in “uncle tom's cabin.” such being the roadway, mrs. stowe would inevitably be roused, and frequently, by the rapid rattle of the covered waggons, and the noisy galloping of the horses ridden by the constables and slave- catchers, who would be in hot pursuit as they madly passed her door. wanzant (the “honest }...; as he was called) was always ready to turn out with his team, and the hunters were rarely clever enough to come up with him. he has long since filled a martyr's grave. mrs. stowe, therefore, during her long residence on the frontier of the slave states, by several visits to them, would natu- rally become familiar in observations of them, and furnish herself with ample material her masterpiece on slavery. we cannot refuse one of mrs. stowe's sketches in . “the slave-catchers, backed by the riff-raff of the population, and urged on by certain politicians and merchants, attacked the quarters in which the negroes reside. some of the houses were battered down by cannon. for several days the city was abandoned to violence and crime. the negro-quarters were pillaged and sacked. negroes attempting to defend their property were killed, and their bodies thrown into the streets. women cruelly injured by ruffians, some afterwards dying of their injuries. houses were burnt, and men, women, and children were betrayed in the confusion, and hurried into slavery. from the brow of the hill on which i lived, i could hear the cries of the victims, the shouts of the mob, the reports of guns and cannon, and could see the flames of the conflagration. to more than one of the trembling fugitives i have given shelter, and wept bitter tears with them. - after the fury of the mob was spent, * x appendix. many of the coloured people gathered together the little left them of worldly goods and started for canada. hundreds passed in front of my house. some of them were in little waggons. some trudging along on foot after their household stuff. some leading their children by the hand. and there were even mothers who walked on suckling their infants, and weeping for the dead, or kidnapped husbands they had left behind.” before concluding this sketch we would observe that, by the verdict of england's people, “‘uncle tom's cabin’ takes its place as a standard work amongst the beauties of english literature.” as earl carlisle said: “its genius, pathos, and humour, commend themselves.” as the rev. james sherman said: “it is as irresistibly attractive to the learned and unlearned as bunyan's pilgrim's progress.” it has been translated in france, holland, germany, italy, sweden, russia, and spain. the supreme joy, however, to mrs. stowe"must have been that provi- dence has prolonged her valuable life to witness the consummation of her prayers and toils—the abolition of slavery a more recent pleasure is, that the hero of her “cabin,” “uncle tom,” has paid his third visit to england, even in his eighty-eighth year ! rev. j. henson (who supplied the principal facts of his life to mrs. stowe, and upon which she built her inimitable work of “uncle tom ") has been received in town and country with great interest, and by many thousands of people. among other objects of interest in his travels, he has addressed the officers and crew of lord nelson's line-of-battle ship—the old “trafalgar.” may the closing years of mrs. stowe and josiah henson be happy and triumphant may the fruits of their spiritual life-work swell the “multitude of the redeemed !” the night is short, and the morning will soon dawn appendix b. “a lost continist." siavery and the slave-trade in africa. as it now is. [by the kind permission of the author, joseph cooper, esq., we earnestly enlist the attention and sympathy of our readers to the following extracts which we have taken from his mournfully in- teresting work, entitled, “a lost continent," published by messrs. longmans, green, and co.] - “when the events of the present age pass into history, probably no greater anomaly will be observed than the state of the vast con- tinent of africa during this part of the present century. the slave-trade at the present time extends over the greater part of the northern, southern, and central regions, and covers an area nearly equal to that of the whole of europe.” appendix. “notwithstanding all that has been done, the african slave- trade as a whole, is, at this moment, probably as great as it has been at any previous time.” “the slave-trade has now existed more than three centuries, and within that period, according to a careful french writer, more than fifty millions of slaves have been taken from africa.” “the traffic mostly now carried on by the overland routes east- ward has enormously increased. the principal countries on behalf of which the present afriean slave-trade is carried on are turkey, egypt, persia, tunis, morocco, and madagascar. on them the responsibility for the present state of africa now mainly rests.” “sir bartle frere, in the blue book presented to the houses of parliament in , states that, ‘the correspondence of the central african vicariate apostolic extends over countries roughly esti- mated at having a population of , , of negroes, between the red and arabian seas on the east, and the atlantic on the west ; and the annual drain consequent on slavery is estimated by the superior of the mission at , , .’ dr. livingstone calculated that not more than one slave in five arrived at his desti- nation, and on some routes not one in nine. this does not include the loss of life caused by the torture of boys for the markets of egypt and turkey, under which two out of every three perish.” “in all the expeditions it should be borne in mind that the cause of the natives is never heard. we only hear the statements of the europeans who enter into these engagements, and they go so. equipped and armed that, it has been forcibly remarked, their lives are insured. when any great amount of slaughter has been com- mitted the aggressors congratulate one another on their bravery and gallant bearing, and the world applauds.” “at the present moment england, france, and america may, in a certain sense, be said to patronise slavery in the east. their. consuls in those countries appoint agents in the principal towns and centres who are supporters of slavery and owners of slaves. over the roofs of their houses wave the flags of christian nations, and under them are the slaves of these consular agents.” “the following remarks are taken from a very important paper written in egypt, by sir bartle frere, on his route to zanzibar -— “it can hardly escape so enlightened a ruler as his highness that slavery is in itself a canker which must eat into the vitals of a country like egypt, whose prosperity depends in so large a degree on the industry of the agricultural class. . . . his highness expressed a hope that the stoppage of the supply of slaves from the interior would ultimately tend towards a gradual diminution and final extinction of slavery in egypt. feel that all experience is against this capectation. whilst the demand continues i believe it to be practically impossible to cut off the supply. this is especially the case where the sources of supply are so many and spread over so large an area that ages would hardly suffice to reach them all by separate measures of repression. but if the demand is extinguished the object is at once effected and the trade must cease.” index. a. - page a coasting vessel.................. acquits me, squire mcdonald across the river by night ...... “adversity university " ...... a fortnight's journey............ alarm at lancaster, ohio ...... alexander gave me the slip ... —'s guilt discovered ........ alone in the wilderness......... american department, super- intendent of................. amos riley and his estate...... —— when i shaved — gives me a pass reception by ........ —— an appeal to falls sick..................... — pitiable appeals of . reaches home ............... andover, massachusetts, visit to ............... .............. a new home for three years. ... anniversary of sunday school union .......... - ... a painful day ..................... appeal to the legislature, an —— success on a second ...... archbishop of canterbury, visit to ........................ a retrospect of past life........ arguments with wife failed ... arrival in kentucky, our ...... in new orleans, our ..... —— on the indiana shore...... —— of a maryland friend...... a smart young fellow, con- sidered ....................... attorney-general conducted iny suit........................ - - page auction, the slave ............... b. “bad luck happens to every- body” ........................ bail, the names of my ......... i baptist noel, i preach for hon. berry, esq., my negotiator ... bill of daily fare, a slave's...... binney, i call on rev. thomas birthday, my black-knight, “uncle tom” a blacks in canada, condition of —— a convention of ............ blind, our captain becomes ... boyhood and youth bondage, escape from boy left behind, recovery of the................-- - - - - - - - - - - - - - book, in new england with thy ... . . . . . ------- - - - - - - - - - - - - - - bourbon county, journey to ... boston, my visit to............... — contributes , dollars —— custom-house officer at ... — more cargoes to ............ —- collected £ , in ...... brock, rev. wm., preached for........................ , brother's freedom, my ... , — eldest son, my ............ brother is now ninety-one, my brougham, i cali on lord...... bryce litton and my master — has an accident ............ — maims me for life .. -- — — is well thrashed ............ wins a lawsuit buffalo captain, the -- arrival at..................... index. page page burns, preached for rev. jabez closing up my london agency buxton, sir t. f., and r. c. clothing of slaves ............... bevan ........................ buy my freedom c. camden (dawn), a sawmill built in........................ canada and the north star ... — journey to .................. — how far is it to ?...... — when we landed in... — how i behaved on land- — our new home in ......... — commenced preaching in — condition of blacks in ... — life in ...... ............... — my company on reaching — travelled in.................. canadian testimonial to my character capital and labour, i lecture on captain, become a temporary. my converse with the ... — offers work, a ... ........... — parting gift by the......... i}. .# second esse company, i was ......... cargo, character of our ........ chaplain, of new york, mr. w. l. ........................ characters, mrs. h. b. stowe's cheated and betrayed............ chickering packs my boxes, mr. children, preparation for carry- in .............................. chivalric sentiment, iloved the chivalrous heart of tom, the... church, my acquaintance with mr. thomas.................. cincinnati, strong temptation at .................... ...... — preaching in we reach......... , , clark, mrs. stowe sends for me and mr. g. .................. cockburn, sir john, advice of. colchester, met rev. hiram wilson in ..................... i committee of inquiry ap- pointed, a..................... complimentary letters of intro- duction ........................ i condition of freed slaves ...... conducting slaves to canada... confronted with a slander...... congregation disappointed, a . connecticut, travelled in ...... conscience, stopped by ......... conspiracy of isaac and amos riley......... ................. constable arrests me, a .. . convention of blacks, a conversion, my, and effects ... cool freedom and hot oppres- sion … …................. copyright to mr. john lobb, i present my ............... cow leads us across the river, a cow will tell us some news, the cruel nature of slavery ... ..... culpepper, through............... cumberland, through............ cup for water, a strange ...... customs officer, scene with the dawn, home at '.................. — i remove with my family to ........................... on the river sydenham . — selected for the settle- ment.............. ......... — settlement, extent of the — trustees, meeting of — a mass meeting in the institution day of secret meditation, a ... — of judgment come, the ... debt on the sawmill, heavy ... description of escape, the ...... desire to learn to spell, my ... diamond cut diamond index. page page difficulties in learning, my ... family, public sale of our...... dinah and topsy described ... — disposal of my brother's disappointed congregation, a . || family's reception of amos, the dollar, the captain's last ...... | farewell to amos, my last fate of the sawmill.............. e. father, character of my......... early aspirations checked...... i fate of my .................. early breakfast for six, an...... fauquier, through ... early memories .................. | ferry, harper's .................. earthquake to breakupslavery, fifteen hundred dollars sub- oilly all .................... ... scribed ........................ education and property, value fifty, i learn to read at about of . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ... | first great trial .................. — my felt need of . || foot, miles travelled on ... — of my son tom ............ || fording a stream, our ...... .. efforts in boston, a sawmill forgave my master's cruelty... raised by .................. || fourteen hundred dollars from — made in many of the boston ........................ states ... .................. || fowler, l. n., a sketch of me by professor.................. frank, interview with eliza, about freedom, buy my ............... — died at oberlin in | – my brother's ............... eliza's husband still active ... |freight a vessel with walnut, i elliot, samuel, esq., a friend emancipation, proclamation of end, our happy union at an ... england, visit to.................. enterprise undertaken, a great erie, the lake ..................... a large meeting at fort... escape from bondage ............ escaping slaves, a scene of ... a free white man ......... esculapius, miss patty the ... establishment of a manual la- bour school .................. eulogium on my wife............ eva, mr. st. clair young's daughter like eventful night arrived, the ... exhibits in london ex- hibition ..................... exploration, a tour of ......... extent of coloured people set- tlements ..................... f. factotum, i was master's ...... friend, appeal to an old ...... frightened horse, the, runs ... fugitive slave act, the ......... i a scene in boston ......... fugitive slaves, canadian pre- judice to .................. — grievances of ............... — enlisting in the states ... fuller, james c., of skenea- teles, new york........ • — visits england and ob- tains help funds exhausted gallant action, account of a ... george harris, about god, if there be a good samaritans.................. “got for striking a white man" ........................ grey, proposition from lord... gurney, i call on samuel ...... h. harper's ferry, through......... index. page hathaways, benevolent quakers helm, i take my turn at the... henson and wilson, travelling secretaries .................. hewes, the blacksmith ......... hibbard, character of mr....... . — i offer to work for ... ..... — three years' service with mr. ........................ hiding from the horsemen ... hiram wilson, i co-operated with him thirty years...... home, wife's laugh at our new — safe at ........................ — at dawn ..................... hughes, great assistance from rev. mr. .................. — gives me a reference ...... i. idols shattered..................... indians, a startling meeting of — a chief of the ............ .. — kindness from the ... industrial projects ............... insurrection, nat turner's interview with frank ......... introductory letters to england impression, a providential...... improved circumstances , , jolly times for the slaves, some journey, a responsible ......... —— of a thousand miles ...... —— to kentucky ............... —— the route of my ... —— to canada ... .............. k. kentucky, i conduct eighteen # negroes to.................. —— journey to .... .... — our arrival in ... — back to ............... second journey to ......... kentuckians, narrow escape from page l. - lad, my character when a...... lakes of ontario, erie, and huron ........................ lake st. clair, and detroitriver erie ........................... lancaster, ohio ........ . ... land in canada, our ............ large party of slaves waiting to escape ..................... lawrence, amos, esq., a friend lawrence, i call on hon. a.... laws of slave states leak, our boat sprung a......... lecture on capital and labour, i legree and bryce litton com- pared.................... ...... lessons from tom, i take ... levi coffin's reminiscences ... story of eliza ............ lewis clark, the george harris —— residence of his family ... s liberty, value of.................. life in canada.............. ...... lightfoot, family of left behind james, about ............... — jefferson, unexpected meeting of ............... — the family of, all meet in canada.................. lightfoot's relations, in search of —— discovery of ............... — token for his family ...... lincoln's proclamation ......... litton and my master — has an accident .. —— is well thrashed .. ... -— maims me for life ......... — wins the lawsuit ......... lobb, "my acquaintance with mr. john .................. lodgings of slaves london, upper canada, a con- vention in................. ... lord j. russell's estate, visit to index. page page “lost continent”............... mill removed to dresden ...... louisville................. - misplaced confidence ........ ... lumbering operations mississippi, voyaging down the montgomery county, bound for m more ways to kill a dog than macaulay, dr., my thanks to... mackenzie, lawyer, quoted ... maimed for life .................. maine, travelled in............... man-of-war, my son enlists on a manual labour school, a manual labour school at dawn manumission papers, i secured inv . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . — when i received............ markets, washington georgetown ...... ........... maryland............... ... ... returning to ...... ... maryland and virginia sixty years ago ...................... massachusetts, travelled in ... matured plan of escape maysville, city of ....... — arrival at .................... —— to cincinnati, distance ... mccormick, mr. .................. — not entitled to rent ...... —— defeated by.................. mckenny, john ..... ... character of....... ... —— hear him preach............ — text by, the first i heard 's sermon, doctrine of...... mclean, of chatham, attorney —'s testimony of me ......... mcpherson, dr. j. ............... character of.......... —— the end of dr.... ... ——'s estate, sale of ............ meditation, a day of secret ... mercy, miles, a journey of methodist episcopal church preacher, am a............... methodist episcopal conference methodist preacher's sugges- tion of freedom ............ miami river, the .................. mill removed by stratagent ... feeding ..... .................. morley's table, when sitting at samuel ........................ mother, who was my ...... — character of my ...... mother's family sold off... murder in my heart, a ... musings, solitary ......... ... my companions, sale of ......... - reflections on sale of... my conversion..... ............... — difficulties at dawn ......... — family, a full account of ... — father and his overseer ...... – marriage ........................ — master comes to me for aid... — name, how i got........ ...... — praying mother ............... my master's guard, i was ...... — — — habits..................... — —— quarrels and character — —— marriage — — ruin ....... narrow escape from ken- tuckians ..................... national turnpike to wheeling, on the ........................ nature of slavery, the cruel ... nellis the constable, william. new england a market for our lumber new hampshire, travelled in . new orleans, arrival at ......... — trading voyage to ......... new scenes and a new home... new home in canada, our...... newman's farm, francis ...... night across the river, the...... nursing amos riley ............ o. objects of the manual labour school ..... .................. offer of a boat to canada ...... okafenoke swamp ............... one hundred and eighteen slaves rescued ............... one of our party left to die ... on reaching canada, my com- panions........................ operations, lumbering ......... oswego, i charter a vessel to... our return to the perishing brother........................ papers might have been lost, my parting scene with her family, wife's........................... pass, mrs. riley returns me my patty, miss, the esculapius ... — character of miss ......... peabody, rev. ephraim, a friend ....................... pennsylvania, a speaker from... peto, hon. samuel, referred to plans for liberating slaves...... pool, story of alexander ...... — martin and basil defeated portsmouth, ohio ............... practically i was an overseer... preacher, tom becomes a ...... preacher, when admitted as a . preaching, requisites of ......... present condition of coloured fugitives ......... ........... president lincoln's proclama- tion .........….......... prison, and whipping, ordered to .............................. promotion to be a superin- - tendent..................... ... property inspected by queen victoria, my............ ..... t proposition from lord grey, a providence, a wonderful......... providential deliverance ...... — impression, a ............... purchase, my liberty shall only be by........................ — of a decent suit and a horse........................ page q. quaker, meeting a friendly ... sign “thee” and “thou" 's family, reception by the qualifications for preaching, on quarrels, slave-masters’......... quarrel with the english agent queen victoria visits me, questions, my son tom's ...... railroad, second - journey on the underground............ read, my son teaches me to ... reception by master frank ... reception by my master riley recovering of the boy left behind ........................ reflections on the rileys' treatment..................... regular taverns for droves of . negroes ... . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . rescues his master, tom ...... resignation to the will of god resolve to kill four com- panions........................ resort to a stratagem ........ richmond, indiana............... riley, isaac, of montgomery co. a blacksmith — character of...... .......... — reception by my master my nursing of amos ...... riseley, took service under mr. meetings in the house of mr. ..................... river, the night across the ... robb, i was bought by ......... a tavern-keeper ............ ruined, two of my bail nearly sad visit in wicksburg, a safe at home...... ............. ... sails hoisted for canada......... sale of the flat-boat, the.. -- sample song the slaves sing ... samuel morley and g. sturge start a fund index. page page sandusky, city of ............... | son tom reads to me, my ...... —— ohio, eliza and child to two quarters' schooling saw-mill raised by bosto of my........................ donations .................. ... — offers to teach me ......... school, a site for the new ...... | south, i was taken ............... scioto, arrival at.................. | southern italy, coloured people scotch borderer, comparison in .....................….. with a ........................ | southern slaveholders for search for wife and children, twenty-four hours!......... our. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . || spell, my first attempts to ... second journey on the under- stars, a shower of ... ........... f ground railroad ............ | startling meeting of indians... second wife, my .................. | starvation, near .................. september , , reached starvation, threatened ......... canada ........................ || stealing, the law on ........... service under riseley, a new... log settlers for seven years, be- calne ... . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . seventeen hundred dollars raised........................... seven years' perplexity, after... shaving amos riley ........... . sherman, preached for rev. james ........................ shouting as we reached the deck ........................... shower of stars .................. sickness of amos riley, the ... sick, wife and children all fall skeneateles, new york . ....... skin worn from my back ...... slander, triumphant reply to a slavery, cruel nature of......... does not eradicate memory slave states, laws of ............ — auction, the .... again, a ..................... condition of freed ......... slaves, lodgings of ............... to canada, conducting... a scene of escaping......... — rescued one hundred and eighteen..................... smith, mr. peter b., referred to preached for dr. george... sold the next day, i was to be solitary musings.................. son-in-law enlisted in detroit, steaming off on the mississippi stopped by conscience ......... story of my life, when com- pleted ........................ stowe, a sketch of mrs. h. b. — i visit mrs. h. b. ......... stowe's characters, mrs. h.b. , — book, how and where read book, the wedge that rent slavery ..................... —— “uncle tom's cabin " ... stream, our fording a............ striking a white man, on ...... sufferings from litton's bru- tality........................... suit ended, how my ............ summary of “uncle tom’s” meetings ..................... “sunday at home” magazine t. table, sitting at morley's ......‘…. taken south, i was............... taylor, frank, owner — becomes deranged ...... ... frees the rest of the lightfoots.................. —- misses his slaves ......... terrace was my friend, squire third and last visit to london thoughts on the mississippi... thousand dollars, the price of debt slavery. abominable custom under the british flag, tw tº the prospeetive abolition of what is known as “debt slavery,” which still exists in trengganu, one of the un- federated malay states under british pro- tection, is referred to in a blue book issued ; mr. j. l. humphreys, the british agent at trengganu, in his report states that an enactment has been passed for the abolition of this evil custom, “trengganu,” he says, “is the ºnly state under british protection in which this abominable practice still continues. debt is treated as hereditary, children are taken in pledge for parents, and no reduº- tion is made in the debt on account of the iahour of the debtor.” , . what is now proposed is that all exist- ing debts, are tº be registered within six months, the making of any new agreement for debt , slavery is prohibited, all registered debts are reduced automatically by fixed monthly reduction on account of the debtor's labour. - it is ealeulated that existing debts will be wiped out within three years, and it is stated that, any quicker process would not educate, eithér master or debtor class sufficiently to secure a permanent abolition.” english as she is writ. a kaffir boy's notice. af. * yo south african correspondent sends us the followińg piquant missive which he received from one of his kaffir “boys.” who desired to give notice. the “boy” in question was reputed to be an “educated” nativeſ dear sir, i have the ammusement of dropping you these few espistle to let you know that i am thanking you for being so kind to me i am out of working i want to conclude working the end of this week i am returning back to school i am concluding with piece yours servant johan nes. --------- j z i uo uuu here the cardiff negroes ** ** by a. e. moyser, editor of the “marine magazine." bute-street—that broad, busy highway which leads from the town of cardiff to the docks—is in all probability more cosmopolitan in its charac- ter, and in respect of its wandering deep-sea frequenters, than any other place in this country. on its left-hand side, going from the town, is the tall, grimy wall bounding the docks. on the right-hand side, where sailormen mostly parade, are shops, practically all of which are in some way or other devoted to supplying the wants of the seafarer. - like other south wales ports, cardiff is essen- tially a “tramp” port. passenger liners do not make frequent calls, and whoever wanders through the dock area will find that it is the ugly but useful steam cargo-carrier that is most in evidence. a few “wind-jammers,” mostly foreign-owned, are occasionally to be seen lying at the buoys or alongside the quays. all are there for practically one purpose, and that is to load coal for near or distant over-sea ports. day by day there leaves the port a stream of coal-laden ſpackets, and it is from the board- ing-houses of bute-street, or “tiger bay,” as the network of mean streets running from and behind this thoroughfare is called, that crews for these deep-sea colliers are procured. these cargo boats have to take what they can get in the way of a “crowd"—and often this means a pretty fine mixture of nationalities in the forecastle. the negroes: “native town.” negrºes and arabs are common in this dis- trict. the mate of a collier, when speaking to me on this point, very aptly described the i- tion when he said: “i have been outside the . ping office looking for a crew, and i’d have needed *... looking-glass to see a white face, and |- |- |- ae - --- - （. t： （） ： . | || │ │ │ . - - |- . - _ |- |- llº º , q arbarb college library ve: - | n - | º s - *_> - & - - from the bright legacy one half the income from this legacy, which was re- ceived in o under the will of jonathan brown bright of waltham, massachusetts, is to be expended for books for the college library. the other half of the income is devoted to scholarships in harvard university for the benefit of descendants of henry bright, j.r., who died at watertown, massachusetts, in . in the absence of such descendants, other persons are eligible to the scholarships. the will requires that this announce- ment shall be made in every book added to the library under its provisions. an a d d r e s s delivered in the congregational church, in middlebury, by request of the vermont anti-slavery society, on wednesday evening, february , . by o l i w e r j o hns on . m o n t p e l i e r : knapp and jewett, printers. . at the annual meeting of the vermont anti-slavery society, l/ holden in middlebury, february , , it was unanimously ~ * voted, that the thanks of this society be presented to mr. oliver johnson for his address, delivered on the present occasion, and that he be requested to furnish a copy for the press.” attest, chauncey l. knapp, recording secretary. a d d r e s s. mankind in general love to be praised for their good deeds, rather than to be censured for their bad ones; to be lauded on account of their virtues, rather than to be plainly told of their vices. hence arises the prevailing opposition to associations for moral reform. it is the avowed object of such associations to expose and condemn public and prevailing sins; to bring to light the hidden corruptions of the times; and to shame them out of existence by a righteous public sentiment. foreseeing the effect of such measures upon their reputation in society, the guilty will generally make a desperate effort to arrrest their progress, by misrepresenting the objects and impugning the motives of those concerned in urging them forward. this is done to divert public attention from the main point—the ques- tion of their own guilt or innocence—and with the hope of di- viding the friends of reform upon some consideration of minor importance; thus enfeebling their efforts, by inducing them to quarrel among themselves. it is believed that no society for moral reform has ever en- countered more violent opposition than the associations which have been formed in this country, within the last three years, for the abolition of slavery. the primitive christians were not more universally reviled, or malignantly misrepresented than are the prominent members of these associations. they are stigmatized as mad-men and fanatics, and reviled as incen- diaries; they are accused of holding principles the most cor- rupt and of advocating measures the most revolting and dam- gerous. these accusations and these epithets are uttered by men of every grade, and of every complexion of moral character, from the minister of the gospel down to the most degraded tenant of the grog-shop. they are uttered in places high and low—in the pulpit, the legislative hall, and from the press*— and industriously circulated in social and private circles. much of this opposition is doubtless the fruit of ignorance and misapprehension. multitudes join in the general ‘hue and cry’ against abolitionists, who know nothing of their prin- ciples and purposes. they have heard it confidently affirmed, by men who ought to be good authority in such matters, that they contemplate a dissolution of the union and an amalga- mation of the whites and blacks; and without stopping to in- quire into the truth of these grave charges, they have thrown themselves into the ranks of the opposition. there are others, whose fear of excitement and want of moral courage keep them in an attitude of hostility to the meas- ures of the abolitionists. they are alarmed at the threats of slaveholders, and tremble lest, somehow or other, if the ques- tion is agitated, the union will be sundered. they do not so much doubt the correctness of our principles as call in question the expediency of our measures. there are others whose love of popularity prevents them from joining our ranks. they are convinced, in their own minds, that our principles are correct; but their love of popu- lar applause induces them to remain silent while they are accounted our opponents. again, there are many whose pride of opinion prevents them from joining us. they have thought themselves wise, and are unwilling to confess that they have been mistaken. the two classes last mentioned are chiefly composed of men in public life, who prefer to lead rather than follow the multi- tude in any important enterprise ; and who are envious of the distinction which must be awarded to others, if the cause suc- ceeds. exclusive of these, there are large numbers of almost every class in the community, who need only to be accurately informed in relation to the principles and designs of anti-slave- * among the numerous slanders which have been put in circulation by a pro- slavery press, designed to bring odium upon abolitionists and their cause, no one appears to have been uttered with a more reckless disregard of truth, than the assertion of the vermont chronicle, that they hold the corrupt and disorganizing principles of the french jacobins. it was utiered not only without evidence, but against evidence. it is owing, in a great measure, to this misrepresentation, so generally circulated among the religious portion of community, that so many of the pulpits in this state are closed against our agents, and the minds of multitudes filled with the most bitter and unrelenting prejudices against our cause. the chronicle must be regarded as wholly ...ſ. of confidence on any subject con- ...? with abolition, while its editors continue to hold this ‘ . f in their right land." one of the gentlemen who conducted the chronicle at the time this slander was first promulged, is now the editor of the boston recorder, and appears to be the presiding genius in the newly-formed ‘american union.” he has said inuch of what, with affected contempt, he is pleased to call the garrisonism of the american anti-slavery society. query—ls the above slander to be regarded as a specimen of the tracyism of the american union " - ry societies, to become their firm and unwavering supporters. indeed it is believed, that a vast majority of those in the free states, who are at present either opposed to our efforts or indifferent concerning them, might be induced to join us, if we could reach their minds and hearts by our arguments and ap- peals. the truth is, we have been condemned without a hear- ing. the pulpits have been extensively closed against us; editors of newspapers, both religious and political, have, for the most part, refused to open their columns, or opened them only to revile us: and being thus extensively shut out from all the ordinary avenues to the public mind, it is no wonder that our principles have been misunderstood, and our objects misrep- resented. in view of these circumstances, i have thought that i could not do the cause a better service on the present occasion, than by endeavoring to answer the most prominent objections to our principles and measures. i shall therefore speak, i. of objections to the principles of anti-slavery societies ; and ii. of objection's to their measures. it will be necessary, however, in the first place, to state, concisely, what are the fundamental principles of these socie- ties. and . they maintain, that slavery, which consists in holding and treating human beings as property, is, in all circumstances, altogether sinful; that it is a heinous and aggravated crime, for which there is and can be no more excuse than for robbery or murder. hence, . they maintain, that the masters are solemnly bound in- stantly to emancipate their slaves; to afford them the protec- tion of law; and to treat them, not as merchandize, but as men. . they maintain, that the people of color have a right to a home in this country; that such of them as “possess the qual- ifications which are demanded of others, ought to be admitted forthwith to the enjoyment of the same privileges, and the ex- ercise of the same prerogatives, as others; that the paths of preferment, of wealth, and of intelligence, should be opened as widely to them as to persons of a white complexion;' and that to make the color of their skin a pretext for excluding them from these privileges, is a violation of the law of love.* there are but few persons—at least in new england—who will withhold their assent from the general statement, that slavery is wrong and ought to be abolished; but multitudes contend, that there are insuperable difficulties in the way of * sec the ‘declaration of scntiments, adopted by the convention which formed the american anti-slavery society. immediate emancipation—difficulties which justify the reten- tion of the slaves in bondage for a limited period. as . their ignorance disqualifies them for freedom.—what then becomes of the principle asserted in our declaration of independence, ‘that all men are created equal;’ and that the right to ‘life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness’ is inaliena- ble . is ignorance a crime on the part of the slave? or is it the fault of the master? if it be a sin, let punishment fall upon the guilty and not upon the innocent. let not the lace- rated and bleeding slave suffer for that which is not his fault. it is dangerous to adopt principles which we cannot define. let those who say, that one man may innocently enslave an- other on account of his ignorance, tell us how much knowledge a man must possess to entitle him to his liberty. shall he simply be required to understand the letters of the english alphabet or must he be able to read intelligibly or must he understand latin and greek, and have a perfect knowledge of the various branches of english literature? these are ques- tions, which those who make the objection under consideration are bound to answer. the principle, too, when defined, they must apply to men of all complexions—the whites as well as blacks. alas! how many men, whom the god of nature has clothed with a white skin, would never again taste the sweets of liberty, if their ignorance were to be admitted as a valid excuse for enslaving them - if it is right to retain the slaves in bondage on account of their ignorance; would it not also be right, on the same prin- ciple, to enslave all, of every complexion, who are as ingorant as they where is the difference but this objection to immediate emancipation will appear still more absurd, when it is considered, that the ignorance of the slaves is the natural and inevitable consequence of slavery. how can you prevent the effect without annihilating the cause: are the slaves to be educated by the same process which has made them ignorant : ever since the organization of our government, the doctrine has been maintained by slaveholders, and echoed by their apologists, that the slaves ought not to be emancipated until they are prepared by education. now i ask, what has been done within this period by way of instructing them : are they any better prepared for freedom now, than they were fifty years ago? and what reason have we to hope, that they will be any better prepared fifty years hence than they now are : the ignorance of the slaves, so far from excusing the mas- ters for retaining them in servitude, is one of the strongest rea- sons which can be urged in favor of their emancipation. the system of slavery, which shrouds its victims in the grossest darkness—putting out as it were the eyes of the soul—which denies them the privilege of reading the word of life, and makes it a crime to teach them the lowest rudiments of know- ledge—must be annihilated, before it will be possible to en- lighten their minds. how long, think you, the slaves would remain in bondage, if they were taught to read, and allowed free access to books? slaveholders know, that their safety depends entirely upon the ignorance of their victims; that if they were instructed, they would not wait for the tardy process of voluntary emancipation, but would seek their liberty at the expense of blood: hence they never will allow them to be in- structed while they continue to hold them as property. the history of the world does not furnish a single instance of a race of men who have been educated while in a state of slavery, and it never will. speculate about it as we may—the thing is impossible. the light of knowledge will never illumine the mind of the slave until his fetters are broken. the wisdom of the objection under consideration was admi- rably illustrated by the father who told his son that he should never go into the water until he had learned to swim for it is not more necessary for a man to go into the water to learn the art of swimming, than it is that he should be free in order to be educated. . it is said, that the slaves are in a better condition now than they would be if they were immediately emancipated. let us see. we will first look at their present condition; and then at what it probably would be, if they were allowed the peaceable enjoyment of their rights. now they are regarded as property—as mere goods and chattels;*— now the masters have unlimited control over their bodies, and may starve or torture them at pleasure;f— now they have no means of redress against any white man who may choose to invade their rights; for the law deprives them of the privilege of being witnessess in any case where a white man is the accused;f- * “slaves shall be deemed, sold, taken, reputed and adjudged in law to be chat- tels personal in the hands of their owners and possessors, and their executors, ad- ministrators and assigns, to all intents, constructions and purposes whatsoever.’— civil code of s. c.—see stroud’s ‘sketch of the laws relating to slavery,’ p. . # a law in north carolina, which prescribes the punishment for killing a slave, contains the following proviso: , ‘ provided always, this act shall not extend to the person killing a slave outlawed by any act of assembly of this state, or to any slave in the act of resistance to his lawful owner or master, or to any slave dying under moderate correction '—see mrs. child's appeal, p. how “moderate' must be that ‘ correction’ under which a slave should die | #, “a white man may, with impunity, if no other white be present, torture, maim, and even murder his slave, in the midst of any number of negroes and mulat- toes.”—stroud, p. . ~ now they can hold no property, real or personal;”— now they are compelled to toil solely for their masters, without compensation;– now they may be sold separately, or in lots to suit purchas- ers; the husband and wife, the parent and child, and lover and friend, may be separated at the pleasure of their owners;f— now they are unprotected in their domestic relations; the virtue of more than a million females is at the mercy of licen- tious masters and overseers;f-and now they are kept in brutal ignorance both of their relations to god and to their fellow men.]] in lieu of this complicated system of oppression—this com- bination of all that is odious and corrupt in principle and cruel in practice, we propose— that they shall be treated as men, and not as property;- that the masters shall be deprived of the power to punish them at discretion—to exact their labor without compensation —to sell them, the husband from the wife, the wife from the husband, and parents from their children;– that they shall be placed under the protection of wise and equitable laws, which shall secure to them the enjoyment of all their rights on the one hand, and restrain them from the commission of crime on the other;- that they shall be employed as free laborers, and paid justly for their labor; or if they should refuse to be thus employed, and become disorderly or turbulent, that the law shall punish them in the same way that it now does white people of the same character;-- that the law shall regard the virtue of colored females as sacred as that of their white sisters;–and that, all, both old and young, male and female, shall be taught the rudiments of knowledge—allowed to read the bible, and be instructed in its heavenly truths. who can doubt that a transformation like this would add to ** all that a slave p. belongs to his master—he possesses nothing of his own.”—civil code of louisiana—stroud, p. . # in the winter of , an auction flag was hoisted in richmond, virginia, with the following curious advertisement: “on monday the th inst; will be sold in front of the high constable's office, one bright mulatto woman, about twenty six years of age; also, some empty barrels, and sundry old candle bores!’-mrs. child's appeal, p. . ł james a. thome of kentucky, in his speech at the annual meeting of the american anti-slavery society, said—'i have facts; but i forbear to state them- facts which have fallen under my own observation, startling enough to arouse the moral indignation of the community.’ ‘let it be felt in the north and rolled back upon º outh, that the slave states are sodoms, and almost every village family a brothel !” | in georgia, the teaching of a colored person to read or write is punished by fine not exceeding one hundred dollars, and imprisonment at the discretion of the court. the laws of the other slaveholding states are similar. an a d d r e ss delivered in the congregational church, in middlebury, by request of the vermont anti-slav ery society, on wednesday evening, february , . --- --------- by () i., i w. f. h. j () h n () n. m o n t p p, i, i p, h: kwarº ani, if wett, print frºs, * :, . bestowed upon the slaves. this evidence is ſound in the ſact, that when they wish to reward a slave for some noble and dis- interested act, they break his fetters / for example, the legis- lature of georgia recently bought of his master, for $ , , a slave who had saved a valuable public building from destruc- tion by fire, and gave him his liberty did they mean to inflict a curse, or to bestow a blessing? what is this act but a confession, on the part of the masters, that emancipation would be happy for the slave if there is a class of persons in the world whom i could endure to see made slaves, it is those who maintain that liberty would be a curse to the colored man. mayhap a year's ser- vice under a southern task-master—a few sales at auction with ‘other live stock'—and a few floggings with a slave-driver's whip, might restore them to their reason, and convince them that, after all, liberty is better than slavery. a trial of a sin- gle month might be sufficient, perhaps, to induce them to say with full sincerity— “o ! massa, he is fool or knave, and his heart is sealed to me, who says de poor afflicted slave is happier dan de free. but if he be not fool or knave, if he speak de truth of me, den let him come and be de slave, and i will be de free.” . it is said that an immediate emancipation of all the slaves would be dangerous—an evil of greater magnitude than slavery itself—and that of two evils we must choose the least. but we have not the right of choice between moral evils. the principle of choosing the least of two evils is applicable only to those evils which are merely physical. take a famil- iar illustration: suppose there is a rock in the highway, so that the traveler cannot pass without great difficulty. now it is proper to say of this rock that it is an evil, and ought to be removed. but we can easily conceive of circumstances in which its immediate removal would produce a still greater evil. now we have a right to exercise our judgment in choosing the best time to remove that rock from the highway; because it is a physical evil, which does not involve the violation of god’s law. but slavery is a moral evil—a sin—and cannot be continued a moment without guilt. that immediate emancipation would be attended with per- fect safety, may be argued from the nature of the human mind, and from historical facts. operate to induce the slaves to fight, but furnish them with the strongest motives for gratitude and contentment. after having been so long treated as merchandize, how would it console and comfort them to think, that they were at last to be regarded as men | no longer to be bought and sold—no longer to be com- pelled to toil without compensation, or kept in ignorance of their relations to god and their fellow-men. o, it would bind around their hearts a ‘cord of love' stronger than death, by which they might be led in the paths of virtue and peace i have said, that the safety of emancipation might be argued from historical facts; and i now challenge the advocates of gradual emancipation to produce from the history of the world a single instance in which the liberation of slaves has caused the evils which their imagination has depicted. i challenge them to point to a single drop of human blood, which has been shed by slaves in consequence of their emancipation. do they point to st. domingof let them know, that the horrible scenes enacted there were the bitter fruits of oppres- sion. for eight years, more than half a million of emancipated slaves continued to labor peaceably and quietly for their former masters; and ‘the colony,’ to use the language of an accredited historian,” “marched, as by enchantment, towards its ancient splendor; cultivation prospered; every day produced percept- ible proofs of its progress.’ it was when bonaparte attempted to restore slavery—to fasten again the iron yoke of bondage upon five hundred thousand freemen, that those scenes occur- red, which struck the whole civilized world with horror. in july, , thirty thousand hottentots were emancipated in cape colony, in south africa, by the british parliament; and admitted by law to all the rights and privileges of the white colonists. although the masters protested that there would be no security to life or property, yet were their flocks not pil- laged nor their throats cut.f passing by a score of facts of the same nature, which we might mention, if time would permit, we refer to the experi- ment now going on in the british west indies for evidence of the most decisive character of the entire safety of immediate emancipation. while the people of great britain were dis- cussing the subject of slavery in their colonies, and while a vast majority of the philanthropists of that country were urging parliament to abolish it at once and forever; the same predic- tions of ruin and massacre were uttered by the planters, which are now uttered by the friends of gradual reform in this coun: try. it was said there, as it now is here, that the emancipated slaves would pillage and burn the houses of their former mas- ters, and fill the land with mourning and wo! * general lacroix. # see the ‘oasis,' by mrs, child, p. . . it is said by way of objection, that the laws deprive the masters of the power of emancipating. this reminds me of a story, very simple indeed, but yet illustrating the fallacy of this excuse so well that i cannot forbear to relate it. a lady once left home, and commanded her daughter to perform a certain piece of laborin her absence. finding on her return, that the work had not been done, she interrogated the daughter as to the cause. ‘mother,’ said she, “i was tied.” “who tied you ?’ ‘o, i tied myself!’ and this is just what the slaveholders do —they make laws prohibiting emancipation, and then gravely plead those laws as an excuse for their oppression i was conversing, not long since, with a student, in a theo- logical seminary in new-england, from virginia. he declared positively, that the masters in that state were generally very anxious to emancipate—mourning over their unfortunate condi- tion, and the difficulties which prevented the accomplishment of their benevolent desires. i asked him to tell me what were the difficulties which rendered it necessary for slaveholders to oppress their sable victims, and disregard the plain demands of the law of love. and what do you suppose was the first diffi- culty which he brought forward by way of palliation for their heaven-daring crimes : why, that the laws deprived them of the power to “undo the heavy burdens !’ but have you not told me that there exists among them a strong public sentiment in favor of emancipation ? ‘yes.’ and they would generally be glad to emancipate, if the laws were repealed “yes.’ why then do they not repeal the laws “because,’ added he, with as much gravity as if he supposed this hypocritical sub- terfuge would effectually silence all further argument—" because they regard the laws as essential to their safety p truly has it been said, ‘error is fated to run crooked'! but it is asked, what shall those individuals do, who would be glad to emancipate, if the laws did not exist? i reply, let them obey god rather than men. god says, “break every yoke—let the oppressed go free,’ and they can no more be excused for refusing to comply, on account of the laws in ques- tion, than daniel could have been excused for neglecting to pray on account of the law of his king. but it is said, that if they do this, those who are set at liberty will be again enslaved by the public authorities. and what of that ? must they continue in crime to prevent its perpetration by others? let them fearlessly obey god, and do all in their power to protect the emancipated; and then if the state reduces them to bon- dage, on the state be the responsibility. . it is objected that immediate emancipation is not the doctrine of the bible. in support of this objection it is said, that slavery existed under the ancient dispensation, and in the time of christ and the apostles, who did not inculcate the duty of letting the slaves go free at once. i shall not go into an exten- ded examination of these points. it is a subject for an elaborate treatise. in regard to the children of israel i will only say, that allowing that their servants were slaves, in the proper sense of the word, they were held by express authority from god. it would be just as reasonable to say, that we have a right to make war upon surrounding nations with a view to exterminate them, because god authorized the israelites to do it, as it would be to plead their example in justification of slavery. although the slavery which existed in the time of christ and the apostles was very different from that which exists at the present day, the new testament is far from justifying it. much stress has been laid upon the fact, that paul commanded ser- vants to be obedient to their masters; but this no more proves that the masters had a right to retain them in bondage, than the command, ‘love your enemies, implies that men may innocently be enemies to one another. our savior has said, “if a man smite thee on the one cheek, turn to him the other also ;' but does this justify him who smites ? neither does the exhortation to servants to be obedient to their masters imply that the relation was an innocent one. but what did paul say to the masters ? did he tell them that their servants were their property—mere goods and chat- tels, which they might starve or sell at pleasure? did he say that they might be kept in brutal ignorance as the slaves are kept at the south listen to his words: “masters,” said he, ‘give unto your servants that which is just and equal.” when it can be shown that the holding of men in slavery, selling them at auction with horses and cattle, and compelling them to labor without hire, is “just and equal, then it will be time enough to assert that paul justified it. - the case of onesimus, whom paul sent back to philemon, is so often referred to in justification of slavery, that i need make no apology for quoting what follows from a lecture deliv- ered in england, by that noble champion of the slave, george thompson, who is now in this country. yes! resumed mr. thompson, this is all very beautiful: but then, st. paul sent onesimus back to philemon | well, then, about this onesimus. in the first place, does the gentleman know that this ones- imus was a slave in the sense that the negroes in the west indies [united states] are slaves? second. did philemon possess a proper- ty in his life and limbs, as the west india [american] slave owners say they have in the life and limbs of the negroes p. he should have prov- * colossians, iv. . ed this before he justified slavery, because st. paul sent onesimus back to philemon. we find in the th chapter of matthew, that a cer- tain king would take account of his servants. now the word doulos, translated servant there, is the same which is translated servant in the epistle to philemon; and we find there that one unfaithful doulos owed his master ten thousand talents. how could an abject slave owe ten thousand talents? but mark the conduct of his master. he orders the slave and his family to be sold, that he may be repaid. he sells his own property to pay himself! i may perhaps illustrate the folly of this conduct, supposing doulos to mean slave, by a homely simile. a horse in a stable slips his halter, and eats some beans out of a sack, and the master says, “oh thou wicked and ungrateful horse!, did i not give thee hay enough and yet thou hast broken loose and eaten up this sack of beans! though thou art mine, and though thou hast cost me fifty pounds, i will punish thee for this. i will sell thee to-morrow, though i should lose by thee, that i may repay myself for the beans thou hast eaten.” suppose this doulos—this slave according to west indian translation, runs away and becomes a convert to principles that he knew not be- fore—that he is recognized and sheltered, as st. paul kept onesimus— and that he is sent back with a message, ‘i send you back your runa- way.” in such a case, no doubt the slave owner would say, ‘ay, to be sure, let me have him.’ but what does st. paul say? does he bid philemon take onesimus, and treat him as the poor boy was treated for running away with his own naked body? no! does he say, ‘take him and hang him? no! does he say, ‘flog him?” no does he say, ‘chain him p' no! does he say, “put a collar on him?” no! he says, “receive him not as a servant, but as a brother.’ he bids him esteem him as more than a servant—as a brother beloved. one thing is certain; the bible does not say a word about gradual emancipation, or the duty of preparing the slaves for freedom by educating them: consequently, if the argument attempted to be drawn from scripture in support of slavery proves any thing, it proves that the system may be perpetual the objector can take which horn of the dilemma he chooses: he may say the bible justifies slavery, and therefore all attempts to promote emancipation are unscriptural: or else candidly admit, that be perverts the sacred volume and slanders the character of those who ‘spake as they were moved by the holy ghost.” those who resort to the bible to find apologies for slavery consider themselves slandered when they are spoken of as the friends of the system. they can talk very calmly of abra- ham, as a pious slaveholder—and of paul as vindicating the just claims of the masters, &c. but ask them whether they support the system, and they will reply, “o no, we are as much opposed to slavery as the abolitionists:’ as if they were more holy than paul more benevolent than god! and as if their morality were purer than that of the bible ! o, shame! that men—that christians should thus ‘wrest the scriptures,’ and give occasion for the enemy to blaspheme ! i have spoken thus far of objections to principles: i will now proceed to answer, as was proposed, ii. objection's to the measures of anti-slavery societies. and . it is said they are exciting the free states on a subject which does not concern them. and is it true, that the people of the free states have no concern with slavery suppose the slaves should universally rebel against their masters, and seek revenge for the wrongs which they have suffered; would the south be willing then that we should have nothing to do with the matter? do we flatter ourselves that such a crisis will never come that the slaves will always remain peaceable, and submit to their fate let us not delude ourselves with such a hope. unless they are voluntarily emancipated, the day of retribution will come! in all the anguish of hope deferred, they will make such an effort to secure their rights as will baffle the skill of their oppressors and fill the land with mourn- ing and wo! and where would the south look for succor in such a crisis, but to the people of the free states ? would she not point to the constitution—‘the sacred national compact'— and demand our assistance under its solemn stipulations? and have we then no concern with slavery no right to utter a note of warning and expostulation ? to whom, moreover, does the south look for assistance in recovering her “fugitives,” but to the officers of justice in the free states ? must we stain our hands with the guilt of oppression, and become partners with them in perpetrating the highest of all crimes? and have we no right to remonstrate are we slaves ourselves, hav- ing no right to utter a word, when we are required to assist in fastening the yoke of bondage on those who fly to us for protection ? i maintain, that so far from having nothing to do with slavery, the free states are under the most solemn obligations to seek its removal by united and persevering exertion. the groans of the oppressed, waſted to us on every breeze—the guilt of the oppressor rising up to heaven and calling for vengeance— our solemn declaration of independence, disregarded in the per- sons of more than two millions of manacled and bleeding slaves —the bleeding reputation of our country, and the solemn in- junction of holy writ, to “remember them that are in bonds as bound with them’—lay us under an obligation, as weighty as any which was ever pressed on the conscience of man, to seek the removal of this mighty evil. - i know it is said, that the free states are already opposed to slavery. there is a sense, doubtless, in which this is true; - but there is another sense, far more important, in which it is false. the free states opposed to slavery ! why then are the mouths of the people filled with apologies for the sin why do we hear one crying out, that it is a necessary evil? another, that its removal would be a curse both to the master and slave? and another, that the bible sanctions it? why do they tolerate the domestic slave-trade—a traffic, fraught with misery as great, and with guilt as enormous, as that which marks the steps of the kidnapper on the coast of africa?” but above all, why do they permit the existence of slavery in the district of columbia ºf why do they allow human beings to be bought and sold in the very place where stands the temple of liberty why are our representatives in congress silent, when they hear the clanking of the prisoner's chains, and the hammer of the auctioneer, as he knocks off to the highest bid- der the bodies and souls of men, women and children, within a stone's throw of that very building where talent and elo- quence are exhausted in lofty speeches concerning “inalienable rights?’í. the free states opposed to slavery : their practice gives the lie to their professions. their hands are stained with innocent blood, and on them rests the deepest guilt slavery at this very moment is supported at the south, in no small degree, by northern excuses and apologies, and more than all by the national example.|| how can we reasonably expect that the south will wash out her deep-stained guilt, while we are crying, “peace, peace;’ and while the nation itself lends the sanction of its high example to encourage them in their course : let us annihilate slavery in the district of columbia, elevate the people of color in our midst, and bear a faithful tes- timony against the sin of the south; and then the mighty fab- ric of oppression, which renders us the reproach and scorn of the whole civilized world, will speedily crumble and fall. we cannot neglect to do this and be innocent. if we fail to use the moral power which god has placed in our hands—a power amply sufficient to accomplish this glorious result—the same judgments which will, we have reason to fear, be visited upon the south, will be visited also upon us; and our glorious insti- tutions, the envy of the world, will be swallowed up in the mighty ruin! the same god who brought israel out of the * appendix b. # appendix c. | appendix d. # since this address was written, the long and guilty silence has been broken let the friends of humanity thank god and take couage | let petitions be sent to congress from every city, town and village in the free states!, let a voice of remonstrance be heard from every pulpit, from every hall of legislation, and from every human dwelling ! let not the press keep silence—but let it speak out in tones of thunder, .# this iniquity be put away, and our country no longer suffer the reproach of tolerating a traffic in human flesh within sight of her temples of justice vated in this country, and ‘of whom it were a blessing to soci- ety to be rid';*— - because the people of color themselves, wherever they have the liberty of speech, declare its influence to be prejudicial to their interests;f— - because many of those whom the society colonizes are made willing to be exported, by oppressive laws, which are enacted through the agency of the members and friends of the society;f— because it denounces abolitionists as enemies of their coun- try—as mad-men and fanatics;||— because its friends, in their efforts to secure for it the pat- ronage of different portions of the country, have practised the grossest deception;"|— ~ because it justifies those laws which keep the slaves in ig- norance; $– * “they constitute a large mass of human beings, who hang as a vile excrescence upon society.’—african repository, vol. vii. p. . # the º, of color, in the principal cities and villages in the free states, have published resolutions declaring their confirmed hostility to the society. f : a. they sent out two ship-loads of vagaboxds not fit to go to such a place, and that were coerced away as truly as if it had been done with a cart- whip !'—speech of r. j. breckenridge before the am. col. soc. in . | ‘the scope of the society is large enough, but it is in no wise mingled or confounded with the broad sweeping views of a few fanatics in america, who would urge us on to the sudden and total abolition of slavery.”—african reposito- ry, vol. iii. p. . t in proof of this, we refer to the gross falsehood concerning clarkson's letter, which was published in the african repository by the rev. r. º gurley. clark- son, the modern apostle of emancipation, wrote a letter to elliott cresson, the agent of the colonization society in england, expressing his views of the society and the reasons why he supported it. in that letter, he says that he understands the ‘f rst’ object of the society to be, “to assist in the emancipation of all the slaves in the united states;' and with this understanding he approved of it. the letter found its way to this country—to washington. mr. gurley wished to add the name of clarkson to the long catalogue of distinguished men who supported the society; but he dared not let it be known, that that worthy man supported it from a belief that its object was, to “emancipate all the slaves;’ first, because he knew he had been grossly deceived by cresson—and secondly, because he knew that the people of the south would be indignant at such an annunciation. he therefore omits clarkson's introduction, and inserts an editorial paragraph in place of it, misrepresenting entirely the reasons which induced that good man to support the scheme. that the people of vermont may see this deception, and no longer be gulled into a support of this ungodly conspiracy against an oppressed and down- trodden people, we insert in parallel columns the paragraphs to which we refer. look on tpi is pictur e, and on this . extract from clarkson's letter. mr. gurley's false substitute. ‘this society seems to me to have two “he [...] considers the object of objects in view—first. to assist in the the society two-fold; first, to promoti. emancipation of a li, th e si. aw es the volu ntary emig frat ion to a fri- now in the united states; and sec-|ca of the color ed population of ondly, by sending these to africa, to do|the united states; and secondly, the away the slave trade, and promote civili-suppression of the slave-trade, and the zation among the natives there.” civilization of the african tribes.” the author of this base forgery is still secretary of the american colonization society will the people of vermont support that society . a ‘it is a well established point, that the public safety forbids either the eman- cipation or the general instruction of the slaves.”—seventh annual report. z because it is managed chiefly by slaveholders, who do not repent of their sin, but continue to trade in human flesh;"— because its colony is no benefit to africa, and multitudes of the emigrants wish to return to this country;f-and finally, because its principles are such that it receives the support and countenance of many of the vilest men in the land, even of those who contrive and execute plans for mobbing the abo- litionists.| these are the reasons why we oppose the colonization society. for the truth of our charges against it we appeal to its official documents. we ask no man to take our assertions instead of proof. we invite discussion; we challenge investi- gation; and we will not shrink from the issue. this society, like popery, has endeavored to silence our objections by pointing us to its long calender of saints. but the question is not, whether good men have supported it but whether its principles are in accordance with religion and hu- manity ? and this question we shall continue to press upon the public mind, uninfluenced by flattery and unawed by threats. . finally, it is objected to anti-slavery societies, that their measures tend to exasperate slaveholders, and confirm them in sin. this objection has been made to reformers in every age of the world, from the time that noah preached re- pentance to the antedeluvians down to the present period. it was made against the apostles—against luther—and it has been made against the friends of temperance in our day. why have such multitudes of christian ministers fallen martyrs to the cause of their blessed lord? simply because they were faith- ful in declaring the truth; because they told men that they * : about twelve years ago, some of the wisest men of the nation, mostly slave- holders, formed in d: city of washington, the present american colonization so- ciety.’—af. rep. vol. iv. p. . bushrod washington, #: president of the society, while he held his office, sold of his slaves to be driven off to the southern market! and charles car- rol, who was president of the society at the time of his death, left, if we mistake not, nearly slaves, which he ‘entailed' on his relatives | # ‘of all misery and poverty, and all repining that my imagination had ever con- ceived, it had never reached what my eyes now saw, and my ears heard. hun- dreds of poor creatures, squallid, ragged, i. with cut employment—some ac- tually starving to death, and all praying most fervently that they might get home to america once more. even the emancipated slave craved the boon of returning again to bondage that he might once more have the pains of hunger satisfied. there are hundreds there who say they would rather come back and be slaves, than stay in liberia. they would sit down and tell us their tale of suffering and of sorrow, with such a dejected and wo-begone aspect. that it would almost break our hearts. they would weep as they would talk of their sorrows here, and their joys in america; and we mingled our tears freely with theirs . this part of the popu- lation included, as near as we could judge, two thirds of the inhabitants of mon- rovia.”—samuel jones’ journal of a visit to liberia—birney's letter. | the mobocracy of new york passed resolutions the last year in favor of the society, after having broken up a meeting of abolitionists in chatham street (thanol. were sinners, and must repent or perish. why were baxter and his associates forbidden to preach the gospel, and persecu- ted from city to city simply because they attempted to re- form the vices of their times—because they told men plainly and fearlessly that they were sinners—rebels against god and exposed to utter destruction. there was one condition on which they might all have escaped persecution—by ceasing to preach against sin so as to exasperate sinners. how was pharaoh exasperated, when moses, in the name of the lord, commanded him to let israel go? if moses had only urged him on the ground of expediency—if he had only told him it was very unfortunate that the people of israel were his slaves—if he had failed to urge upon him the duty of im- mediate repentance, and told him that he ought to let them go free as soon as existing difficulties were removed ; pharaoh would doubtless have been ready to assent to it all. it was an exhibition of his awful guilt in rebelling against god that so exasperated him and made him tremble with rage truth is the grand instrument by which to prosecute every kind of moral reformation. if truth is yielded up, out of regard to the feelings of those whom it offends, the reformation will stop, and we shall “labor in vain and spend our strength for nought.” the question then is, whether anti-slavery socie- ties in the prosecution of their object, do any thing more than wield this mighty weapon. if they do not, then the fact that they offend slaveholders is no objection to their measures. on this question we are ready to join issue. we assert that we say nothing of slaveholders which is not strictly true. we call them men-stealers; and this we are told is abusive and slanderous. but why if a man steals a horse, is he not at once branded as a horse-thief? if he steals a sheep, what do men call him but a sheep-stealer? and why should not those who steal men be called men-stealers ? we maintain, that ev- ery person who retains in his possession as property, a human being, is guilty of the highest kind of theft. we care not what may be his station in society; whether he be rich or poor; a minister or layman; a magistrate or a private citizen; we charge him with the guilt of man-stealing. and we do it not for the purpose of offending him, but to make him sensible of the enormity of his guilt. but, asks the objector, do you really mean to say, that min- isters and church members who hold slaves at the south are men-stealers? yes; and we say that their guilt is enhanced by their high professions. the churches at the south are stained with blood | they are corrupt, both ministers and peo- ple ! with the word of god in their hands, which says, ways in which this can be done; by the employment of agents and the distribution of tracts, pamphlets and periodicals. in these two ways, the public sentiment of vermont might soon be changed, and brought to bear in all its force against the mountain of oppression which we seek to remove. let us then show our faith by our works. let the sympa- thy which exists in our hearts extend also to our pockets. let us give liberally of that which god has placed in our hands, that the cause may be carried forward vigorously, successfully, triumphantly. thanks be to god for past success. “if the lord had not been our side, then had our enemies swallowed us up quick, when their wrath was kindled against us.” the same almighty power which has delivered us from the rage and fury of mobs, will still go with us and protect us from all the assaults of our enemies. he will cause the wrath of man to praise him, and the remainder of the wrath he will restrain. what- ever may befalus as individuals—whether we live long, or die by the murderous hand of the assassin, our cause will be vic- torious. yes! ‘glory to god in the highest,” slavery must speedily fall; the day is coming when every ſetter shall be broken and the oppressed shall go free! “speed, speed the hour, o lord! speak, and at thy dread word fetters shall fall from every limb–the strong no more the weak shall wrong, but liberty's sweet song, be sung by all.” a p p e n d i x. note a.—page . we commend the following facts, derived from authentic sources, to all who are in doubt respecting the probable consequences of emanci- pation. striking instance of the capacity of emancipated slaves to take care of themiselves. ‘it happened that several slaves took refuge from martinique, where the slave-trade is avowedly carried on, to st. lucia, in . this caused a discussion, the effect of which was to make it generally known, that, on a foreign slave's reaching a british colony, he, by dr. lushington's bill, becomes free; and in consequence of this discus- sion, several, exceeding in number, came over in the year . here were persons leaving a country of unmitigated slavery ; per- sons precisely in the condition in which our whole slave population may be supposed to have been some thirty years ago, by those who maintain that the condition of the slave has improved ; here were per- sons described by their government as incendiaries, idlers, and poisoners. when i left the colony in april last, some were employed for wages in the business they were best acquainted with:—some as masons and carpenters; some as domestics; others in clearing land, or as laborers on estates; while about twenty-six had clubbed together and placed themselves under the direction of a free colored man, an african, one of the persons deported from martinique in . these last had erected a pottery at a short distance from castries. they took a piece of land : three or four cleared it; others fished up coral and burned lime; five or six quarried and got the stones, and performed the ma- son's work; the remainder felled the timber and worked it in ; and the little money that was requisite, was supplied in advance by the con- tractor for the church, on the tiles to be furnished for the building. this pottery was completed—a plain structure, but of great solidity and surprising neatness. thus had they actually introduced a new manufacture into the country, for which it was previously indebted to our foreign neighbors or to the home market.’—jeremie’s essays. emancipation at the cape of good hope. “we speak advisedly : three thousand prize negroes have received their freedom, four hundred in one day; but not the least difficulty or disorder occurred: servants found masters—masters hired servants; all gained homes, and at night scarcely an idler was to be seen. in the last month, one hundred and fifty were liberated under precisely similar circumstances, and with the same result. these facts are within our own observation ; and to state that sudden and abrupt eman- cipation would create disorder and distress to those you mean to serve, is not reason; but the plea of any and all men who are adverse to emancipation.”—south african commercial advertiser of feb. , . . note b.-page . the domestic slave trade. a very, extensive internal slave-trade is carried on in this country. the breeding of negro cattle for the foreign markets (of louisiana, georgia, alabama, arkansas, and missouri,) is a very lucrative branch of business. whole coffles of them, chained and manacled, are driven through our capital on their way to auction. foreigners, particularly those who come here with enthusiastic ideas of american freedom, are amazed and disgusted at the sight. a troop of slaves once passed through washington on the fourth of july, while drums were beating and standards flying. one of the captive negroes raised his hand, loaded with irons, and waving it toward the starry flag, sung with a smile of bitter irony, ‘hail columbia happy land!’-mrs. child's •appeal, p. . curiosity, says a gentleman in charleston, s.c. in a letter to his friend in new york, sometimes leads me to the auction sales of the negroes. a few days since, i attended one which exhibited the beau- ties of slavery in all their sickening deformity. the bodies of these wretched beings were placed upright on a table—their physical pro- portions examined, their defects and beauties noted. “a prime lot, here they go!’ exclaimed the auctioneer. there i saw the father look- ing with sullen contempt upon the crowd, and expressing an indigna- tion in his countenance that he dare not speak; and the mother, press- ing her, infant closer to her bosom, with an involuntary grasp, and exclaiming, in wild and simple earnestness, while the tears chased down her cheeks in quick succession, ‘i can't leff my children . i won't leff my children!' but on the hammer went, reckless alike whether it united or sundered forever.—stuari's three years in north jamerica, vol. ii. p. , note c.—page . slavery in the district of columbia. ertract from mr. dickson's speech in the house of representatives. sir, the foreign slave-trade with africa is condemned by the laws of this country, .#england, of france, and by those of almost every nation of the civilized world, as piracy; and those who carry it on are denounced as outlaws and the common enemies of the human race. and yet we tolerate in this district, and at our seat of government, a traffic productive of as much pain, anguish, and despair, of as deep atro- city, and as many accumulated horrors, as the slave-trade with africa. private cells and prisons have been erected by the slave-traders in the district, in which the negro is incarcerated until a cargo of slaves, of “human chattels’ can be completed. the public prisons of the district, built with the money of the whole people of the united states, have been used for the benefit of the slave-traders, and the victims of this odious traffic have been confined within their walls. the keep- ers of those prisons, paid out of the monies of the whole people, have been the gaolers of the "slave traders, until their drove, their cargo of human beings, could be completed. the petitioners complain that a traffic so abhorrent to the feelings of the philanthropist, so replete with suffering and wo, is approved and licensed by the corporation of the city of washington, which receives $ a year for each licence, thus increasing her treasures by the ex- press sanction of so odious a trade. finally, the petitioners complain of the existence of slavery in the district of columbia, as the source of all the before mentioned evils, and others too numerous now to detail. they consider it as unchristian, unholy, and unjust, not war- ranted by the laws of god, and contrary to the assertion in our decla- ration of independence, that “all men are created equal.” note d.—page . - the following extract of a letter from james g. birney, to a friend in ohio, shows how the south is affected by the state of public senti- ment in the free states. we find it in the anti-slavery record. i do trust, my dear sir, the lord will make you eminently successful in raising up in ohio a spirit among the people favorable to immediate emancipation. that, indeed, must be done before any large operations can be carried on in this state, (ky.) one of the most formidable ob- stacles i meet with here is the pro-slavery spirit that "as yet exists in ohio, and the other free states. you can easily picture to yourselves with what exultation the slaveholder will quote against me the opinions of dr. a., and dr. b., and dr. c., who he will say are eminent for learning and piety, and whose minds are free from the bias of interest, who live in a free state, &c. it is my firm conviction, that, if ohio would rise as one man in the dignity of her great moral and intellectual power, and declare to the slaveholders of kentucky—‘you are wrong —your oppression is condemned by god, and shall meet with no favor from us,” that the death blow would be given to slavery, not only in kentucky, but through the whole south. no chains could withstand the concentrated radiance of such virtuous action. in another letter, addressed to mr. lewis tappan, of new-york, mr. birney thus rebukes those temporising reformers at the north, who dare not call slavery a sin : they tell us that the ‘system of slavery in this country is wrong.’ o, notable discovery ! o, wonderful stretch of jack the giant-killer, equipped in his seven-league boots! they are going to convince us that the system is wrong. we would be rapt in equal amazement if they would come to convince us that the sun shines. this has been acknowledged time out of mind. you may go through the gates of slavery into kentucky, and pass through its thickening horrors till you reach its ultima thule, the sugar-plantations of louisiana; and with one acclaim from all, except the most besotted minds, the acknowledge- ment will be heard, the ‘system’ is wrong. but the system is made up of the reported cruelties of others—our own enter not into it as a com- ponent part. it enters not into our hearts to conceive that our course is not some how or another, an exception to the great rule by which all injustice and oppression is condemned. and will our christian friends thus mock us? if they had begun one hundred years ago, with the very rudiment with which they now propose to begin, it might have been well. but, sir, now, slavery has attained its giant-growth—it is impoverishing our country, breaking up our schools—effeminating our men, converting female amiableness into ungovernable fury, and bringing the judgments of god upon our churches, whose members and whose ministers live, and are supported in their ministry, by the fruits of unrighteous exaction. truly, sir, has it been said—if the churches destroy not slavery, slavery will destroy them. . do these, our friends, think that slavery is a stationary disease —one in which a bread pill may be harmlessly given, or in which ex- periments can be innocently tried ? if they do, how greatly have they mistaken. * * * sir, sir, my soul is moved within me when i see such quacks as ‘desire-to-conciliate’ and “fear-of-prejudice’ minister- ing to a patient when life is fast ebbing, and death stands ready at the a voice to the u. . of america from scotland- z: us u . . harvard college library tardian verin mia risto eccle tasi lon.n adem chr estar onun from the bright legacy one half the income from this legacy, which was re- ceived in under the will of jonathan brown bright of waltham, massachusetts, is to be expended for books for the college library. the other half of the income is devoted to scholarships in harvard university for the benefit of descendants of henry bright, jr., who died at watertown, massachusetts, in . in the absence of such descendants, other persons are eligible to the scholarships. the will requires that this announce- ment shall be made in every book added to the library under its provisions. upun undan upun unகார . . harvard college library ardia et mami un veri temia risto eccles tas wonov chr esiae cov nyos from the bright legacy one half the income from this legacy, which was re- ceived in under the will of jonathan brown bright of waltham, massachusetts, is to be expended for books for the college library. the other half of the income is devoted to scholarships in harvard university for the benefit of descendants of henry bright, jr., who died at watertown, massachusetts, in . in the absence of such descendants, other persons are eligible to the scholarships. the will requires that this announce- ment shall be made in every book added to the library under its provisions. unon noun unon nuoun unon a voice to the united states of america, from the metropolis of scotland; being an account of various meetings held in edinburgh on the subject of american slavery, upon the return of mr george thompson, from his mission to that country. we hold these truths to be self-evident:-that all men are created equal; that they are endowed by the creator with certain inalienable rights; that among these are life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness.-american declaration of independence. edinburgh: william oliphant and son, south bridge street. . preliminary notice. while the inhabitants of this country were straining every nerve, to effect the abolition of slavery within their own colonies, they were far from being insensible to the groans of millions, who have long been held in a state of bondage as outrageous and deplorable as that of the west india islands, and, in many instances, far more so: but at. that time they were fully aware of the painful situation in which they stood. they felt that with no consistency could their voice be heard on high, and that all their remonstrances must have fallen point- less to the ground. “ physician, heal thyself,” might then have been the reply from every other country. as a nation, we required first to take the beam out of our own eye, before we could see clearly how to take the mote out of the eye of any other nation. but no sooner was the blow struck which abolished our own colonial slavery,—no sooner was the day determined, and the great truth, that man cannot hold property in man, recorded in our statute-book, as one fixed principle of british law, than the spirit of sympathy began to strug- gle for expansion, and the spirit of freedom for expression in regard to slavery wherever it existed. « the edinburgh society for the abolition of slavery throughout the world," was one of the results. it was formed in october , after a series of lec- tures on the subject of slavery by mr george thompson, whose la- bours in this country, in the great cause of negro emancipation, had been attended with triumphant success. slavery throughout the world presented a field for exertion, of the most appalling description, far more extensive than that which had so long wrung the hearts, and stimulated the energy, of the people in this kingdom. there was the existence of the slave trade itself, still carried on to great extent by other nations, in express violation of treaties, solemnly signed, sealed, and delivered; to which the at- tention of our legislature yet remains to be respectfully, but ener- getically and perseveringly directed. there was the horrid system of slavery as still practised in brazil to a prodigious extent; and, above all, because, under all its circumstances, it is the vilest on which the sun has ever shone, the slavery of the united states of america. slavery maintained, nay, and defended with unblushing effrontery, by a people who claim to be regarded by all other nations as the freest in the world, could not fail, in these days, to excite notice and reproba- preliminary notice. tion; and the more so, as above three hundred thousand free people besides, were there doomed to habitual ignominy, to degradation and contempt, merely because the boasting white man had found them “ guilty of a skin not coloured like his own !" to designate this as simply a prejudice against colour, was seen to be a prostitution of terms, it being, in fact, a state of mind combining haughtiness and disdain, in their meanest and most execrable forms, and standing out in strange contrast even with brazil. * thus, however vast the field of misery, and crime, the society could not for a moment hesitate where they were bound to begin their operations. it was in the land as guilty as our own had been, but where, deeds which britain has never perpetrated, have too long been sanctioned and defended ;—the land, where, with the declaration daily in their mouths, “ that all men are born equal, and are endowed with certain inalienable rights,” they hold two millions three hundred thou- sand of the species in bondage; carry on without a sigh a system of inter-national slavery; and, what is far more dreadful, have interwoven slavery, and all its inseparable abominations, with the divine and merciful system of christianity itself;—the land, where man is the absolute property of his fellow-man, an article of barter or of sale, a chattel personal, not ranked among accountable beings ;—the land, where slavery is hereditary, and where the children of a slave-mother, though the father be a white, are doomed to perpetual vassalage; where, therefore, parents are selling their own children, and where even females are sold by weight, and in exchange for animals of the brute creation ;—the land, too, where, in one of its most populous and powerful states, the punishment for the second offence of teaching blacks in a sabbath school, is death! where, in all their slave states, the benefits of education are withheld, and in most of them, fines, whipping, and imprisonment, are the penalties imposed upon those who dare to adopt any means of enlightening the black or coloured population ;—the land, in short, where every rising sun witnesses two hundred infants born into this dreadful state of hopeless bondage, and where, therefore, in one single year, about as many hapless souls are added to the millions enslaved, as are taken from africa by the slave traders of all other nations ! whether there has been any such outrage against humanity in past ages, we need not inquire; but when the light, the civilization, and, above all, the christianity of america are taken into the account, it certainly has no parallel under heaven at the present moment. after such a scene had been unfolded, will it be believed, that, by the lips of a single human being in this country, the inquiry was ever whispered, “ but have we any right to interfere ?” the timid only, or those who are themselves the slaves of a sinful expediency, * where, as soon as the mulatto or negro is freed, he becomes eligible to all offices, and, in the eye of the law, is equal to the white—where the hand of the negro officer comes in contact with that of royalty itself, and where he escapes in one day from that dire proscription which disgraces the boasted freedom of the united states ; a proscription which will invariably raise the finger of scorn to their declaration of independence. preliminary notice. must have been the parties who could, for one moment, pause with regard to right, nay, and imperative duty, in such a heart-rending case as this. perhaps, however, even the scrupulous may be helped out of their cold hesitation, when they are informed, that the friends of negro emancipation in great britain had already been appealed to, and implored by inhabitants of america itself; and that before any effort had been put forth by this country, it had been urgently invited. “ it is impossible," said the appeal from new england, “it is im- possible that the british people, standing, as they now are, upon the neck of colonial slavery, it is impossible for them to consider their work at an end, while there remains a human being held as a chattel under the whole heavens, dear friends! surely you will do some- thing in our behalf, being assured, that any sacrifice you may make, will, like good seed sown in good ground, produce at least an hun- dredfold." in these deeply interesting and affecting circumstances, mr george thompson, in every respect so highly qualified for proceed- ing to the united states, having been cordially and unanimously in- vited on the same day (the th october ), by the emancipa- tion societies of edinburgh and glasgow to undertake this arduous mission, he at once acceded to their request, embarked for america, and safely arrived in new york on the th of september . it may also be mentioned, that the path for his proceeding thither was made still more plain by the following statement on the part of the new england anti-slayery society. “ the new england anti-slavery society believing that, at the present moment, no more efficient plan can be adopted to promote the freedom of the negroes in the united states, than that which has proved so eminently suc- cessful in great britain, namely, the employment of eloquent and intelligent agents, have invited mr george thompson to become their lecturer. the anti-slavery party in the united states, though increasing in number, is, however, scattered and poor, and greatly overburdened by their past efforts and sacrifices. the wealth and influence of the nation are arrayed against it. they therefore need the pecuniary assistance of great britain as much as her sympathy. would she be generous enough to support mr thompson during his mission, say for three years, the society might say to their fellow-coun. try, "he who is come among us, seeks not to obtain our money but our hearts : he will not burden us to the amount of a farthing. all he asks for himself is a friendly reception, and a patient and a candid hearing.' “ it is confidently believed that this sacrifice, which, if divided among many, will not be felt, will be cheerfully and gladly made.”' while mr thompson remained in the united states, he delivered between two and three hundred public lectures, besides innumerable shorter addresses in committees, conventions, associations, &c. he left behind him from a thousand to twelve hundred ministers of the gospel enlisted in the cause of immediate emancipation,-new societies organising weekly,—a great number of newspapers and periodicals pleading for the oppressed and down-trodden coloured population,—and every day witnessing fresh accessions of moral energy to the cause of humanity. he quitted the chosen field of his labours on the th of november last, but not without various testi- monies to the effects produced. one may suffice, from that intre- u . . harvard college library vardian et veri isto emia eccle tasi chr. mon.n esta cade ny. from the bright legacy one half the income from this legacy, which was re- ceived in under the will of jonathan brown bright of waltham, massachusetts, is to be expended for books for the college library. the other half of the income is devoted to scholarships in harvard university for the benefit of descendants of henry bright, jr., who died at watertown, massachusetts, in . in the absence of such descendants, other persons are eligible to the scholarships. the will requires that this announce- ment shall be made in every book added to the library under its provisions, ci ogl tot ləpun ovoglio under itit b under til a voice to the united states of america, from the metropolis of scotland; being an account of various meetings held in edinburgh on the subject of american slavery, upon the return of mr george thompson, from his mission to that country. we hold these truths to be self-evident:-that all men are created equal; that they are endowed by the creator with certain inalienable rights; that among these are life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness.-american declaration of independence. edinburgh: william oliphant and son, . us . . ruard cullen sep library brigit frank printed by neill & co., old fishmarket. preliminary notice. while the inhabitants of this country were straining every nerve to effect the abolition of slavery within their own colonies, they were far from being insensible to the groans of millions, who have long been held in a state of bondage as outrageous and deplorable as that of the west india islands, and, in many instances, far more so: but at that time they were fully aware of the painful situation in which they stood. they felt that with no consistency could their voice be heard on high, and that all their remonstrances must have fallen point- less to the ground. “ physician, heal thyself,” might then have been the reply from every other country. as a nation, we required first to take the beam out of our own eye, before we could see clearly how to take the mote out of the eye of any other nation. but no sooner was the blow struck which abolished our own colonial slavery,-no sooner was the day determined, and the great truth, that man cannot hold property in man, recorded in our statute-book, as one fixed principle of british law, than the spirit of sympathy began to strug- gle for expansion, and the spirit of freedom for expression in regard to slavery wherever it existed. " the edinburgh society for the abolition of slavery throughout the world," was one of the results. it was formed in october , after a series of lec- tures on the subject of slavery by mr george thompson, whose la- bours in this country, in the great cause of negro emancipation, had been attended with triumphant success. slavery throughout the world presented a field for exertion, of the most appalling description, far more extensive than that which had so long wrung the hearts, and stimulated the energy, of the people in this kingdom. there was the existence of the slave trade itself, still carried on to great extent by other nations, in express violation of treaties, solemnly signed, sealed, and delivered; to which the at- tention of our legislature yet remains to be respectfully, but ener- getically and perseveringly directed. there was the horrid system of slavery as still practised in brazil to a prodigious extent; and, above all, because, under all its circumstances, it is the vilest on which the sun has ever shone, the slavery of the united states of america. slavery maintained, nay, and defended with unblushing effrontery, by a people who claim to be regarded by all other nations as the freest in the world, could not fail, in these days, to excite notice and reproba- preliminary notice. tion; and the more so, as above three hundred thousand free people besides, were there doomed to habitual ignominy, to degradation and contempt, merely because the boasting white man had found them “ guilty of a skin not coloured like his own !" to designate this as simply a prejudice against colour, was seen to be a prostitution of terms, it being, in fact, a state of mind combining haughtiness and disdain, in their meanest and most execrable forms, and standing out in strange contrast even with brazil. * thus, however vast the field of misery, and crime, the society could not for a moment hesitate where they were bound to begin their operations. it was in the land as guilty as our own had been, but where, deeds which britain has never perpetrated, have too long been sanctioned and defended ;—the land, where, with the declaration daily in their mouths, “that all men are born equal, and are endowed with certain inalienable rights,” they hold two millions three hundred thou- sand of the species in bondage; carry on without a sigh a system of inter-national slavery; and, what is far more dreadful, have interwoven slavery, and all its inseparable abominations, with the divine and merciful system of christianity itself ;—the land, where man is the absolute property of his fellow-man, an article of barter or of sale, a chattel personal, not ranked among accountable beings ;—the land, where slavery is hereditary, and where the children of a slave-mother, though the father be a white, are doomed to perpetual vassalage; where, therefore, parents are selling their own children, and where even females are sold by weight, and in exchange for animals of the brute creation ;—the land, too, where, in one of its most populous and powerful states, the punishment for the second offence of teaching blacks in a sabbath school, is death! where, in all their slave states, the benefits of education are withheld, and in most of them, fines, whipping, and imprisonment, are the penalties imposed upon those who dare to adopt any means of enlightening the black or coloured population ;—the land, in short, where every rising sun witnesses two hundred infants born into this dreadful state of hopeless bondage, and where, therefore, in one single year, about as many hapless souls are added to the millions enslaved, as are taken from africa by the slave traders of all other nations ! whether there has been any such outrage against humanity in past ages, we need not inquire ; but when the light, the civilization, and, above all, the christianity of america are taken into the account, it certainly has no parallel under heaven at the present moment. after such a scene had been unfolded, will it be believed, that, by the lips of a single human being in this country, the inquiry was ever whispered, “ but have we any right to interfere ?” the timid only, or those who are themselves the slaves of a sinful expediency, • where, as soon as the mulatto or negro is freed, he becomes eligible to all offices, and, in the eye of the law, is equal to the white_where the hand of the negro officer comes in contact with that of royalty itself, and where he escapes in one day from that dire proscription which disgraces the boasted freedom of the united states; a proscription which will invariably raise the finger of scorn to their declaration of independence. preliminary notice, must have been the parties who could, for one moment, pause with regard to right, pay, and imperative duty, in such a beart-rending case as this. perhaps, however, even the scrupulous may be helped out of their cold hesitation, when they are informed, that the friends of negro emancipation in great britain had already been appealed to, and implored by inhabitants of america itself; and that before any effort had been put forth by this country, it had been urgently invited. “ it is impossible,” said the appeal from new england, “it is im- possible that the british people, standing, as they now are, upon the neck of colonial slavery,“it is impossible for them to consider their work at an end, while there remains a human being held as a chattel under the whole heavens. dear friends ! surely you will do some- thing in our behalf, being assured, that any sacrifice you may make, will, like good seed sown in good ground, produce at least an hun- in these deeply interesting and affecting circumstances, mr george thompson, in every respect so highly qualified for proceed- ing to the united states, having been cordially and unanimously in- vited on the same day (the th october ), by the emancipa- tion societies of edinburgh and glasgow to undertake this arduous mission, he at once acceded to their request, embarked for america, and safely arrived in new york on the th of september . it may also be mentioned, that the path for his proceeding thither was made still more plain by the following statement on the part of the new england anti-slayery society. “ the new england anti-slavery society believing that, at the present moment, no more efficient plan can be adopted to promote the freedom of the negroes in the united states, than that which has proved so eminently suc- cessful in great britain, namely, the employment of eloquent and intelligent agents, have invited mr george thompson to become their lecturer. the anti-slavery party in the united states, though increasing in number, is, however, scattered and poor, and greatly overburdened by their past efforts and sacrifices. the wealth and influence of the nation are arrayed against it. they therefore need the pecuniary assistance of great britain as much as her sympathy. would she be generous enough to support mr thompson during his mission, say for three years, the society might say to their fellow-coun. try, 'he who is come among us, seeks not to obtain our money but our hearts: he will not burden us to the amount of a farthing. all he asks for himself is a friendly reception, and a patient and a candid hearing.' “it is confidently believed that this sacrifice, which, if divided among many, will not be felt, will be cheerfully and gladly made.” while mr thompson remained in the united states, he delivered between two and three hundred public lectures, besides innumerable shorter addresses in committees, conventions, associations, &c. he left behind him from a thousand to twelve hundred ministers of the gospel enlisted in the cause of immediate emancipation,-new societies organising weekly,-a great number of newspapers and periodicals pleading for the oppressed and down-trodden coloured population, and every day witnessing fresh accessions of moral energy to the cause of humanity. he quitted the chosen field of his labours on the th of november last, but not without various testi- monies to the effects produced. one may suffice, from that intre- preliminary notice. pid and successful advocate in the cause of human rights, william lloyd garrison :-" in spite of persecution and reproach, you have accomplished the work of years in a single year. your mission has been owned and blessed of god. it has shaken the nation to its centre. it has opened the eyes of the blind, unstopped the ears of the deaf, and raised from moral corruption the dead. thousands have been converted, and a multitude of associations formed through your instrumentality.- how closely do the ties of love bind you to our hearts! how many are the prayers that will be offered to god for your safety and deliverance from every evil !” mr thompson having proceeded by way of st john's, new brunswick, embarked on board of a british vessel for liverpool, where he arrived on the th of january, and on the th was hap- pily joined by his family, who had left new york on the th of december. in every place which he has since visited he has been met by the same unanimous testimony of encouraging and heart-felt approba- tion; and now, whether, upon his return to this city, he was not hailed by all ranks, and by persons of every denomination, as having full well accomplished a great christian duty, and hastened the arri- val of a day, to be remembered by future ages on the american con- tinent with more of reason, and more of heart-felt gratitude, than even the anniversary of their own independence,—let the readers of the following pages judge.. the reader will here see, that even now, so far from all being dark or hopeless in the united states as to the entire abolition of slavery there, its doom is fixed ;—that the undaunted friends of im- mediate abolition, male and female, have already made more personal sacrifices, than the people of this country were ever called to do, during their long-protracted struggle. he may see the dawning of a day, which will not set till the last link that binds the slave is broken; and he may now safely anticipate, that the men of the south, who now talk so exceeding proudly, must at last yield or change their minds, bowing before the potent influence of public opinion, and the sense of shame. many of them will; and, if others do not, before they close their eyes in death, they will probably hear their very children, in prospect of the event, unite with our own poet and say- “ i would not have a slave to till my ground, to carry me, to fan me while i sleep, and tremble when i wake, for all the wealth that sinews bought and sold have ever earn’d.” contents · · . · . · page preliminary notice, . . . . . . . . . mr thompson's arrival in edinburgh, . .... resolutions of committee of edinburgh emancipation society, mr thompson's first lecture, . . ... . ... ... second lecture, . . . . . . resolutions of edinburgh emancipation society, mr thompson's third lecture, . . . . . . great meeting in the waterloo rooms, . . . speech of the lord provost,. . . . . . . . james craufurd, esq. the rev. a. bennie, · · · the rev. w. lindsay alexander, m.a. . . james moncrejff, esq. · · · bailie macfarlan, . . . . . . ... mr thompson, . . . . . . . . . mr thompson's fourth lecture, . . meeting in the hopetoun rooms, . . . mr thompson's fifth lecture, . . . . . . soirÉe in assembly rooms in honour of mr thompson, speech of dr greville, ll.d., f. r. s. . . . . . address to mr thompson, . . . . . . . i speech of the rev. a. liddell, . . . . . . . the rev. william peddie, . .. mr thompson in reply, . . . . . . (second) of mr thompson, . . . . . . of the rev. c. anderson, . . . i . . .. · . . . · . · . · · · · .: · · . · · . · edinburgh emancipation society. committee. rev. christopher anderson. john dickiÉ, w.s. rev. wm. anderson, loanhead. hon. h. d. erskine. rev. william goold. george inglis, jun. rev. e. halley, leith. john macandrew, s.s.c. rev. professor paxton. james martin. rev. dr peddie. james ogilvy. rev. william peddie. william oliphant, sen. rev. dr john ritchie. t. r. robertson, w.s. w. alexander, leith. captain rose. james bremner. w. somerville, sen. peter brown. charles spence, s.s.c. john campbell of carbrook. patrick tennent, w. s. alexander cruickshank. james b. tod. edward cruickshank. john wigham, jun. henry david dickie. george wilson. william somÉrville, jun. ). secretaries. henry tod, w. s. william oliphant, jun. treasurer, ladies' committee. miss alexander. mrs macandrew. mrs anderson. mrs william miller. miss bayne. mrs nimmo. mrs dr beilby. mrs w. renton. miss b. bonar. mrs dr ritchie. mrs brown. miss spence. mrs cruickshank. miss tod. mrs edward cruickshank. miss margaret top. miss cruickshank. miss webster. miss grant. mrs wigham. miss m. grant. mrs wilson. hon. mrs erskine, secretary. miss viner, treasurer. a voice то the united states of america, from the metropolis of scotland; being an account of various meetings held in edinburgh on the subject of american slavery, upon the return of mr george thompson, from his mission to that country. we hold these truths to be self-evident:--that all men are created equal; that they are endowed by the creator with certain inalienable rights; that among these are life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness.-- american declaration of independence. no one by the creates toile edinburgh: william oliphant and son, south bridge street. . us . . vard colles college harvas sep library brigit freund printed by neill & co., old fishmarket. preliminary notice. while the inhabitants of this country were straining every nerve to effect the abolition of slavery within their own colonies, they were far from being insensible to the groans of millions, who have long been held in a state of bondage as outrageous and deplorable as that of the west india islands, and, in many instances, far more so: but at that time they were fully aware of the painful situation in which they stood. they felt that with no consistency could their voice be heard on high, and that all their remonstrances must have fallen point- less to the ground. “ physician, heal thyself,” might then have been the reply from every other country. as a nation, we required first to take the beam out of our own eye, before we could see clearly how to take the mote out of the eye of any other nation. but no sooner was the blow struck which abolished our own colonial slavery,no sooner was the day determined, and the great truth, that man cannot hold property in man, recorded in our statute-book, as one fixed principle of british law, than the spirit of sympathy began to strug- gle for expansion, and the spirit of freedom for expression in regard to slavery wherever it existed. " the edinburgh society for the abolition of slavery throughout the world," was one of the results. it was formed in october , after a series of lec- tures on the subject of slavery by mr george thompson, whose la- bours in this country, in the great cause of negro emancipation, had been attended with triumphant success. slavery throughout the world presented a field for exertion, of the most appalling description, far more extensive than that which had so long wrung the hearts, and stimulated the energy, of the people in this kingdom. there was the existence of the slave trade itself, still carried on to great extent by other nations, in express violation of treaties, solemnly signed, sealed, and delivered; to which the at- tention of our legislature yet remains to be respectfully, but ener- getically and perseveringly directed. there was the horrid system of slavery as still practised in brazil to a prodigious extent; and, above all, because, under all its circumstances, it is the vilest on which the sun has ever shone, the slavery of the united states of america. slavery maintained, nay, and defended with unblushing effrontery, by a people who claim to be regarded by all other nations as the freest in the world, could not fail, in these days, to excite notice and reproba- preliminary notice. tion; and the more so, as above three hundred thousand free people besides, were there doomed to habitual ignominy, to degradation and contempt, merely because the boasting white man had found them “ guilty of a skin not coloured like his own !" to designate this as simply a prejudice against colour, was seen to be a prostitution of terms, it being, in fact, a state of mind combining haughtiness and disdain, in their meanest and most execrable forms, and standing out in strange contrast even with brazil. * thus, however vast the field of misery, and crime, the society could not for a moment hesitate where they were bound to begin their operations. it was in the land as guilty as our own had been, but where, deeds which britain has never perpetrated, have too long been sanctioned and defended ;--the land, where, with the declaration daily in their mouths, “ that all men are born equal, and are endowed with certain inalienable rights,” they hold two millions three hundred thou- sand of the species in bondage; carry on without a sigh a system of inter-national slavery; and, what is far more dreadful, have interwoven slavery, and all its inseparable abominations, with the divine and merciful system of christianity itself ;—the land, where man is the absolute property of his fellow-man, an article of barter or of sale, a chattel personal, not ranked among accountable beings ;—the land, where slavery is hereditary, and where the children of a slave-mother, though the father be a white, are doomed to perpetual vassalage; where, therefore, parents are selling their own children, and where even females are sold by weight, and in exchange for animals of the brute creation ;—the land, too, where, in one of its most populous and powerful states, the punishment for the second offence of teaching blacks in a sabbath school, is death! where, in all their slave states, the benefits of education are withheld, and in most of them, fines, whipping, and imprisonment, are the penalties imposed upon those who dare to adopt any means of enlightening the black or coloured population ;-the land, in short, where every rising sun witnesses two hundred infants born into this dreadful state of hopeless bondage, and where, therefore, in one single year, about as many hapless souls are added to the millions enslaved, as are taken from africa by the slave traders of all other nations ! whether there has been any such outrage against humanity in past ages, we need not inquire; but when the light, the civilization, and, above all, the christianity of america are taken into the account, it certainly has no parallel under heaven at the present moment. after such a scene had been unfolded, will it be believed, that, by the lips of a single human being in this country, the inquiry was ever whispered, “ but have we any right to interfere ?" the timid only, or those who are themselves the slaves of a sinful expediency, * where, as soon as the mulatto or negro is freed, he becomes eligible to all offices, and, in the eye of the law, is equal to the white_where the hand of the negro officer comes in contact with that of royalty itself,—and where he escapes in one day from that dire proscription which disgraces the boasted freedom of the united states; a proscription which will invariably raise the finger of scorn to their declaration of independence. preliminary notice. must have been the parties who could, for one moment, pause with regard to right, nay, and imperative duty, in such a heart-rending case as this. perhaps, however, even the scrupulous may be helped out of their cold hesitation, when they are informed, that the friends of negro emancipation in great britain had already been appealed to, and implored by inhabitants of america itself; and that before any effort had been put forth by this country, it had been urgently invited. “ it is impossible,” said the appeal from new england, “it is im- possible that the british people, standing, as they now are, upon the neck of colonial slavery, it is impossible for them to consider their work at an end, while there remains a human being held as a chattel under the whole heavens. dear friends! surely you will do some- thing in our behalf, being assured, that any sacrifice you may make, will, like good seed sown in good ground, produce at least an hun- dredfold.” in these deeply interesting and affecting circumstances, mr george thompson, in every respect so highly qualified for proceed- ing to the united states, having been cordially and unanimously in- vited on the same day (the th october ), by the emancipa- tion societies of edinburgh and glasgow to undertake this arduous mission, he at once acceded to their request, embarked for america, and safely arrived in new york on the th of september . it may also be mentioned, that the path for his proceeding thither was made still more plain by the following statement on the part of the new england anti-slavery society. « the new england anti-slavery society believing that, at the present moment, no more efficient plan can be adopted to promote the freedom of the negroes in the united states, than that which has proved so eminently suc- cessful in great britain, namely, the employment of eloquent and intelligent agents, have invited mr george thompson to become their lecturer. the anti-slavery party in the united states, though increasing in number, is, however, scattered and poor, and greatly overburdened by their past efforts and sacrifices. the wealth and influence of the nation are arrayed against it. they therefore need the pecuniary assistance of great britain as much as her sympathy. would she be generous enough to support mr thompson during his mission, say for three years, the society might say to their fellow-coun. try, "he who is come among us, seeks not to obtain our money but our hearts : he will not burden us to the amount of a farthing. all he asks for himself is a friendly reception, and a patient and a candid hearing.' “it is confidently believed that this sacrifice, which, if divided among many, will not be felt, will be cheerfully and gladly made.” while mr thompson remained in the united states, he delivered between two and three hundred public lectures, besides innumerable shorter addresses in committees, conventions, associations, &c. he left behind him from a thousand to twelve hundred ministers of the gospel enlisted in the cause of immediate emancipation,-new societies organising weekly,-a great number of newspapers and periodicals pleading for the oppressed and down-trodden coloured population,—and every day witnessing fresh accessions of moral energy to the cause of humanity. he quitted the chosen field of his labours on the th of november last, but not without various testi- monies to the effects produced. one may suffice, from that intre- preliminary notice. pid and successful advocate in the cause of human rights, william lloyd garrison :-" in spite of persecution and reproach, you have accomplished the work of years in a single year. your mission has been owned and blessed of god. it has shaken the nation to its centre. it has opened the eyes of the blind, unstopped the ears of the deaf, and raised from moral corruption the dead. thousands have been converted, and a multitude of associations formed through your instrumentality.- how closely do the ties of love bind you to our hearts ! how many are the prayers that will be offered to god for your safety and deliverance from every evil !” mr thompson having proceeded by way of st john's, new brunswick, embarked on board of a british vessel for liverpool, where he arrived on the th of january, and on the th was hap- pily joined by his family, who had left new york on the th of december. in every place which he has since visited he has been met by the same unanimous testimony of encouraging and heart-felt approba- tion; and now, whether, upon his return to this city, he was not hailed by all ranks, and by persons of every denomination, as having full well accomplished a great christian duty, and hastened the arri- val of a day, to be remembered by future ages on the american con- tinent with more of reason, and more of heart-felt gratitude, than even the anniversary of their own independence,—let the readers of the following pages judge.. the reader will here see, that even now, so far from all being dark or hopeless in the united states as to the entire abolition of slavery there, its doom is fixed ;—that the undaunted friends of im- mediate abolition, male and female, have already made more personal sacrifices, than the people of this country were ever called to do, during their long-protracted struggle. he may see the dawning of a day, which will not set till the last link that binds the slave is broken ; and he may now safely anticipate, that the men of the south, who now talk so exceeding proudly, must at last yield or change their minds, bowing before the potent influence of public opinion, and the sense of shame. many of them will; and, if others do not, before they close their eyes in death, they will probably hear their very children, in prospect of the event, unite with our own poet and say— “ i would not have a slave to till my ground, to carry me, to fan me while i sleep, and tremble when i wake, for all the wealth that sinews bought and sold have ever earn’d.” contents. page preliminary notice, . . . . . . . . . mr thompson's arrival in edinburgh, . . . . resolutions of committee of edinburgh emancipation society, · · · · · · mr thompson's first lecture, . . . . . . . ... ... second lecture, . . . . . . resolutions of edinburgh emancipation society, mr thompsons third lecture, . . . . . . great meeting in the waterloo rooms, . . . speech of the lord provost,. . . . · james craufurd, esq. . . . . . . . the rev. a. bennie, . . . . . . the rev. w. lindsay alexander, m.a. . . james moncrejff, esq. . . . .. bailie macfarlan, . . . . . . ... mr thompson, . . . . . . . mr thompson's fourth lecture, . . . meeting in the hopetoun rooms, . . . . . . mr thompson's fifth lecture, . . . . . .. soirÉe in assembly rooms in honour of mr thompson, speech of dr greville, ll.d., f. r. s. . . . . . address to mr thompson, · · · · · · · · · speech of the rev. a. liddell, . . . . . . . the rev. william peddie, . .. mr thompson in reply, . . . . . . (second) of mr thompson, . . . . . . .. ... of the rev. c. anderson, . . . . . . . · · · · · · · · · · · edinburgh emancipation society. committee. rev. christopher anderson. john dickiÉ, w.s. rev. wm. anderson, loanhead. hon. h. d. erskine. rev. william goold. george inglis, jun. rev. e. halley, leith. john macandrew, s.s.c. rev. professor paxton. james martin. rev. dr peddie. james ogilvy. rev. william peddie. william oliphant, sen. rev. dr john ritchie. t. r. robertson, w.s. w. alexander, leith. captain rose. james bremner. w. somerville, sen. peter brown. charles spence, s.s.c. john campbell of carbrook. patrick tennent, w. s. alexander cruickshank. james b. tod. edward cruickshank. john wigham, jun. henry david dickie. george wilson. william somerville, jun.). secretaries. henry tod, w. s. william oliphant, jun. treasurer. ladies' committee. miss alexander. mrs macandrew. mrs anderson. mrs william miller. miss bayne. mrs nimmo. mrs dr beilby. mrs w. renton. miss b. bonar. mrs dr ritchie. mrs brown. miss spence. mrs cruickshank. miss tod. mrs edward cruickshank. miss margaret tod. miss cruickshank. miss webster. miss grant. mrs wigham. miss m. grant. mrs wilson. hon. mrs erskine, secretary. miss viner, treasurer. a voice from the metropolis of scotland. mr thompson's arrival in edinburgh. on reaching this city, mr thompson's first meeting was with the joint- committees of the edinburgh emancipation societies. the proceedings are reported in the following article taken from the scotsman newspaper of the th of january, w. alexander, esq. of leith, being in the chair. ..mr george thompson, the highly esteemed and intrepid advocate of human freedom, arrived in this city last tuesday evening, and on wed- nesday he was met by the ladies and gentlemen forming the committees of the edinburgh emancipation society, in the saloon of the royal hotel. the statement then given by mr thompson with regard to himself, through- out his visit to the united states, was to every one present far more than satisfactory. of his every movement they highly approved, while his account of america in regard to the subject of slavery, and the prospect of its ultimate extinction, was at once deeply affecting, and most en- couraging. at the close of his narrative, the following resolutions pro- posed by the rev. christopher anderson of edinburgh, and seconded by the rev. william anderson of loanhead, were unanimously adopt- ed by both the committees in union, as conveying their sentiments on the first occasion on which they enjoyed the pleasure of meeting with their friend. i. that it is with feelings of sincere delight and satisfaction, mingled with those of the most poignant regret, that we have listened to the statements now given, by our most esteemed friend mr george thompson-of delight and satisfaction, on seeing himself amongst us once more, in perfect safety and in health—but of painful regret at the occasion of his returning so much sooner than it was intended, both by himself and by us, from the united states of america. resolutions of committee. ii. that while we have deprecated from the beginning, as we now do once more, the most remote idea, of interfering with any single state, or city, or village throughout america, in the arrangement or management of their own institutions, still, as we consider it at once an act of duty and of kindness, to hold up before all men the great principles of truth, and justice, and humanity, and, regarding the prevalence of slavery, as involving the habitual violation of a law infinitely above all human arrange- ments—we cannot but deeply deplore, that in a country where our common language is spoken, and loudly demanding to be acknowledged as the home of the free, the spirit of persecution against those who merely plead the cause of the oppressed, should have risen to a height which has abridged, if not endangered, all freedom of discussion. iii. that as god hath made of one blood all nations of men to dwell on all the face of the earth, and hath himself determined also the bounds of their habitation, we re. gard the prejudice against colour, which has been nursed and cherished for ages through- out the united states, with greater pain and abhorrence than ever—as not merely the fruitful and disgusting source of crime, but of itself alone a daring and contemptuous pro- vocation of our common creator and final judge. iv. that the signal preservation of our valued friend mr thompson amidst all the violence and malignity of the abettors of american slavery, and the measure of success by which his faithful, zealous, and unwearied efforts have been crowned, call alike for our devout acknowledgments, regarding them as equal tokens of his having been engaged in a righteous cause; and that we can now entertain no doubt of the day ap- proaching when, far from being stigmatised as an intruding foreigner, or a foe to har- mony and peace, he will be hailed by the moral and upright, the humane and chris- tian citizens of america, as a man who sought only to avert a catastrophe from which his native land had happily been delivered, and which america, with all her resources, has now such just reason both to dread and to deprecate. v. that with regard to the great cause of human freedom, from the statements given by mr thompson, as well as from other sources of information to which we have had access during his absence, even in the united states we not only find many encourage- ments to persevere, but in the pure spirit of devotion to the cause evinced by many in that great country, we discover sufficient ground to hope that the progress of america towards universal emancipation, will proceed with accelerated steps, till the rod of the oppressor shall be broken, till there is not one house of bondage on her soil, and amè- rica, in the judgment of other nations, becomes fairly entitled to her claim of being the land of the free. vi. that with feelings of strong sympathy, respect, and increased affection towards all those american citizens, both male and female, who, far from shrinking, have re- mained firm and undaunted, --we feel called upon to remember them before the god of righteousness and peace, with whom all the swellings of human passion are as nothing; that he may continue to preserve them, and enable us to persevere in the great cause of universal emancipation, to which we now stand, more than ever, bound to adhere. at the close of the meeting, thanks were returned to god, for his most merciful preservation of mr thompson and his family, as well as for their safe return, after his having accomplished so much in such a limited pe- riod. mr thompson's first lecture. mr thompson's first public lecture was delivered in dr peddie's chapel, bristo street, on thursday evening, january th. in consequence of the unprecedented anxiety to hear the details of mr thompson's trials and successes in the united states, the committee deemed it necessary to re- gulate the admission by tickets, sold at various shops in the city. the propriety of this measure was fully apparent on the evening of the lecture, mr thompson's first lecture. u when the house was crowded to repletion in every part, and a great num- ber of applications for admission refused at the gates of the building. the following account appeared in the scotsman, already quoted. on thursday evening, a public meeting of the edinburgh emancipa- tion society, and its friends, was held in the rev. dr peddie's chapel, bristo street, when mr thompson gave an account of his anti-slavery mission to the united states of america. the admission to the meeting was by tickets, sixpence each—each ticket admitting two persons, and as there were upwards of a thousand of these sold, there must have been more than two thousand persons present. we know, also, that a great many persons were disappointed in procuring tickets, so speedily were they all disposed of. about seven o'clock, mr thompson made his ap- pearance in the pulpit, and was received with several distinct rounds of the most enthusiastic applause. john wigaam jun. esq. was called to the chair, and in opening the meeting, said, that from the manifestations which he had just witnessed, he was sure they were all animated by one common feeling of delight and satisfaction to find that their able and dis- tinguished friend mr thompson had performed the object of his mission so energetically and successfully, and that he had returned to them in safety, under the extraordinary circumstances in which he had been placed. (great cheering.) mr thompson then rose, and was received with a fresh burst of applause. he should not, he said, attempt to describe the feelings of satisfaction with which he gazed upon the large and intelligent audience which he beheld assembled once more within these well known walls, for the purpose of listening to him who had now the honour to appear before them, and to hear from his lips the progress of those principles which they had there together enunciated and espoused, and the triumph of which they had there together celebrated. he dared not trust himself even to attempt an ex- pression of the joy and gratitude which filled his bosom, when he beheld them still feel. ing a deep interest in the cause of human freedom, and found that not only had they not deserted that cause, but that they were rallying in even greater numbers around the standard which they, in by-gone days, had planted and promised to sustain, while there was a fetter on the heel of a single human being on the face of the globe. (loud cheering.) he begged to assure the meeting that his own attachment to the cause which he had the honour to advocate remained undiminished and not only so, but that it had never even wavered or been weakened ; that it still continued as strong as ever, and that what he had witnessed in a far off land, had but the more deeply convinced him of the potency and omnipotence of those principles by the advocacy and enforcement of which we had succeeded in slaying the monster on our own borders; that it had only more deeply convinced him that nothing was wanting but the unceasing, the persevering publication of those principles, to put an end to slavery wherever it curses the soil and degrades humanity on the face of the earth. (immense applause.) he had that night to draw their attention to the subject of slavery in the united states of america—to the incongruous institution of domestic slavery in a land of freedom. he wished it to be understood that they were not met there that night, guided and influenced by a mere desire to know what was going on in the united states, as a matter of mere history of contemporaneous events; but that they were there to feel a deep interest upon many grounds, in the great question of human rights which was now agitating that wide spread territory. (cheers.) the history of the anti-slavery question in america was deeply interesting, as developing the best, the holiest, and the mightiest means of carrying forward a moral revolution; by the simple enunciation of the principles, the supremacy of which was sought to be obtain. ed, without resorting to physical violence ; by the simple action of man upon man ; by opinion operating upon opinion; by merely enlisting the pulpit, the press, and the plat- a mr thompson's first leci ure. form, in the work of that reformation. (cheers.) the history of the american sla- very question was as interesting as it was plain, as displaying the mighty influence of truth when outspoken and fearlessly enunciated, without regard to human wisdom or expediency ; these having been the means by which a mighty change had been effected in america in reference to this question—a change so mighty that, he might venture without hesitation to say, no change so great, without the interference of miraculous power, had ever been effected in any era of the world. (great cheering.) he re- peated that it had been effected not by human wisdom, by rank, nor wealth, nor poli- tics, nor learning, nor expediency, but by the mighty lever which is fated to overturn the world, and place it as it should stand, with its apex upwards-it was by “the fool. ishness of preaching." (great applause.) that was the mighty agency which had been employed in america. the history of the anti-slavery question was also highly interesting, as bringing us acquainted with some of the noblest specimens of human nature—with some of the boldest and purest reformers that ever lived. he spoke un- hesitatingly when he said so ; and he should demonstrate the truth of this assertion ére he left the subject. he begged to state, that he was not there that night to make the gulf of feeling and sentiment between great britain and america wider than it is_he was not there to publish an act of divorce between them—but to unite them in one common object, one common sympathy, one common principle, and one common plan, to put an end to slavery wherever it exists. he wanted to bring the friends of the slave in this country, in contact with the noble and sublime spirits who were waiting to embrace them over the blue waters of the atlantic, and to join them iu one indisso- luble compact never to relax their moral energy, until they shall have seized the pillars of the blood-stained fabric which despotism has reared, and, like another samson, brought it to the grbund. (tremendous cheers.) oh! it was something—and it was his rich reward—to become acquainted with men in a distant country, having one com- mon language and one common ancestry, working with us in the same common cause ; it was something to know that the wilderness of waters did not divide us ; that we are one in principle ; one in faith ; one in effort ; that we have the same common object in this world, and the same anticipations hereafter ; it was something, he said, 'to know that we were engaged with these wise, holy, and uncompromising men in america, in accelerating the cause of universal emancipation. (great applause.) it was not alone the cause of anti-slavery in which he was embarked ; it was the cause of anti-igno- rance—the cause of anti-everything which degrades, crushes, withers, and destroys the spirits of mankind. again, once more ; the question was interesting, because in its development it made us acquainted with the men and women engaged in it; their prin. ciples and their conduct; and thus called upon us first to admire them, next to com- mend them, next to imitate them, and adopt the principles by which on the other side of the atlantic they advance the great work. the anti-slavery question in this country was very different from that in america ; the struggle was never so sublime here as he bad witnessed in america—our sacrifices were never so great; our tempta- tions to swerve were never so strong ; our interests when at the closest were never so close, as in the united states. it was never necessary that we sbould suffer in our reputation ; that we should lose our friends ; the value of our property be deteriorated; or that we should be deprived of the substance and amount of our profitable trade. but hard as this was, those now engaged in carrying on this cause in america-men and women without exception were subjected to it, and sustained by high religious prin. ciple, they firmly bore up against all these accumulated evils ; and nothing lower, and nothing less, than that mighty principle could sustain them in a cause, by espousing which they had every thing to lose, and nothing but infamy to gain. (cheers.) he stood there not to defame america. ''twas true they had persecuted him; but that was a small matter; 'twas true they had hunted him like a partridge on the mountains; that he had to lecture with the assassin's knife glancing before his eyes; and his wife and his little ones in danger of falling by the ruthless hands of murderers. all this was true, and much more, but he came not there to tell of aught that he had suffered or done, except in so far as it illustrated the progress of the mighty reformation to which he had alluded. (cheers,) he dared not speak slightingly of america. 'twas true he liated her sins—but 'twas not less true he loved her sons. his object was not to overthrow the institutions of america, and bring her constitution into disrepute. sla. very might sink, and that constitution still live ; slavery might fall, and that constitu- tion stand; slavery might die and be buried in a grave of infamy, covered with the execrations of mankind, and witness no resurrection, and yet the constitution of america mr thompsox's first lecture. stand out in unsullied, and more than pristine beauty, and become the blessing of the world. (great cheers.) he should like to have an opportunity to speak of america in other respects ; to speak of her as being exalted in arms, and as rich in wealth ; to speak of her extended commerce - of her agriculture — of her unparalleled means of education-with the volume of revelation in the hands of all her fami- lies but those of her degraded bondsmen ; with the ordinances of religion in abundance ; of her , ministers, and of her missionary exertions; on all these he could dwell with pleasure, after he had discussed the question of slavery. but the damning plague- spot of america, christian america, republican america, america, the land of bibles, and tracts and missionary societies, america, who boasted herself in being the freest country on the face of the globe, was slavery! america had her slave ships types of pandemonium-gliding on the surface of the ocean, and put forth her presumptuous hand and traded in the lives and the souls of men! (cheers.) would it be believed that the slaves formed a sixth part of the american population; every sixth man or woman was a slave-their bodies, their souls, their skill, their energy, their posterity, their every thing was under the dominion of slavery. it was not true that the slave trade was abolished in america; slave auctions were still to be seen-men and women were still to be seen sold like so many cattle. it was to abolish that system he went to america. he did not deny that the weavers of paisley, that the peasantry of ireland, and many others of our countrymen, were occasionally bordering on starvation. he could not deny this; but these individuals, poor and miserable as they were, were still free; to them the wheel of fortune was still revolving ; the starving of to-day were not the star- ving of to-morrow; hope beamed on all; they may die, but they bequeath liberty to their children, and they, guided by the way-marks wbich their parents had missed-be- came the favourites of fortune, and rose to honour, competence, and prosperity. he did not seek to exempt the slaves from poverty ; he wanted only to give them freedom. (great cheering.) but this was not his only mission to america ; he went also to at- tack a sin not surpassed by slavery—the simple prejudice that prevails against colour. so deep was this prejudice, that the coloured people were denied a pew in the church, a place in the cabin of a steam-boat, or the interior of a coach ; the body is even denied a corner in the usual place of repose for the dead; and they would deny the soul a place in heaven if they could. the first thing to be done in america, is to plead for the slave as for a man ; to establish his title to humanity ; and make him stand out before their eyes as a human being. there was one test which he always applied to a man about whose title to the full honours of human nature there was some dispute. he asked not of his clime, his colour, or his stature, of the texture of his hair, or the con- formation of his limb; he asked not if he issued from the majestic portals of a palace, or from the humble door of a west indian negro hut-he asked but one question, “ could he love his god?” and if that was answered in the affirmative, then he recognised his humanity, claimed him as a brother, and elevated bim to the position which he himself occupied. (tremendous cheering.) well, how did he go to america ? he went without name and without influence, and without wealth. well, did he flatter them? no. he could not call them the freest people, for he did not believe it; he did not call them the wisest people, for he had left edinburgh, and he could not say so. (laughter and cheers.) after de- scribing the reception he had received, mr thompson proceeded to say, he had been frowned upon, sneered at, and pitied. even in edinburgh, he understood, he had been called an amiable enthusiasta title which he begged to disclaim. an en- thusiast was one who sought to obtain an end without using the means; and there- fore the term applied more to the person that used it than to him. he (mr thomp- son) went leaning upon the arm of the almighty, and trusting in the enunciation of truth, believing that god is ever with the truth, and in the truth, and that the truth is god. he was not an enthusiast, therefore, who by the enunciation of truth seeks to overcome prejudice, and interest, and superstition, but he is an enthusiast who seeks those ends without using the means. (cheers.) mr t. went on to shew the degraded state of the american slaves, and that even church dignitaries and ministers were slaveholders. one of the professors, he said, put to some slaves the revolting question of whose are you? one answered i belong to mr — , and another said i am mr such- a-one's, and another said i am the congregation's. this was explained by stating that certain pious persons bequeathed their slaves to the church by way of endowment, to keep up the preaching of the gospel! and it was well known that no slaves were so wretched as those that belong to the congregation, which arose from their being hired mr thompson's seeond lecture. per, letter, and pamphlet, in any way bearing upon the abolition question, was seized and destroyed. mr thompson read numerous quotations from the anti-abolition news. papers, to shew the abusive language which was applied to the advocates of slave-eman- cipation, whom they recommended should all be hanged or otherwise disposed of in an equally summary manner. the quotation of the liberal mottoes of some of these pa- pers, along with the intolerant sentiments of their leading articles, created considerable sensation in the meeting, as indeed did the whole of the details of the disgraceful con- duct of the pro.slavery advocates in that land of boasted freedom. he stated that a grand jury in the county of frederick, alabama, had presented the anti-slavery so- ciety and the coloured population, as nuisances that ought to be abated by every possi- ble means ; and another grand jury in the same state had voted george thompson a nuisance-(great laughter)-along with j. g. birney, w. l. garrison, arthur tappan, and daniel o'connell, the great irish orator-(renewed laughter and cheers)—for impertinent and unauthorized interference with the slaveholders in ame- rica. mr t. remarked that one part of the american constitution—the liberty of speech, and the liberty of the press—was held to be unalterable by congress ; not- withstanding which, there was nothing more common than for public meetings to recom- mend the legislature to put down certain prints, and to put to death certain individuals, who advocated the right of the slave, and lifted up their voice in behalf of the oppressed. he had also to arraign the christian ininisters of america as the most efficient support- ers of slavery. (cries of “ shame.") he blushed to bring that charge forward, but they would not have a proper view of american slavery without it. they had to hear, perhaps for the first time, that the ministers and elders of the respective bodies of pres- byterians, baptist, and methodists, were the main pillars of that blood-stained fabric which it was the object of the abolitionists to pull down. (repeated cries of “ shame.") if these parties would withdraw their countenance from slavery—if they would cease to preach the doctrines they now preach—if they would cease to participate in the gains of the system by which god's image is bought and sold in america,-slavery would not remain one year. (great cheering.) this was a grave charge, and might appear strange to them, but that was not his fault, but the fault of the americans, and the fault of englishmen who had gone there, and come back here, and said nought about it. (cheers.) there was no want of persons to tell all that was good about america, but why did they not give both sides of the question? it was time that men should learn to tell not only the truth but the whole truth. while he should be ready to give america praise for being before us in many things, in this he must say they were far behind us, in that the clergy of all denominations were not only with the oppressor in sentiment, but were found the worst of oppressors. mr thompson then went at some length into the proof of these charges, of which it will be sufficient for us to say, that it was ample and unequivocal enough in all conscience. he then proceeded te change the picture, and to shew the astonishing alteration which had been effected re- cently, and the rapid progress which the cause was still making. more than ministers had already renounced their prejudices and pro-slavery sentiments, and de- clared themselves in favour of immediate emancipation. (cheers.) there were already po fewer than societies established in or of the american states. so great was the change among the presbyterian body, that many synods and presbyteries were making abolition sentiments a condition of church membership; and were refusing to allow a minister, being a slaveholder, to enter their pulpits. (great cheering.) an equally gratifying change had been effected in the sentiments of the episcopal me- thodists, the baptists, and congregationalists, large numbers of whom were already acting efficiently in the cause. the unitarians were also rising in favour of the ques- tion; and the celebrated dr channing had recently come out with a work in favour of the principles of immediate and entire emancipation. one of the most cheering evidences of the progress of the cause was perhaps to be found in the fact that the colleges and seminaries of learning in america were fast becoming abolitionized. (cheers.) mr t. also produced a number of newspapers which were favourable to the cause, besides monthly and quarterly pefiodicals, annuals, and even almanacs, of every shape and size. there were also, he said, anti-slavery pictures and poetry published, anti-slavery fancy sales held, and petitions got up in all parts of the north. there were also anti-slavery church conferences, and prayer meetings in abundance ; and fifty anti-slavery agents were travelling through the country and lecturing on the sub- ject. in this country we had never had above four or five agents. mr thompson concluded by earnestly urging upon one and all the necessity of being active in the resolutions of emancipation society. work of universal emancipation, by prayer to god, by the exercise of their personal influence with their friends in america, and with the americans who come to this coun- try. seven years, he believed, would not elapse ere slavery would be abolished in ame- rica—for the die was already cast, the blow was struck, the day had dawned: and so sure as god reigns, so sure would the principles which he had already blessed-s marvellously blessed—so surely would those principles overthrow the accursed system of slavery. (great cheering.) resolutions of edinburgh emancipation society. at the conclusion of the lecture the following resolutions were proposed by the rev. john ritchie, d.d., seconded by william alexander, esq. of leith, and carried amidst loud acclamations : viz. . after what has been now and formerly stated by mr george thompson, we are fully persuaded that he has in spirit, procedure, and success, exceeded the most sanguine anticipations of the emancipation society—that, by his firmness and prudence, zeal and perseverance, in advocating the cause of the bondsman in the united states, he has amply redeemed every pledge given by him to the friends of human freedom, by whom he was deputed—that, amidst obloquy, peril, and physical violence, he con- tinued to persevere in the high enterprise, until, by the verdict of transatlantic friends, the best judges in this matter, his remaining longer would, without promoting the cause, have compromised his own safety. we acknowledge the good hand of providence that has been around him, bid him cordial welcome to his native shore, renew our expressions of confidence in him as a talented advocate of the liberties of man, and trust that a suitable field may soon be opened up for the renewal of his exertions. ii. we deeply sympathise with our anti-slavery friends in the united states, under the persecutions to which they have been subjected. we would remind them, that their persecutors are the libellers of the american constitution, which proclaims the equal rights of all men, while they withhold from , , of their fellow citizens every natural right, and persecute the preachers of the doctrines of the constitution. that they are the libellers of their maker, since they found their injustice on that co- lour of skin which god has given to the negro. that in this, if in any cause, our friends may boldly say, greater is “ he that is with us, than all that can be against us." we congratulate them on the rapid advance of their cause, e? jrt them to press onwards, and bid them god speed. iii. we remember with delight the claims of common parentage, language and interests, and rejoice in the many institutions, religious and philanthropic, by which america is signalised; and view, with corresponding regret and condemnation, the support given to slavery by christian professors, ministers, and churches, and would adjure them by our common christianity, and the public shame, thus put upon it, to weigh their conduct in the balance of the sanctuary—to give up their horrid traffic in the bodies and souls of men—to put away from among them the accursed thing, to redeem the past, by awaking to righteousness, by emancipating and evangelizing their sable fellow citizens, and thus do homage to him who hath made of one blood all na- tions of men. iv. for ourselves, we hail the speedy answer of our prayers, and realization of our hopes, in the emancipation of all the slaves in the united states—we discern it in the fears and wrath of the slaveholders—in the absence of moral argument, and in the melancholy substitute, riot and bloodshed. we descry it in the labours of a garrison, the sacrifices of a tappan, the fermenting leaven of theological seminaries, the christian heroism of female advocates, and in the anti-slavery societies that have grown to maturity within the short space of a year, and especially in the moral character of the cause as that of truth—of patriotism-of man—of god—and we pledge ourselves, by every moral and scriptural motive, to adjure every friend of ours beyond the atlantic, and all that may occasionally visit our land, to use every exertion to bring to a speedy and peaceful termination, a system so fearfully anomalous and sin- ful, and heaven-provoking in a land where gospel light so much abounds—for the past, we thank god, and for the future we take and hid all others take courage. john wigham jun., chairman. public meeting in waterloo rooms. mr thompson's third lecture. on wednesday evening, february d, mr thompson delivered his third lecture, in the rev. dr peddie's chapel, bristo street, which was, as on the first occasion, crowded to overflowing. the rev. dr john ritchie was called to the chair. the prejudice which exists among the ameri- cans against people of colour, formed the chief topic of his lecture, and he gave a number of very interesting anecdotes in illustration of the ex- tent to which this absurd and unchristian feeling is carried in that country. at the conclusion of the lecture, which was at once eloquent and affecting, a gentleman named fraser, a minister, we understand, from america, and who had lived for many years in the southern states, rose and contra- dicted some of mr thompson's assertions respecting the conduct of the clergymen of that country in regard to slavery. he denied that they were so bad as represented by mr thompson; but remarked, that the ministers had to be very cautious how they acted in regard to this sub- ject, as one minister he knew had been deposed in consequence of enter- taining anti-slavery opinions. mr thompson said, he was glad to hear him admit as much; and reminded him, that if one minister was deposed for holding such sentiments the others must necessarily have held oppo- site sentiments, or they would have surely met a similar fate; so that, by his (mr f.'s) own admission, he (mr t.) was quite right in stating that those anti-christian sentiments were, unhappily, held by a large majority of the ministers of america. mr fraser denied that religion had any- thing to do with slavery; a sentiment, the falsity and absurdity of which · mr thompson shewed up in a most triumphant manner. after a consi- derably lengthened discussion, during which the feelings of the meeting were greatly excited, mr fraser hastily left the church, and mr thompson was declared to have successfully maintained his position. the meeting separated about half-past eleven o'clock, the chairman having first an- nounced, amidst great cheering, that arrangements were in progress for holding a public meeting of the inhabitants of edinburgh, on the subject of slavery in the united states. great meeting in the waterloo rooms. the above meeting was called by the following public advertisement:- . “slavery in america.” “ a public meeting of the inhabitants of edinburgh will be held in the waterloo rooms, on monday next, february , to express their sense of the sinfulness and degrading tendency of slavery, as it still unhap- pily exists in the united states of america.” “ the right honourable the lord provost will take the chair at one o'clock.” long before the hour named for the commencement of the business, the spacious room was crowded with a most respectable audience, and . public meeting in watebloo rooms. hundreds were compelled to retire without the gratification of listening to the very interesting addresses which were delivered.” on the platform were the honourable henry david erskine ; rev. drs dickson, peddie, and ritchie ; rev. messrs grey, bennie, liddell, johnston, french, c. anderson, robertson, innes, peddie, goold, w. anderson, wilkes, alexander, thomson, &c.; james craufurd and james moncrieff, esquires, advocates; bailies macfarlan and sawers ; trea- surer black ; councillors duncan, jameson, and deuchar; dr greville ; g. m. torrance, esq. of kilsaintninian ; william wemyss, esq.; a. mil- lar, esq., master of merchant company; patrick tennent, esq. w. s.; henry tod, esq. w. s.; captain rose ; john wigham jun., esq.; alex. cruickshank, esq.; geo. thompson, esq.; and between forty and fifty other gentlemen. the lord provost, on taking the chair, expressed his gratification at being called to preside over so very numerous and respectable a meeting of his fellow citizens. he rejoiced at being able to point to , of their fellow subjects delivered from gall- ing bondage in the british colonies. they were now met for no political purpose, but to express their views of the sinfulness and degrading tendency of slavery in the united states, a country calling itself free, but cursed with a population of more than two millions of wretched slaves. his friend near him (mr thompson) had recently returned from that country, having narrowly escaped with his life. he (mr t.) would tell them more cor- rectly than he could do, what was the real character of that system which was the disgrace of america. he would not trespass upon the time of the meeting, as many eloquent and learned gentlemen were prepared to address them. he trusted the cause they had met to promote would speedily triumph. it was the cause of humanity, freedom, and religion, (cheers.) in the course of the meeting the lord provost stated, that he had re. ceived a note from sir thomas dick lauder, baronet, expressing his regret that a particular engagement prevented him from being present, i can assure this meeting (observed his lordship), that my friend sir thomas, feels a deep interest in the ob- ject for which we are assembled, his heart and soul are with us, and he cordially wishes us god speed. james craufurd, esq. advocate, in rising to move the first resolution, viz. that this meeting consider slavery, under every modification, and in every country, as opposed to the dictates of humanity, the prosperity of nations, and especially to the principles of the christian religion. that, deeply sensible of their obligations to provi. dence for removing from this nation the stigma of maintaining slavery, this meeting feel called on, as free citizens of a christian state, to use every lawful means for promoting the entire abolition of slavery in every quarter of the world, spoke to the following effect:- my lord, i have been requested to move the first resolution. i regret that it has not been intrusted to some one more capable of doing it justice ; but no one could propose it with more cordiality and sincerity. i cannot refrain from expressing my gratification at seeing the numerous and respectable meeting which has assembled on this interesting occasion—it is most encouraging—it is most refreshing, to see men of all varieties of christian persuasion, of all opinions in politics, forget their minor differ- ences, and meet cordially and harmoniously on common ground, for the maintenance of common principles, for the promotion of a common cause. and it is one among the many good effects of a meeting like the present, that it tends to smooth the asperi- ties and to sweeten the intercourse of society ; and, by reminding us of the points wherein we agree, it teaches us all charity on the points wherein we differ. the time, my lord, has not long gone by, when the question which we are met to consider prc- eented itself in a very different aspect. there are many, i doubt not, present, who remember when the slave.trade itself, with all its horrors, was protected and en. public meeting in waterloo rooms. couraged by british law ; and they who ventured to denounce the disgraceful and inbuman traffic, were derided as visionary enthusiasts. it was at length put down by a patriotic government ; but the system to which it had given birth, the degrading system of west indian slavery, continued up to a very recent period; and when we met to express our deep sense of the guilt and the horrors of slavery, we met to condemn ourselves, to denounce a system in maintaining which we were ourselves participant—we met to sympathise with those whom we ourselves, as a nation, had kept in misery and bondage. the burning blush of shame was on our cheeks, the sin was national, and every man felt the burden of it. but at length the cry of , fellow creatures groaning under the iron yoke, aroused the sympathy and indignation of englishmen. a small but glorious band of patriots, burning to wipe away the stain from their country's reputation—to vindicate the outraged rights of suffering humanity, commenced the agitation of this great question. at the head of this band was one whose name is identified with the progress of christian civilization, who embraced the cause of the slave with zeal and fervour, because to him it was a question not of po- licy, but of conscience, who maintained it with unremitting ardour, and adhered to it even when hope seemed extinct, with unshrinking and unwavering constancy; one whose long life was a continued series of efforts for the good of his fellow creatures, of labours for the promotion of peace, concord, and charity-for the diffusion of know. ledge, for the advancement of christian truth, for the abolition of anti-christian slavery.--need i utter the name of wilberforce-a name to every friend of free- dom, to every lover of his race, to every sincere professor of christianity, carum et venerabile. i know not if, in the whole range of our public men, there has lived one entitled to a higher place in the annals of patriotism and philanthropy ; and when monarchs and their courtiers shall be consigned to a common oblivion when the transient triumphs of partisanship are forgotten—when the blood-achieved laurels of the warrior have faded, the immortal name of this christian patriot will be borne on. ward on the stream of time, amid the swelling glories of an ever-increasing reputation, embalmed in the grateful memories of thousands of emancipated brethren, inscribed on the brightest page of universal history, graven in enduring characters on the now stain- less scutcheon of the rescued honour of his country. the efforts of wilberforce and his friends, among whom the pious and amiable mr buxton must not be forgotten, were completely successful in awakening the public mind to a strong sense of the guilt and the evils of slavery. petitions against it loaded the tables of parliament. but the people not being represented, their voice was disregarded. in vain was the iniquity, the cruelty, the unchristian tendency, and even the imminent danger of the system exposed ; in vain did the indignant eloquence of brougham thunder in the ears of parliament. slavery still continued, and the christian missionaries, in spite of their pious office and their blameless lives, were forced to fly from the roofless houses and blazing chapels of demerara. but a great political change, to which it would be unbecoming in me more particularly to refer, then occurred. the reform bill passed into a law, the people were for the first time really represented, they demanded the abolition of slavery—the patriotic ministers who had been the people's choice, responded to their call- his most gra- cious majesty approved ; and the act of emancipation—(cheers)—the noblest enact- ment which any government ever proposed, or any monarch was ever privileged to sanction, became the law of the land; the foul stain was wiped away from the charac. ter of british justice; the galling shackles fell from the limbs of , human be. ings, and now yon glorious sun sees not a single slave throughout the wide realms of british » dominion. (great applause.) i have always felt that we were bound to set the slave free, whatever might be the practical difficulties, whatever might be the probable consequences of the measure ; but in so far as our experience has gone, emancipation has proved to be really expedient, as well as undeniably just, and imperatively necessary. the effects of this great act of justice have, indeed, been most encouraging. lord mulgrave, a nobleman alike distinguished for ability and benevolence, presided over the momentous transition -all the evil forebodings of the supporters of slavery have been silenced, the colonies are more prosperous, the labourers more contented and peaceable, and, above all, the progress of moral cultivation—of christian truth_has been greatly accelerated. and it gives me peculiar pleasure to observe, that, as a most worthy and appropriate sequel to the gift of freedom, and a recognition of the great moral and religious principles on which it was con- ferred, his majesty's government have given a grant of l. , to the london mis- sionary society for the education of the emancipated negroes. are we not, i ask, under great obligations to the enlightened statesmen who have accomplished this truly noble task? public meeting in waterloo rooms. ought we not, i ask yet more emphatically, to feel the deepest gratitude to almighty god for having so ordered events as to bring about this happy consummation. but having succeeded in extinguishing slavery at home, are we to proceed no farther, but remain contented, and calmly see it maintained in all its upmitigated horrors in other quarters of the globe, and particularly in america ; for, strange as it may appear, in that mighty republic, in that land of political liberty, there are two millions of slaves, and the independent citizen who boasts of his own freedom keeps his fellow.creature in degrading bondage on account of the colour of his skin. now, i admit that there are two classes of men who are not entitled to interfere, even by the expression of pub- lic opinion, in the question of slavery in america. ist, those who, taking their stand upon very narrow ground, have considered slavery as altogether a question of policy and expediency, for they must hold it a question of internal policy, with which no other nation has any concern, and they cannot consistently interfere. and, d, there are not a few who were silent on the subject of west indian slavery, who are now loud in protesting against slavery in america. what is it, i ask, that has effected this change in their views ? why were they silent when the consistent friends of freedom struggled in the cause of the west indian slave? where slept the thunders of their wrath, when slavery was openly defended in their presence ;-when a government, who refused emancipation, received their zealous aid—their unqualified support? the truth is, they declaim against american slavery, not because they abhor slavery, but because they dislike america. with these men i for one will not co-operate. i denounce slavery not only as impolitic and inexpedient—not only as inconsistent with the republican institutions of america, but as, in every form and in every lard, inbuman, unnatural, and sinful ; and it is only on a deep conviction of the extreme sinfulness of slavery that, i think, we are at all warranted to enter our protest against it in america or in any other land but our own. there is much in america, in her laws, her energies, her ju- stitutions, which the citizens of every free state, especially of england, are bound to respect; and the land of washington, and franklin, and abbot, and channing, and jay, must be dear to every friend of humanity. our common origin, our common freedom, and, more than all, our common religion, unite us by the strongest and most endearing ties. it is not, therefore, from a dislike to america, but, on the contrary, from feelings of cordial esteem and of brotherly regard, and from a sincere desire to pro- mote her best interests, that we endeavour to awaken her to the guilt and the evils of slavery. (hear, hear.) i shall not at all touch on the cruelties perpetrated on the slaves--on the rigour with which they are treated on the hardships which they are forced to endure-because, undeniable and appalling as they are, it is not on that ground that i take my stand. select the best fed, and clothed, and tended slave that can be found, surround him with comforts, and provide for all his wants, still he is a slave, bought and sold as a marketable commodity; and however he may be treated, he who keeps him in bondage, or he who acquiesces in his bondage, commits or encourages a sin. it is not my part-there are others here much more adequate to the task_to point out how entirely and absolutely slavery is opposed to the whole principles and spirit of the gospel. the mere use of such terms as “ the bondage of sin,” and “ the glorious liberty of the sons of god,” is alone sufficient to establish this; for slavery must indeed mean something unutterably fearful and degrading, when it is used to denote the thral- dom in which satan holds the souls of men ; and liberty must imply something inex- pressibly delightful and ennobling when employed to denote the privileges of the blessed. i might tell you of the effect of christian principles on the heart of every man, leading the slave to burn and pant for freedom, and constraining all to use their every effort to break the fetters of the captive, and to let the oppressed go free. i might remind you of the golden rule—" do unto others as you would be done by,”-a rule which ex- cludes any man from holding a slave, or from aiding or acquiescing in maintaining the system who is not prepared to be himself a slave. i might point out the glorious des- tinies, the immortal prospects, which the gospel opens alike to “ bond and free;" but i leave these interesting subjects to reverend gentlemen near me better qualified to en- large on them; and i put my hand on a principle of which the americans profess to be peculiarly proud_.the equality of man. yes, we are all equal—we all come into the world in the same naked helplessness—we all drop into the grave in the same naked in- anity. at the commencement and at the close of life, god has impressed equality on all human beings; and what is man, that, in the brief interval between these two events, he should set his foot on his fellow man? allow me, in conclusion, to remark, that, in entering our protest agaiost slavery in america, as sinful, inhuman, and ruinous, public meeting in waterloo rooms. we must be careful to do so in the tone of kind and friendly remonstrance, worthy of the cause we advocate and the religion we profess, remembering how recently it is since we had any title to protest or remonstrate at all, and never forgetting that she is the freeman whom the truth makes free, and all are slaves beside.” if in this great cause we wish to prosper, our efforts must be essentially and exclusively christian efforts, maintained by christian principles, by the use of christian means, tempered by christian charity,-above all, accompanied by a prayer for the blessing of god, without which all human exertions must be vain. let us in this spirit, and by these means, proceed, and we may confidently look for success; and some of us may be spared to see the day, when, successively expelled from every quarter of the earth, slavery, with her attendant horrors, shall wing her way to regions of everlasting night, and universal liberty commence her peaceful reign. (great cheering.) the rev. archibald bennie, of lady yester's church, seconded the resolution in the following speech :- my lord provost,_i appear with great pleasure at this meeting of my fellow-citi. zens to testify against the great sin and evil of slavery, though i cannot entirely sup- press a feeling of shame in seconding, in the nineteenth century, the resolution which has now been proposed. one cannot but be ashamed to think, that it should be ne.. cessary, after so much has been done to cultivate mind and to diffuse knowledge, to repeat, justify, and defend so plain a proposition, as that man is free, and that his fel- low-man has, and can have, no right of property in him. (cheers.) there are some subjects so complex and subtle in their nature, and so varied and minute in their rela- tions, that men of the calmest judgment and the most candid temper have differed re- specting them. but most certainly slavery is not one of them. no intricate process of reasoning, no elaborate induction of particulars, is required to expose its criminality and wretchedness. it is a subject on which every man is qualified to judge. an ap- peal to the heart is sufficient to determine it. is not rank merely the guinea stamp ? and is not the moral and accountable nature of man the gold on which it is impressed ? (great cheering.) the principle of slavery is subversive of all religion and morality. but long after this was admitted, there was a disposition to justify slavery in modified forms, and in particular countries. “ look,” it was said, at the comfort of these negroes—the abundance of their provisions—the quiet shelter of their homes, and the number of their holidays. are the labourers and mechanics of europe as well fed, and as com- fortable as these?” admitting the picture to be correct, our answer was, “ there is the violation of a great principle in slavery. there is a disruption of the most sacred ties; while, beneath the flowers of the description, the whip is hid, and under the co- vering of comfort, the chain clinks.” but, we added, “ the picture is not correct. the comfort is extorted by fear, cr yielded by selfishness, and is therefore precarious and uncertain. there is in slavery—what has ever been the great bane of society irresponsible power, against whose abuses no law can guard, and to whose unbridled ex- cesses no limit can be fixed.” we were also told that man in some countries behoved to be a slave. there was a necessity for it, arising out of his condition both intellec- tual and physical. he was ignorant--we said, give him knowledge. he was desti- tute of forethought-- we said, cultivate his powers of reflection and reasoning. he 'was sensual—we said, purify and refine bis affections and desires. above all, we said, “ there is a law written on the brow of the negro, as on that of the european, · man must be free.' this law extends to the hottest plain of the tropics, as to the coldest field of the polar regions; and if, in any way, or to any extent, you attempt to contra- vene or to infringe on that law, you fight against the lawgiver, who is god.” (much applause.) this resolution states that slavery is opposed to the dictates of humanity. the his- tory of all slave countries teems with the proofs of this. there is scarcely a species of cruelty to which slavery has not led. the blood recoils at the thought of its horrors. and even in its mildest forms it is a great and outrageous evil. it is a denial that the slave is man, and therefore a robbery of the first and highest right of his nature. it is opposed to the prosperity of nations. it debases and brutalises the character of the people among whom it prevails. it raises up barriers to the progress of knowledge, the diffusion of education, and consequently to the improvement of society. we read of gold and silver which are cankered— whose rust shall be a witness against their pos- sessors, and shall eat their flesh as with fire. the wealth procured by the traffic in public meeting in waterloo rooms. slaves comes under this head. it is earned by a fraud upon human nature. it is tainted with injustice and violence. (cheers.) i turn from these topics to one which it may be more appropriate in me to illustrate -slavery is opposed to the principles of the christian religion. this is almost so self- evident a proposition, that to put it in words is to prove it. (cheers.) many, who have defended slavery, who have earned their money by it, and have trafficked in slaves, have professed to believe in christianity ; but where, in what portion of that religion, is there the slightest sanction to slavery ? look to its general tenor. it is a message of love and peace to man. look to its doctrines. they are addressed to mankind- to rich and poor. they make no distinction between kings and subjects, nobles and peasants. it is man they contemplate—not man with a dark skin or a white--not the native of europe, or the native of asia—but man who has sinned, who has a soul to be saved, and a judge to meet-man whom god made, and christ died to redeem. it looks at human nature in its naked elements. it speaks chiefly of the soul, and the soul is the man. it 'excludes from its blessings neither jew nor greek, barbarian, scythian, bond nor free. it declares that “ god hath made of one blood all nations of men.” (cheers.) if slavery is opposed to the doctrines and design of christianity, it is scarcely neces- sary to state, that it is equally so to its precepts. what is the summary of the divine law respecting our duties to mankind ? love thy neighbour as thyself; and the saviour of the world has told us, that all men are our neighbours ;—that, wherever there is the claim of suffering which we can relieve, there is neighbourhood. the good samaritan did not pause to consider whether the robbed and wounded traveller was his countryman_his fellow-citizen; whether he was a native of swarthy ethiopia, or a rude pilgrim from the desert. enough that he saw him bleeding, and nearly dead. he was a man-bone of his bone, and flesh of his flesh. his heart felt the appeal of misery, and his kind offices answered. is it neighbourly, then, to buy and sell your fellow-creature, to treat him worse than the very beast of burden which the jewish law protected ? . thou shalt not muzzle the ox that treadeth out the corn”-(hear, bear)—or say to him, “ go, and he must go; come, and he must come;"_to tell him, that he is worth so much gold, as your fields, your furniture, and your crops are, christianity has placed our duties to others in a strong and impressive light in a single sentence of beautiful morality, “ whatsoever ye would that men should do unto you do ye even so to them.” where is the slaveholder who would wish to be the slave whom he buys and sells ? who would wish to be ordered out into the fields, compelled to labour, deprived of social privileges, and treated at best as a piece of useful mechanism, with a capacity of suffering to be turned to account? but, indeed, i feel as if i was offering an injury to christianity, by bringing it into the contaminating presence of such an idea as slavery. it is a poor thing to say of that religion of peace and love, that it is opposed to slavery, while there are so many nobler things that may be justly said of it. its great object is to exalt, to purify, and to adorn our nature ; and, wherever it has been diffused, it has covered society with blessings. it has unbarred the dungeons of persecution. it has softened and humanised the characters of rude and lawless men. it has said to men everywhere, both spiritually and temporally, “ prisoners go forth; ye that are in darkness shew yourselves.” it condemns injus. tice, cruelty, and violence, in all their forms and degrees. it seeks to lead man to the love of god, and, through god, to the love of his creatures ; and it may be safely affirmed, that the more widely it is diffused, and the more deeply its influence is felt, the more truly will man be the benefactor of man—the more closely will the human family be linked together, as the children of one parent, and as called to the hope of one inheritance. it will loose the bands of wickedness,-it will undo the heavy bur- dens,—it will make the oppressed to go free, and break every yoke! (great cheering.) this resolution acknowledges our obligations to providence for having freed this great country from the stigma of maintaining slavery. my lord provost, it was a bright day for britain when our legislators resolved on this act of justice to our common nature. long, long, it was our shame to connive at, and sanction the infamous traffic. but enlightened christian opinion at length prevailed ; and this dark stain of our reproach has been wiped away. britain is now what she was not before—the consistent patroness of freedom; and wherever her ships plough their way, the stranger can point to them and say, “ there goes the flag of a free people.” there was many a vain attempt- many an arduous struggle—many a keen and resolute debate ; but at length the day of triumph came; providence smiled on the cause ; and the chain of slavery, throughout public meeting in waterloo rooms. . the magnificent territory of britain, was finally, and for ever, broken. (loud ap- plause.) but, while we are thankful that our country has abolished slavery, we must extend our sympathies to those who are held in that bondage by other nations. this is no national or party question—it is a question of humanity; wherever there is a slave, we must pity him ; wherever there is a people who sanction slavery, we must condemn them. we must not cease till slavery is abolished all over the world—till there is not a single link of a chain clinking at the heels of the meanest of our race. particularly, when we see slavery sanctioned in america, we must raise our voices. it is a burning shame to that country that the slave trade should exist in it. it makes liberty dis- trusted, and the boast of it disgusting. let us not forget "'tis liberty alone that gives the flower of fleeting life its lustre and perfume, and we are weeds without it.” the reverend gentlemen sat down amidst great applause, and the re- solution having been submitted to the meeting by the lord provost, was carried unanimously. the rev. w. lindsay alexander, m. a., spoke as follows, in moving the second resolution, viz.- " that this meeting view with sincere regret the existence of unmitigated slavery in america, a country connected with great britain by many interesting ties ; and con- ceive it to be their duty publicly to express their sentiments on the subject, and to record their detestation of this inhuman and unchristian system.” the motion, my lord, which i hold in my hand, and which i have the honour to pro. pose for the adoption of this meeting, has a reference to the existence of slavery in ame- rica, in its most unrelenting and unmitigated forms ; and to the duty devolving upon us, under these circumstances, of publicly expressing our sentiments on this subject, and re- cording our detestation and abhorrence of such a state of things. on the general subject of slavery i shall not offer any remarks ; at this time of day, and especially after the addresses to which the meeting has already listened, any such remarks would be little bet- ter than impertinent. neither shall i attempt to offer any details respecting the actual state of slavery in america, as that subject has been already so fully and impressively brought before the public mind in edinburgh, by the eloquent addresses which our friend mr thompson has on several occasions delivered since he last came among us. i shall rather keep myself to the main topic of the motion which i hold in my hand, viz. the loud call which the existence of unmitigated slavery in america makes upon us, the inhabitants of britain, to come forward and do what in us lies to enlighten our trans- atlantic brethren, in regard to the injustice, cruelty, and impiety of such a state of things, and thus to endeavour to expedite its destruction. by many, i believe, both in this country and in america, our conduct in what we have already done in this matter, has been regarded as hardly justifiable, on the principle that the inhabitants of one nation have no right to interfere with the internal regulations of another. now, if by this it be merely meant to affirm that a nation, as such, or a government, as a representative of a nation, has no right to interfere with the internal policy of another nation, living under another and an independent government, the affirmation is one which lies at the very foundation of international law, and it would be at once foolish and wicked to deny it. but a principle which forbids men to act in a national capacity, by no means necessarily forbids them to act as individuals. to say that it is inexpedient and wrong for one government to interfere with the internal operations and economy of another, is not of necessity to say that it is an error in policy, or a violation of morality, for one man, or a body of men, acting in their private capacity, to expostulate with those of another country, upon the criminality and impiety which some of their institutions may involve. that our government has no right to take up the question of slavery in america, i at once concede ; but that we, as individuals, have no such right, i must take leave to deny; at least, i do not see how this is essentially involved in the con- cession i have made. i must contend that there are cases which, though placed be- yond the legitimate influence of national authority or physical power, lie within the sphere of moral power, and in such cases every man who possesses that power, has, by the very possession of it, a right to wield it.-(cheers.) of such cases the one be- fore us is an instance. the question of slavery in america, is not with us a political public meeting in waterloo rooms. question,—the existence or the non-existence of that cruel system, leaves our national relations with that country alike untouched; the flag of britain floats not the less proudly and freely, that that of america is marked with the traces of injustice, and stained with the blood of the oppressed. but we approach the question as one of morals and of religion ; we appeal, in the discussion of it, to great and immutable prin. ciples principles which apply as well in america as in britain ; we point to the law written on the heart, and the law recorded in the bible; we address ourselves to ame- rica not as britons so much as men and as christians ; and in such a case it is absurd, it is childish, to speak of national relations and political rights, as if they could inter- pose a legitimate barrier against the enforcement of our plea.-(loud cheers.) the way being, then, open for our interfering in this matter, we are called upon, i think, by every consideration of humanity and religion, to lift up our voice, and cry aloud and spare not, until the eyes of our brethren in america are opened to see the evils and enormities of that system, which still retains among them its unmitigated ex. istence. had we nothing else to proceed upon than the principles of ordinary huma- nity, there would be furnished to us by these, inducements enow to engage in this work. the sympathies of the human heart are not to be shut up within conventional limits, or restrained by the enactments of civil policy. awaken these sympathies by scenes of sorrow or of agony, and the chainless spirit passes with the rapidity of thought over seas and continents_breaks through the artificial barriers of national distinctions laughs to scorn the enactments of charters and constitutions, and rests not until it has reached the objects of its regards, and mingled with the wail of their suffering the sympathy of its own lacerated feelings.—(great applause.) and is there not suffering in america—deep, uncheered, unmitigated, hopeless suffering? is there not in ame- rica an exhibition, in all its most perfect development, of that hideous system which, reversing all moral distinctions, and violating all principles of law, makes a man suffer without a crime, establishes political and personal rights according to mere physiolo- gical peculiarities, and interrupts that salutary connection which the creator has insti- tuted between virtue and happiness, industry and comfort, piety and respectability? is it not a fact, that there is not only slavery in america, but slavery in its worst and most revolting forms? and is it not true, that the system of torture and oppression, with all its sickening train of immoralities and impurities, which was exhibited in the bud and embryo in the west indies, has effloresced into all the luxuriance of full-grown matu- rity in the slave states of that country? are these things so ? and shall we be told to sit still, and hold our peace, and steel our feelings, and do violence to the dictates of our own bosoms, but perchance we should, by boldly speaking out, offend the pre. judices, and hurt the selfish pride of that most unsound democracy. i treat with con. tempt all such paltry bugbears. i throw myself back upon the indestructible sympa. thies of our common humanity. i say to the slave-driver of america, i claim the re- lationship of common nature with that being you call your slave ; i look on that man you are torturing as a brother, on that woman you are degrading as a sister; and in the name of the god that made us, and made us all of one blood, i command you to withhold your hand, and let the oppressed go free.—(great cheers.) but, my lord, america professes to be a christian country, and far be it from me to deny that in that country there are multitudes that fear the lord, and are zeal. ous for his cause. i am not one of those that are for including all our trans- atlantic brethren in one common charge of irreligion and heathenism, because they have among them slavery, and have allowed unholy principles and practices to obtain progress among them as the consequence of this system. i remember that america is the country of brainerd, and edwards, and dwight, and judson, and newell, and many other imperishable nanies. i bear in mind that it is a land which contains at present some of the very excellent of the earth, men whose wri- tings we have rejoiced to study, and some of whose voices we have been refreshed in hearing. i would not forget all that god has done for christianity in that land, and all that christians in the exercise of holy gratitude have done for the cause of god; and therefore i will never consent to unchristianize the churches of america, or to treat their members as heathens and reprobates. on the contrary, i would, in this matter, feel as if my strongest ground were cut away from me, were i not permitted to go upon the presumption that there are in that country multitudes on whom i could press the arguments which the religion of christ furnishes against slavery and injustice. assured that there is nothing in the new testament to countenance, far less to authorise, either the practices or the prejudices of americans in reference to their coloured popu. public meeting in waterloo rooms. lation, and satisfied that it is only by their eyes being closed against the truth, and their minds warped and spell-bound by an early evil prepossession, that our christian bre- thren on the other side of the atlantic can reconcile their conduct towards that portion of the community with their acknowledged principles, or enjoy any peace of conscience while acting so directly in opposition to the entire spirit and tendency of that holy re- ligion, of which they are the disciples ; i would take my stand upon bible principles, and i would make my appeal to them as friends of the bible on behalf of these princi- ples, and of that course of conduct to which they would naturally lead. to act thus i feel myself bound by the express command of god. i find his people charged in his word not to suffer sin upon their brethren; i find their doing so identified with hatred of their brethren ; and i find hatred of their brethren denounced as murderous. un. less, then, i would subject myself to this fearful charge, i must remonstrate with my brethren when their sins are brought before me, and, by reproof as well as argu- ment and entreaty, endeavour to recal them to a sense of duty, and to the path of uprightness and virtue, urged by this consideration, therefore, i would go to the churches of america to plead with them on behalf of the enslaved and the in- jured. as brethren in christ i would entreat them to listen to me for the love i bear to them. as one whom they have offended, i would seek to be reconciled to them by persuading them to relinquish the offence and forsake the sin. and as one who was no niggardly admirer of their zeal, their piety, and their energy, i would implore them to free themselves from this accursed system, that their zeal might be the purer, their piety the more sincere, and their energy augmented a thousand.fold. (cheers.) there is yet one consideration more, my lord, which appears to me to furnish a reason why we should interfere in this matter. it is this, that in respect of american slavery this country is itself verily guilty. (hear, bear.) it was britain that introduced this state of things into america, and though our descendants there were but too ready not only to learn the lesson but to improve upon it, it still remains with us as a weighty charge, that from our hands as a nation came the first impulse which set in operation that vast machinery whose products of diabolical iniquity have been so plentifully yield. ed ever since. if, then, we can do aught to remove this weight from our shoulders, let us do it. if in the days of our own ignorance we taught so erroneous a lesson to others, let us feel the obligation resting upon us, now that god has opened our eyes to see the evil and danger of what we once practised, to use every means to unteach what we formerly inculcated, and arrest the operations of that ruinous system which we were the first to set agoing. in aid of all these reasons (so sufficient of themselves to induce us to bestir ourselves in regard to the existence of slavery in america) there arises now the additional con- sideration that we have already committed ourselves to the work, and cannot without disgrace draw back. we have sent out an esteemed and honoured friend to represent our views, and seek to impress upon the friends of truth and religion in that land the opinions which have obtained a victory in our own. he has well and powerfully re.. presented us, and roused in that country a feeling and an agitation which cannot sub- side so long as slavery exists. and now that he has returned, compelled by popular clamour and lawless outrage to retire from his labour of beneficence, it is for us to fol- low up his exertions by our remonstrances and our rebukes. we ought to feel also the claim addressed to us by the band of heroic philanthropists whom he has been the means of calling into action, and whom he has left behind him to carry on the work of mercy amid many discouragements and dangers. let us assist these noble-minded persons with our advice, our approbation, our encouragement. let us remember the peculiar and manifold difficulties of their position-shu tout as they are from the sym- pathies of their countrymen,-_branded as enemies to their commonwealth, and to its constitution,—driven from the fellowship of their own rank, and even looked upon with an evil eye by their professed brethren in christ. to act firmly, prudently, and per- severingly, under such circumstances is no easy task; let us then stand forward in their behalf, and if by our co-operation and sympathy we can in any degree alleviate their trials, and strengthen their energies, let us cheerfully render them a service which their exertions so richly demand. (cheers.) in conclusion, my lord, the motion i hold in my hand calls upon us "to record our detestation of the inhuman and unchristian system” of negro slavery. this we have already done, and we are as ready to do it as ever. we have recorded our abhorrence of slavery in the history of forty years' exertion for its destruction. we have recorded public meeting in waterloo rooms. it in thousands of petitions to parliament, bearing the signatures of myriads of free. born hands, and breathing the aspirations of myriads of freeborn souls. we have re- corded it in the annals of our nation, and paid twenty millions of pounds sterling as the price of the registration. and now we are ready to record it in the history of the world. we are ready to assume our proper place as the only nation that is truly free, and in all the dignity of our moral pre-eminence to address ourselves to the race at large. we would stand forward as the patrons of humanity, the advocates of liberty, the enemies of oppression, the liberators of the world. we would speak in the accents, not of anger, but of remonstrance, and enforce our appeals, not by the thunder of our cannon, but by the persuasiveness of our moral influence. touched by many a master-finger, the harp of liberty has flung its hallowed music over glen, and city, and hamlet, and plain, of our romantic land, and with our souls attuned to that divinest melody we would speak to the nations. and whether they will listen to us now or not, let this be our unalterable resolve, that we will never relinquish our exertions in the cause of emancipation ; but while we have a tongue to speak, or a pen to write, or a heart to pray, we will labour on till our end shall be obtained—till the relation of master and slave shall be every- where abolished—till the words slavery and oppression shall become obsolete in every language-till the lash shall cease to be dyed in human blood_till the chain shall no longer clank on the innocent victim, and the hammer that was used to rivet it shall lie idle on the forge—and till from every country on our renovated globe, the hymn of freedom shall arise to heaven, and the groans of the oppressed be heard no more. (pro- longed applause.) james moncreiff, esq. advocate, in seconding the motion, spoke nearly as follows:- my lord provost, i cannot help again congratulating the meeting that we are in a position which entitles us to deliberate on this question. it was not among the least of the many miserable consequences of our west indian slavery, that it paralyzed our efforts of philanthropy, and threw a shade of just suspicion over the sincerity of our religious professions ; for how could we be thought truly anxious for the civil liberty or religious welfare of other nations, while supporting a system of unchristian slavery at home? on the other hand, we have now a special and peculiar right to lift up our voice against this iniquity, wherever it is found in the habitable globe; for we do not speak of miseries we have never known, we do not preach tenets which we have not been willing to practise, nor do we recommend a course of action, the dangers and consequences of which we have not ourselves been ready to encounter. (cheers.) i need not detain you by delineating the horrors of slavery. the story of slavery in all times has been the same. to say that the slave in the southern states of ame- rica is considered as ordinary merchandise, possessing neither the affections nor sym- pathies of a man, nor the destinies of an immortal spirit—that the arm of the law is felt by him only to remind him that he is not within its pale-and the comforts of domestic life never enjoyed but with the consciousness that the caprice of another may to-morrow deprive him of them all—these only fill up the too-often repeated tale of personal bondage, in heathen or christian lands. but american slavery has some- thing peculiarly revolting. our west indian slavery was not paraded before our eyes -it did not meet us in daily life_it was thought of as a story of horror, which dis- tance magnified—or, at least, was not present to our minds constantly, and without some peculiar crisis. but slavery in america is the basis of society. at home and in the fields — in every relation of public or private life, slavery is the mainspring of all business or pleasure. the child is brought up in the tenets of christianity and of slavery at once; and the planter of virginia or maryland, after spending his summer in superintending his droves of slaves, or driving, perhaps, a profitable merchandise in his fellow-men, comes up to congress to declaim on liberty and equality, on chris- tian truth, or national independence. another fearful picture of american slavery, is the continuance of the infamous slave trade. this is still carried on to an extent revolting to every feeling or christian mind. no man of colour is safe who cannot prove his freedom, and the jails of the country are filled with these miserable wretches, confined there for no crime, and fre- quently sold into slavery in the end to pay the fees incurred by their confinement. it may be said that such meetings as the present can have no effect on the evil. even were this true, i would not care, and if all we could do were to release our public meeting in waterloo rooms. plead the cause of the transatlantic slave. (great applause.) it was delightful to see the highest civic functionary presiding over them, not as a matter of form, but with a sincere and heartfelt devotion to the cause_his heart and his head alike embued with sentiments of the warmest sympathy with the suffering and enslaved. (cheers.) still, with all his impressions of the dignity and importance of the meeting before him, he (mr t.) could not say that he considered the cause they advocated honoured by the presence of any around him, however high their rank or wide their influence. he felt inclined rather to say that the cause itself was so high, and holy, and illustrious, that it shed honour and radiancy on all who were devoted to it-was “ mightiest in the mighty," and gave an added grace to the fairest and the wisest of its supporters. (great applause.) negro slavery was the blot and curse of christendom. still were there nearly six millions of human beings in thraldom to christian states still was the slave-trade carried on to an extent as great as when the eloquence of the sainted wil- berforce charmed the senate of the land. he (mr t.) thanked god that the slavery of the west indies had been declared illegal, and that the islands of the west, swayed by the british sceptre, if not at present free in reality, had the prospect of a speedy and certain deliverance from the horrors of bondage. already the benefits of emancipation were distinctly visible. schools were rising; churches and chapels were multiplying ; ves- sels were leaving our ports freighted with the word of god, the preacher of righteous. ness, and books of elementary instruction. soon would the darkness disappear, and the hills and valleys of jamaica, instead of echoing the sighing of the prisoner, and the clank of chains, reverberate with the song of praise, and the melodious anthem of a regenerated people. (immense cheering.) every friend of humanity and freedom now looked to america—the land of light, and law, and liberty, and religion ; and yet, with equal emphasis, worthy of being called a land of heathen darkness, and foul oppression, and mob-supremacy, and prac- tical atheism (hear, hear.) there liberty was entrapped in her sanctuary and home - there the precepts of religion were derided, despised, and contemned, and the foun- tain of mercy itself converted into the waters of bitterness—there merchants traded in slaves and the souls of men there, even the ministers who stood at the altars of an equal god, did not hesitate to deny the book of life to the home-born population around them. shame, shame on america! let the gathered, concentrated, scorch. ing scorn of every civilized nation be fixed upon the land so boastful of its liberty and religion ; yet, so recreant to all the principles of truth and justice both human and di- vine. he spoke not under the influence of wrath, but deep regret. he prayed that such a meeting as he then addressed might soon be summoned to celebrate the second and nobler independence of the united states,-an independence of the foul systems of slavery and prejudice which now polluted the soil of columbia, and impeded the progress of the cause of universal freedom. (hear, hear, and cheers.) the resolution which he had the honour to second, referred to the hopeful symptoms of a peaceful triumph of christian principles over slavery in america. the indications were indeed most cheer- ing. the progress of the cause during the last two years was without a parallel in the annals of philanthropy. light had been diffused throughout the union. societies had been formed in the majority of the states, and numbered together upwards of . converts had been multiplied until they were innumerable. instances of forti. tude and martyr-like heroism, worthy of the ages of primitive christianity, were con- stantly occurring, and the triumphs every day achieved over interest and prejudice, gave abundant evidence, that, when the truth was faithfully proclaimed, there would be a general adoption of sound principles in despite of the effects of education and habit. the people everywhere were awaking as from a guilty dream. thousands and tens of thousands were already arrayed in sackcloth and ashes. the church, too long the friend and supporter of slavery, was rising in purity, and splendour, and omnipotence, and coming forth to the battle in the name of the lord of hosts. (great applause.) america presented a sublime spectacle. the trumpet had been sounded, and the con- flict had commenced. it was a death struggle. truth and error_light and darkness -the angel of mercy and the demon of oppression had grappled. god and good men were looking on, nor could a doubt be cherished respecting the issue of the combat. (loud cheers.) mr thompson then went into a lengthened account of the rapid advance of the cause during the progress of his mission in america. when he first went over to america there was no opposition the abolitionists were despised as contemptible visionaries, and esteemed harmless. but the progress of the question soon roused the anti-aboli- public meeting in waterloo rooms. tionists from their lethargy; and the friends of the slave were everywhere denounced as disturbers of the peace of the country. notwithstanding all this opposition, the cause went on—there were now abolition societies through the union ; there were nearly abolition newspapers; and for funds, at a meeting not nearly so large as the present, , dollars were raised. they had not indeed such patronage as in scotland; for, instead of having the chief magistrate presiding, as here, when a meeting of ladies took place in boston, and four or five thousand well-dressed ruffians assembled to prevent them, the mayor went to the room and said, “ ladies, ladies, i entreat you to disperse.” one of the ladies shrewdly asked, “ why don't you entreat the mob to disperse ?" (laughter.) “ oh,” said he, “ i can do nothing with them.” ". well, then, call out the constables.” “oh! they are in the mob.” “call out the militia, then.” “oh! they are in the mob.” i the volunteers then.” “oh! they are in the mob too." (loud laughter.) “ ob! well, then, go and use your personal influence.” “oh! i have no personal influence ; ladies, ladies, you have all the reason on your side, but i entreat you to disperse." (great laughter, and cheering.) even in the southern states, the feeling was spreading, though they dare not avow it, for there it was death for a man to say “ i am an abolitionist.” judge lynch would preside with a short shrift and ready halter ; and a man would be out of the world almost as soon as the declaration was out of his lips. but their letters to friends in the north told that their sympathies were with them, and upon these grounds he an. ticipated that in ten years slavery in america would exist no more. tappan, garri- son, thompson, and their followers were denounced as incendiaries, seeking to apply the torch to the airest institutions of the land, and stirring up the slaves to take dreadful ven- geance upon their oppressors. he (mr t.) could unequivocally deny the charge. it was refuted, indeed, by the conduct of their accusers, who had rifled the mails, seized the parcels and boxes of abolitionists, and otherwise possessed them.selves of the documents, both public and private, of those they branded as insurrectionists ; yet had never pub- lished a page, a paragraph, or sentence in support of the allegation. the abolition- ists of america were men of christian principle. they placed the question where it had been that day placed by the learned and reverend gentlemen by whom he had been preceded, -viz. upon the ground of its sinfulness, and they had sought its settlement by the same peaceful and moral means as those that day recommended. we meet (said mr thompson) as the friends of america. we want not war, neither discord nor estrangement. we want to be brethren. we are brethren. we claim the privilege of brethren—the privilege of telling those we love their sins, that they may repent and be converted. there are already thousands across the water who love us, who will be delighted by the tidings of this day's proceedings, and, when they hear of our determination to co-operate with them, who will gather fresh courage. their number is fast increasing, and in proportion as they multiply, do the number of those who are our affectionate brethren and firm allies increase. i look forward, my lord, with confidence, to the time when we shall rejoice with our trans- atlantic friends in the complete and holy triumph of the great principles which are now agitating the minds of the american community. our motives may, for a time, be mistaken and impugned, but ere long they will be understood and ap- preciated, and we shall be recognised as those who are not only the friends of the op- pressed, but the best friends of the free. let us, then, persevere in a firm but christian- minded opposition to every institution in every country, at war with the happiness and salvation, temporal and spiritual, of mankind. in this work we follow in the steps of patriarchs and prophets, apostles and martyrs--we labour in the cause of truth and mercy, and freedom, and god, and we shall not be permitted to labour in vain. mr thompson sat down amidst loud and long continued applause. the above is but a very imperfect outline of his speech. on the motion of the rev. john ritchie, d.d. seconded by adam black, esq. treasurer of the city, the fourth resolution was carried amidst long continued applause, viz. “ that the thanks of this meeting be cordially given to george thompson, esq. for his intrepid, able, and successful services in the cause of universal emancipation, and particularly for his arduous and persevering exertions during his recent mission to the united states of america. thereafter, on the motion of r. k. greville, ll.d., seconded by the mr tilom pson's fourth lecture. that it was almost an insult to a christian audience to make it the subject of a debate. mr thompson afterwards gave a masterly sketch of the state of american society, and requested his audience to observe that he had on former oc- casions spoken in terms of high commendation of many things in that fine country ; but that it was his duty now to expose in all its loathsome- ness, the plague-spot, with which it was defiled from the north to the south,—from the east to the west. it would be impossible in a few lines to give any idea of the mass of evidence by which he exhibited the de- moralizing influence of slavery upon the remotest ramifications of ameri- can society ; but it may perhaps be asserted that the strongest indications of feeling manifested during the evening were evinced, when the fact was stated, that a vast proportion of the american clergy were slaveholders ; that the very churches might be said to nourish and approve a system of bondage by which the bible was confessedly withheld, and the light of the gospel excluded. for the space of three hours mr thompson was lis- tened to with intense interest. one soul seemed to animate the living mass, which was known to consist of considerably above two thousand persons. they fully recognised the principle, that the gospel does not sanction slavery in any shape, and that it gave no discretionary power to man to enslave and hold in bondage, or to barter in the blood and sinews of a human being; and, above all, they recognised the obligation they were under as christians to seek its everlasting overthrow in every part of the world, meeting in hopetoun rooms. on monday the th of february, mr thompson delivered a lecture before a select and highly respectable audience in the hopetoun rooms, the right honourable the lord provost in the chair. this meeting took place in consequence of the earnest wish of a number of individuals who had been unable to attend mr thompson's previous addresses. being deeply interested in the moral and religious welfare of the human race, and especially in the true prosperity of the sons of britain on both sides of the atlantic, an anxious desire was expressed that mr thompson should, in addition to his description of the extent to which prejudice against colour was indulged in america, also give some account of the noble exertions made by that country to relieve herself from the curse of national intemperance. this desire having been communicated to mr thompson, that gentleman most kindly and at once agreed to meet it; and the subjects which he undertook to illustrate were, therefore, advertised as follow : physical slavery in america—prejudice against colour. moral slavery in great britain-prejudice against temperance societies. the chair (which was taken at one o'clock) was supported by a num- ber of philanthropic and influential gentlemen. it is not necessary to dwell upon the first part of the address. it was a picture which the eloquent lecturer had already painted on former occa- sions to other audiences, and the details need not be recapitulated. it was mr thompson's fifth lecture. the richest to the poorest. statesmen bowed upon the altar of expedien- cy; and, above all, the sanctuary was not clean. as a christian nation, we were paralyzed in our efforts to evangelize the world-partly by the millions upon millions actually expended annually upon ardent spirits partly by the selfish and demoralizing feelings which this sensual indul- gence in particular was known to produce. how could we, as a nation, upbraid america with her system of slavery, when we ourselves were all but glorying in a voluntary slavery of a thousand times more defiling and abominable description ? let us do justice to america. let the christians of our country remonstrate with her firmly and affectionately on her crying sin--her conspiracy against the bodies and souls of her coloured children; and may we listen gratefully to her rebuke of our country's crying sin—that apathy by which tens of thousands annually sunk down, uncared for, into the drunkard's grave ? in our own country, it might be said that there was, as it were, a conspiracy against the bodies and souls of her people. mr thompson's fifth lecture. in consequence of the following requisition, mr thompson delivered his fifth and concluding lecture in the west church, on thursday even- ing the th february, on “ the duty of british christians with refe- rence to slavery in america.” “ george thompson, esq. “sir,—cordially approving of your great exertions in the cause of negro emancipation, and earnestly desiring that our fellow-citizens may be stirred up to take a deeper interest in the liberation of the slaves, es- pecially in america, we beg to request that you will deliver an address on this subject in the west church, which is at your disposal for an early day next week.—we are, sir, your obedient servants, (signed) david dickson, d. d. ministers of the west church. john paul, william cunningham, minister of the college church. robert s. candlish, minister of st george's church. archibald bennie, minister of lady yester's church. d. t. k. drummond, minister of st paul's episcopal chapel. james robertson, westfield. wm. paul, accountant. a. maitland, w. s. andrew thomson, royal circus. robert callender, m. d. j. s. more, advocate. alex. dunlop, advocate. - w.f. h. lawrie, w.s. archibald bonar, royal bank. j. y. walker, logie green. patrick tennent, w. s. mr thompson's fifth lecture. previous to the hour of meeting, mr thompson met with the requisition- ists, the committee of the emancipation society, and a number of his pri- vate friends in the vestry; and at seven o'clock he proceeded with them into the church, which, though the largest building in edinburgh, was by this time filled in every part. the rev. mr paul accompanied him to the pulpit, and opened the meeting by prayer. mr thompson then entered on the proposed question of the duty of british christians in reference to american slavery; and commenced an eloquent and powerful lecture by successfully rebutting the charge made against him, of unnecessarily interfering with the laws and customs of another and a foreign country. he rested the justification of the part which he had taken, and which he called on others in this country to take, on the same grounds by which our missionary societies justify their interference with the superstitions and vices of the countries to which their agents are sent. in both cases the sins and de- lusions of men called for our pity, and our most strenuous efforts to en- lighten and reclaim them; and the obligation was the stronger in the case of america, from her being so closely related to us as a people, and so nearly allied by a common religious faith; and from the aggravated nature of her guilt in continuing to practise so foul a sin in the face of the clear light of the gospel. the horrible effects of slavery were illus- trated by mr thompson from the volumes of mr abdy,—a work which a respectable publishing house in america had resolved to reprint; but, after they had proceeded with it a considerable length, so terrific were the statements it contained regarding american slavery, and so undeniable the facts by which these statements were authenticated, that the publish- ers decidedly refused to proceed any farther with it, assigning as their reason,—not that the book was untrue, but that, if they should publish it, their business would be ruined! mr thompson also depicted the hor- rors of slavery from the work of major hamilton ; and from numerous ap- palling facts, all which he stated to be from unquestionable authority. one of these facts was an account of a woman, who, when her children had been gambled away by their unnatural father to a slaveholder, murdered her- self and them to save them from being separated from her. and another was the case of a beautiful, accomplished, and almost quite fair female, who, having been married by a white gentleman in a southern state, was followed to one of the so-called free states, where they had taken up their residence, and had to be ransomed by her husband for dollars from her master, who was at the same time her own father! in pointing out the particular duties of british christians in reference to this subject, mr thompson alluded to the constant and intimate intercourse kept up be- tween america and this country; and insisted on the duty of our availing ourselves of that intercourse, to state our views and feelings on the sub- ject. even in private letters to america, a few words in behalf of the poor and oppressed slaves, might and ought to drop from the pen of every christian writer. church courts, congregations, and religious asso ciations of all denominations, he contended, also ought to take up the subject, and remonstrate with their american brethren on the iniquity and soiree in assembly rooms. was the desire among the friends of religion and humanity in edinburgh to testify their respect towards this distinguished advocate of the rights of the slave, that, though the room accommodates nearly persons, hundreds were disappointed in their application for tickets. at an early hour nearly all the seats were occupied, and at a little after seven o'clock, mr thompson entered the room, attended by the committee and a num- ber of his friends, and was received with loud acclamations by the assem- bled company. on the motion of john wigham jun. esq. robert kaye greville, ll. d., f.r. s., &c. &c. was called to the chair, and com- menced the proceedings of the evening by the following address. my dear friends, i beg to thank you very cordially and gratefully for your kind- ness in placing me in the chair on the present most interesting occasion. i cannot, however, conceal from myself that you might have found individuals in many respects better qualified to discharge the duties of the evening. at the same time, if i may be permitted to speak for a moment of myself, i would say that, in two points of view, i am justified in accepting this mark of your confidence. in the first place, i am not con. scious of having ever flinched from my post in the hour of trial during the protracted but glorious struggle for negro emancipation; and, in the next place, i have ever been ready, when opportunity offered, to support and stand by that friend and champion of the cause in whose honour we are at this moment assembled. but in saying thus much, i must bear my hearty testimony to the equal claims of those by whom i am supported on either side,-men whose sentiments are as well known as their moral courage in maintaining them. it is impossible, my friends, to meet on an occasion like this without a crowd of asso. ciations rushing upon the mind. we are carried back, in spite of ourselves, to the commencement of that arduous struggle, or at least that portion of it in which we were ourselves more immediately engaged; and it may not be altogether unprofitable to dwell for a few moments upon the conflict we have passed through, and the condition in which it has left us. slavery, as connected with great britain, may be compared to a many-headed monster,—a sort of hydra, which, while it was the interest of a party to cherish and defend, it was the duty of christian men to annihilate. but with all the efforts of the virtuous and humane, it was found impossible to reach at once the heart of the monster. the only plan, then, was to attack the unclean beast in detail; and after a long, long contest, which will be in the personal recollection of few present, one of the heads was lopped off. that head was the slave trade. after a little rest came a severer struggle, in the latter part of which we all had the honour and the privilege to take a share. the head to be attacked bore the name of colonial slavery, and really if it were possible, i should say it was an uglier head than the last. the neck was long enough to allow each of us to have a fair blow, and having been in at the death, i can truly say that, considering how it had been hacked and bewed, it is wonderful how tenacious of existence it proved to be. the famous london surgeon, sir astley cooper, used to say that, in order to perform an amputation neatly, the operator should have a lion's heart and a lady's hand. now, in the amputation of the poor monster's second head, there was abundance of lions' hearts,—aye, and of ladies' hands too; but the ladies had lost their character: they had the lion's heart like ourselves, but they had forgot the tenderness of touch, and, with a feeling for which i honour them, but which i should be sorry to see them exhibit on other occasions, they manifestly enjoyed the groanings and writhings of colonial slavery as it fell, never to be resuscitated. my friends, there remains one other head, --comely, as some think, at a distance, but forbidding when closely viewed; a strong family likeness pervades every feature ; they call it apprenticeship ; and i do not hesitate to declare before this great assembly, that i should like nothing better than to have a cut at it. let me, however, drop all figu. rative language, and state to you in a more serious manner, that, without presuming in the slightest degree to doubt the sincerity of government in regard to the fulfilment of all the conditions of the act of emancipation, it is quite certain that the spirit of the act is departed from in some of our colonial possessions. there is still much cruelty, much hardship, and much evasion of the law, in jamaica. the country is so extensive, that it is impossible the interests of the apprentices can be efficiently watched over. the spe- soiree in assembly rooms. cial magistrates are often compelled (having no choice) to partake of the hospitality of the overseers; and without questioning the purity of their motives, it is easy to see how difficult a part they must have to perform in consequence of such an intercourse. even now, when slavery is said to be abolished, i am informed, on good authority, that young girls may be seen, chained two and two, working on the streets or roads, for trifling offences. i could enter into numerous details, were it necessary; but i rejoice to see that mr buxton has promised to take up the question. permit me only before i resume the chair, to urge upon you, dear friends, the necessity of not allowing this subject to sleep. if oppression shall be found, upon inquiry, to characterize the apprenticeship scheme, we shall still have a duty to perform to our patient and suffering coloured brothers and sisters. dr greville's speech was greeted throughout with the loudest marks of approbation. the view from the platform at this period of the proceedings was pe- culiarly impressive. this erection was placed on the middle of the northern side of the room opposite to the main entrance, so that the tables, in four divisions, ranged from it, and the passage leading to it, on either hand, to the ends of the hall. immediately in front was the splendid chandelier, illuminated with its zones of gas, with its brilliant companions on either side ; and at either end of the room were the magnificent mirrors in which the whole scene was reflected in two gorgeous vistas of light and beauty. at the tables, and on the sofas that encir- cled the room, were several hundreds of the most respectable citizens of both sexes, the ladies being for the most part in appropriate evening dresses. individuals of all religious denominations, recognised among christians, composed the mingled assembly, and all appeared united-in feel- ings of the strictest harmony and cordiality. a pleasing sensation of hilarity and moral interest seemed marked on every countenance; and while youth and beauty and elegance gave, by their preponderance, an air of graceful gaiety to the scene, there were not wanting the silvery head and the lofty brow to indicate that wisdom and intellect were not strangers to the ob- jects of the festivity. the president, on closing his address, called upon the rev. c. ander- son to give thanks; after which, tea and coffee were served with much activity, under the superintendence of the different stewards. this being over, a brief season was allowed for those of the company who felt so disposed to move about and enjoy a little friendly chat, or exchange a merry repartee with their acquaintances in different quarters of the room. so many availed themselves of this permission, however, that the pas- sages became crowded, and those who occupied them were obliged to move in one direction, so that the whole assumed the order of a promenade. the band in the orchestra meanwhile struck up some of our most fa- vourite national airs, and continued to lend the aid of their inspiring strains so long as the company continued to move. at length the chair- man resumed his seat, and the moving mass gradually sunk down into order by each returning to his former place. the business of the evening was then resumed by the rev. w. l. alexander of north college street chapel being called upon by the chairman to read the address to mr soiree in assembly rooms. rous and even barbarous manner in which you, our beloved friend and trusted repre- sentative, have been treated by these republicans of the west; we would nevertheless rejoice in your having engaged in that mission, and congratulate you on the important results which you have been enabled to effect in that country in reference to the ob- ject that carried you thither. we thank you for having so ably, so zealously, so pru- dently, and in a spirit so truly christian, represented to our brethren on the other side of the atlantic our views and feelings in regard to this important subject. we offer our thanksgivings to god on your behalf, in that you have been preserved and pro- tected amid the many labours you were called to endure, and the threatening dangers to which you were exposed. we rejoice with you on account of the auspicious circum- stances in which you left the cause of liberty in that vast and powerful continent. and we pray that the seed you have there sown with much difficulty, and even at the peril of your life, may be watered by the dews from heaven, and may grow up and bring forth an abundant harvest of blessing to mankind, and of glory to god. it has afforded us the sincerest pleasure to see you again, and to welcome you back to the scene of your former exertions and triumphs; and now that we are about once more to part, we would solemnly and affectionately commend you to the god of all grace, in whose service you have been labouring, and by whose blessing your labours have been crowned with such gratifying success. that he may watch over you and keep you in health and happiness for many years,—that he may abundantly bless you in your future engagements and undertakings,—that he may bestow his peculiar favour upon your partner in life, and the children he has given you,—that he may be the breaker up of your way and the guide of your path,_that he may comfort you with the privileges and enjoyments of his reconciled presence,—and that when his wise and all-gracious purposes with you here are finished, he may receive you with the com- mendation of a faithful servant, into the rest and glory of heaven, are the objects, dear and honoured friend, of our earnest desire and unceasing prayer on your behalf. with these desires and prayers we will follow you whithersoever it may please provi- dence to direct your steps ; and while we remember you, we will not forget the cause in which you have been engaged, and with which your name is now inseparably con- nected. in the spirit of our holy religion, and in obedience to one of its express prea cepts, we will seek to “ remember those that are in bonds, as bound with them;" and pledged as we consider ourselves to be by the most solemn obligations to continued exertion in this great enterprise of christian benevolence, we would take occasion from all that you have recently detailed to us, to go forward with increased alacrity and zeal, believing that the time is not far distant when our principles shall be acknow- ledged wherever the bible is revered, and when from every nation in christendom the foul blot of slavery having been washed away, the liberated bondsman shall cease to groan, and, rising from the degradation into which he has been plunged, shall (to use the words of the eloquent curran) “ stand redeemed, regenerated, and disenthralled by the irresistible genius of universal emancipation.” the rev. archibald liddell, of lady glenorchy's church, on moving the adoption of this address, spoke as follows:- mr chairman, ladies and gentlemen,—it is my intention in rising to move that the address which you have just now heard read be presented to mr george thompson, as expressive of the sentiments, wishes, and prayers of this meeting on behalf of that gentleman-(cheers)—and i am quite sure that i shall best consult the feelings and wishes of every individual now present, in making the observations which i shall sub. mit to you as brief as possible; knowing as i cannot but know, and feeling as i certainly do, that the great object which we have before us in a meeting of this kind, is not so much to hear addresses from individuals we are in the habit almost weekly of hearing, but to listen to the sentiments which may fall from the lips of the gentleman on whose account we are principally convened. (applause.) i rise, then, to move the adoption of the address on two grounds and for two reasons : the first is, because i approve of the object to which that address points; and, second, because i entirely concur in the sentiments contained in it with respect to the individual for whom it is meant, and to whom it will unanimously, i hope, be presented. (cheers.) and what is the object to which that address points ? the object is the abolition of slavery throughout the world. (great applause.) it is not very long ago, in the recollection of almost every one here present, since i could not have uttered the sentiments i am now about to express, without the painful consciousness that these would not be soiree in assembly rooms. responded to, at least unanimously, by a large assemblage even of the inhabitants of edinburgh. it is not above four or five years ago, since the cause of slave emancipa- tion was a cause which required to be debated ; since the principles involved in the great object which is now far advanced were principles disputed, and when even the individual to whom the address is about to be presented bad to bear much obloquy and scorn in this very city, in which he is now met with the friends of immediate abolition, by whom he is surrounded, to receive their congratulations, in the hope that they may be the means of urging him forward in that course of philanthropy on which he has so gloriously entered. (great applause.) that slavery is a sin, that slavery is opposed to the sentiments which the bible expresses, are positions which were disputed even in protestant edinburgh. and what was the reason of this ? we need not go far to search for the reason. a philosopher in his study, a christian rising from the perusal of his bible, could not have uttered the sentiment that slavery is not a sin, and that slavery is not inconsistent with the principles of the gospel; but we know full well, possessing, as each of us does, a degraded sinful human nature,--we know full well that the opinion which we form on any subject is not an opinion formed by our calm, deliberate, and dispassionate judgment, but made up of feelings and interests which have themselves their sources in sin, and which it is the object of the gospel to annihilate ; and such, i believe, was the case in reference to great britain on the sub- ject of slavery. . i speak as regards great britain nationally, not of any persons individually, our interests nationally were found bound up with the question of slavery. we actually, although professing to be christians, found ourselves bound hand, foot, and tongue in reference to slavery as to its unscriptural character, and also as to its most debasing and unbumanizing tendencies; and i believe that the reason why we are now emancipated from such preconceptions and such prejudices, is to be sought for and found in the fact, that the christian population of these lands, after having examined the subject of slavery in connection with every principle of the gospel, with which, it was alleged, that pernicious system was identified, felt that the nation must, if not solicitous of experiencing more of the judgments of the infinitely holy and just jehovah, throw off the fetters which our forefathers and ourselves had cast on the bodies and souls of our negro brethren, inust “ loose the bands of wickedness, undo the heavy burdens, break every yoke, and let the oppressed go free !” and there is no one senti- ment in which i more cordially concur than in that which i heard uttered, and which many now present may have heard uttered (by mr thompson at the meeting in the waterloo rooins), not many days ago, that the reason why slavery is abolished is not the operation of political causes, or the transpiring of political events, but the blessing of the almighty resting on many a fervent and importunate prayer, ascending from many an humble heart in these lands, whom he had blessed with “ the liberty where- with christ maketh his people free :” i believe that in answer to many such suppli- cations arising from the low and the elevated of our country, jehovah made certain political revolutions the channels through which his blessing was to fall upon the outcast, polluted, and man-abandoned sons and daughters of africa. we must give to jehovah the glory that is due to him—“not unto us, lord, not unto us, but unto thy name, be the glory!" i trust and pray that great britain has stopped in time to save herself from the further displeasure of the justice-loving god, in reference to slavery in the british colonies. (great applause.) it may be that the judgments of god may yet be felt by us as a nation in consequence of having tolerated so long such an evil ; as i do verily believe that the judgments of god on nations will be experienced and felt in consequence of so foul a stain as that of slavery. now, slavery, according to the recorded opinion of the british public, expressed legally through the representatives of the people in their house of parliament, as well as by the upper house of parliament, and having had the necessary sanction given to it by the executive authority of the land - i say slavery, in the recorded opinion of our country, is now terminated, as that which has long and sadly disgraced the british name. (immense cheering.) but unques- tionably, although this is the case in reference to britain, the christianity on which we profess to found our opinion of the heinousness of slavery, calls upon us not to stop here, calls upon us to proceed to express our opinion wheresoever we find sentiments entertained different from those which we believe to be founded on the word of god. this forms the proper answer which every one of us ought to be prepared to give, in however small or large a circle it may be our duty, or privilege, or pain to move, and in which it may be asked—“ what have we to do with slavery in the united states of america ?” let all such persons know that the gospel requires us to speak out, wheresoever we find any thing inconsistent with the word of god in the conduct of our soiree in assembly rooms. dent persuasion, that mighty is this portion of truth as well as every other, and that it will prevail,--that america, recently descended from ourselves, bearing much of our nation's virtue, if we have any, and, i fear, still more of our iniquity; freed from every thing that degrades, and blessed in the possession of every thing that truly ennobles, shall flourish as the home of liberty to the nations of the western hemisphere, shall become all that our own britain now is to its surrounding world, and the generations that shall rejoice in its prosperity. (loud cheers.) these being my sentiments, i beg to move that the address recently read be adopted, as expressive of the sentiments, feelings, and wishes we entertain towards the gentleman whom we have this evening met to honour. the rev. william peddie, of bristo street church, in seconding the motion, said, mr chairman,—after what has fallen from the reverend gentleman who has just sat down, very little remains for me to say in support of the resolution; if, indeed, it were necessary to say almost anything in moving the adoption of an address, which, i believe, most truly represents the sentiments and feeliugs of this large and respectable meeting, and of thousands besides in edinburgh, in reference to our eloquent and dis- tinguished guest. (great applause.) sir, i make no doubt that that gentleman es- teems the pure reward of an approving conscience, and more especially the approbation of the god whom he serves, far above the most sincere and profuse praises which could possibly be lavished upon him by us; but there is something exceedingly gratifying, stimulating, and strengthening to every rightly constituted mind in receiving the hearty commendations of his fellow-men; and it is our duty, engaged as mr thomp- son is in an arduous struggle in our cause, in the cause of liberty, in the cause of christianity, to sustain and to cheer him on in his efforts; it is our duty to give him all the benefit he can possibly derive from our good wishes, our admiration, and confi. dence; and it is our duty to testify these feelings as loudly, at least, as his opponents on the other side of the great waters have breathed out their feelings of indignation, and hatred, and defiance. (cheers.) sir, it has sometimes been said, that the greatest benefactors of our race, the men who have done the greatest amount of good in behalf of their species, have had few, while they lived, to observe and applaud their efforts, that they have passed on in obscurity and silence, if not under a cloud of contempt, to the grave ; and that then, too late, the world has awakened to a sense of their merits, and, after killing them with neglect, has garnished their sepulchres. (hear, hear.) if this be the case, and the remark might be verified by many sad illustrations, i con. ceive we are doing honour to ourselves in shewing that we are not insensible to the merits of our friend, by heaping on him expressions of our regard now while he is yet with us, while his day of exertion lasts; and long, long may it last! and dis- tant and serene be the hour when his sun sinks in the night of death! (immense ap- plause.) if he will permit me to say it, much as we admire his eloquence, and who that has ever listened to it has not admired it ? there are other qualities of his character on which we gaze with still more delight. his devoted attachineat to freedom, his pure and ardent philanthropy, the holy enthusiasm with which he has given himself body and mind to the redressing of the wrongs of the slave ; above all, the moral fortitude which has led him to expose himself to danger, and even to the hazard of life in that cause--these are the qualities of the man which command our most unfeigned admira- tion. to the patriot, who pleads and who bleeds for the liberties of his country, we readily give our meed of applause ; but, in the view of a justly-thinking mind, the christian philanthropist must take rank among his fellow-men high above the mere pa- triot. the purest patriotism is commonly alloyed with selfishness; it is necessarily mixed up with ideas of personal interest, of friends, of property, and individual rights ; the benevolence of the patriot is confined to one country, to one clime, to one people, and these his own ; but the spirit of the christian philanthropist takes a higher flight, it embraces a wider range, it looks upon all mankind as brethren, and pleads for equal rights and equal happiness to all, irrespective of kindred, of country, of colour; and such a philanthropist is george thompson. (tremendous cheering.) the cause which he has espoused is the cause not of faction, nor of party, nor of any individual—it is the common cause of mankind; it is the cause especially of that portion of mankind who have hitherto been the most injured and oppressed, who have in a great measure heen cast out of the common sympathies of their brethren.' are those who are the soiree in assembly rooms. special objects of his benevolent exertions ignorant, degraded, demoralized ? are they, as our opponents say, sunk below the ordinary level of humanity ? so much the more excellent, so much the more praiseworthy, so much the more like the benevolence of the son of god, is that philanthropy, which, looking upon them in their low and lost estate, burns with an unquenchable desire to raise them from among the ruins of slavery, and to place them in a condition to enter upon the career of human improvement, abreast of the other civilized portions of mankind. · (loud applause.) are they in. considerable in their numbers ? no. there are as many of these persons in the united states of america alone as there are inhabitants in scotland; they are nearly as numerous, if i mistake not, as were the whole inhabitants of the united states at the time when they threw off the yoke of britain (hear, hear)—and if, as the instru- ment of breaking that yoke, a washington has been enshrined in the grateful affections of his country, if his name has been emblazoned in deathless characters in the page of history, ought not a thompson to have a niche in the temple of fame, for his noble efforts to work out the redemption of a people, not less numerous, as deserving, and ten- fold more oppressed, than were the americans at that period? (long continued cheers ?) sir, it must be to us all matter of sincere regret that, in the sentiments with which we regard mr thompson, so many of our professing christian brethren on the other side of the atlantic do not participate. they account him their enemy because he has told them the truth. it must be matter of still deeper regret that the cause of which he is the champion, has encountered such furious opposition in america. but, sir, in the very fury and violence of that opposition, we may ‘mark a token for good, grounds for encouragement and for hope. we may with confidence conclude from it that the slave system is, in the opinion of its friends, in peril, and that some symptoms of coming de- liverance begin to brighten the sky of the slave. it is when men find themselves beaten in argument that they burst into passion. (cheers.) it is when they are unable to maintain their cause by fair means that they resort to foul. (hear, hear.) when the devil comes down in great wrath we may be sure his time is short. (great cheer- ing.) the state of things, which the friends of the slave would have most reason to dread, would be a dead calm in america on the subject of slavery. but, sir, i am persuaded, that, through the instrumentality of our honoured friend and his noble co- adjutors, a ferment has been excited in that country, which will never be allayed until every slave is a freeman, and every coloured man is hailed by the white as a friend and a brother. (vehement applause.) i have great confidence, sir, in the energy of the american character. there are many minds in that country who, now that they have been disencumbered of prejudice, will rest neither day nor night till they have disabused their brethren of the same prejudice, and won their cause. i have great confidence in the mass of christianity and moral worth which does exist in that land, however taint- ed, and however clogged in its operations by the sin of slavery. i have great confidence in the power of the truth, or rather in that omnipotent arm, which is able to apply the truth, with irresistible effect, to the consciences and hearts of men, and which will one day gloriously rule the world by the truth as it is in jesus. mr peddie then concluded with cordially seconding the adoption of the address, and sat down amidst a burst of applause which lasted for some time. the chairman having put the question,-is it the pleasure of this meet- ing that this address be adopted ? the whole assembly rose to their feet, and gave utterance to the loudest plaudits in testimony of their concur- rence in the sentiments therein expressed. he then affixed his signature to the roll, and turning to mr thompson, spoke as follows:- my dear friend,—it is my privilege, as chairman, to present you with this address, which has just been so cordially and unanimously agreed to by this great meeting. it is my privilege, sir, to have signed that document; and it is my additional privilege, as chairman of this meeting, to express, individually, that there is not a sentiment in the address with which i do not concur from the bottom of my heart. there has been, sir, a definition of gratitude, which i have somewhere met with, in which it is stated that, “gratitude is a lively anticipation of future favours." (laughter.) but that, sir, is not the gratitude of this meeting. the gratitude of this meeting i know and feel is of a purer kind ; and i know also, that if, in the pro. vidence of god, you shall be called upon to take a further part in the cause of uni- soiree in assembly rooms. * versal emancipation, we may justly anticipate, from what you have done, what you will do, and that, you will be a faithful servant. (great applause.) my dear friend, i present you with this address with inexpressible pleasure, and i hope that you may be spared for many years, and be permitted to finish your course in the glorious character of a faithful servant. (cheers.) mr thompson then rose, and was received with vehement applause. mr chairman, ladies and gentlemen,- it is not a scene like this, however glittering and delightful, that is calculated to render me fluent, or assist me to language in which appropriately to express the feelings with which my heart overflows. those who know me best will bear witness, that it is in moments like the present that i am in danger of failing to give utterance to the thoughts which crowd upon the mind. to prepare an address of thanks in anticipation of a scene like this, is what i never yet could do, although i never yet succeeded in acquitting myself under such circumstan- ces to my own satisfaction. i do not, however, believe that those who now surround me - the kind and confiding friends by whom i have been cherished and surrounded-desire me to be very diffuse in my expression of thanks. (cheers.) i shall, therefore, promptly quit a topic to me of all others the most unmanageable, although i might per- haps be pardoned, if, on such an occasion, i ventured to speak somewhat largely of myself. (cheers.) i beg those around me to accept my assurance of sincere esteem, and of my unabated attachment to that cause, as the advocate of which they now ho- nour me. to me, this season, though one of exquisite and pure enjoyment, is one of trembling and alarm. there is room to fear, 'when greeted by sounds and sights like these, that the head may become intoxicated—the heart proud and self-complacent-and that, after all, some act may be committed calculated to alienate the confidence and af. fections of these practical friends. i am reminded, sir, that i am but man—that i am a young man_having all the frailties and feebleness common to our nature; and, that to me therefore, applies the salutary caution of holy writ-“ let him that thinketh he stand- eth take heed lest he fall.” i desire ever to fear-since fear is a conservative princi. ple—and we are all most likely to walk safely when we are most distrustful of ourselves, and most dependent upon the wisdom and power of god. (loud cheers.) i am much affected when i look back upon the history of my acquaintance with this city. i came amongst you a stranger—without name, without fortune, without influence. you, sir, who now fill the chair, were one of the first whose hands i grasped in edinburgh ; by your side sits one under whose roof i was received and cherished, and on either side are those who were among the first to counsel and to cheer. years bave rolled away, but they have only deepened the regard we at first contracted for each other. you have multiplied your proofs of kindness and friendship, while my heart has been draw. ing closer and closer in love and gratitude towards you. (loud cheers.) in addition to the fostering friendship of yourself, sir, and those immediately about you, i have been upheld by the smiles and plaudits of hundreds and thousands of the best portions of the population of this city, and this brilliant assembly is an overwhelming proof that my friends are daily multiplying, and that the cement which binds us to each other is only made stronger hy age. (cheers.) it is delightful to know that ours is no mer. cenary attachment-we love each other for the truth's sake. our hearts are knit to- gether, blended and welded into one, by the high principles of religion. we are united by one common object. we know each other, and love each other; because we can together weep, and work, and pray, in behalf of the suffering and enslaved. the address i have received at your hands points to the late victorious struggle in the cause of freedom for our colonies. it was in that struggle we became acquainted, and it was our triumph in that struggle which led to our union for the overthrow of slavery throughout the world. (cheers. ours is no party attachment. we meet not here to applaud and sustain each other as whigs or tories, voluntaries or friends of es- tablishments—no! we stand firm, united, and inseparable—irrespective of creeds and dogmas—upon the broad, and universally recognised principles of humanity, morality, and religion. (immense applause.) i have not time, sir, to dwell upon the many topics introduced into the able and very flattering address which you have just presented to me. upon one, however, i may crave permission to say a word. the address ex. presses gratitude to god for my deliverance from the many dangers to which i was exposed, while pleading the cause of the slave in america. with that part of the ad- dress i most devoutly concur : my preservation from the many plots devised for my de- struction calls for my deepest gratitude, and lays me under the most solemn obligations soiree in assembly rooms. yours, true new englander loves. i have no time to give you a detailed account of mr thompson's address. it was listened to with deep, often breathless attention; and not a sentiment escaped his lips, although he spoke with matchless rapidity, to which any friend of man or of america could object. r. east abington, oct. . . p.s. i was happy to hear, as we were coming out of meeting, several invitations given to mr thompson by the people of the adjoining towns, to come thither also and address them. i mention this, that you city folks may know the spirit of the country people is rising. mr thompson then proceeded to give a deeply interesting account of a riot in the town of concord, new hampshire, where he narrowly escaped falling into the hands of a murderous mob. as we regret that we are not able to report this part of mr thompson's address, we extract from the liberator, an amusing and interesting letter upon the same subject. it is from the pen of the american quaker poet, who was the friend and companion of mr thompson upon that occasion. letter from mr whittier. “ boston, th, th mo. . “dear friend,„in my hasty meeting with thee on d day last, i had not an oppor- tunity to comply with thy request, viz. to furnish thee with a verbal account of the disturbances in concord, n. h. on the night of the th inst. a friend has just handed me the boston papers, containing some incorrect statements, in reference to the affair, and therefore in extreme haste i write thee a line in explanation, that thou mayst have the whole of it. a regular meeting of the concord anti-slavery society was announced on the morning of the th inst. and it was stated that george thomp- son and myself were expected to be present and address the audience. this annunciation of myself was altogether unknown to me until late in the evening. i am, heart and soul, an abolitionist, but by no means a speaking one. had a meeting been held, i should have certainly attended it, for i am democrat enough to love the friends of freedom and equality everywhere. however, the select men, alarmed by certain belligerent appearances in the street, thought proper to close the doors of the town hall, and thus prevent the intended meeting. but the sovereign mob were not to be put off thus easily. they had gathered together for a mob_they had drunk themselves into a state of remarkable patriotism—they had come to the rescue of the constitution and the laws of the land—they had sworn vengeance against the abolitionists, and vengeance they meant to have. just at dusk, in company with c. hong, a member of the society of friends, and j. h. kimbal, editor of the herald, i passed near a large multitude congregated in the principal street of the town. the good people were lashing each other into a fine phrenzy—cursing the abolitionists, as federalists, &c. the cry was raised “ to george kent's and the wine in his cellar! fearing an attack upon our friend's house, we turned to go back and give warning of the danger. but our friends, the mobites, followed us, and insisted that i, notwithstanding my quaker coat, must be the identical incendiary and fanatic, geo. thompson. a regular shower of harmless curses followed, and soon after another equally harmless shower of stones. these missiles were hurled with considerable force, and might have done us some injury, had not those who projected them, been somewhat overdone by their patriotic exertions in drinking destruction to the abolitionists. in order to escape this somewhat unique attempt to macadamize us—this granite specimen of the hospitality of the granite state-we entered the house of the hon. wm. a. kent, who, together with the rev. mr thomas, the unitarian clergyman, and an abolitionist, assured the stormy and somewhat obstreperous multitude without, that they had mistaken their man, and that george thompson was not in the house. after some little delay the cry of " onward” was given, and the unwieldy mass moved up the street to the beautiful mansion of geo. kent, esq. here they commenced shouting at the top of their voices, as if they expected the solid walls of the edifice before them to fall like those of jericho. their yells at this period were absolutely infernal. for miles around they “ made the night hideous.” " it was as if the fiends that fell had pealed the banner cry of hell !" after throwing a few stones at the house and after poisoning the very atmosphere soiree in assembly rooms. : around them with obscenity and blasphemy, those “ friends of the constitution and the rights of our southern brethren” retired. geo. thompson on the first appear- ance of the mob left the house and proceeded by a back street towards the town, and did not return until they had left the premises of our friend kent. after parad. ing the town for an hour or two, refreshed with “ deacon giles' best,” and provided with drums, fifes, &c. they once more returned, and once more, to use the words of milton, "a furious noise environed us of owls and cuckoos, asses, apes, and dogs," and then these guardians of constitutional rights retired upon their laurels :- “ the king of france with fifty thousand men, marched up the hill, and then marched down again.” from two o'clock until nearly sunrise, the glorious rescue of the constitution from the onslaught of the abolitionists, was celebrated by the discharge of cannon! we left our kind and warm-hearted friends, george kent and his lady, with their ami- able and excellent visitors, early in the morning in company with rev. mr putnam of dunbarton; and all further proceedings, although unknown to myself, will doubt- less be officially published in a glorious and glowing deseription of the preservation of the union-by a mob! i think i can account for the mob at concord. it was not any abstract hatred of abolition principles—for they are the principles of jeffersonian democracy—and those upon which the constitution of new hampshire rests. not any particular hatred of geo. thompson—the mob had never seen him-never heard him. nomit was got up, without a question, for political effect—to convince the south that the hard- working democracy of new hampshire was hand and glove with the slaveholding democracy of virginia and the carolinas to enable ritchie of the enquirer to point exultingly to the “ putting down of the fanatics,” by the friends of van buren. in this state ancient federalism has put on the harness with harrison gray oris at its head-otis, the man whose parricidal arm was withered when he raised it against his country in the hour of her extremest need to enable the richmond whig to assure his slave-holding patrons that the professed friends of daniel webster are ready to cast him aside and unite, in supporting the slaveholder's candidate_judge white. consequently the abolitionists are exposed to two fires. both of the great political parties are cursing us "by bell, book, and candle,” in eager competition with each other- for political effect--to gull the south. it will not avail. the south will not be de- ceived. the slaveholder sees the true nature of the northern mobs and anti-abo- lition meetings. he asks for more—he demands legislative action. this he cannot have.- who dares in the legislature of massachusetts to attempt the resurrection of the old sedition law from its grave of ignominy—to call it out from its abode of curses to fetter the free soul of new england ? no one. what, then, will all these wire-worked and heartless anti-abolition movements here amount to ? depend upon it, they will but accelerate the cause of universal emancipation ! in haste, truly thy friend, john g. whittier. mr thompson, after giving various other instances of the exhibition of popular feeling towards himself and the friends of abolition, resumed his seat amidst repeated cheers. at the close of mr thompson's address, the business of the evening was relieved by another brief period of relaxation, during which fruit was handed round and conversation freely indulged in, the band in the mean while playing some of the most spirit-stirring and favourite of our na- tional airs. business having been again resumed, mr thompson once more presented himself to the meeting, and said, mr chairman-i should feel that i had not done my duty on this joyous occasion, if i did not, before parting, bring under the notice of those who hear me a name indis- solubly connected with the cause of immediate and universal emancipation—a name which, through coming ages, will be dear to every friend of humanity and freedom-the name of william lloyd garrison—(tremendous cheering)—the talented, the heroic the uncompromising, the successful champion of the inalienable rights of man. (renewed plaudits.) i may not hope to do justice to the name i have mentioned—the moral soiree in assembly rooms. worth, the unbending integrity, the deep devotion to the cause of liberty, the almost unparalleled sacrifices, and the unexampled achievements of william lloyd gar- rison, demand a tongue more eloquent than mine, though human eloquence could not be coupled with a warmer affection than that which i cherish for my beloved friend. (cheers.) it is with sorrow and indignation equally mixed that i call to mind the cruel injustice done to the character of this inestimable man when his name was first made known in this country. we were taught to regard him as a madman, an incen- diary, a pestilent fellow, the fit companion of felons, the guilty inmate of a dungeon. i confess that my own mind was poisoned, and many others besides myself were led to think of william lloyd garrison as of one scarcely fit to live the fomenter of sedition and bloodshed. i thank god i now know this man. i have watched him, looked into his spirit, mixed with those who have known him from his youth up, i have laboured with him, have heard him in public and in private, have seen him in his most unbended hours, know the estimation in which he is held by thousands in his own land, have talked with great numbers who have been converted by his writings, i have, more- over, read with a jealous eye all his works within my reach, and the result of the whole is, a deep conviction in my mind that there breathes not a purer, nobler, more exalted friend of the human race than william lloyd garrison. (great cheering.) knowing him and loving him myself, i naturally desire that you should know him and love him also : and, as to know him is to love him, i shall to-night endeavour to bring you acquainted with him, and then submit a resolution which has been placed in my hands. mr thompson then went into a minute and deeply affecting history of the la- bours and sufferings of this distinguished advocate of the oppressed. after tracing him from his birth to his connection with the amiable and indefatigable friend of the negro, benjamin lundy, whom he joined in the conduct of a newspaper called the genius of universal emancipation, mr thompson stated, that for writing an article condemna- tory of the slave-trade as carried on in america, and introducing the name of an india vidual who had participated in the horrid traffic, mr garrison was indicted for a libel, and, being found guilty, was thrown into a jail in baltimore, there to remain until he paid a fine of a thousand dollars,—that arthur tappan of new york paid the fine and redeemed mr garrison, who immediately commenced lecturing upon the subject of abolition, and in january put forth the first number of the liberator newspa- per. mr thompson described the effect produced by the lectures of mr garrison and the publication of the liberator, and noticed particularly, the great service rendered to the cause by mr garrison's “ thoughts on african colonization.” mr thompson also intimated, amidst loud cheering, his intention of going fully into the merits of the colonization society in a lecture to be devoted to that subject as desired, and which, he trusted, he would have an opportunity of delivering on some future occasion. mr thompson spoke in the highest terms of the prudence and sound judgment of mr garrison, and expressed his full belief that the course mr garrison had pursued was the one best calculated to promote the great object he had in view. he (mr thompson) knew no man by whose counsel he could more readily walk than mr gar- rison's. he had invariably found him thoughtful, cautious, and enlightened in refe- rence to the adoption of any new measure ; and he could sincerely say that he had ne- ver known him err in his advice. after expressing a hope, which was loudly cheered, that mr garrison would one day afford his many affectionate and admiring friends in scotland the pleasure of seeing him, · mr thompson proposed the following resolution, which was received with the most enthusiastic applause :- · resolved, that this meeting do express their deep sense of the debt which the friends of universal emancipation owe to william lloyd garrison of boston, massachu- setts, who, through years of reproach, and danger, and persecution, has remained the undaunted, unwearied, and christian-minded champion of the cause of his suffering and enslaved countrymen. the motion was seconded by the rev. christopher anderson, who spoke nearly as follows:- mr chairman, --there is certainly no one present who can remain uninte- d soiree in assembly rooms. rested or unaffected by the account we have just heard of mr garrison. i had not intended saying a single word this evening ; but when requested by you, sir, before mr thompson rose, to second this motion, i felt then, and more so now, that i must not, could not, merely second it. i happen to be one of those who, in this city, heard mr garrison referred to in the manner described, and it was in this way my at. tention was first directed to his character and exertions. with both, however, i soon became fully and accurately acquainted, and afterwards had the pleasure of his ac- quaintance in london, as well as the gratification of conveying him down to westmin- ster abbey to attend the funeral and the grave of wilberforce. (cheers.) i can therefore bear witness to the artless and child-like simplicity of his character; but now that we have had his whole example and exertions set before us, i cannot help feeling that the most solemn responsibility stands connected with our being made so fully ac- quainted with his entire history. example is more powerful than precept; and i do hope that all present, and more especially the young amongst us, will here observe the noble consequences resulting from a most stedfast and unflinching adherence to mercy and truth in the path of duty, and an entire renunciation of the baneful, the cursed doctrine of expediency as applied to morals. (great applause.) in reference to mr garrison, however, there is still another consideration which demands our most serious and immediate regard. let us observe the position in which he now stands, and ours also in connexion with him. we approve of his exertions, and desire to encourage him. we, as a nation, have abolished slavery, and he speaks of us as “the only land of the free.” but let us not forget, sir, that the americans are most sensitively alive to every evil or defect in our proceedings, and the appren- ticeship, as it has been called, remains. (hear, hear.) they watch over the evils said to be resulting from our proceedings in the west indies, and it is well for us that they do so. hence every evil, cruelty, or defect, the anti-abolitionists of america will glean up and insert in their newspapers, and these paragraphs will circulate throughout every state of the union. i was, therefore, pleased to hear you, sir, our chairman, allude to this apprenticeship, and that, too, as the only remaining head of a monster-that it must be dealt with as the other heads of the slave trade, and slavery itself has been—it must be cut off. while such enormities are still practised, are we to be deluded by the mere change of a word? more especially when such cruel- ties are sufficient to banish the very terms of apprentice and apprenticeship from our english vocabulary. (cheers.) but, then, sir, in the mean while, in what a state or position does this system place mr garrison, the uncompromising abolitionist of america-weakening his hands, as well as preventing the force and consistency of re- monstrance on our part ? i should not be at all surprised if soon, in an american news. paper sent across to us, we should find an article, headed in capital letters, with these words, “ british apprenticeship versus american slavery," taunting us with our inconsistency. the town of birmingham has already, i rejoice to say, taken up the subject, and spoken out on the cruelties perpetrating under the prostituted name of apprenticeship, and i trust that our attention will immediately be directed to this re- maining evil. (cheers.) approving, therefore, as i do, of the motion just made by our valued friend mr thompson, as some feeble token of our admiration of mr garrison's generous, he- roic, and praiseworthy example and exertions, i beg leave most cordially to second it. (renewed applause.) the resolution was then put from the chair and carried unanimously. on the motion of w. beilby, esq. m.d. thanks were voted by acclama- tion to the committee and stewards, for the admirable arrangements that had been made for the accommodation of the meeting, and for the excel- lent skill with which the whole had been conducted. mr wigham jun. in the name of the committee and stewards, acknowledged the vote. on the motion of the rev. w. anderson of loanhead, seconded by mr thompson, thanks were voted to dr greville for his excellent con- duct as chairman, which the latter duly acknowledged. nypl research libraries new york public library presented by jessie p. norton, augusta- -h»- - s -imps-en ,- olivia n. mcgregor, april . tax m ''f 'v i t> '■t'' !'■ ir^t'i'-f emancipation west indies. six months' tour *"v' antigua, barbados, and jamaica, in the year by jas. a. thome, am^. horace mim^h, second edition.': ?- !, ) u * * j * n new york; published by the american anti-slavery society no. nassau street. . v*\i>,\v j >» %^\ the new york public library . astor, lenox and tiloen foundations r l entered according to act of congress, in the year , by john rankin, treasurer of the american anti-slaverv society, in the clerk's office of the district court of the united states, for the southern district of new york. printed by . w. benedict. < ., . -aa. introduction it is hardly possible that the success of british west india emancipation should be more conclusively proved, than it has been by the absence among us of the exultation which awaited its failure. so many thousands of the citizens of the united states, without counting slaveholders, would not have suf- fered their prophesyings to be falsified, if they could have found whereof to manufacture'fujftlmetny. j ut it ^remarkable that, even since the first of august, , the byifs-df west india emancipation on the lips of the jidypfeitbs of- slavery, or, as the most of them nicely prefer to be' terhled,ith.e opponents of abolition, have remained in the filfure; "tense.; -the,- bad re- ports of the newspapers, spiritless' as theyhavs besen; compared with the predictions, have been traceable, on the slightest inspection, not to emanqipation, but to the illegal continuance of slavery, under the cover of its legal substitute. not the slightest reference to the rash act, whereby the thirty thousand slaves of antigua were immediately "turned loose," now mingles with the croaking which strives to defend our repub- lican slavery against argument and common sense. the executive committee of the american anti-slavery society, deemed it important that the silence which the pro- rv ;. iv introduction. slavery press of the united states has seemed so desirous to maintain in regard to what is strangely enough termed the "great experiment of freedom," should be thoroughly broken up by a publication of facts and testimony collected on the spot. to this end, rev. james a. thome, and joseph h. kimball, esq., were deputed to the west indies to make the proper in- vestigations. of their qualifications for the task, the subsequent pages will furnish the best evidence: it is proper, however, to remark, that mr. thome is thoroughly acquainted with our own system of slavery, being a native, and still a resident of kentucky, and the son of a slaveholder, (happily no longer so,) and that mr. kimball is well known as the able editor of the herald of freedom, published at concord, new hampshire. they sailed from new york the last of november, , and returned early in june, . they improved a short stay at the danish island of st. thomas, to give a description of slavery as it exists there, which, as it appeared for the most part in the anti-slavery papers, and as it is not directly connect- ed with the, great; qiiesiiop ai'jssjie, has not been inserted in the presgnt'.velturife.; hastily touching at some of the other british islands, th<jy,raade. ;amag*i*i* barbados, and jamaica, succes- sively the ,objjq(s of. their 'deliberate and laborious study—as fairly presenting the jkmfi<gtana phases of the " experiment"— antigua, exgrjiif/ing immediate, unrestricted abolition; bar- bados, the best working of the apprenticeship, and jamaica the worst. nine weeks were spent in antigua, and the remainder of their time was divided between the other two islands. the reception of the delegates was in the highest degree favorable to the promotion of their object, and their work will show how well they have used the extraordinary facilities afforded them. the committee have, in some instances, re- stored testimonials which their modesty led them to suppress, snowing in what estimation they themselves, as well as the introduction. ▼ object of their mission, were held by some of the most distin- guished persons in the islands which they visited. so wide was the field before them, and so rich and various the fruit to be gathered, that they were tempted to go far be- yond the strength supplied by the failing health they carried with them. most nobly did they postpone every personal con- sideration to the interests of the cause; and the reader will, we think, agree with us, that they have achieved a result which undiminished energies could not have been expected to exceed —a result sufficient, if any thing could be, to justify the sacrifice it cost them. we regret to add that the labors and exposures of mr. kimball, so far prevented his recovery from the disease* which obliged him to resort to a milder climate, or perhaps we should say aggravated it, that he has been compelled to leave to his colleague, aided by a friend, nearly the whole burden of pre- paring for the press—which, together with the great labor of condensing from the immense amount of collected materials, accounts for the delay of the publication. as neither mr. thome nor mr. kimball were here while the work was in press, it is not improbable that trivial errors have occurred, especially in the names of individuals. it will be perceived that the delegates rest nothing of import- ance on their own unattested observation. at every point they are fortified by the statements of a multitude of responsible per- sons in the islands, whose names, when not forbidden, they have taken the liberty to use in behalf of humanity. many of these statements were given in the handwriting of the parties, * we learn that mr. kimball closed his mortal career at pem- broke, n. h., april th, in the th year of his age. very few men in the anti-slavery cause have been more distinguished than this lamented brother, for the zeal, discretion, and ability with which he has advocated the cause of the oppressed. "peace to the memory of a man of worth!" vi introduction. and are in the possession of the executive committee. most of these island authorities are as unchallengeable on the score of previous leaning towards abolitionism, as mr. mcduffie or mr. calhoun would be two years hence, if slavery were to be abol- ished throughout the united states to-morrow. among the points established in this work beyond the power of dispute or cavil, are the following: . that the act of immediate emancipation in antigua was not attended with any disorder whatever. . that the emancipated slaves have readily, faithfully, and efficiently worked for wages from the first. . that wherever there has been any disturbance in the working of the apprenticeship, it has been invariably by the fault of the masters, or of the officers charged with the execu- tion of the "abolition act." . that the prejudice of caste is fast disappearing in the emancipated islands. . that the apprenticeship was not sought for by the planters as a preparation for freedom. . that no such preparation was needed. . that the planters who have fairly made the experiment, now greatly prefer the new system to the old. . that the emancipated people are perceptibly rising in the scale of civilization, morals, and religion. from these established facts, reason cannot fail to make its inferences in favor of the two and a half millions of slaves in our republic. we present the work to our countrymen who yet hold slaves, with the utmost confidence that its perusal will not leave in their minds a doubt either of the duty or perfect safety of immediate emancipation, however it may fail to persuade then- hearts—which god grant it may not! by order of the executive committee of the american anti- slavery society. new york, april th, . introduction to the second edition. the first edition which was published, now a little more than a year ago, produced a very strong impression in this country respectmg the safety of emancipation. since that time, another important change has taken place in the british west indies, promising still more favorable results to the cause of liberty. the visit of the english delegates, messrs. sturge and scoble, referred to above, and the reports they made on their return, had the effect of opening the eyes of the nation to the enormous abuses still perpetrated under the apprenticeship system. so great an excitement was produced in favor of the immediate abrogation of that absurd contrivance of gradualism, that the home government could scarcely maintain it, and was obliged to enact such restrictions upon the power of the masters and of the colonial legislatures, as rendered the farther continuance of the apprenticeship valueless, if not impracticable; and, to the surprise of all, the colonies spontaneously, and with almost en- tire unanimity among themselves, granted entire and uncondi- tional freedom to all their late slaves, to take effect on the first of august, . the preliminary discussions which led to this result are full of instruction and interest. in the legislative council of bar- bados, april , the bishop of that diocese spoke of a visit he had made to some of the other islands, and said, "i am satisfied the measure can be safely carried in this island, and if safely, then i feel justly; for i consider the very important interests which are involved in the measure. i must confess, too, that am unwilling that barbados should be behind any other vlll introduction. island, especially in a measure which may be carried both safely and justly, and where its example may be of such beneficial con. sequence." in the legislature of jamaica, on the question of a commit- tee to bring in a bill, mr. good remarked, "he could say that the negroes, from their general good conduct, were deserving of the boon. then why not give it with a good heart? why exhibit any bad feeling about the matter? there were many honorable gentlemen who had benefitted by the pres- sure from without, who owed their rank in society and their seats in that house to the industry of the negroes. why should they now show a bad heart in the matter? nine-tenths of the proprie- tors of this island had determined upon giving up the appren- ticeship." mr. dallas said, "the abolition of the remaining term of apprenticeship must take place; let them then join hand and heart in doing it well, and with such grace as we now could. let it have the appearance of a boon from ourselves, and not in downright submission to the coercive measures adopted by the british parliament." the day itself, when it came, was celebrated by the freed people in the most becoming manner. in barbados, it was set apart by proclamation of the governor, "as a day of devout thanksgiving and praise to almighty god for the happy termi- nation of slavery. the governor himself attended divine ser- vice in the cathedral, an immense building, which was crowded in every part of its spacious area, galleries and aisles, with a most attentive assemblage of people of all colors and conditions. several clergymen officiated; and one of them, at the opening of the services, read most appropriately the th chapter of isaiah. imagine for a moment the effect in such an audience, en such an occasion, where were many hundreds of emanci- pated slaves, of words like these :—' is not this the fast that i have chosen, to loose the bonds of wickedness, to undo the heavy burdens, and to let the oppressed go free, and that ye break every yoke v the sermon by the bishop was, as might have been expected on such an occasion, interesting and im- pressive. he spoke with great effect of the unexpected pro- .introduction". ix gress of freedom, from island to island, from colony to colony, until, with a solitary exception, upon that day the stain of sla- very was obliterated forever from every british possession. the progress of education, the gradual reformation of morals, and the increasing thirst for religious instruction, were all dwelt upon with great force, and the glory of all ascribed, as was most fit, to the great giver of every good and perfect gift." w. r. hayes, esq., an american resident, from whose letter the foregoing extract is taken, says, "the close of the day was not less auspicious. nothing was seen that could mar the decent and truly impressive solemity of the day. there were no dances, no merry-making of any sort; not a solitary drunkard, not a gun fired, nor even was a shout heard to welcome in the new-born liberty. the only groups we saw were going to or returnmg from the different chapels and churches; ex- cept in a few instances, where families might be seen reading or singing hymns at their own dwellings." in jamaica, a similar spirit generally prevailed among the freed people. some of the celebrations were very imposing. the following verses were sung in many places by the newly freed people on the first of august: "the thorny bush we'll clear away. the emblem of old slavery— let every fibre of it die, and all its vices cease to be. "let indolence, deceit, and theft, be of their nourishment bereft, let cruel wrong now disappear, and decent order crown each year." among the results of emancipation in barbados, we find in the barbadian newspaper of dec. , a table compiled from the returns of the magistrates, respecting the police. the table includes the period from aug. to oct. , in the year , and the same in . complaints against laborers in ( j months) punishments of do. . . . complaints dismissed, &c. . . complaints in . . . % introduction. punishments .... dismissed, &c. .... diminution of complaints under freedom, "punishments, . . v increase of cases dismissed. six,. . the present condition of this island may he gathered in part from the following extract of a letter written hy charles stuart, who, with mr. scoble, has again visited the islands on a voyage of inquiry. it is dated dec. , . . "the colony is in a state of the most perfect tranquillity. magistrates and missionaries, planters and private individuals, residing in town and in the country, concur in giving praise to the emancipated laborers. . "the cultivation of the country was never in a finer state than at present, and an abundant crop is expected. the laborers, with few exceptions, are all at work; and although poorly paid, the attachment which they feel to their native spot prevents their wandering. many of them, however, have suffered, and are suf- fering severely from the tyrant power with which the masters still continue invested. . "there has been a striking diminution of crime amongst the people since their emancipation. they are admitted to be a law- fearing people. they have great respect for it—and all the magis- trates whom we have met, unite in according them that praise. . "the price of land continues to increase. take the follow- 'ing example. a mr. samuel inness, a merchant of this town, (bridgetown, barbados) was so much terrified at the slaveholder bugbears of liberty, that he was on the point of giving up business and making his escape. a black merchant, mr. bourne, with difficulty dissuaded him. his business has since been considerably increased; and five weeks ago, he joined his brother in purchasing welsh-town estate for £ , currency. they sold it soon after- wards for £ , ; and mr. st. john, who purchased it from them, has since been offered £ advance upon his bargain. similar cases are numerous. the prices now given and offered are indeed extravagant. they do not denote the sanity of the people—but they emphatically attest the confidence, which is felt in the superior advantages of liberty over slavery." in jamaica, we have the testimony of the governor, in his message to the legislature, oct. , : "i am happy in being able to declare that the conduct of the laboring population, who were then the objects of your liberal and enlightened policy, entitles them to the highest praise, and amply introduction. * proves how well they have deserved the boon of freedom. "it was not to be expected that the total extinction of the ap- prenticeship law would be followed by an instantaneous return to active labor, but feeling as i do the deepest interest in the success- ful result of the great measure now in progress, i sincerely con- gratulate you and the country at large on the improvement which is daily taking place in the resumption of industrious habits, and i trust there is every prospect of agricul- tural prosperity." the house of assembly, in their reply, say, "the house join your excellency in bearing testimony to the peaceable manner in which the laboring population have conducted themselves in a state of freedom." the present state of things in jamaica is differently repre- sented by different classes of persons. it seems to be agreed that many of the freed men are not at work; and the reason is, that they and their employers cannot agree as to the price of wages. this shows at least that they "know how to take care of themselves." there are strong reasons, to believe that the disa- greement is fostered by interested men. the governor, sir lionel smith, is active in traversing from district to district, giving advice to both of the contending parties, and striving to promote a mutual understanding. his testimony to the designs of the planters, given to their faces, and not denied, is very important. in a company, met for the purpose, in october, he said a great source of discontent was the oppressive conduct of the planters; he did not question their right to do what they pleased with their pro- perty, but doubted its prudence. "the exercise of right by the planters, and getting the people to work, are different matters." he told the managers they were trying to get up a panic, "to reduce the value of property, to create dismay, in order that you may speculate, by reducing the present value of property; but you will be disappointed." the falmouth (jam.) post of dec. , says: "we unhesitatingly declare, that on those properties on which the peasantry have been kindly treated, and honestly remunerated for their labor, the duties required of them have as honestly been performed. if on some estates, the workng of the free system has not been profitable and satisfactory, the fault must be attribut- xll introduction. ed to those graspmg and avaricious proprietors, who require an ex- tensive cultivation of their plantations, while they offer to the ne- gro an inadequate compensation for his services, and endeavor to rob him, at the same time, of the produce of his grounds." the moral condition of the island is greatly improved in con- sequence of emancipation. the rev. john clark, baptist mis- sionary, who spent the summer of in this country, in a letter to the editor of the n. y. baptist register, dated january , , says, "on my return i found my different churches in a better state than i could have expected, through the blessing of god upon the faithful labors of the two native assistants i left in charge of them during my absence. since, they have gone on increasing, and on sabbath first we expect to baptize one hundred and sixty. "the schools, also, are increasing; and all, so far as mortal eyes can penetrate, bids fair for prosperity, and knowledge, and happiness, in this interesting isle of the west. the people are working cheerfully for . , . , and . , per day. the . is a quarter of a dollar; the . is your two shillings and six pence; and the . is with you three shillings. this is without any house or ground; when they are supplied with those, they work for less. i hear of them getting from pence (i. e. your shilling) to . , with hut and ground included. "in our churches knowledge is increasing; bibles are procured and read.; many grown up people have persevered at sabbath and night schools, until they have felt able to read intelligibly the word of eternal life for themselves. fruits of righteousness frequently appear; liberality abounds; and a great desire prevails to send the gospel to africa. many here would gladly go, were they fit, to their distant kinsmen; and several of the jamaica missionaries would, were others sent to take charge of their churches, gladly go to commence a mission, if practicable, on the banks of the niger, or some other of the interior parts of the vast continent of africa. upwards of six hundred dollars have been speedily sub- scribed, by two or three churches, for this object; and it is hoped that the society in england will take the important matter into their most serious consideration." another baptist missionary of the same name, says, october , & : "i have received upwards of new inquirers since the first of august; have a goodly number of candidates for baptism; sold a great number of bibles, &c.; have received £ subscriptions, besides j in june. god, i think, is blessing us; and it be- comes us to pray for greater showers of blessings." introduction. xiil rev. thomas t. abbott, of st. ann's bay, says: "as to the working of the free system, i can only say that the people are working in every instance in which they could reasona- bly be expected to do so. the greater part are working at is. d. per day, house and grounds free, or at job-work, when they com- monly earn from s. d. to s. d. per day of eight or nine hours." the falmouth post, in recommending the formation of an anti-slavery society, says: "it is now the time to act. it is not one man, nor a million, but the spirit of liberty that is to succeed. the waves which dash upon the shore are one by one broken, but the ocean conquers nevertheless." with regard to some of the other islands, we are enabled to present the following testimonies . trinidad—the trinidad standard states, "the conduct of the lately liberated population in this colony is most exemplary, but still the planters are calling out as loudly as ourselves for emigrants." [not, how to get rid of them.] st. christopher.—the trinidad standard says, "at st, christopher the new system appears to work better than in any other colony in the antilles." "a census of this island has been taken, and the total population on the st of july last, found to be , ." st. vincent's—amos townsend, esq., cashier of one of the the banks in new haven, in a letter dated february , pub- lished in the n. y. evening post, says: "a mr. jackson, a planter from st. vincents, has been in this city within a few days, and says that the emancipation of the slaves on that island works extremely well, and that his plantation pro. duces more and yields a larger profit than it has ever done before. the emancipated slaves now do in eight hours what was before considered a two days' task, and he pays the laborers a dollar a day." he was also anxious to procure a supply of laborers from the united states. explanation of terms used in the narrative. . the words ' clergy and ' missionary' arc used to distinguish between the ministers of the english or scotch church, and those of all other denominations. . the terms ' church and ' chapel' denote a corresponding distinction in the places of worship, though the english church have what are technically called 'chapels of ease:' . 'manager' and ' overseer' are terms designating in different islands the same station. in antigua and barbados, manager is the word in general use; in ja- maica it is oversee,—both meaning the practical conductor, or immediate super- intendent of an estate. in our own country, a peculiar odium attaches to the latter term. in the west indies, the station of manager or overseer is an honora- ble one; proprietors of estates, and even men of rank, do not hesitate to occupy it. . the terms ' colored' and ' black' or l negro,' indicate a distinction long kept up in the west indies between the mixed blood and the pure negro. the former, as a body, were few previous to the abolition act; and for this reason, chiefly, we presume the term of distinction was originally applied to them. to have used these terms interchangeably, in accordance with the usages hi the united states, would have occasioned endless confusion in the narrative. . 'pnedial' and ■ non-prsdial' are terms used in the apprenticeship colonies to mark the difference between the agricultural class and the domestic; the for- mer are called prasdials, the. latter non-pradials. population of the british w. i. colonies. compiled from recent authentic documents. 'anguilla,t antigua,* bahamas,! ■ barbados,! ■ bermudas,* dominica, t grenada,! jamaica,! montserrat,t nevis,t st. christophcrs,t. st. lucia,f. st. vincent,t tobago,t trinidad.t tortoli, or ) virgin tales, t ( ■" )() ( ex- tent sq. m. , , , population. white. , , , , , , , , slaves. , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , total, b. w. i r. cape of good hope,... t bcrbice,t... guiana < demerara,f.. , , , , , i , . ( essequibo,f.. honduras, mauritius, h , , , , , . , , , total,. , , , * emancipated entirely on the st of august, . t emancipated entirely on the st of august, , by vote of the local legisla- tures in the chartered colonies; and by governor and council in the crown colonies. contents. antigua. page — . chapter i.—geography and statistics of the island, —reflec- tions on arrival, —interview with clergymen, —with the governor, —with a member of assembly, —sabbath, — service at the moravian chapel, —sabbath-school, —service at the episcopal church, —at the wesieyan chapel, —visit to millar's estate, —cane-holing, —mr. watkins, a colored planter, —fitch's creek estate, —free villages, —dinner at the governor's, —donovan's estate, —breakfast at mr. watkins', —dr. ferguson, :—market, —lock-up house, —cage, —whipping-post, —christmas holidays, —colored population, —thibou jarvis's estate, —testimony of mr. howell, the manager, —" girl's own book,"' —anniversary of the friendly society, —negro patriarch, —visit to green castle estate, —testimony of mr. barnard, the manager, —anniversary of the juvenile association, —weatherhill es- tate, —testimony of dr. daniell, the manager, —conversa- tion with a negro boatman, —visit to newfield, a moravian station, —testimony of rev. mr. morrish, the superintendent, —schools for children, —adult school, —visit to lyon's estate, —interview with mr. nugent, speaker of the assembly, —moravian " speaking," —conversation with emancipated slaves, , —meeting in the moravian chapel, —interview with rev. mr. jones, the rector of st. philip's, —visit to frey's estate, —testimony of mr. hatley, the manager, —inter- view with mr. higginbotham, the american consul, —visit to millar's estate, —sabbath evening at millar's, —break- fast at the villa estate, —bazaar, or fair at st. john's, —" commemorative wreath," —testimony of mr. cranstoun, —sugar boiling-house, —visit to cedar hall, a moravian xvi contents. establishment, —visit to the moravian station at grace bay, —moravians on harvey's estate, —testimony of the missiona- ries, , —grandfather jacob, —mr. scotland's estate, — visit to fitch's creek, —testimony of mr. armstrong, the manager, —call by the archdeacon of antigua, —interview with rev. edward frazer, —meeting of wesleyan missiona- ries, r-social interviews with those missionaries, —testimo- ny of the missionaries, , —religious anniversaries, —an- tigua temperance society, —cold water drinkers and tee- totallers, —bible society, —wesleyan missionary society, —resolutions of the meeting concerning messrs. thome and kim- ball, —laying the corner-stone of a wesleyan chapel, —reso- lutions of the missionaries, . chapter ii—general results, —religion, —statistics of denominations, —morality, —reverence for the lord's day, —marriage, , —conjugal faithfulness, —concubinage decreasing, —temperance, —statistics of the bible society, —missionary associations, —temperance societies, — friendly societies, —daily meal society, —distressed fe- males' friend society, —education, —visit to the parochial school at the annual examination, —infant schools in the country, —examination of the school at parham, —school at willoughby bay, —mr. thwaites' replies to queries on education in antigua, , —great ignorance before emanci- pation, —hymn on brotherly love, —aptness of the ne- groes to learn, —civil and political condition of the eman- cipated, — . chapter iii.—facts and testimony, —immediate aboli- tion, —immense change in the condition of the slave, — emancipation the result of political and pecuniary considerations only, —four and a half per cent. tax, —emancipation went into operation peaceably, —watch night on july and august , , —first of august, —no fear of rebellion, —emancipation gives additional security to persons and pro- perty, — —no fear of misdemeanors and crimes, — emancipation is regarded as a great blessing to the island by all classes of the inhabitants, —free labor is much less expensive than slave labor, —free colored people work more cheer- fully, and do their work better than slaves, —report of the superintendent of police, —freemen are more easily managed contents. xrii than slaves, —cane-cutting, —freemen are more trust- worthy, and take deeper interest in their employers' affairs than slaves, —emancipated slaves appreciate law, j)—police re- ports, — —freemen have no disposition to rove about, but stay at home and mind their own business, —freedom has rendered the negroes less insolent and more civil than when slaves, —gratitude a prominent trait in the negro character, — freed men are able to take care of themselves, —emancipation has elevated and improved the negroes, —real estate is enhanced in value by emancipation, —emancipation has increased com- merce and agriculture, with labor-saving machinery, —eman- cipation has totally changed the views of the planters, —ad- vantages of emancipation cannot be enumerated, —testimony of the united states consul, mr. higginbotham, —emanci- pation has diminished the prejudice against color, —the anti- slavery discussions restrained the slaveholders from outrage and cruelty, —concluding remarks, , . barbados. . — . chapter i.—passage to barbados, —bridgetown, —visit to the governor, —visit to the archdeacon, —lear's estate, —testimony of mr. c. the manager, —dinner party at lear's, —testimony of provost marshal, concerning the diminution of crime, —ride to scotland, —poor white families, —the red shanks, —sabbath at lear's, — religious service, —volume of blackness and blood, —tour to the windward, —breakfast party at the colliton estate, —testimony of mr. hinkston the manager; rev. mr. gittens; mr. thomas; and dr. bell, —demerara, —coddrington es- tate, —coddrington college, —the horse, —inscrip- tion, —estate on fire, —ridge estate; —testimony of the manager, mr. clarke, —testimony of mr. applewhitte, — toast after dinner to immediate emancipation, —day at colonel ashby's, —testimony of colonel ashby to the working of apprentices, —william wilberforce, —interview with planters, —their testimony, , —visit to belle estate, —testimony of mr. marshall, —edgecombe estate, —tes- timony of colonel barrow, —horton estate, —drax hall estate, . chapter ii.—testimony of magistrates; police officers; clergymen ; and missionaries, —dinner party at the govern- xvi contents. ort, —testimony concerning the apprenticeship, —major colthurst, 'l—abolition of slavery in the united states, — market people, —interview with justice hamilton, — testimony of mr. hamilton, —station house, district a. — trials of apprentices, —captain cuppage, —testimony of supermtendent of rural police, mr. jones, —communication from justice colthurst, —communication from justice hamil- ton, —testimony of clergymen and missionaries, —rev. mr. cummins, curate of st. paul's, —service at his church —a free church —annual examination of sabbath school, —interview with episcopal clergymen, —testimony of those clergymen , —visit to schools, —wcsleyan missionaries, —interview with mr. fidler, the superintendent of the wes- leyan mission, —persecution of methodist by slaveholders, —moravian mission, . chapter iii.—colored population, —dinner party at mr. harris's, —a newenglander, —an emancipated slave, —breakfast party at mr. thome's, —facts and testimony concerning slavery and the apprenticeship, —an emancipated slave, —breakfast party at mr. prescod's —mr. prescod, editor of the new times, —breakfast at mr. london bourne's, —prejudice, —social intercourse, —an emancipated slave, —prejudice vincible, —bridgetown barber, — concubinage, . chapter iv.—barbados as it was, and is, —james forten, of philadelphia, —cruelties and bloody atrocities, , , —insurrection of , —licentiousness, —prejudice, —insolence and inefficiency of the whites, —hostility to emancipation, . chapter v.—apprenticeship system, —provisions respecting the special magistrates, —provisions respecting the master, —provisions respecting the apprentice, —design of the apprenticeship, —practical operation of apprenticeship, —sympathy of magistrates for the slaveholders, —cruel cap. tain of an english steamer, —apprenticeship is modified sla. very, —vexatious to the master, —apprenticeship is a splendid imposition, —apprenticeship no preparation for freedom, —apprenticeship illustrated the good disposition of the colored people, —its tendency to exasperate them, —testimony to the working of the apprenticeship in the windward islands, . contents. xix jamaica. . . . — . chapter i.—kingston, —scenery, —interview with the attorney-general, —mr. anderson's testimony, —amer- ican consul's testimony, —rev. jonathan edmontlson's tes- timony, superintendent of the wesleyan mission, —testimony of rev. mr. woolridge, —baptist missionaries, —sab- bath in kingston, —service in baptist chapel, —mora, vians, —english church, —scotch presbyterians, —schools in kingston, —statistical tables by mr. reid, , , —union school, —prejudice vincible, —dis- abilities aud persecutions of colored people, —edward jordon, —" seditious matter," —colored members of assembly, —richard hill, —colored artisans and merchants in kingston, —police court of kingston, —prejudice of an american captain in the "limbos" —amalgamation, — house of correction at st. andrew's, —tread-mill, . chapter ii.—tour to the country, —st. thomas in the east, —morant bay, —thomas thomson's lachrymal forebodings, —green wall estate, —testimony of mr. wright, —testimony of rev. mr. crookes, wesleyan mis- sionary, —visit to belvidore estate, —testimony of the manager, —chapel built by apprentices, —house of cor- rection at morant bay, —chain gang, —testimony of justice bailcs, —bath, —testimony of justice willis, —" alarming rebellion," —mr. jocken a cruel overseer, —testimony of a wesleyan missionary, —mico charity school, —testimony of mr. rogers, teacher of that school, —affection of a negro girl, —plantain garden river val- ley, —notions of mr. barclay, —golden grove estate, —testimony of mr. mccornock and mr. duncan, —am ity hall estate. —testimony of mr. kirkland, the manager, —lord belmore's prophecy, —manchioneal, —testi- mony of justice chamberlain, —magistrate's weeklj' court, —pro-slavery gnashings, —visit to williamsfield estate, —testimony of mr. gordon, the manager, —emancipa- tion to the book-keepers, —sabbath, —service at baptist chapel, —interview with apprentices, —testimony of them, —tour through st. thomas in the east, st. andrews, and port royal, —visit to "grecian regale," —visit to estates with justice boume, —testimony of apprentices, —dublin castle estate, —special justice's court, —des- i* contents. pot in convulsions, —arbitrary power dies hard, —sil- ver hill estate, —appraisement of an apprentice, —en. counter with mules, —overseers, —peter's rock estate, —hall's prospect estate, —female travelling merchant, —negro provision grounds, —apprentices willing to work, —character of overseers, —conversation with jus- tice hamilton, —testimony of proprietor and magistrate, —spanish town, —richard hill, secretary of the magistrates' department, —testimony of lord sligo concerning him, —administration of lord sligo, —his independence and im- partiality, —statements of mr. hill, —testimony of jus. tice ramsay, —special justice's court, —testimony of the baptist missionary at spanishtown, —school at spanish- town, . chapter iii.—results of abolition, —actual working of apprenticeship, —no insurrection, —no fear of rebellion, —no increase of crime, —negro population improving in morals and intelligence, —sabbath better observed, —re- ligious worship more attended, —no defiance of law, vexations to both parties, —atrocities practised by magis- trates, —atrocities perpetrated by masters, —causes of difficulties, —provisions of the act for emancipation defeated by magistrates and planters, —shameful treatment by them of lord sligo, —sir lionel smith a favorite of slaveholders, suspension of justice palmer by him, —persecution of justice bourne, —character of special magistrates, —official cruelty, —correspondence between a magistrate and mis- sionary, , —sir lionel smith's message to the assembly, —causes of the diminution of crops, —anticipated conse- quences of full emancipation, —examination of those antici- pations, —views of colored people, magistrates, missionaries, and planters, —concluding remarks, . appendix. . . — . official communication from justice lyon, —communica- tion from mr. anderson, —communication from justice col- thurst, —official returns of the exports and imports of barba- dos, —valuations of apprentices in jamaica, —tabular view of the exports from jamaica for fifty-three years, , — comments of the jamaica watchman, —comments of the spanishtown telegraph, —extracts from brougham's speech, on february , , in the british parliament, . antigua. chapter i. 'antigua is about eighteen miles long and fifteen broad: the interior is low and undulating, the coast mountainous. from the heights on the coast the whole island may be taken in at one view, and in a clear day the ocean can be seen entirely around the land, with the exception of a few miles of cliff in one quarter. the population of antigua is about ^) , of whom , are negroes—lately slaves— are free people of color, and are whites. the cultivation of the island is principally in sugar, of which the average annual crop is , hogsheads. antigua is one of the oldest of the british west india colonies, and ranks high in importance and influence. owing to the proportion of pro- prietors resident in the island, there is an accumulation of talent, intelligence and refinement, greater, perhaps, than in any eng- lish colony, excepting jamaica. our solicitude on entering the island of antigua was intense. charged with a mission so nearly concerning the political and • domestic institutions of the colony, we might well be doubtful as to the manner of our reception. we knew indeed that sla- very was abolished, that antigua had rejected the apprentice- ship, and adopted entire emancipation. we knew also, that the free system had surpassed the hopes of its advocates. but we were in the midst of those whose habits and sentiments had been formed under the influences of slavery, whose perjudices still clinging to it might lead them to regard our visit with indif- antigua. ference at least, if not with jealousy. we dared not hope for aid from men who, not three years before, were slaveholders, and who, as a body, strenuously resisted the abolition measure, finally yielding to it only because they found resistance vain. mingled with the depressing anxieties already referred to, were emotions of pleasure and exultation, when we stepped upon the shores of an unfettered isle. we trod a soil from which , the last vestige of slavery had been swept away! to us, accus- tomed as we were to infer the existence of slavery from the presence of a particular hue, the numbers of negroes passing to and fro, engaged in their several employments, denoted a land of oppression; but the erect forms, the active movements, and the sprightly countenances, bespoke that spirit of disinthrab- ment which had gone abroad through antigua. on the day of our arrival we had an interview with the rev. james cox, the superintendent of the wesleyan mission in the island. he assured us that we need apprehend no difficulty.in procuring information, adding, "we are all free here now;— every man can speak his sentiments una wed. we have nothing to conceal in our present system; had you come here as the advocates of slavery you might have met with a very different ■ reception." at the same time we met the rev. n. gilbert, a clergyman, of the english church, and proprietor of an estate. mr. g- ex- v pressed the hope that we might gather such facts during* otir. stay in the island, as would tend effectually to remove the curse of slavery from the united states. he said that the failure of the crops, from the extraordinary drought which was still pre*t . vailing, would, he feared, be charged by persons abroad, to the new system. "the enemies of freedom," said he, "will not'. ascribe the failure to the proper cause. it will be in vain that' we solemnly declare, that for more than thirty years the islapd.'- has not experienced such a drought. our enemies will persist in laying all to the charge of our free system; men will look only at the amount of sugar exported, which will be less than half the average. they will run away with this fact, and triumph over it as the disastrous consequence of abolition." on the same day we were introduced to the rev. bennet antigua. m harvey, the principal of the moravian mission, to a merchant, an agent for several estates, and to an intelligent manager. each of these gentlemen gave us the most cordial welcome, and expressed a warm sympathy in the objects of our visit. on the following day we dined, by invitation, with the superintendent of the wesley an mission, in company with several missionaries. freedom in antigua was the engrossing and delightful topic. they rejoiced in the change, not merely from sympathy with the disinthralled negroes, but because it had emancipated them from a disheartening surveillance, and opened new fields of use- fulness. they hailed the star of freedom "with exceeding great joy," because it heralded the speedy dawning of the sun of righteousness. we took an early opportunity to call on the governor, whom we found affable and courteous. on learning that we were from the united states, he remarked, that he entertained a high re- spect for our country, but its slavery was a stain upon the whole nation. he expressed his conviction that the instigators of northern mobs must be implicated in some way, pecuniary or otherwise, with slavery. the governor stated various particu- lars in which antigua had been greatly improved by the abolition of slavery. he said, the planters all conceded that emancipa- tion had been a great blessing to the island, and he did not know of a single individual who wished to return to the old his excellency proffered us every assistance in his power, and requested his secretary—a colored gentleman—to furnish us with certain documents which he thought would be of service to us. when we rose to leave, the governor followed us to the door, repeating the advice that we should "see with our own eyes, and hear with our own ears." the interest which his excel- lency manifested in our enterprise, satisfied us that the prevalent feeling in the island was opposed to slavery, since it was a mat- ter well understood that the governor's partialities, if he had any, were on the side of the planters rather than the people. on the same day we were introduced to a barrister, a mem- ber of the assembly and proprietor of an estate. he was in the assembly at the time the abolition act was under discussion. he antigua. said that it was violently opposed, until it was seen to be inevi- table. many were the predictions made respecting the ruin which would be brought upon the colony; but these predictions had failed, and abolition was now regarded as the salvation of the island. sabbath. the morning of our first sabbath in antigua came with that hushed stillness which marks the sabbath dawn in the retired villages of new england. the arrangements of the family were conducted with a studied silence that indicated habitual respect for the lord's day. at o'clock- the streets were filled with the church-going throng. the rich rolled along in their splendid vehicles with liveried outriders and postillions. the poor moved in lowlier procession, yet in neat attire, and with the serious air of christian worshippers. we attended the moravian service. in going to the chapel, which is situated on the border of the town, we passed through and across the most frequented streets. no persons were to be seen, excepting those whose course was toward some place of worship. the shops were all shut, and the voices of business and amusement were hushed. the market place, which yesterday was full of swarm- ing life, and sent forth a confused uproar, was deserted and dumb—not a straggler was to be seen of all the multitude. on approaching the moravian chapel we observed the negroes wending their way churchward from the surrounding estates, along the roads leading into the town. when we entered the chapel the service had begun, and the people were standing, and repeating their liturgy. the house, which was capable of holding about a thousand persons, was filled. the audience were all black and colored, mostly of the deepest ethiopian hue, and had come up hither from the estates where once they toiled as slaves, but now as freemen, to pre- sent their thank-offerings unto him whose truth and spirit had made them free. in the simplicity and tidiness of their attire, in its uniformity and freedom from ornament, it resembled the dress of the friends. the females were clad in plain white antigua. getvns, with neat turbans of cambric or muslin on their heads. the males were dressed in spencers, vests, and pantaloons, all of white. ah were serious in their demeanor, and although the services continued more than two hours, they gave a wakeful attention to the end. their responses in the litany were solemn and regular. great respect was paid to the aged and infirm. a poor blind man came groping his way, and was kindly conducted to a seat in an airy place. a lame man came wearily up to the door, when one within the house rose and led him to the seat he him- self had just occupied. as we sat facing the congregation, we looked around upon the multitude to find the marks of those de- moniac passions which are to strew carnage through our own country when its bondsmen shall be made free. the counte- nances gathered there, bore the traces of benevolence, of hu- mility, of meekness, of docility, and reverence; and we felt, while looking on them, that the doers of justice to a wronged people "shall surely dwell in safety and be quiet from fear of evil." after the service, we visited the sabbath school the super- intendent was an interesting young colored man. we attended the recitation of a testament class of children of both sexes from eight to twelve. they read, and answered numerous questions with great sprightliness. in the afternoon we attended the episcopal church, of which the rev. robert holberton is rector. we here saw a specimen of the aristocracy of the island. a considerable number pre- sent were whites—rich proprietors with their families, managers of estates, officers of government, and merchants. the greater proportion of the auditory, however, were colored people and blacks. it might be expected that distinctions of color would be found here, if anywhere;—however, the actual distinction, even in this the most fashionable church in antigua, amounted only to this, that the body pews on each side of the broad aisle were occupied by the whites, the side pews by the colored peo- ple, and the broad aisle in the middle by the negroes. the gallery, on one side, was also appropriated to the colored people, and on the other to the blacks. the finery of the antigua. negroes was in sad contrast with the simplicity we had just seen at the moravian chapel. their dresses were of every color and style; their hats were of all shapes and sizes, and filla- greed with the most tawdry superfluity of ribbons. beneath these gaudy bonnets were glossy ringlets, false and real, clus- tering in tropical luxuriance. this fantastic display was evi- dently a rude attempt to follow the examples set them by the white aristocracy. the choir was composed chiefly of colored boys, who were placed on the right side of the organ, and about an equal num- ber of colored girls on the left. in front of the organ were eight or ten white children. the music of this colored, or rather "amalgamated" choir, directed by a colored chorister, and ac- companied by a colored organist, was in good taste. in the evening, we accompanied a friend to the wesleyan chapel, of which the rev. james cox is pastor. the minister invited us to a seat within the altar, where we «ould have a full view of the congregation. the chapel was crowded. nearly twelve hundred persons were present . all sat promiscuously in respect of color. in one pew was a family of whites, next a family of colored persons, and behind that perhaps might be seen, side by side, the ebon hue of the negro, the mixed tint of the mulatto, and the unblended whiteness of the european. thus they sat in crowded contact, seemingly unconscious that they were outraging good taste, violating natural laws, and "con- founding distinctions of divine appointment " in whatever direction we turned, there was the same commixture of colors. what to one of our own countrymen whose contempt for the oppressed has defended itself with the plea of prejudice against color, would have been a combination absolutely shocking, was to us a scene as gratifying as it was new. on both sides, the gallery presented the same unconscious blending of colors. the choir was composed of a large num- ber, mostly colored, of all ages. the front seats were filled by children of various ages—the rear, of adults, rising above these tiny choristers, and softening the shrillness of their notes by the deeper tones of mature age. the style of the preaching which we heard on the different antigua. occasions above described, so far as it is any index to the intel- ligence of the several congregations, is certainly a high com- mendation. the language used would not offend the taste of any congregation, however refined. on the other hand, the fixed attention of the people showed that the truths delivered were understood and appreciated. we observed, that in the last two services the subject of the present drought was particularly noticed in prayer. the account here given is but a fair specimen of the solemnity and decorum of an antigua sabbath. visit to millar's estate. early in the week after our arrival, by the special invitation of the manager, we visited this estate. it is situated about four miles from the town of st. john's. the smooth macadamized road extending across the rolling plains and gently-sloping hill-sides, covered with waving cane, and interspersed with provision grounds, contributed with the fresh bracing air of the morning to make the drive pleasant and animating. at short intervals were seen the buildings of the different es- tates thrown together in small groups, consisting of the mana- ger's mansion and out-houses, negro huts, boiling house, cooling houses, distillery and windmill. the mansion is generally on an elevated spot, commanding a view of the estate and sur- rounding country. the cane fields presented a novel appear- ance—being without fences of any description. even those fields which lie bordering on the highways are wholly unprotected by hedge, ditch, or rails. this is from necessity. wooden fences they cannot have, for lack of timber. hedges are not used, be- cause they are found to withdraw the moisture from the canes. to prevent depredations, there are watchmen on every estate, employed both day and night. there are also stock-keepers, employed by day in keeping the cattle within proper grazing limits. as each estate guards its own stock by day, and folds them by night, the fields are in little danger. we passed great numbers of negroes on the road, loaded with antigua. every kind of commodity for the town market. the head is the beast of burthen among the negroes throughout the west indies. whatever the load, whether it be trifling or valuable, strong or frail, it is consigned to the head, both for safe keeping and for transportation. while the head is thus taxed, the hands hang useless by the side, or are busied in gesticulating, as the people chat together along the way. the negroes we passed were all decently clad. they uniformly stopped as they came opposite to us, to pay the usual civilities. this the men did by touching their hats and bowing, and the women, by making a low cour- tesy, and adding, sometimes, "howdy, massa," or "mornin', massa." we passed several loaded wagons, drawn by three, four, or five yoke of oxen, and in every instance the driver, so far from manifesting any disposition "insolently''to crowd us off the road, or to contend for his part of it, turned his team aside, leaving us double room to go by, and sometimes stopping until we had passed. we were kindly received at millar's by mr. bourne, the manager. millar's is one of the first estates in antigua. the last year it made the largest sugar crop on the island. mr. b. took us before breakfast to view the estate. on the way, he remarked that we had visited the island at a very unfavorable time for seeing the cultivation of it, as everything was suffering greatly from the drought. there had not been a single copious rain, such as would "make the water run," since the first of march previous. as we approached the laborers, the manager pointed out one company of ten, who were at work with their hoes by the side of the road, while a larger one of thirty were in the middle of the field. they greeted us in the most friendly manner. the manager spoke kindly to them, encouraging them to be industrious. he stopped a moment to explain to us the process of cane-holing. the field is first ploughed* in one direc- tion, and the ground thrown up in ridges of about a foot high. * in those cases where the plough is used at all. it is not yet generally introduced throughout the west indies. where the plough is not used, the whole process of holing is done with the hoe, and is extremely laborious. antigua. then similar ridgos are formed crosswise, with the hoe, making regular squares of two-feet-sides over the field. by raising the soil, a clear space of six inches square is left at the bottom. in this space the plant is placed horizontally, and slightly covered with earth. the ridges are left about it, for the purpose of con- ducting the rain to the roots, and also to retain the moisture. when we came up to the large company, they paused a mo- ment, and with a hearty salutation, which ran all along the line, bade us "good mornin'," and immediately resumed their labor. the men and women were intermingled; the latter kept pace with the former, wielding their hoes with energy and effect . the manager addressed them for a few moments, telling them who we were, and the object of our visit. he told them of the great number of slaves in america, and appealed to them to know whether they would not be sober, industrious and diligent, so as to prove to american slaveholders the benefit of freeing all their slaves. at the close of each sentence, they all responded, "yes, massa," or "god bless de massas," and at the conclu- sion, they answered the appeal, with much feeling, "yes, mas- sa; please god, massa, we will all do so." when we turned to leave, they wished to know what we thought of their industry. we assured them that we were much pleased, for which they returned their "thankee, massa." they were working at zjob. the manager had given them a piece of ground "to hole," en- gaging to pay them sixteen dollars when they had finished it. he remarked that he had found it a good plan to give jobs. he obtained more work in this way than he did by giving the ordi- nary wages, which is about eleven cents per day. it looked very much like slavery to see the females working in the field; but the manager said they chose it generally "for the sake of the wages." mr. b. returned with us to the house, leaving the gangs in the field, with only an aged negro in charge of the work, as superintendent. such now is the name of the over- seer. the very terms, driver and overseer, are banished from antigua; and the whip is buried beneath the soil of freedom. when we reached the house we were introduced to mr. wat- kins, a colored planter, whom mr. b. had invited to breakfast with us. mr. watkins was very communicative, and from * _ antigua. him and mr. b., who was equally free, we obtained informa- tion on a great variety of points, which we reserve for the different heads to which they appropriately belong. fitch's cheek estate. from millar's we proceeded to fitch's creek estate, where we had been invited to dine by the intelligent manager, mr. h. armstrong. we there met several vvesleyan missionaries. mr. a. is himself a local preacher in the wesleyan connection. when a stranger visits an estate in the west indies, almost the first thing is an offer from the manager to accompany him through the sugar works. mr. a. conducted us first to a new boiling house, which he was building after a plan of his own de- vising. the house is of brick, on a very extensive scale. it has been built entirely by negroes—chiefly those belonging to the estate who were emancipated in . fitch's creek es- tate is one of the largest on the island, consisting of acres, of which are under cultivation. the number of people employed and living on the property is . this estate indi- cates anything else than an apprehension of approaching ruin. it presents the appearance, far more, of a resurrection from the grave. in addition to his improved sugar and boiling estab- lishment, he has projected a plan for a new village, (as the col- lection of negro houses is called,) and has already selected the ground and begun to build. the houses are to be larger than those at present in use; they are to be built of stone instead of mud and sticks, and to be neatly roofed. instead of being hud- dled together in a by place, as has mostly been the case, they are to be built on an elevated site, and ranged at regular inter- vals around three sides of a large square, in the centre of which a building for a chapel and school house is to be erected. each house is to have a garden. this and similar improvements are now in progress, with the view of adding to the comforts of the laborers, and attaching them to the estate. it has become the interest of the planter to make it for the interest of the people to remain on his estate. this mutual interest is the only sure basis of prosperity on the one hand, and of industry on the other. antigua. the whole company heartily joined in assuring us that a knowledge of the actual working of abolition in antigua, would be altogether favorable to the cause of freedom, and that the more thorough our knowledge of the facts in the case, the more perfect would be our confidence in the safety of immediate eman- cipation. mr. a. said that the spirit of enterprise, before dormant, had been roused since emancipation, and planters were now begin- ning to inquire as to the best modes of cultivation, and to pro- pose measures of general improvement . one of these measures was the establishing of free villages, in which the laborers might dwell by paying a small rent. when the adjacent planters needed help, they could here find a supply for the occasion. this plan would relieve the laborers from some of that depend- ence which they must feel so long as they live on the estate and in the houses of the planters. many advantages of such a sys- tem were specified. we allude to it here only as an illus- tration of that spirit of inquiry which freedom has kindled in the minds of the planters. no little desire was manifested by the company to know the state of the slavery question in this country. they all, plant- ers and missionaries, spoke in terms of abhorrence of our slavery, our mobs, our prejudice, and our christianity. one of the missionaries said it would never do for him to goto ame- rica, for he should certainly be excommunicated by his method- ist brethren, and lynched by the advocates of slavery. he in- sisted that slaveholding professors and ministers should be cut off from the communion of the church. as we were about to take leave, the proprietor of the estate rode up, accompanied by the governor, whom he had brought to see the new boiling-house, and the other improvements which were in progress. the proprietor resides in st . john's, is a gen- tleman of large fortune, and a member of the assembly. he said he would be happy to aid us in any way—but added, that in all details of a practical kind, and in all matters of fact, the planters were the best witnesses, for they were the conductors of the present system. we were glad to obtain the endorsement of an influential proprietor to the testimony of practical planters. antigua. dinner at the governor's. on the following day, having received a very courteous invi- tation* from the governor to dine at the government house, we made our arrangements to do so. the hon. paul horsford, a member of the council, called during the day, to say, that he expected to dine with us at the government house, and that he would be happy to call for us at the appointed hour, and conduct us thither. at six o'clock mr. h.'s carriage drove up to our door, and we accompanied him to the governor's, where we were introduced to col. jarvis, a member of the privy council, and proprietor of several estates in the island, col. edwards, a member of the assembly and a barrister, dr. musgrave, a mem- ber of the assembly, and mr. shiel, attorney general. a dinner of state, at a governor's house, attended by a company of high- toned politicians, professional gentlemen, and proprietors, could hardly be expected to furnish large accessions to our stock of information relating to the object of our visit. dinner being announced, we were hardly seated at the table when his excel- lency politely offered to drink a glass of madeira with us. we begged leave to decline the honor. in a short time he pro- posed a glass of champaign—again we declined. "why, sure- ly, gentlemen," exclaimed the governor, "you must belong to the temperance society." "yes, sir, we do." "is it possible but you will surely take a glass of liqueur v "your excellency must pardon us if we again decline the honor; we drink no wines." this announcement of ultra temperance principles ex- cited no little surprise. finding that our allegiance to cold water was not to be shaken, the governor condescended at * "we venture to publish the note in which the governor con- veyed his invitation, simply because, though a trifle in itself, it will serve to show the estimation in which our mission was held. "if messrs. kimball and thome are not engaged tuesday next, the lieut. governor will be happy to see them at dinner, at six o'clock, when he will endeavor to facilitate their philanthropic inquiries,by inviting two or three proprietors to meet them. "government house, st. john's, dec. th, ." antigua. last to meet us on middle ground, and drink his wine to our water. the conversation on the subject of emancipation served to show that the prevailing sentiment was decidedly favorable to the free system. col jarvis, who is the proprietor of three estates, said that he was in england at the time the bill for im- mediate emancipation passed the legislature. had he been in the island he should have opposed it; but now he was glad it had prevailed. the evil consequences which he apprehended had not been realized, and he was now confident that they never would be. as to prejudice against the black and colored people, all thought it was rapidly decreasing—indeed, they could scarcely say there was now any such thing. to be sure, there was an aversion among the higher classes of the whites, and especially among females, to associating in parties with colored people; but it was not on account of their color, but chiefly because of their illegitimacy. this was to us a new source of prejudice; but subsequent information fully explained its bearings. the whites of the west indies are themselves the authors of that illegiti- macy, out of which their aversion springs. it is not to be won- dered that they should be unwilling to invite the colored people to their social parties, seeing they might not unfrequently be subjected to the embarrassment of introducing to their white wives a colored mistress or an illegitimate daughter. this also explains the special prejudice which the ladies of the higher classes feel towards those among whom are their guilty rivals in a husband's affections, and those whose every feature tells the story of a husband's unfaithfulness! a few days after our dinner with the governor and his friends, we took breakfast, by invitation, with mr. watkins, the colored planter whom we had the pleasure of meeting at millar's, on a previous occasion. mr. w. politely sent in his chaise for us, a distance of five miles. at an early hour we reached donovan's, the estate of which he is manager. we found the sugar works in active operation: the broad wings of the windmill were wheeling their stately revolutions, and the smoke was issuing in dense volumes from the chimney of the boiling house. some antigua. of the negroes were employed in carrying cane to the mill, others in carrying away the trash or megass, as the cane is called after the juice is pressed from it. others, chiefly the old men and women, were tearing the megass apart, and strewing it on the ground to dry. it is the only fuel used for boiling the sugar. on entering the house we found three planters whom mr. w. had invited to breakfast with us. the meeting of a number of intelligent practical planters afforded a good opportunity for comparing their views. on all the main points, touching the working of freedom, there was a strong coincidence. when breakfast was ready, mrs. w. entered the room, and after our introduction to her, took her place at the head of the table. her conversation was intelligent, her manners highly polished, and she presided at the table with admirable grace and dignity. on the following day, dr. ferguson, of st. john's, called on us. dr. ferguson is a member of the assembly, and one of the first physicians in the island. the doctor said that freedom had wrought like a magician, and had it not been for the unprece- dented drought, the island would now be in a state of prosperity unequalled in any period of its history. dr. f. remarked that a general spirit of improvement was pervading the island. the moral condition of the whites was rapidly brightening; formerly concubinage was respectable,- it had been customary for married men—those of the highest standing—to keep one or two colored mistresses. this practice was now becoming disreputable. there had been a great alteration as to the observance of the sabbath; formerly more business was done in st. john's on sunday, by the merchants, than on all the other days of the week together. the mercantile business of the town had increased astonishingly; he thought that the stores and shops had multi- plied in a ratio of ten to one. mechanical pursuits were like- wise in a flourishing condition. dr. f. said that a greater num- ber of buildings had been ereeted since emancipation, than had been put up for twenty years before. great improvements had also been made in the streets and roads in town and country. antigua. market. saturday.—this is the regular market-day here. the ne- groes come from all parts of the island, walking sometimes ten or fifteen miles to attend st john's market we pressed our way through the dense mass of all hues which crowded the mar- ket. the ground was covered with wooden trays, filled with all kinds of fruits, grain, vegetables, fowls, fish and flesh. each one, as we passed, called attention to his or her little stock. we passed up to the head of the avenue, where men and women were employed in cutting up the light fire-wood which they had brought from the country on their heads, and in binding it into small bundles for sale. here we paused a moment, and looked down upon the busy multitude below. the whole street was a moving mass. there were broad panama hats, and gaudy turbans, and uncovered heads, and heads laden with water-pots, and boxes, and baskets, and trays—all moving and mingling in seemingly inextricable confusion. there could not have been less than fifteen hundred people congregated in that street—all, or nearly all, emancipated slaves. yet, amidst all the excitements and competitions of trade, then- conduct towards each other was polite and kind. not a word, or look, or gesture of insolence or indecency did we observe. smiling countenances and friendly voices greeted us on every side, and we felt no fears either of having our pockets picked or our throats cut! at the other end of the market-place stood the lock-up h*use, the cage, and the whipping post, with stocks for feet and wrists. these are almost the sole relics of slavery which still linger in the town. the lock-up house is a sort of jail, built of stone, about fifteen feet square, and originally designed, as a place of confinement for slaves taken up by the patrol. the cage is a smaller building, adjoining the former, the sides of which are composed of strong iron bars—fitly called a cage! the prisoner was exposed to the gaze and insult of every passer- by, without the possibility of concealment. the whipping post is hard by, but its occupation is gone. indeed, all these appen- b antigua. dagea of slavery have gone into entire disuse, and time is doing his work of dilapidation upon them. we fancied we could see in the marketers, as they walked in and out at the doorless en- trance of the lock-up house, or leaned against the whipping post, in careless chat, that harmless defiance which would prompt one to beard the dead lion. .v returning from the market we observed a negro woman pass- ing through the street, with several large hat boxes strung on her arm. she accidentally let one of them fall. the box had hardly reached the ground, when a little boy sprang from the back of a carriage rolling by, handed the woman the box, and hastened to remount the carriage. christmas. during the reign of slavery, the christmas holidays brought with them general alarm. to prevent insurrections, the militia was uniformly called out, and an array made of all that was formidable in military enginery. this custom was dispensed with at once, after emancipation. as christmas came on the sabbath, it tested the respect for that day. the morning was similar, in all respects, to the morning of the sabbath de- scribed above; the same serenity reigning everywhere—the same quiet in the household movements, and the same tran- quillity prevailing through the streets. we attended morning service at the moravian chapel. notwithstanding the descrip- tions we had heard of the great change which emancipation had wrought in the observance of christmas, we were quite unprepared for the delightful reality around us. though thirty thousand slaves had but lately been "turned loose" upon a population of less than three thousand! instead of meeting with scenes of disorder, what were the sights which ■ greeted our eyes? the neat attire, the serious demeanor, and the thronged procession to the place of worship. in every direc- tion the roads leading into town were lined with happy beings —attired for the house of god. when groups coming from different quarters met at the corners, they stopped a moment antigua. to exchange salutations and shake hands, and then proceeded on together. the moravian chapel was slightly decorated with green branches. they were the only adorning which marked the plain sanctuary of a plain people. it was crowded with black and colored people, and very many stood without, who could not get in. after the close of the service in the chapel, the minister proceeded to the adjacent school room, and preached to another crowded audience. in the evening the wesleyan chapel was crowded to overflowing. the aisles and commu- nion place were full. on all festivals and holidays, which occur on the sabbath, the churches and chapels are more thronged than on any other lord's day. it is hardly necessary to state that there was no instance of a dance or drunken riot, nor wild shouts of mirth during the day. the christmas, instead of breaking in upon the repose of the sabbath, seemed only to enhance the usual solemnity of the day. the holidays continued until the next wednesday morning, and the same order prevailed to the close of them. on monday there were religious services in most of the churches and cha- pels, where sabbath school addresses, discourses on the relative duties of husband and wife, and on kindred subjects, were de- livered. an intelligent gentleman informed us that the negroes, while slaves, used to spend during the christmas holidays the extra money which they got during the year. now they save it—to buy small tracts of land for their own cultivation. the governor informed us that the police returns did not re- port a single case of arrest during the holidays. he said he had been well acquainted with the country districts of england—he had also travelled extensively in europe—yet he had never found such a peaceable, orderly, and law-abiding people as those of antigua. an acquaintance of nine weeks with the colored population of st. john's, meeting them by the wayside, in their shops, in their parlors, and elsewhere, enables us to pronounce them a people of general intelligence, refinement of manners, personal antigua. accomplishments, and true politeness. as to their style of dress and mode of living, were we disposed to make any criticism, we should say that they were extravagant . in refined and elevated conversation, they would certainly bear a comparison with the white families of the island. visit to thibotj jarvis s estate. after the christmas holidays were over, we resumed our visits to the country. being provided with a letter to the mana- ger of thibou jarvis's estate, mr. james howell, we embraced the earliest opportunity to call on him. mr. h. has been in an- tigua for thirty-six years, and has been a practical planter during the whole of that time. he has the management of two estates, on which there are more than five hundred people. the principal items of mr. howell's testimony will be found in ano- ther place. in this connection we shall record only miscella- neous statements of a local nature. . the severity of the drought. he liad been in antigua since the year , and he had never known so long a contin- uance of dry weather, although the island is subject to severe droughts. he stated that a field of yams, which in ordinary seasons yielded ten cart-loads to the acre, would not produce this year more than three. the failure in the crops was not in the least degree chargeable upon the laborers, for in the first place, the cane plants for the present crop were put in earlier and in greater quantities than usual, and until, the drought com- menced, the fields promised a large return. . the religious condition of the negroes, during slavery, was extremely low. it seemed almost impossible to teach them any higher religion than obedience to their masters. their highest notion of god was that he was a little above their owner. he mentioned, by way of illustration, that the slaves of a certain large proprietor used to have this saying, "massa only want he little finger to touch god!" that is, their master was lower than god only by the length of his little finger! but now the religious and moral condition of the people was fast improving. . a great change in the use of rum had been effected on antigua. the estates under his management since emancipation. he formerly, in accordance with the prevalent custom, gave his people a weekly allowance of rum, and this was regarded as essential to their health and effectiveness. but he has lately discontinued this altogether, and his people had not suffered any inconvenience from it. he gave them in lieu of the rum, an allowance of molasses, with which they appeared to be en- tirely satisfied. when mr. h. informed the people of his inten- tion to discontinue the spirits, he told them that he should set them the example of total abstinence, by abandoning wine and malt liquor also, which he accordingly did. . there had been much less pretended sickness among the negroes since freedom. they had now a strong aversion to go- ing to the sick house,* so much so that on many estates it had been put to some other use. we were taken through the negro village, and shown the interior of several houses. one of the finest looking huts was decorated with pictures, printed cards, and booksellers' adver- tisements, in large letters. amongst many ornaments of this kind, was an advertisement not unfamiliar to our eyes—" the giel's own book. btmrs. child." we generally found the women at home. some of them had been informed of our intention to visit them, and took pains to have every thing in the best order for our reception. the negro village on this estate contains one hundred houses, each of which is occupied by a separate family. mr. h. next conducted us to a neighboring field, where the great gang\ were at work. there were about fifty persons in the gang—the majority fe- males—under two inspectors or superintendents, men who take the place of the quondam drivers, though their province is totally ♦ the estate hospital, in which, during slavery, all sick per- sons were placed for medical attendance and nursing. there was one on every estate. t the people on most estates are divided into three gangs: first, the great gang, composed of the principal effective men and women; second, the weeding gang, consisting of younger and weakly persons; and third, the grass gang, which em- braces all the children able to work. antigua. different. they merely direct the labprers in their work, em- ploying with the loiterers the stimulus of persuasion, or at far- thest, no more than the violence of the tongue. mr. h. requested them to stop their work, and told them whom we were, and as we bowed, the men took off their hats, and the women made a low courtesy. mr. howell then in- formed them that we had come from america, where there were a great many slaves: that we had visited antigua to see how freedom was working, and whether the people who were made free on the first of august were doing well—and added, that he "hoped these gentlemen might be able to carry back such a report as would induce the masters in america to set their slaves free." they unanimously replied, " yes, massa, we hope dem will gib um free." we spoke a few words; told them of the condition of the slaves in america, urged them to pray for them that they might be patient under their sufferings, and that they might soon be made fret. thfy repeatedly promised to pray for the poor slaves in america. we then re- ceived their hearty "good bye, massa," and returned to the house, while they resumed their work. we took leave of mr. howell, grateful for his kind offices in furtherance of the objects of our mission. we had not been long in antigua before we perceived the distress of the poor from the scarcity of water. as there are but few springs in the island, the sole reliance is upon rain water. wealthy families have cisterns or tanks in their yards, to receive the rain from the roofe. there are also a few public cisterns in st. johns. these ordinarily supply the whole popu- lation. during the present season many of these cisterns have been dry, and the supply of water has been entirely inadequate to the wants of the people. there are several large open ponds in the vicinity of st . johns, which are commonly used to water "stock." there are one or more on every estate, for the same purpose. the poor people were obliged to use the water from these ponds both for drinking and cooking while we were in antigua. in taking our morning walks, we uniformly met the negroes either going to, or returning from the ponds, with antigua. their large pails balanced on their heads, happy apparently in being able to get even such foul water. attended the anniversary of the "friendly society," connect- ed with the church in st. john's. many of the most respectable citizens, including the governor, were present after the ser- vices in the church, the society moved in procession to the rectory school-room. we counted one hundred males and two hundred and sixty females in the procession. having been kindly invited by the rector to attend at the school-room, we followed the procession. we found the house crowded with women, many others, besides those in the procession, having convened. the men were seated without under a canvas, ex- tended along one side of the house. the whole number pres- ent was supposed to be nine hundred. short addresses were made by the rector, the archdeacon, and the governor. the seventh annual report of the society, drawn up by the secretary, a colored man, was read. it was creditable to the author. the rector in his address affectionately warned the society, especially the female members, against extravagance in dress. the archdeacon exhorted them to domestic and conjugal iaithfulness. he alluded to the prevalence of inconstancy dur- ing past years, and to the great improvement in this particular lately; and concluded by wishing them all "a happy new-year and many of them, and a blessed immortality in the end." for this kind wish they returned a loud and general "thankee, the governor then said, that he rose merely to remark, that this society might aid in the emancipation of millions of slaves, now in bondage in other countries. a people who are capable of forming such societies as this among themselves, deserve to be free, and ought no longer to be held in bondage. you, said he, are showing to the world what the negro race are capable of doing. the governor's remarks were received with ap- plause. after the addresses the audience were served with re- freshments, previous to which the rector read the following lines, which were sung to the tune of old hundred, the whole congregation standing. * antigua. "lord at our table now appear and bless us here, as every where; let manna to our souls be given, the bread of life sent down from heaven." the simple refreshment was then handed round. it consist- ed merely of buns and lemonade. the governor and the rec- tor, each drank to the health and happiness of the members. the loud response came up from all within and all around the house—" thankee—thankee—thankee—massa—thankee, good massa." a scene of animation ensued. the whole concourse of black, colored and white, from the humblest to the highest, from the unlettered apprentice to the archdeacon and the gov. ernor of the island, joined in a common festivity. after the repast was concluded, thanks were returned in the following verse, also sung to old hundred. "we thank thee, lord, for this our food, but bless thee more for jesus' blood; i let manna to our souls be given, the bread of life sent down from heaven." ( the benediction was pronounced, and the assembly retired. there was an aged negro man present, who was noticed with marked attention by the archdeacon, the rector and other clergymen. he is sometimes called the african bishop. he was evidently used to familiarity with the clergy, and laid his hand on their shoulders as he spoke to them. the old pa- triarch was highly delighted with the scene. he said, when he was young, he "never saw nothing but sin and satan. now i just begin to live." on the same occasion the governor remarked to us that the first thing to be done in our country toward the removal of sla- very, was to discard the absurd notion that color made any dif- ference, intellectually or morally, among men. "all distinc- tions," said he, "founded in color, must be abolished every where. we should learn to talk of men not as colored men, but as men, as fellow citizens and fellow subjects." his excel- lency certainly showed on this occasion a disposition to put in antigua. practice his doctrine. he spoke affectionately to the children, and conversed freely with the adults. visit to gieeh castle. according to a previous engagement, a member of the as- sembly called and took us in his carriage to green castle estate. green castle lies about three miles south-east from st. john's, and contains acres. the mansion stands in a rocky cliff, overlooking the estate, and commanding a wide view of the island. in one direction spreads a valley, inter- spersed with fields of sugar-cane and provisions. in another stretches a range of hills, with their sides clad in culture, and their tops covered with clouds. at the base of the rock are the sugar houses. on a neighboring upland lies the negro vil- lage, in the rear of which are the provision grounds. samuel barnard, esq., the manager, received us kindly. he said he had been on the island forty-four years, most of the time en- gaged in the management of estates. he is now the manager of two estates, and the attorney for six, and has lately purchased an estate himself. mr. b. is now an aged man, grown old in the practice of slave-holding. he has survived the wreck of slavery, and now stripped of a tyrant's power, he still lives among the people who were lately his slaves, and manages an estate which was once his empire. the testimony of such a man is invaluable. hear him. . mr. b. said, that the negroes throughout the island were very peaceable when they received their freedom. . he said he had found no difficulty in getting his people to work after they had received their freedom. some estates had suffered for a short time; there was a pretty general fluctuation for a month or two, the people leaving one estate and going to another. but this, said mr. b., was chargeable to the folly of the planters, who overbid each other in order to secure the best hands and enough of them. the negroes had a strong at- tachment to their homes, and they would rarely abandon them, unless harshly treated. antigua. . he thought that the assembly acted very wisely in reject- ing the apprenticeship. he considered it absurd. it took the chains partly from off the slave, and fastened them on the mas- ter, and enslaved them both. it withdrew from the latter the power of compelling labor, and it supplied to the former no in- centive to industry. he was opposed to the measures which many had adopted for further securing the benefits of emancipation.—he referred particularly to the system of education which now prevaued. he thought that the education of the emancipated negroes should combine industry with study even in childhood, so as not to disqualify the taught for cultivating the ground. it will be readily seen that this prejudice against education, evidently the remains of his attachment to slavery, gives additional weight to his testimony. the mansion on the rock (which from its elevated and al- most inaccessible position, and from the rich shrubbery in per- petual foliage surrounding it, very fitly takes the name of green castle) is memorable as the scene of the murder of the present proprietor's grandfather. he refused to give his slaves holiday on a particular occasion. they came several times in a body and asked for the holiday, but he obstinately refused to grant it. they rushed mto his bed-room, fell upon him with their hoes, and killed him. on our return to st. john's, we received a polite note from a colored lady, inviting us to attend the anniversary of the " juve- nile association," at eleven o'clock. we found about forty children assembled, the greater part of them colored girls, but some were white. the ages of these juvenile philanthropists varied from four to fourteen. after singing and prayer, the object of the association was stated, which was to raise money by sewing, soliciting contributions, and otherwise, for charitable purposes. from the annual report it appeared that this was the twenty- first anniversary of the society. the treasurer reported nearly £ currency (or about $ ) received and disbursed during the year. more than one hundred dollars had been given to- wards the erection of the new wesleyan chapel in st. john's. antigua. several resolutions were presented by little misses, expressive of gratitude to god for continued blessings, which were adopted unanimously—every child holding up its right hand in token of assent. after the resolutions and other business were despatched, the children listened to several addresses from the gentlemen pres- ent. the last speaker was a member of the assembly. he said that his presence there was quite accidental; but that he had been amply repaid for coming by witnessing the goodly work in which this juvenile society was engaged. as there was a male branch association about to be organized, he begged the privilege of enrolling his name as an honorary member, and promised to be a constant contributor to its funds. he concluded by saying, that though he had not before enjoyed the happiness of attending their anniversaries, he should never again fail to be present (with the permission of their worthy patroness) at the future meetings of this most interesting society. we give the substance of this address, as one of the signs of the times. the speaker was a wealthy merchant of st john's. this society was organized in . the first pr*posal came from a few little colored girls, who, after hearing a sermon on the blessedness of doing good, wanted to know whether they might not have a society for raising money to give to the poor. this juvenile association has, since its organization, raised the sum of fourteen hundred dollars! even this little associa- tion has experienced a great impulse from the free system. prom a table of the annual receipts since , we found that the amount raised the two last years, is nearly equal to that received during any three years before. dk. daniell weatherill estate. on our return from thibou jarvis's estate, we called at weatherill's; but the manager, dr. daniell not being at home, we left our names, with an intimation of the object of our visit dr. d. called soon after at our lodgings. as authority, he is un- questionable. before retiring from the practice of medicine, he stood at the head of his profession in the island. he is now a antigua. member of the council, is proprietor of an estate, manager of another, and attorney for six. the tact that such men as dr. d., but yesterday large slave- holders?, and still holding high civil and political stations, should most cheerfully facilitate our anti-slavery investigations, mani- festing a solicitude to furnish us with all the information in their power, is of itself the highest eulogy of the new system. the testimony of dr. d. will be found mainly in a subsequent part of the work. we state, in passing a few incidentals. he was satisfied that immediate emancipation was better policy than a temporary apprenticeship. the apprenticeship was a middle state—kept the negroes in suspense—vexed and harassed them —fed them on a starved hope; and therefore they would not be bo likely, when they ultimately obtained freedom, to feel grate- ful, and conduct themselves properly. the reflection that they had been cheated out of their liberty for six years would sour their minds. the planters in antigua, by giving immediate freedom, had secured the attachment of their people. the doctor said he did not expect to make more than two thirds of his average crop; but he assured us that this was owing solely to the want of rain. there had been no deficiency of labor. the crops were in, in season, throughout the island, and the estates were never under better cultivation than at the present time. nothing was wanting but rain—rain. he said that the west india planters were very anxious to retain the services of the negro population. dr. d. made some inquiries as to the extent of slavery in the united states, and what was doing for its abolition. he thought that emancipation in our country would not be the re- sult of a slow process. the anti-slavery feeling of the civilized world had become too strong to wait for a long course of "preparations" and "ameliorations." and besides, continued he, "the arbitrary control of a master can never be a prepara- tion for freedom ;—sound and wholesome legal restraints are the only preparative." the doctor also spoke of the absurdity and wickedness of the caste of color which prevailed in the united states. it arniaua. was the offspring of slavery, and it must disappear when sla- very is abolished. conversation with a nesk . we had a conversation one morning with a boatman, while he was rowing us across the harbor of st john's. he was a young negro man. said he was a slave until emancipation. we inquired whether he heard any thing about emancipation before it took place. he said, yes—the slaves heard of it, but it was talked about so long that many of them lost all belime- ment in it, got tired waiting, and bought their freedom; but he had more patience, and got his for nothing. we inquired of him what the negroes did on the first of august, . he said they all went to church and chapel. "dare was more religious on dat day dan you could tink of." speaking of the law, he said it was his friend. if there was no law to take his part, a man who was stronger than he, might step up and knock him down. but now no one dare do so; all were afraid of the law,—the law would never hurt any body who behaved well; but a master would slash a fellow, let him do his best visit to kwniid. drove out to newfield, a moravian station, about eight miles from st. john's. the rev. mr. morrish, the mpsiona- ry at that station, has under his charge two thousand people. connected with the station is a day school for children, and a night school for adults twice in each week. we looked in upon the day school, and found one hundred and fifteen children. the teacher and assistant were colored persons. mr. m. superintends. he was just dismissing the school, by singing and prayer, and the children marched out to the music of one of their little songs. during the after- noon, mr. favey, manager of a neighboring estate, (lavicount's) called on us. he spoke of the tranquillity of the late christmas holidays. they ended tuesday evening, and his people were all in the antigua. field at work on wednesday morning—there were no strag- glers. being asked to specify the chief advantages of the new system over slavery, he stated at once the following things: st . it (free labor) is less expensive. d. it costs a planter far less trouble to manage free laborers, than it did to manage slaves. d. it had removed all danger of insurrection, confla- gration, and conspiracies. ad u lt school. in the evenmg, mr. morrish's adult school for women was held. about thirty women assembled from different estates— some walking several miles. most of them were just begin- ning to read. they had just begun to learn something about figures, and it was no small effort to add and together. they were incredibly ignorant about the simplest matters. when they first came to the school, they could not tell which was their right arm or their right side, and they had scarcely mastered that secret, after repeated showing. we were as- tonished to observe that when mr. m. asked them to point to then- cheeks, they laid their finger upon their chins. they were much pleased with the evolutions of a dumb clock, which mr. m. exhibited, but none of them could tell the time of day by it. such is a specimen of the intelligence of the antigua negroes. mr. m. told us that they were a pretty fair sample of the country negroes generally. it surely cannot be said that they were uncommonly well prepared for freedom; yet with all their ignorance, and with the merest infantile state of in- tellect, they prove the peaceable subjects of law. that they have a great desire to learn, is manifest from their coming such distances, after working in the field all day. the school which they attend has been established since the abolition of slavery. the next morning, we visited the day school. it was opened with singing and prayer. the children knelt and repeated the lord's prayer after mr. m. they then formed into a line and marched around the room, singing and keeping the step. a tiny little one, just beginning to walk, occasionally strangled out antigua. of the line. the next child, not a little displeased with such disorderly movements, repeatedly seized the straggler by the frock and pulled her into the ranks; but finally despaired of reducing her to subordination. when the children had taken their seats, mr. m., at our request, asked all those who were free before august, , to rise. only one girl arose, and she was in no way distinguishable from a white child. the first exercise, was an examination of a passage of scripture. the children were then questioned on the simple rules of addition and substraction, and their answers were prompt and accurate. dr. nugent. the hour having arrived when we were to visit a neighboring, estate, mi. m. kindly accompanied us to lyon's, the estate upon which dr. nugent resides. in respect to general intelligence, scientific acquirements, and agricultural knowledge, no man in antigua stands higher than dr. nugent. he has long been speaker of the house of assembly, and is favorably known in europe as a geologist and man of science. he is manager of the estate on which he resides, and proprietor of another. the doctor informed us that the crop on his estate had almost totally failed, on account of the drought—being reduced from one hundred and fifty hogsheads, the average crop, to fifteen! hie provision grounds had yieldedt almost nothing. the same soil which ordinarily produced ten cart-loads of yams to the acre— the present season barely averaged one had to ten acres! yams were reduced from the dimensions of a man's head, to the size of a radish. the cattle were dying from want of water and grass. he had himself lost five oxen within the past week. previous to emancipation, said the doctor, no man in the island dared to avow anti-slavery sentiments, if he wished to maintain a respectable standing. planters might have their hopes and aspirations; but they could not make them public without incurring general odium, and being denounced as the enemies of their country. in allusion to the motives which prompted the legislature to antigua. reject the apprenticeship and adopt immediate emancipation, dr, n. said, " when we saw that abolition was inevitable, we began to inquire what would be the safest course for getting rid of slavery. we wished to let ourselves down in the easiest manner possible—theketoke we chose immediate emancipation!" these were his words. on returning to the hospitable mansion of mr. morrish, we had an opportunity of witnessing a custom peculiar to the mo- ravians. it is called 'speaking.' all the members of the church are required to call on the missionary once a month, and partic- ular days are appropriated to it. they come singly or in small companies, and the minister converses with each individual. mr. m. manifested great faithfulness in this duty. he was affectionate in manner—entered into all the minutiie of individual and family affairs, and advised with them as a father with his children. we had an opportunity of conversing with some of those who came. we asked one old man what he did on the "first of august]"* his reply was, "massa, we went to church, and tank de lord for make a we all free." an aged infirm woman said to us, among other things, "since de free come de massa give me no—no, nothing to eat —gets all from my cousins." we next conversed with two men, who were masons on an estate. being asked how they liked liberty, they replied, " o, it very comfortable, sir—very comfort- able indeed." they said, "that on the day when freedom came, they were as happy as though they had just been going to heaven." they said, now they had got free, they never would be slaves again. they were asked if they would not be willing to sell themselves to a man who would treat them well. they replied immediately that they would be very willing to serve such a man, but they would not sell themselves to the best person in the world! what fine logicians a slave's experience had made these men! without any effort they struck out a distinction, which has puzzled learned men in church and state, the difference between serving a man and being his property. * by this phrase the freed people always understand the st of august, , when slavery was abolished. antigua. being asked how they conducted themselves on the st of august, they said they had no frolicking, but they all went to church to "tank god for make a we free." they said, they were very desirous to have their children learn all they could while they were young. we asked them if they did not fear that their children would become lazy if they went to school all the time. one said, shrewdly, "eh! nebher mind—dey come to by'm by—belly 'blige 'em to work." in the evening mr. m. held a religious meeting in the chapel; the weekly meeting for exhortation. he stated to the people the object of our visit, and requested one of us to say a few words. accordingly, a short time was occupied in stating the number of slaves in america, and in explaining their condition, physical, moral, and spiritual; and the congregation were urged to pray for the deliverance of the millions of our bondmen. they manifested much sympathy, and promised repeatedly to pray that they might be "free like we." at the close of the meeting they pressed around us to say "howdy, massa;" and when we left the chapel, they showered a thousand blessings upon us. several of them, men and women, gathered about mr. m.'s door after we went in, and wished to talk with us. the men were mechanics, foremen, and watchmen; the women were nurses. during our mterview, which lasted nearly an hour, these persons remained standing. when we asked them how they liked freedom, and whether it was better than slavery, they answered with a significant umph and a shrug of the shoulders, as though they would say, "why you ask dat question, massa?" they said, "all the people went to chapel on the first of au- gust, to tank god for make such poor undeserving sinners as we free; we no nebber expect to hab it . but it please de lord to gib we free, and we tank him good lord for it." we asked them if they thought the wages they got (a shilling per day, or about eleven cents,) was enough for them. they said it seemed to be very small, and it was as much as they could do to get along with it; but they could not get any more, and they had to be "satify and conten." as it grew late and the good people had far to walk, we antigua. shook hands with them, and bade them good bye, telling them we hoped to meet again in a world where all would be free. the next morning mr. m. accompanied us to the residence of the rev. mr. jones, the rector of st. phillip's. mr. j. informed us that the planters in that part of the island were gratified with the working of the new system. he alluded to the prejudices of some against having the children educated, lest it should foster indolence. but, said mr. j., the planters have always been opposed to improvements, until they were effected, and their good results began to be manifest. they first insisted that the abolition of the slave-trade would ruin the colonies—next the abolition of slavery was to be the certain de- struction of the islands—and now the education of children is deprecated as fraught with disastrous consequences. fket's estat e—m h. h a t l e t. mr. morrish accompanied us to a neighboring estate called frey's, which lies on the road from newfield to english harbor. mr. hatley, the manager, showed an enthusiastic admiration of the new system. most of his testimony will be found in chapter iii. he said, that owing to the dry weather he should not make one third of his average crop. yet his people had acted their part well. he had been encouraged by their improved industry and efficiency, to bring into cultivation lands that had never before been tilled. . it was delightful to witness the change which had been wrought in this planter by the abolition of slavery. although accustomed for years to command a hundred human beings with absolute authority, he could rejoice in the fact that his power was wrested from him, and when asked to specify the advanta- ges of freedom over slavery, he named emphatically and above all others the abolition of flogging. formerly, he said, it was "whip—whip—whip—incessantly," but now we are relieved from this disagreeable task. antigua. the american consul. we called on the american consul, mr. higginbothom, at his country residence, about four miles from st. john's. shortly after we reached his elevated and picturesque seat, we were joined by mr. cranstoun, a planter, who had been invited to dine with us. mr. c. is a colored gentleman. the consul received him in such a manner as plainly showed that they were on terms of intimacy. mr. c. is a gentleman of intelligence and respectability, and occupies a station of trust and honor in the island. on taking leave of us, he politely requested our compa- ny at breakfast on a following morning, saying he would send his gig for us. at the urgent request of mr. bourne, of millar's, we consented to address the people of his estate, on sabbath evening. he sent in his gig for us in the afternoon, and we drove out at the appointed hour we went to the place of meeting. the chapel was crowded with attentive listeners. whenever allu- sions were made to the great blessings which god had conferred upon them in delivering them from bondage, the audience heart- ily responded in their rough but earnest way to the sentiments expressed. at the conclusion of the meeting, they gradually withdrew, bowing or courtesying as they passed us, and drop- ping upon our ear their gentle "good bye, massa." during slavery every estate had its dungeon for refractory slaves. just as we were leaving millar's, we asked mr. b. what had become of these dungeons. he instantly replied, "i'll show you one." in a few moments we stood at the door of the old prison, a small stone building, strongly built, with two cells. it was a dismal looking den, surrounded by stables, pig-styes, and cattle-pens. the door was off its hinges, and the entrance partly filled up with mason-work. the sheep and goats went in and out at pleasure. we breakfasted one morning at the villa estate, which lies within half a mile of st. john's. the manager was less san- guine in his views of emancipation than the planters generally we were disposed to think that, were it not for the force of * public sentiment, he might declare himself against it. his feelmgs are easily accounted for. the estate is situated so near the town, that his people are assailed by a variety of tempta- tions to leave their work, from which those on other estates are exempt. the manager admitted that the danger of insur- rection was removed—crime was lessened—and the moral con- dition of society was rapidly improving. a few days after, we went by invitation to a bazaar, or fair, which was held in the court-house in st john's. the avails were to be appropriated to the building of a new wesleyan chapel in the town. the council chamber and the assembly's hall were given for the purpose. the former spacious room was crowded with people of every class and complexion. the feir was got up by the colored members of the wesleyan church: nevertheless, some of the first ladies and gentlemen in town attended it, and mingled promiscuously in the throng. wealthy proprietors, lawyers, legislators, military officers in their uni- form, merchants, &c., swelled the crowd. we recognized a number of ladies whom we had previously met at a fashionable dinner in st. john's. colored ladies presided at the tables, and before them was spread a profusion of rich fancy articles. among a small number of books exhibited for sale were several copies of a work entitled "commemorative wreath," being a collection of poetical pieces relating to the abolition of slavery in the west indies. visit to ib. cranstoun's. on the following morning mr. c.'s gig came for us, and we drove out to his residence. we were met at the door by the american consul, who breakfasted with us. when he had taken leave, mr. c. proposed that we should go over his grounds. to reach the estate, which lies in a beautiful valley far below mr. c.'s mountainous residence, we were obliged to go on foot by a narrow path that wound along the sides of the precipitous hills. this estate is the property of mr. athill, a colored gen- tleman now residing in england. mr. a. is post-master general of antigua, one of the first merchants in st, john's and was a antigua. member of the assembly until the close of , when, on account of his continued absence, he resigned his seat a high born white man, the attorney-general, now occupies the same chair which this colored member vacated. mr. c. was formerly attorney for several estates, is now agent for a number of them, and also a magistrate. he remarked, that since emancipation the nocturnal disor- ders and quarrels in the negro villages, which were incessant during slavery, had nearly ceased. the people were ready and willing to work. he had frequently given his gang jobs, instead of paying them by the day. this had proved a great stimulant to industry, and the work of the estate was performed so much quicker by this plan that it was less expensive than daily wages. when they had jobs given them, they would sometimes go to work by three o'clock in the morning, and work by moonlight when the moon was not shining, he had known them to kindle fires among the trash or dry cane leaves to work by. they would then continue working all day until four o'clock, stopping only for breakfast, and dispensing with the usual intermission from twelve to two. we requested him to state briefly what were in his estima- tion the advantages of the free system over slavery. he replied thus: st the diminished expense of free labor. d. the absence of coercion. d. the greater facility in managing an estate. managers had not half the perplexity and trouble in watching, driving, &c. they could leave the affairs of the estate in the hands of the people with safety. th. the free. dom from danger. they had now put away all fears of insur- rections, robbery, and incendiarism. there are two reflections which the perusal of these items will probably suggest to most minds: st. the coincidence in the replies of different planters to the question—what are the advantages of freedom over slavery? these replies are almost identically the same in every case, though given by men who reside in different parts of the island, and have little communi- cation with each other. d. they all speak exclusively of the advantages to the master, and say nothing of the benefit accru- ing to the emancipated. we are at some loss to decide whether antigua. this arose from indifference to the interests of the emancipated, or from a conviction that the blessings of freedom to them were self-evident and needed no specification. while we were in the boiling-house we witnessed a scene which illustrated one of the benefits of freedom to the slave; it came quite opportunely, and supplied the deficiency in the manager's enumeration of advantages. the head boiler was performing the work of 'striking off;' i. e. of removing the liquor, after it had been sufficiently boiled, from the copper to the coolers. the liquor had been taken out of the boiler by the skip- per, and thence was being conducted to the coolers by a long open spout by some means the spout became choaked, and the liquor began to run over. mr. c. ordered the man to let down the valve, but he became confused, and instead of letting go the string which lifted the valve, he pulled on it the more. the consequence was that the liquor poured over the sides of the spout in a torrent. the manager screamed at the top of his voice—" let down the valve, let it d*wn!" but the poor man, more and more frightened, hoisted it still higher,—and the pre- cious liquid—pure sugar—spread in a thick sheet over the earth- en floor. the manager at last sprang forward, thrust aside the man, and stopped the mischief, but not until many gallons of sugar were lost. such an accident as this, occurring during slavery, would have cost the negro a severe flogging. as it was, however, in the present case, although mr. c. 'looked daggers,' and exclaimed by the workings of his countenance, 'a kingdom for a cat,'* yet the severest thing which he could say was, " you bungling fellow—if you can't manage better than this, i shall put some other person in your place—that's all." 'that's all' indeed, but it would not have been all, three years ago. the negro replied to his chidings in a humble way, saying ' i couldn't help it, sir, i couldn't help it' mr. c. finally turned to us, and said in a calmer tone, "the poor fellow got confused, and was frightened half to death." * a species of whip, well known in the west indies. " antigua. visit to gkace bat. we made a visit to the moravian settlement at grace bay, which is on the opposite side of the island. we called, in pass- ing, at cedar hall, a moravian establishment four miles from town. mr. newby, one of the missionaries stationed at this place, is the oldest preacher of the gospel in the island. he has been in antigua for twenty-seven years. he is quite of the old way of thinking on all subjects, especially the divine right of kings, and the scriptural sanction of slavery. nevertheless, he was persuaded that emancipation had been a great blessing to the island and to all parties concerned. when he first came to antigua, in , he was not suffered to teach the slaves. after some time he ventured to keep an evening school in a secret way. now there is a day school of one hundred and twenty children connected with the station. it has been formed since emanci- pation. . , from cedar hall we proceeded to graco bay. on the way we met some negro men at work on the road, and stopped our chaise to chat with them. they told us that they lived on har- vey's estate, wluch they pointed out to us. before emancipation that estate had four hundred slaves on it, but a great number had since left because of ill usage during slavery. they would not live on the estate, because the same manager remained, and they could not trust him. they told us they were moravians, and that on the first of august they all went to the moravian chapel at grace bay,'to tank and praise de good savior for make a we free.' we asked them if they still liked liberty; they said, "yes, massa, we all quite proud to be free." the negroes use the word proud to express a strong feeling of delight. one man said, "one morn- ing as i was walking along the road all alone, i prayed that the savior would make me free, for then i could be so happy. i don't know what made me pray so, for i wasn't looking for de free ; but please massa, in one month, de free come." they declared that they worked a great deal better since emancipation, because they were paid for it. to be sure, said antigua. they, we get very little wages, but it is better than none. they repeated it again and again, that men could not be made to work well by flogging them, "it was no use to try u." we asked one of the men, whether he would not be willing to be a slave again provided he was sure of having a kind mas- ter. "heigh! me massa," said he, "me neber slave no more. a good massa a very good ting, but freedom till better." they said that it was a great blessing to them to have their children go to school. after getting them to show us the way to grace bay, we bade them good bye. we were welcomed at grace bay by the missionary, and his wife, mr. and mrs. mohne.* the place where these missiona- ries reside in a beautiful spot their dwelling-house and the chapel are situated on a high promontory, almost surrounded by the sea. a range of tall hills in the rear cuts off the view of the island, giving to the missionary station an air of loneliness and seclusion truly impressive. in this sequestered spot, we found mr. and mrs. m. living alone. they informed us that they rarely have white visiters, but their house is the constant resort of the negroes, who gather there after the toil of the day to 'speak' about their souls. mr. and mrs. m. are wholly engross- ed in their labors of love. they find their happiness in leading' their numerous flock "by the still waters and the green pas- tures" of salvation. occupied in this delightful work, they covet not other employments, nor other company, and desire no other earthly abode than their own little hill-embosomed, sea- girt missionary home. there are a thousand people belonging to the church at thi station, each of whom the missionaries see once every month. a day school has been lately established, and one hundred children are already in attendance. after dinner we walked out accompanied by the missionaries to enjoy the beautiful sunset it is one of the few harmless luxuries of a west india climate, to go forth after the heat of the day is spent and the sun is sink- ing in the sea, and enjoy the refreshing coolness of the air. the ocean stretched before us, motionless after the turmoil of * pronounced maynuh. antigua. the day, like a child which has rocked itself asleep, yet indicating by its mighty breathings as it heaved along the beach, that it only slumbered. as the sun went down, the full moon arose, only less luminous, and gradually the stars began to light up their beaming fires. the work of the day now being over, the weary laborers were seen coming from different directions to have a 'speak' with the missionaries. mr. m. stated a fact illustrative of the influence of the mis- sionaries over the negroes. some time ago, the laborers on a certain estate became dissatisfied with the wages they were *eceiving, and refused to work unless they were increased. the manager tried in vain to reconcile his people to the grievance of which they complained, and then sent to mr. m., requesting him to visit the estate, and use his influence to persuade the negroes, most of whom belonged to his church, to work at the usual terms. mr. m. sent word to the manager that it was not his province, as minister, to interfere with the affairs of any estate; but he would talk with the people about it individually, when they came to 'speak.' accord- ingly he spoke to each one, as he came, in a kind manner, advising him to return to his work, and live as formerly. in a short time peace and confidence were restored, and the whole gang to a man were in the field. mr. and mrs. m. stated that notwithstanding the very low rate of wages, which was scarcely sufficient to support life, they had never seen a single individual who desired to return to the condition of a slave. even the old and infirm, who were sometimes really in a suffering state from neglect of the planters, and from inability of their relatives adequately to provide for them, expressed the liveliest gratitude for the great blessing which the saviour had given them. they would often say to mrs. m., "why, missus, old sinner just sinkin' in de grave, but god let me old eyes see dis blessed sun." the missionaries affirmed that the negroes were an affec- tionate people—remarkably so. any kindness shown them by a white person, was treasured up and never forgotten. on the other hand, the slightest neglect or contempt from a white person, was keenly felt . they are very fond of saying 'howdy' to white people; but if the salutation is not returned, or no- ticed kindly, they are not likely to repeat it to the same indi- vidual. to shake hands with a white person is a gratifica- tion which they highly prize. mrs. m. pleasantly remarked, that after service on sabbath, she was usually wearied out with saying howdy and shaking hands. during the evening we had some conversation with two men who came to 'speak.' they spoke about the blessings of liberty, and their gratitude to god for making them free. they spoke also, with deep feeling, of the still greater im. portance of being free from sm. that, they said, was better. heaven was the first best, and freedom was the next best. they gave us some account, in the course of the evening, of an aged saint called grandfather jacob, who lived on a neighboring estate. he had been a helper* in the moravian church, until he became too infirm to discharge the duties connected with that station. being for the same reason dis- charged from labor on the estate, he now occupied himself in giving religious instruction to the other superannuated peo- ple on the estate. mrs. m. said it would constitute an era in the life of the old man, if he could have an interview with two strangers from a distant land; accordingly, she sent a servant to ask him to come to the mission-house early the next morning. the old man was prompt to obey the call. he left home, as he said, "before the gun fire "—about five o'clock—and came nearly three miles on foot . he was of a slender form, and had been tall, but age and slavery had bowed him down. he shook us by the hand very warmly, exclaiming,—" god bless you, god bless you—me bery glad to see you." he immediately commenced giving us an account of his conver- sion. said he, putting his hand on his breast, '" you see old jacob de old sinner use to go on drinkin', swearin', dancin', fightin' no god—no saviour—no soul! when old england and de merica fall out de first time, old jacob was a man— i * an office somewhat similar to that of deacon. antigua. a wicked sinner!—drink rum, fight—love to fight! carry coffin to de grabe on me head; put dead body under ground —dance over it—den fight and knock man down—go 'way, drink rum, den take de fiddle. and so me went on, just so, till me get sick and going to die—thought when me die, dat be de end of me;—den de saviour come to me! jacob love de saviour, and been followin' de good saviour ever since." he continued his story, describing the opposition he had to contend with, and the sacrifices he made to go to church. after working on the estate till six o'clock at night, he and seve- ral others would each take a large stone on his head and start for st. john's—nine miles over the hills. they carried the stones to aid in building the moravian chapel at spring garden, st. john'b. after he had finished this account, he read to us, in a highly animated style, some of the hymns which he taught to the old people, and then sung one of them. these exercises caused the old man's heart to burn within him, and again he ran over his past life, his early wickedness, and the grace that snatched him from ruin, while the mingled tides of gratitude burst forth from heart, and eyes, and tongue. when we turned his attention to the temporal freedom he had received, he instantly caught the word free, and exclaimed vehemently, "o yes, me massa—dat is anoder kind of blessing from de saviour! him make we all free. can never praise him too much for dat." we inquired whether he was now pro- vided for by the manager. he said he was not—never received anything from him—his children supported him. we then asked him whether it was not better to be a slave if he could get food and clothing, than to be free and not have enough. he darted his quick eye at us and said 'rader be free still.' he had been severely flogged twice since his conversion, for leaving his post as watchman to bury the dead. the minister was sick, and he was applied to, in his capacity of helper, to perform funeral rites, and he left his watch to do it. he said his heavenly master called him, and he would go, though he expected a flogging. he must serve his saviour whatever come. "can't put we in dungeon now," said grandfather jacob with a triumphant look. antigua. when told that there were slaves in america, and that they were not yet emancipated, he exclaimed, " ah, de saviour make we free, and he will make dem free too. he come to antigo first—he'll be in merica soon." when the time had come for him to leave, he came and pressed our hands, and fervently gave us his patriarchal blessing. our interview with grandfather jacob can never be forgotten. our hearts, we trust, will long cherish his heavenly savor—well assured that if allowed a part in the resurrection of the just, we shall behold his tall form, erect in the vigor of immortal youth, amidst the patriarchs of past generations. after breakfast we took leave of the kind-hearted missiona- ries, whose singular devotedness and delightful spirit won greatly upon our affections, and bent our way homeward by another route. he, scotland's estate. we called at the estate of mr. j. scotland, jr., barrister, and member of the assembly. we expected to meet with the pro- prietor, but the manager informed us that pressing business at court had called him to st. john's on the preceding day. the testimony of the manager concerning the dry weather, the con- sequent failure in the crop, the industry of the laborers, and s* forth, was similar to that which we had heard before. he re- marked that he had not been able to introduce job-work among his people. it was a new thing with them, and they did not understand it. he had lately made a proposal to give the gang four dollars per acre for holing a certain field. they asked a little time to consider upon so novel a proposition. he gave them half a day, and at the end of that time asked them what their conclusion was. one, acting as spokesman for the rest, said, "we rada hab de shilling wages." that was certain; the job might yield them more, and it might fall short—quite a common sense transaction! at the pressing request of mr. armstrong we spent a day with him at fitch's creek. mr. a. received us with the most cordial hospitality, remarking that he was glad to have another antigua. b opportunity to state some things which he regarded as obstacles to the complete success of the experiment in antigua. one was the entire want of concert among the planters. there was no disposition to meet and compare views respecting different modes of agriculture, treatment of laborers, and employment of ma- chinery. another evil was, allowing people to live on the estates who took no part in the regular labor of cultivation. some plant- ers had adopted the foolish policy of encouraging such persons to remain on the estates, in order that they might have help at hand in cases of emergency. mr. a. strongly condemned this policy. it withheld laborers from the estates which needed them ; it was calculated to make the regular field hands discontented, and it offered a direct encouragement to the negroes to follow irregular modes of living. a third obstacle to the successful operation of free labor, was the absence of the most influential proprietors. the consequences of absenteeism were very serious. the pro- prietors were of all men the most deeply interested in the soil; and no attorneys, agents, or managers, whom they could em- ploy, would feel an equal interest in it, nor make the same efforts to secure the prosperous workings of the new system. in the year , when the abolition excitement was at its height in kngland, and the people were thundering at the doors of parliament for emancipation, mr. a. visited that country for his health. to use his own expressive words, he "got a terri- ble scraping wherever he went." he said he could not travel in a stage-coach, or go into a party, or attend a religious meet- ing, without being attacked. no one the most remotely con- nected with the system could have peace there. he said it was astonishing to see what a feeling was abroad, how mightily the mind of the whole country, peer and priest and peasant, was wrought up. the national heart seemed on fire. mr. a. said he became a religious man whilst the manager of a slave estate, and when he became a christian, he became an abolitionist. yet this man, while his conscience was accusing him—while he was longing and praying for abolition—did not dare open his mouth in public to urge it on! how many such men are there in our southern states—men who are inwardly cheering on the abolitionist in his devoted work, and yet send up antigua. no voice to encourage him, but perhaps are traducing' and de- nouncing him! we received a call at our lodgings in st. john's from the archdeacon. he made interesting statements respecting the improvement of the negroes in dress, morals, education and reli- gion, since emancipation. he had resided in the island some years previous to the abolition of slavery, and spoke from personal observation. among many other gentlemen who honored us with a call about the same time, was the kev. edward frazer, wesleyan missionary, and a colored gentleman. he is a native of bermu- da, and ten years ago was a slave. he received a mercantile education, and was for several years the confidential clerk of his master. he was treated with much regard and general kind- ness. he said he was another joseph—every thing which hie master had was in his hands. the account-books and money were all committed to him. he had servants under him, and did almost as he pleased—except becoming free. yet he must say, as respected himself, kindly as he was treated, that sla- very was a grievous wrong, most unjust and sinful. the very thought—and it often came over him—that he was a slave, brought with it a terrible sense of degradation. it came over the soul like a frost. his sense of degradation grew more intense in proportion as his mind became more cultivated. he said, education was a disagreeable companion for a slave. but while he said this, mr. f. spoke very respectfully and tenderly of his master. he would not willingly utter a word which would savor of unkindness towards him. such was the spirit of one whose best days had been spent under the exac- tions of slavery. he was a local preacher in the wesleyan connection while he was a slave, and was liberated by his master, without remuneration, at the request of the british conference, who wished to employ him as an itinerant . he is highly esteemed both for his natural talents and general literary acquisitions and moral worth. the conference have recently called him to england to act as an agent in that country, to procure funds for educational and religious purposes in these islands. antigua. meeting of wesleyan missionaries. as we were present at the annual meeting of the wesleyan missionaries for this district, we gained much information con- cerning the object of our mission, as there were about twenty missionaries, mostly from dominica, montserrat, nevis, st. christophers, anguilla, and tortola. not a few of them were men of superior acquirements, who had sacrificed ease and popular applause at home, to minister to the outcast and oppressed. they are the devoted friends of the black man. it was soul-cheering to hear them rejoice over the abolition of slavery. it was as though their own limbs had been of a sudden unshackled, and a high wall had fallen from around them. liberty had broken upon them like the bursting forth of the sun to the watchman on his midnight tower. during the session, the mission-house was thrown open to us, and we frequently dined with the numerous company of mission- aries, who there ate at a common table. mrs. p., wife of the colored clergyman mentioned above, presided at the social board. the missionaries and their wives associated with mr. and mrs. p. as unreservedly as though they wore the most deli- cate european tint. the first time we took supper with them, at one side of a large table, around which were about twenty missionaries with their wives, sat mrs. f., with the furniture of a tea table before her. on the other side, with the coffee urn and its accompaniments, sat the wife of a missionary, with a skin as lily-hued as the fairest caucasian. nearly opposite to her between two white preachers, sat a colored missionary. farther down, with the chairman of the district on his right, sat another colored gentleman, a merchant and local preacher in antigua. such was the uniform appearance of the table, ex- cepting that the numbers were occasionally swelled by the ad- dition of several other colored gentlemen and ladies. on an- other occasion, at dinner, we had an interesting conversation, in which the whole company of missionaries participated. the rev. m. banks, of st. bartholomews, remarked that one of the * antigua. grossest of all absurdities was that of preparing men for fret, liom. some, said he, pretend that immediate emancipation is unsafe, but it was evident to him that if men are peaceable while they are slaves, they might be trusted in any other condition, for they could not possibly be placed in one more aggravating. if slavery is a safe system, freedom surely will be. there can be no better evidence that a people are prepared for liberty, than their patient endurance of slavery. he expressed the greatest re- gret at the conduct of the american churches, particularly that of the methodist church. "tell them," said he, " on your re- turn, that the missionaries in these islands are cast down and grieved when they think of their brethren in america. we feel persuaded that they are holding back the car of freedom; they are hedging up the gospel." rev. mr. cheesbrough, of st. christopher's said, " tell them that much as we desire to visit the united states, we cannot go so long as we are prohibit- ed from speaking against slavery, or while that ab*minable prejudice is encouraged in the churches. we could not adminis- ter the sacrament to a church in which the distinction of colors was maintained." "tell our brethren of the wesleyan connection," said mr. b. again, " that slavery must be abolished by chris, tians, and the church ought to take her stand at once against it" we told him that a large number of methodist and other christians had engaged already in the work, and that the num- ber was daily increasing. "that's right," he exclaimed, "agitate, agitate, agitate! you must succeed: the lord is with you." he dwelt particularly on the obligations resting upon christians in the free states. he said, " men must be at a distance from slavery to judge of its real character. persons living in the midst of it, gradually become familiarized with its horrors and woes, so that they can view calmly exhibitions from which they would once have shrunk in dismay." we had some conversation with rev. mr. walton, of mont- serrat after making a number of statements in reference to the apprenticeship there, mr. w. stated that there had been repeated instances of planters emancipating all their apprentices. he thought there had been a case of this kind every month for a year past the planters were becoming tired of the appren- antigua. ticeship, and from mere considerations of interest and comfort, were adopting free labor. a new impulse had been given to education in montserrat, and schools were springing up in all parts of the island. mr. w. thought there was no island in which education was so ex- tensive. religious influences were spreading among the people of all classes. marriages were occurring every week. we had an interview with the rev. mr. h., an aged colored minister. he has a high standing among his brethren, for talents, piety, and usefulness. there are few ministers in the west indies who have accomplished more for the cause of christ than has mr. h.* he said he had at different periods been stationed in antigua, anguilla, tortola, and some other islands. he said that the negroes in the other islands in which he had preached, were as intelligent as those in antigua, and in every respect as well prepared for freedom. he was in anguilla when emancipation took place. the negroes there were kept at work on the very day that freedom came! they worked as orderly as on any other day. the sabbath following, he preached to them on their new state, explaining the apprenticeship to them. he said the whole congregation were in a state of high excitement, weep- ing and shouting. one man sprang to his feet, and exclaimed, 'me never forget god and king william.' this same man was so full that he went out of the chapel, and burst into loud weeping. the preaching of the missionaries, during their stay in anti- gua, was full of allusions to the abolition of slavery in the west indies, and especially to the entire emancipation in antigua. indeed, we rarely attended a meeting in antigua, of any kind, in which the late emancipation was not in some way alluded to with feelings of gratitude and exultation. in the ordinary ser- vices of the sabbath, this subject was almost uniformly intro- * it is a fact well known in antigua and barbadoes, that this colored missionary has been instrumental in the conversion of se- veral clergymen of the episcopal church in those islands, who are now eminently devoted men. antigua. duced, either in the prayer or sermon. whenever thanksgiv- ing was rendered to god for favors, freed*m was among the number. the meeting of the district afforded an opportunity for hold- ing a number of anniversary meetings. we notice them here, believing that they will present the most accurate view that can be given of the religious and moral condition of antigua. on the evening of the st of february, the first anniversary of the antigua temperance society was held in the wesleyan chapel. we had been invited to attend and take a part in the' exercises. the chapel was crowded with a congregation of all grades and complexions. colored and white gentlemen appear- ed together on the platform. we intimated to a member of the committee, that we could not conscientiously speak without ad- vocating total abstinence, which doctrine, we concluded from the nature of the pledge, (which only included ardent spirits,) would not be well received. we were assured that we might use the most perfect freedom in avowing our sentiments. the speakers on this occasion were two planters, a wesley- an missionary, and ourselves. all advocated the doctrine of total abstinence. the first speaker, a planter, concluded by saying, that it was commonly believed that wine and malt were rendered absolutely indispensable in the west indies, by the ex- hausting nature of the climate. but facts disprove the truth of this notion. "i am happy to say that i can now present this large assembly with ocular demonstration of the fallacy of the popular opinion. i need only point you to the worthy occupants of this platform. who are the healthiest among them? the cold water drinkers—the teetotallers! we can assure you that we have not lost a pound of flesh, by abandoning our cups. we have tried the cold water experiment faithfully, and we can testify that since we became cold water men, we work better, we eat better, we sleep better, and we do every thing better, than be/ore." the next speaker, a planter also, dwelt on the inconsistency of using wine and malt, and at the same time calling upon the poor to give up ardent spirits. he said this inconsistency bad been cast in his teeth by his negroes. he never could prevail upon them to stop drinking rum, until he threw away his wine antigua. and porter. now he and all his people wer&teetotallists. there were two other planters who had taken the same course. he stated, as the result of a careful calculation which he had made, that he and the two planters referred to, had been in the habit of giving to their people not less than one thousand gallons of rum annually. the whole of this was now withheld, and mo- lasses and sugar were given instead. the missionary who followed them was not a whit behind in boldness and zeal, and between them, they left us little to say in our turn on the sub- ject of total abstinence. on the following evening the anniversary of the bible society was held in the moravian school-room. during the day we received a note from the secretary of the society, politely re- questing us to be present. the spacious school-room was filled, and the broad platform crowded with church clergymen, mora- vian ministers, and wesleyan missionaries, colored and white. the secretary, a moravian minister, read the twenty-first annual report. it spoke emphatically of ' the joyful event of emancipation,' and in allusion to an individual in england, of whom it spoke in terms of high commendation, it designated him, as one " who was distinguished for his efforts in the aboli- tion of slavery." the adoption of the report was moved by one of the wesleyan missionaries, who spoke at some length. he commenced by speaking of " the peculiar emotions with which he always arose to address an assembly of the free peo- ple of antigua. it had been his lot for a year past to labor in a colony* where slavery still reigned, and he could not but thank god for the happiness of setting his foot once more on the free soil of an emancipated island." perhaps the most interesting meeting in the series, was the anniversary of the wesleyan missionary society of antigua. both parts of the day were devoted to this anniversary. the meetings were held in the wesleyan chapel, which was filled above and below, with the usual commixture of white, colored, and black. we saw, as on former occasions, several colored gentlemen seated among the ministers. after the usual intro- ♦st martin's. antigua. ductoiy exercises" of singing and prayer, the annual report was read by the secretary, rev. e. fraser, the colored minister already mentioned. it was terse, direct, and business-like. the meeting was then addressed by a moravian missionary. he dwelt upon the decrease of the sectarian spirit, and hailed the coming of christian charity and brotherly communion. he opened his bible, and read about the middle wall of partition being broken down. this is what we must have, said he ; the partition wall between christians must be broken down. "yes, brother," said mr. home, "and every other wall." "the rest are but paper walls," responded the speaker, "and when once the middle wall is removed, these will soon be burned up by the fire of christian love." the next speaker was a wesleyan missionary of nevis. he spoke of the various instrumentalities which were now employ- ed for the conversion of the world. "we welcome," said he, - the co-operation of america, and with all our hearts do we rejoice that she is now beginning to put away from her that vile system of oppression which has hitherto crippled her moral energy and her religious enterprise." then turning and ad- dressing himself to us, he said, "we hail you, dear brethren, as co-workers with us. go forward in your blessed undertaking. be not dismayed with the huge dimensions of that vice which you are laboring to overthrow! be not disheartened by the violence and menaces of your enemies! go forward. proclaim to the church and to your countrymen the sinfulness of slavery, and be assured that soon the fire of truth will melt down the massy chains of oppression." he then urged upon the people of antigua their peculiar obligations to extend the gospel to other lands. it was the bible that made them free, and he begged them to bear in mind that, there were millions of their countrymen still in the chains of slavery. this appeal was received with great en- thusiasm. we then spoke on a resolution which had been handed us by the secretary, and which affirmed "that the increasing and ac- knowledged usefulness of christian missions was a subject of congratulation." we spoke of the increase of missionary ope- rations in our own country, and of the spirit of self-denial which ahtigua. was widely spreading, particularly among young christians. we spoke of that accursed thing in our midst, which not only tended greatly to kill the spirit of missions in the church, but which di- rectly withheld many young men from foreign missionary fields. it had made more than two millions of heathen in our country; and so long as the cries of these heathen at home entered the ears of our young men and young women, they could not, dare not, go abroad. how could they go to ceylon, to burmah, or to hindostan, with the cry of their country's heathen ringing in their ears! how could they tear themselves away from fam- ished millions kneeling at their feet in chains and begging for the bread of life, and roam afar to china or the south sea is- lands! increasing numbers filled with a missionary spirit felt that their obligations were at home, and they were resolved that if they could not carry the gospel forthwith to the slaves, they would labor for the overthrow of that system which made it a crime punishable with death to preach salvation to the poor. in conclusion, the hope was expressed that the people of antigua—so highly favored with freedom, education, and religion, would never forget that in the nation whence we came, there were two mil- lions and a half of heathen, who, instead of bread, received stones and scorpions; instead of the bible, bolts and bars ; instead of the gospel, chains and scourgings; instead of the hope of sal- vation, thick darkness and despair. they were entreated to remember that in the gloomy dungeon from which they had lately escaped, there were deeper and more dismal cells, yet filled with millions of their countrymen. the state of feeling produced by this reference to slavery, was such as might be an- ticipated in an audience, a portion of which were once slaves, and still remembered freshly the horrors of their late condi- tion. the meeting was concluded after a sitting of more than four hours, the attendance in the evening was larger than on any former occasion. many were unable to get within the chapel. we were again favored with an opportunity of urging a variety of considerations touching the general cause, as well as those drawn from the condition of our own country, and the special objects of our mission. antigua. the rev. mr. home spoke very pointedly on the subject of ilavery. he began by saying that he had been so long accus- tomed to speak cautiously about slavery, that he was even now almost afraid of his own voice when he alluded to it. [general laughter.] but he would remember that he was in a free island, and that he spoke to freemen, and therefore he had no- thing to fear. , he said the peace and prosperity of these colonies is a mat- ter of great moment in itself considered, but it was only when viewed as an example to the rest of the slaveholding world that its real magnitude and importance was perceived. the influ- ence of abolition, and especially of entire emancipation in anti- gua, must be very great. the eyes of the world were fixed upon her. the great nation of america must now soon toll the knell of slavery, and this event will be hastened by the happy operation of freedom here. mr. h. proceeded to say, that during the agitation of the slavery question at home, he had been suspected of not being a friend to emancipation; and it would probably be remembered by some present that his name appeared in the report of the committee of the house of commons, where it stood in no envi- able society. but whatever might be thought of his course at that time, he felt assured that the day was not far distant when he should be able to clear up every thing connected with it. it was not a little gratifying to us to see that the time had come in the west indies, when the suspicion of having been opposed to emancipation is a stain upon the memory from which a pub- he man is glad to vindicate himself. ee solution of the meeting. after a few other addresses were delivered, and just previous to the dismission of the assembly, rev. mr. cox, chairman of the district, arose and said, that as this''was the last of the an- niversary meetings, he begged to move a resolution which he had no doubt would meet with the hearty and unanimous appro- val of that large assembly. he then read the following resolu- amtigua. tion, which we insert here as an illustration of the universal sympathy in the objects of our mission. as the resolution is not easily divisible, we insert the whole of it, making no ado on the score of the modesty. "resolved, that this meeting is deeply impressed with the importance of the services rendered this day to the cause of mis- sions by the acceptable addresses of mr. , from america, and begs especially to express to him and his friend mr.——, the assurance of their sincere sympathy in the object of then- visit to antigua." mr. c. said he would make no remarks in support of the resolution he had just read, for he did not deem them necessary. he would therefore propose at once that the vote be taken by rising. the chairman read the resolution accordingly, and re- quested those who were in favor of adopting it, to rise. not an individual in the crowded congregation kept his seat . the masters and the slaves of yesterday—all rose together—a phalanx of freemen, to testify "their sincere sympathy" in the efforts and objects of american abolitionists. after the congregation had resumed their seats, the worthy chairman addressed us briefly in behalf of the congregation, saying, that it was incumbent on him to convey to us the unani- mous expression of sympathy on the part of this numerous as- sembly in the object of our visit to the island. we might re- gard it as an unfeigned assurance that we were welcomed among them, and that the cause which we were laboring to promote was dear to the hearts of the people of antigua. this was the testimonial of an assembly, many of whom, only three yeare before, were themselves slaveholders. it was not given at a meeting specially concerted and called lor the purpose, but grew up unexpectedly and spontaneously out of the feelings of the occasion, a free will offering, the cheerful impulsive gush of free sympathies. we returned our acknow- ledgements in the best manner that our excited emotions per- mitted. antlttua. laying the c bneb stone vp a wesletak chapel. the comer stone of a new wesleyan chapel was laid m st. john's during the district meeting. the concourse of spec- tators was immense. at eleven o'clock religious exercises were held in the old chapel. at the close of the service a pro- cession was formed composed of wesleyan missionaries, mo- ravian ministers, clergymen of the church, members of the coun-' cil and of the assembly, planters, merchants, and other gentle- men, and the children of the sunday and infant schools, con- nected with the wesleyan chapel. as the procession moved to the new site, a hymn was sung, in which the whole procession united. our position in the pro- cession, to which we were assigned by the marshal, and much to our satisfaction, was at either side of two colored gentlemen with whom we walked four abreast. on one side of the foundation a gallery had been raised, which was covered with an awning, and was occupied by a dense mass of white and colored ladies. on another side the gen- tlemen of the procession stood. the other sides were thronged with a promiscuous multitude of all colors. after singing and prayer, the hon. nicholas nugent, speaker of the house of assembly, descended from the platform by a flight of stairs into the cellar, escorted by two missionaries. the sealed phial was then placed in his hand, and mr. p., a wesleyan missionary, read from a paper the inscription written on the parchment within the phial. the closing words of the inscription alluded to the present condition of the island, thus: "the demand for a new and larger place of worship was pressing, and the progress of public liberality advancing on a scale highly creditable to this fbee, enlightened, and evangelized colony." the speaker then placed the phial in the cavity of the rock. when it was pro- perly secured, and the corner stone lowered down by pullies to its place, he struck three blows upon it with a mallet, and then returned to the platform. the most eager curiosity was exhibit- ed on every side to witness the ceremony. antigua. at the conclusion of it, several addresses were delivered. the speakers were, rev. messrs. home and harvey, and d. b. garling, esq. mr. home, after enumerating several things which were deserving of praise, and worthy of imitation, ex- claimed, "the grand,crowning glory of all—that which places antigua above all her sister colonies—was the magnanimous measure of the legislature in entirely abolishing slavery." it was estimated that there were more than two thousand persons assembled on this occasion. the order which prevailed among such a concourse was highly creditable to the island. it was pleasing to see the perfect intermixture of colors and conditions; not less so to observe the kindly bearing of the high toward the low.* after the exercises were finished, the numerous assem- bly dispersed quietly. not an instance of drunkenness, quar- relling, or anger, fell under our notice during the day. resolutions of the missionaries. towards the close of the district meeting, we received a kind note from the chairman, inviting us to attend the meeting, and receive in person, a set of resolutions which had been drawn up at our request, and signed by all the missionaries. at the hour appointed, we repaired to the chapel. the missionaries all arose as we entered, and gave us a brotherly salutation. we were invited to take our seats at the right hand of the chairman. he then, in the presence of the meeting, read to us the sub- joined resolutions; we briefly expressed, in behalf of ourselves and our cause, the high sense we had of the value of the testi- mony, which the meeting had been pleased to give us. the venerable father home then prayed with us, commending our cause to the blessing of the head of the church, and ourselves to the protection and guidance of our heavenly father. after which we shook hands with the brethren, severally, receiving their warmest assurances of affectionate regard, and withdrew. * during mr. home's address, we observed mr. a., a planter, send his umbrella to a negro man who stood at the corner- stone, exposed to the sun. antigua. "resolutions passed at the meeting of the wesleyan missi*naries of the antigua district, assembled at st. john's, antigua, february th, . . that the emancipation of the slaves of the west indies, while it was an act of undoubted justice to that oppressed people, has operated most favorably in furthering the triumph of the gospel, by removing one prolific source of unmerited suspicion of reli- gious teachers, and thus opening a door to their more extensive labors and usefulness—by furnishing a greater portion of time for the service of the negro, and thus preventing the continuance of unavoidable sabbath desecrations, in labor and neglect of the means of grace—and in its operation as a stimulus to proprietors and other influential gentlemen, to encourage religious education, and the wide dissemination of the scriptures, as an incentive to industry and good order. . that while the above statements are true with reference to all the islands, even where the system of apprenticeship pre- vails, they are especially applicable to antigua, where the re- sults of the great measure, of entire freedom, so humanely and judiciously granted by the legislature, cannot be contemplated without the most devout thanksgivings to almighty god. . that we regard with much gratification, the great diminu- tion among all classes in these islands, of the most unchristian prejudice of color, the total absence of it in the government and ordinances of the churches of god, with which we are connected, and the prospect of its complete removal, by the abolition of slavery, by the increased diffusion of general knowledge, and of that religion which teaches to "honor all men," and to love our neighbor as ourselves. . that we cannot but contemplate with much humiliation and distress, the existence, among professing christiana in america, of this partial, unseemly, and unchristian system of caste, so distinctly prohibited in the word of god, and so utterly n-reconcileable with christian charity. . that regarding slavery as a most unjustifiable infringe- ment of the rational and inalienable rights of men, and in its moral consequences, (from our own personal observation as well as other sources,) as one of the greatest curses with which the aimava. great governor of the nations ever suffered this world to be blighted; we cannot but deeply regret the connection which so intimately exists between the various churches of christ in the united states of america, and this unchristian system. with much sorrow do we learn that the principle of the lawfulness of slavery has been defended by some who are ministers of christ, that so large a proportion of that body in america are exerting their influence in favor of the continuance of so indefensible and monstrous a system—and that these emotions of sorrow are especially occasioned with reference to our own denomination. . that while we should deprecate and condemn any recourse on the part of the slaves to measures of rebellion, as an unjustifi- able mode of obtaining their freedom, we would most solemnly, and affectionately, and imploringly adjure our respected fathers and bretiren in america, to endeavor, in every legitimate way, to wipe away this reproach from their body, and thus act in per- feet accordance with the deliberate and recorded sentiments of our venerated founder on this subject, and in harmony with the feelings and proceedings of their brethren m the united king- dom, who have had the honor to take a disjnguished part in awakening such a determined and resistless public feeling « that country, as issued in the abolition of slavery among , of our fellow-subjects. . that we hail with the most lively satisfaction the progress in america of anti-slavery principles, the multiplication of anti- slavery societies, and the diffusion of correct views on this sub- ject. we offer to the noble band of truly patriotic, and enlightened, and philanthropic men, who are combating in that country with such a fearful evil, the assurance of our most cordial and frater- nal sympathy, and our earnest prayers for their complete suc- cess. we view with pity and sorrow the vile calumnies with which they have been assailed. we welcome with christian joyfulness, in the success which has already attended their efforts, the dawn of a cloudless day of light and glory, which shall presently shine upon that vast continent, when the song of universal freedom shall sound in its length and breadth. . that these sentiments have been increased and confirmed by the intercourse which some of our body have enjoyed with * antigua. our beloved brethren, the rev. james a. thome, and joseph horace kimball, esq., the deputation to these islands, from the anti-slavery society in america. we regard this appointment, and the nomination of such men to fulfil it, as most judicious. we trust we can appreciate the spirit of entire devotedness to this cause, which animates our respected brethren, and breathes throughout their whole deportment, and rejoice in such a mani- festation of the fruits of that divine charity, which flow from the constraining love of christ,and which many waters cannot quench. . that the assurance of the affectionate sympathy of the twenty-five brethren who compose this district meeting, and our devout wishes for their success in the objects of their mission, are hereby presented, in our collective and individual capacity, to our endeared and christian friends from america. (signed) james cox, chairman of the district, and resident in antigua. jonathan cadman, st. martin'?. james home, st kitts. matthew banks, st. bartholomew's. e. frazer, antigua. charles bates, do. john keightley, do. jesse pilcher, do. benjamin tregaskiss, do. thomas edwards, st. kitts. rohert hawkins, tortola. thomas pearson, nevis. george craft, do. w. s. waymouth, st. kitts. john hodge, tortola. william satchel, dominica. john cullingford, dominica. j. cameron, nevis. b. gartside, st. kitts. john parker, do. hilton cheese- borough, do. thomas jeffery, do. william rigglesworth, > tortola. daniel stepney, nevis. james walton, montserrat chapter n. general restjtlts. having given a general outline of our sojourn in antigua, we proceed to a more minute account of the results of our investiga- tions. we arrange the testimony in two general divisions, placing that which relates to the past and present condition of the colony in one, and that which bears directly upon the ques- tion of slavery in america in another. antigua. religion. there are three denominations of christiana in antigua—the established church, the moravians, and wesleyans. the mo- ravians number fifteen thousand—almost exclusively negroes. the wesleyans embrace three thousand members, and about as many more attendants. of the three thousand members, says a wesleyan missionary, " not fifty are whites—a larger num- ber are colored ; but the greater part black." "the attendance of the negro population at the churches and chapels," (of the es- tablished order) says the rector of st john's, "amounts to four thousand six hundred and thirty-six." the whole number of blacks receiving religious instruction from these christian bodies, making allowance for the proportion of white and colored includ- ed in the three thousand wesleyans, is about twenty-two thou- sand—leaving a population of eight thousand negroes in antigua who are .unsupplied with religious instruction. the established church has six parish churches, as many "chapels of ease," and nine clergymen. the moravians have five settlements and thirteen missionaries. the wesleyans have seven chapels, with as many more small preaching places on es- tates, and twelve ministers—half of whom are itinerant mission- aries, and the other half local preachers, employed as planters, or in mercantile and other pursuits, and preaching only occasion- ally. from the limited number of chapels and missionaries, it may be inferred that only a portion of the twenty-two thousand can enjoy stated weekly instruction. the superintendent of the moravian mission stated that their chapels could not accommo- date more than one-third of their members. each of the denominations complains of the lack of men and houses. the wesleyans are now building a large chapel in st. john's. it will accommodate two thousand persons. "besides free sittings, there will be pearly two hundred pews, every one of which is now in demand." however much disposed the churches of different denomina- tions might have been during slavery to maintain a strict disci- pline, they found it exceedingly difficult to do so. it seems im- antigua. possible to elevate a body of slaves, remaining such, to honesty and purity. the reekings of slavery will almost inevitably taint the institutions of religion, and degrade the standard of piety. accordingly, the ministers of every denomination in antigua feel that in the abolition of slavery their greatest enemy has been van- quished, and they now evince a determination to assume higher ground than they ever aspired to during the reign of slavery. the motto of all creeds is, " we expect great things of freemen." a report which we obtained from the wesleyan brethren states, "our own brethren preach almost daily." "we think the ne- groes are uncommonly punctual and regular in their attendance upon divine worship, particularly on the sabbath." "they always show a readiness to contribute to the support of the gospel with the present low wages, and the entire charge of self-maintenance, they have little to spare. parham and sion hill (taken as spe- cimens) have societies almost entirely composed of rural blacks— about thirteen hundred and fifty in number. these have contri- buted this year above j£ sterling, or sixteen hundred and fifty dollars, in little weekly subscriptions—besides giving to special objects occasionally, and contributing for the support of schools.* in a letter dated december d, , but four months after emancipation, and addressed to the missionary board in england, the rev. b. harvey thus speaks of the moravian missions: "with respect to our people, i believe i may say that in all our places here, they attend the meetings of the church more numerously than ever, and that many are now in frequent attendance who could very seldom appear amongst us during slavery." the same statements substantially were made to us by mr. h., showing that instead of any falling offj the attendance was still on the in- crease. in a statement drawn up at our request by the rector of st. john's, is the following: "cases of discipline are more frequent than is usual hi english congregations, but at the same time it * the superintendent of the wesleyan mission informed us that the collection in the several wesleyan chapels last year, inde- pendent of occasional contributions to sunday schools, missiona- ry objects, &c, amounted to £ sterling, or more than $ ; antigua. should be observed, that a closer oversight is maintained by the ministers, and a greater readiness to submit themselves (to dis- cipline) is manifested by the late slaves here than by those who have always been a free people." "lam able to speak very favorably of the attendance at church—it is regular and crowded." "the negroes on some estates have been known to contribute willingly to the bible society, since . they are now be- ginning to pay a penny and a half currency per week for their children's instruction. morality. the condition of antigua, but a very few years previous to emancipation, is represented to have been truly revolting. it has already been stated that the sabbath was the market-day up to , and this is evidence enough that the lord's day was utterly desecrated by the mass of the population. now there are few parts of our own country, equal in population, which can vie with antigua in the solemn and respectful observance of the sabbath. christians in st. john's spoke with joy and gratitude of the tranquillity of the sabbath. they had long been shocked with its open and abounding profanation—until they had well nigh forgot the aspect of a christian sabbath. at length the full-orbed blessing beamed upon them, and they rejoiced in its brightness, and thanked god for its holy repose. all persons of all professions testify to the fact that marriages are rapidly increasing. in truth, there was scarcely such a thing as marriage before the abolition of slavery. promiscuous intercourse of the sexes was almost universal. in a report of the antigua branch association of the society for advancing the christian faith in the british west indies, (for ,) the fol- lowing statements are made: "the number of marriages in the six parishes of the island, in the year , the first entire year of freedom, was —all of which, excepting about , were between persons formerly slaves. the total number of marriages between slaves solemnized in the church during the nine years ending december , , was ; in , the last entire year of slavery, it was ." antigua. thug it appears that the whole number of marriages during' ten years previous to emancipation (by far the most favorable ten years that could have been selected) was but half as great as the number for a single year following emancipation! the governor, in one of our earliest interviews with him, said, "the great crime of this island, as indeed of all the west india colonies, has been licentiousness, but we are cer- tainly fast improving in this particular." an aged christian, who has spent many years in the island, and is now actively en- gaged in superintending several day-schools for the negro children, informed us that there was not one-third as much concubinage as formerly. this he said was owing mainly to the greater frequency of marriages, and the cessation of late night work on the estates, and in the boiling-houses, by which the females were constantly exposed during slavery. now they may all be in their houses by dark. formerly the mo- there were the betrayers of their daughters, encouraging them to form unhallowed connections, and even selling them to licen- tious white and colored men, for their own gain. now they were using great strictness to preserve the chastity of then- daughters. a worthy planter, who has been in the island since , stated that it used to be a common practice for mothers to sell their daughters to the highest bidder!—generally a manager or overseer. but now," said he, " the mothers hold their daugh- ters up for marriage, and take pains to let every body know that their virtue is not to be bought and sold any longer." he also stated that those who live unmarried now are uniformly neg- lected and suffer great deprivations. faithfulness after marriage exists also to a greater extent than could have been expected from the utter looseness to which they had been previously ac- customed, and with their ignorance of the nature and obligations of the marriage relation. we were informed both by the mis- sionaries and the planters, that every year and month they are becoming more constant, as husband and wife, more faithful as parents, and more dutiful as children. one planter said, that out of a number who left his employ after , nearly all had companions on other estates, and left for the purpose of being antigua. with them. he was also of the opinion that the greater propor- tion of changes of residence among the emancipated which took place at that time, were owing to the same cause.* in an address before the friendly society in st. john's, the archdeacon stated that during the previous year ( ) several individuals had been expelled from that society for domestic unfaithfulness; but he was happy to say that he had not heard of a single instance of expulsion for this cause during the year then ended. much inconvenience is felt on account of the moravian and wesleyan missionaries being prohibited from performing the marriage ser- vice, even for their own people. efforts are now making to obtain the repeal of the law which makes marriages per- formed by sectarians (as all save the established church are called) void. that form of licentiousness which appears among the higher classes in every slaveholding country, abounded in antigua during the reign of slavery. it has yielded its redundant fruits in a population of four thousand colored people—double the num- ber of whites. the planters, with but few exceptions, were un- married and licentious. nor was this vice confined to the un- married. men with large families, kept one or more mistresses without any effort at concealment. we were told of an " hon- orable" gentleman, who had his english wife and two concu- bines, a colored and a black one. the governor himself stated as an apology for the prevalence of licentiousness among the slaves, that the example was set them constantly by their mas- ters, and it was not to be wondered at if they copied after their superiors. but it is now plain that concubinage among the whites is nearly at an end. an unguarded statement of a pub- lic man revealed the conviction which exists among his class that concubinage must soon cease. he said that the present race of * what a resurrection to domestic life was th?t, when long- severed families nocked from the fonr corners of the island to meet their kindred members! and what a glorious resurrec- tion will that be in our own country, when the millions of emancipated beings scattered over the west and south, shall seek the embraces of parental, and fraternal, and conjugal love! f antigtfa. colored people could not be received into the society of the whites, because of illegitimacy; but the next generation would be fit associates for the whites, because they w*uld be chiefly born in wedlock. the uniform testimony respecting intemperance was, that it never had been one of the vices of the negroes. several planters declared that they had rarely seen a black person intoxicated. the report of the wesleyan missionaries already referred to, says, "intemperance is most uncommon among the rural ne- groes. many have joined the temperance society, and many act on tee-total principles." the only colored person, (either black or brown) whom we saw drunk during a residence of nine weeks in antigua, was a carpenter in st john's, who as he reeled by, stared in our faces and mumbled out his sentence of condemnation against wine-bibbers, "gemmen—you sees i'se a little bit drunk, but 'pon honor i only took th—th-ree bottles of wine—that's all." it was " christmas times," and doubtless the poor man thought he would venture for once in the year to copy the example of the whites. in conclusion, on the subject of morals in antigua, we are warranted in stating, st, that during the continuance of sla- very, immoralities were rife. d. that the repeated efforts of the home government and the local legislature, for several successive years previous to , to ameliorate the system of slavery, seconded by the labors of clergymen and missionaries, teachers and catechists, to im- prove the character of the slaves, failed to arrest the current of vice and profligacy. what few reformations were effected were very partial, leaving the more enormous immoralities as shameless and defiant as ever, up to the very day of abolition; demonstrating the utter impotence of all attempts to purify the streams while the fountain is poison. d. that the abolition of slavery gave the death blow to open vice, overgrown and emboldened as it had become. immediate emancipation, instead of lifting the flood-gates, was the only power strong enough to shut them down! it restored the proper restraints upon vice, and supplied the incentives to virtue. those great controllers of moral action, self-respect, attachment antigua. to law, and venerationfor god, which slavery annihilated, freedom has resuscitated, and now they stand round about the emancipated with flaming swords deterring from evil, and with cheering voices exhorting to good. it is explicitly affirmed that the grosser forms of immorality, which in every country attend upon slavery, have in antigua either shrunk into concealment or become extinct. benevolent institutions. we insert here a brief account of the benevolent institutions of antigua. our design in giving it is to show the effect of freedom in bringing into play those charities of social life, which slavery uniformly stifles. antigua abounds in benevolent socie- ties, all of which have been materially revived since emancipa- tion, and some of them have been formed since that event. the bible society. this is the oldest society in the island. it was organized in . all denominations in the island cordially unite in this cause. the principal design of this society is to promote the circulation of the scriptures among the laboring population of the island. to secure this object, numerous branch associations —amounting to nearly fifty—have been organized throughout the island among the negroes themselves. the society has been enabled not only to circulate the scriptures among the people of antigua, but to send them extensively to the neighboring islands. the following table, drawn up at our request by the secretary of the society, will show the extent of foreign operations: bibles. tesfs. years. colonies supplied. anguilla demerara dominica montserrat nevis v antigua. saba st. bart's st. eustatius st. kitt's st. martin's tortola to trinidad total from the last annual report we quote the following cheering account, touching the events of : "the next event of importance in our annals is the magnifi- cent grant of the parent society, on occasion of the emancipa- tion of the slave, and the perpetual banishment of slavery from the shores of antigua, on the first of august, ; by which a choice portion of the holy scriptures was gratuitously circulated to about one third of the inhabitants of this colony. nine thousand seven hundred copies of the new testament, bound together with the book of psalms, were thus placed at the dis- posal of your committee." * * * "following hard upon this joyful event, another gratifying circumstance occurred among us. the attention of the people was roused, and their gratitude excited towards the bible society, and they who had freely received, now freely gave, and thus a considerable sum of money was presented to the parent society in acknowledgment of its beneficent grant." we here add an extract from the annual report for . its sentiments contrast strongly with the congratulations of the last report upon 'the joyful event' of emancipation. "another question of considerable delicacy and importance still remains to be discussed. is it advisable, under all the cir- cumstances of the case, to circulate the holy scriptures, without note or comment, among the slave population of these islands your committee can feel no hesitation in affirming that such a measure is not merely expedient, but one of almost indispensa- ble necessity. the sacred volume is in many respects pecu- liarly adapted to the slave. it enjoins upon him precepts so antigua. plain, that the most ignorant cannot fail to understand them: 'slaves, obey in all things your masters, not with eye service, as men pleasers, but in singleness of heart, fearing god.' it furnishes him with motives the most impressive and consoling: iye serve,' says the apostle, 'the lord christ.' it promises him rewards sufficient to stimulate the most indolent to exer- tion: 'whatsoever good thing any man doeth, the same shall he receive of the lord, whether he be bond or free.' and it holds forth to him an example so glorious, that it would ennoble even angels to imitate it: 'let this mind be in you which was also in christ jesus, who made himself of no reputation, and took upon him the form of a slave!' it may here be proper to observe, that the precise import of the word, which in general throughout the english bible is translated servant is strictly that which has been assigned it in the foregoing quotations; (!) and so understood, the sa- cred volume will be found to hold out to our slaves, both by precept and example, the most persuasive and the most com- pelling motives to industry, obedience, and submission." nothing could more plainly show the corrupting influences of slavery, upon all within its reach, than this spectacle of a noble, religious institution, prostituted to the vile work of defending oppression, and, in the zeal of its advocacy, blasphemously de- grading the savior into a self-made slave! the receipts of the antigua branch society have greatly increased since emancipation. from receipts for the year , in each of the british islands, it appears that the contributions from antigua and bermuda, the only two islands which adopted entire emancipation, are about double those from any other two islands. missionary associations. these associations are connected with the wesleyan mission, and have been in existence since . their object is to raise funds for the parent society in england. although it has been in existence for several years, yet it was mostly confined to the whites and free people of color, during slavery. the calling " antigua. together assemblies of rural negroes, and addressing them on the subject of missions, and soliciting contributions in aid of the cause, is a new feature in the missionary operations to which nothing but freedom could give birth. temperance societies. the first temperance society in antigua was formed at the beginning of . we give an extract from the first annual report: "temperance societies have been formed in each town, and on many of the estates. a large number of persons who once used spirituous liquors moderately, have entirely re- linquished the use. some who were once intemperate have been reclaimed, and in some instances an adoption of the prin- ciples of the temperance society, has been followed by the pur- suit and enjoyment of vital religion. domestic peace and quiet- ness have superseded discord and strife, and a very general sense of astonishment at the gross delusion which these drinks have long produced on the human species is manifest. "the numbers on the various books of the society amount to about . one pleasing feature in their history, is the very small number of those who have violated their pledge. "on several estates, the usual allowance of spirits has been discontinued, and sugar or molasses substituted." {the temperance society in antigua may be specially re- garded as a result of emancipation. it is one of the guardian angels which hastened to the island as soon as the demon of slavery was cast out. friendly societies. the friendly societies are designed exclusively for the benefit of the negro population. the general object is thus stated in the constitution of one of these societies: "the object of this society is to assist in the purchase of articles of mourning for the dead; to give relief in cases of unlooked for distress; to help those who through age or infirmities are incapable of helping themselves by marketing, or working their grounds; to antigua. encturage sobritty and industry, and to check disorderly and immor- al conduct" these societies obtain their funds by laying a tax of one shil- ling per month on every member above eighteen years of age, and of six pence per month on all members under that age and above twelve, which is the minimum of membership. the aged members are required to pay no more than the sum last mentioned. the first society of this kind was established in st john's by the present rector, in . subsequently the moravians and wesleyans formed similar societies among their own people. independent of the pecuniary assistance which these societies bestow, they encourage in a variety of ways the good order of the community. for example, no one is allowed to receive assistance who is "disabled by drunkenness, debauchery, or dis- orderly living;" also, "if any member of the society, male or female, is guilty of adultery or fornication, the offending member shall be suspended for so long a time as the members shall see at, and shall lose all claim on the society for any benefit during the suspension, and shall not be re-admitted until clear and satisfactory evidence is given of penitence." furthermore, "if any member of the society shall be expelled from the church to which he or she belongs, or shall commit any offence punishable by a magistrate, that member forfeits his membership in the society." again, the society directly encourages marriage, by "making a present of a young pig to every child born in wedlock, and according as their funds will admit of it, giving rewards to those married persons living faithfully, or single persons living virtuously, who take a pride in keeping their houses neat and tidy, and their gardens nourishing. these societies have been more than doubled, both in the number of members and in the annual receipts, since emancipa- tion. of the societies connected with the established church, the rector of st. john's thus speaks: « at the beginning of there were eleven societies, embracing members. at the beginning of they numbered ; and in there were members," almost quadrupled in two years! * antigua. the societies connected with the moravian church, have more than doubled, both in members and funds, since emancipa- tion. the funds now amount to $ , per year. the wesleyans have four friendly societies. the largest society, which contained six hundred and fifty members, was organized in the month of august, . the last year it had expended £ currency, and had then in its treasury £ currency. now, be it remembered, that the friendly societies exist solely among the freed negroes, and that the monies are raised ex- clusively among them. among whom ) a people who are said to be so proverbially improvident, that to emancipate them, would be to abandon them to beggary, nakedness, and starva- tion ;—a people who "cannot take care of themselves;" who "will not work when freed from the fear of the lash;" who "would squander the earnings of the day in debaucheries at night;" who "would never provide for to-morrow for the wants of a family, or for the infirmities of old age." yea, among negroes these things are done; and that, too, where the wages are but one shilling per day—less than sufficient, one would reasonably suppose, to provide daily food. daily meal society. the main object of this society is denoted by its name. it sup- plies a daily meal to those who are otherwise unprovided for. a commodious house had just been completed in the suburbs of the town, capable of lodging a considerable number of beneficiaries. it is designed to shelter those who are diseased, and cannot walk to and fro for their meals. the number now fed at this house is from eighty to a hundred. the diseased, who live at the dispen- sary, are mostly those who are afflicted with the elephantiasis, by which they are rendered entirely helpless. medical aid is sup- plied free of expense. it is worthy of remark, that there is no public poor-house in antigua,—a proof of the industry and pros- perity of the emancipated people. ^v distressed females fkiend society. this is a society in st . john's: there is also a similar one, called the female refuge society, at english harbor. both these societies were established and are conducted by colored la- dies. they are designed to promote two objects: the support of destitute aged females of color, and the rescue of poor young colored females from vice. the necessity for special efforts for the first object, arose out of the fact, that the colored people were allowed no parochial aid whatever, though they were re- quired to pay their parochial taxes; hence, the support of their own poor devolved upon themselves. the demand for vigorous action in behalf of the young, grew out of the prevailing licen- tiousness of slave-holding times. the society in st. john's has been in existence since . it has a large and commodious asylum, and an annual income, by subscriptions, of j , currency. this society, and the fe- male refuge society established at english harbor, have been instrumental in effectmg a great reform in the morals of females, and particularly in exciting reprobation against that horrid traf- fic—the sale of girls by their mothers for purposes of lust. we were told of a number of cases in which the society in st. john's had rescued young females from impending ruin. many mem- bers of the society itself, look to it as the guardian of their or- phanage. among other cases related to us, was that of a lovely girl of fifteen, who was bartered away to a planter by her mo- ther, a dissolute woman. the planter was to give her a quan- tity of cloth to the value of £ currency, and two young slaves; he was also to give the grandmother, for her interest in the girl, one gallon of rum! the night was appointed, and a gig in waiting to take away the victim, when a female friend was made acquainted with the plot, just. in time to save the girl by removing her to her own house. the mother was infuriated, and endeavored to get her back, but the girl had occasionally attended a sabbath school, where she imbibed principles which forbade her to yield even to her mother for such an unhallowed purpose. she was taken before a magistrate, and indentured herself to a milliner for two years. the mother made an at- antigua. tempt to regain her, and was assisted by some whites with mo- ney to commence a suit for that purpose. the lady who de- fended her was accordingly prosecuted, and the whole case be- came notorious. the prosecutors were foiled. at the close of her apprenticeship, the young lady was married to a highly re- spectable colored gentleman, now resident in st. john's. the notoriety which was given to the above case had a happy effect. it brought the society and its object more fully before the public, and the contributions for its support greatly increased. those for whose benefit the asylum was opened, heard of it, and came begging to be received. this society is a signal evidence that the colored people nei- ther lack the ability to devise, nor the hearts to cherish, nor the zeal to execute plans of enlarged benevolence and mercy. the juvenile association, too, of which we gave some account in describing its anniversary, originated with the colored people, and furnishes additional evidence of the talents and charities of that class of the community. besides the societies already enu- merated, there are two associations connected with the estab- lished church, called the "society for the promotion of chris- tian knowledge," and the "branch association of the society for advancing the christian faith in the british west indies, &c." these societies are also designed chiefly for the benefit of the negro population. education. our inquiries under this head were directed to three principal points—first, the extent to which education prevailed previous to emancipation; second, the improvements introduced since; and third, the comparative capacity of negroes for receiving in- struction. being providentially in the island at the season of the year when all the schools have their annual examinations, we enjoy- ed the most favorable opportunities for procuring intelligence on the subject of education. from various quarters we received invitations to attend school examinations. we visited the schools at parham, willoughby bay, newfield, cedar hall, antigua. grace bay, pitch's creek, and others: besides visiting the pa- rochial school, the rectory school, the moravian and wesleyan schools, in st . john's. all the schools, save those in st. john's, were almost exclusively composed of emancipated children from the estates. i visit to the parochial school. at the invitation of the governor, we accompanied him to the annual examination of the parochial school, in st. john's, under the superintendence of the episcopal church. it has increased greatly, both in scholars and efficiency, since emancipation, and contributions are made to its support by the parents whose chil- dren receive its benefits. we found one hundred and fifty chil- dren, of both sexes, assembled in the society's rooms. there was every color present, from the deepest hue of the ethiopian, to the faintest shadowing of brown. the boys constituting the first class, to the number of fifty, were called up. they read with much fluency and distinctness, equalling white boys of the same age anywhere. after reading, various questions were put to them by the archdeacon, which they answered with promptness and accuracy. words were promiscuously selected from the chapter they had read, and every one was promptly spelled. the catechism was the next exercise, and they manifested a thorough acquaintance with its contents. our attention was particularly called to the examination in arithmetic. many of the children solved questions readily in the compound rules, and several of them in practice, giving the different parts of the pound, shilling, and penny, used in that rule, and au the whys and wherefores of the thing, with great promptness. one lad, only ten years of age, whose attend- ance had been very irregular on account of having been em- ployed in learning a trade, performed intricate examples in practice with a facility worthy the counting-house desk. we put several inquiries on different parts of the process, in order to test their real knowledge, to which we always received clear answers. antigua. the girls were then examined in the same studies and exercises, except arithmetic, and displayed the same gratify- ing proficiency. they also presented specimens of needlew*rk and strawbraiding, which the ladies, on whose better judg- ment we depend, pronounced very creditable. we noticed several girls much older than the others, who had made much less advance in their studies, and on inquiry learned, that they had been members of the school but a short time, having formerly been employed to wield the heavy hoe in the cane field. the parents are very desirous to give their children education, and make many sacrifices for that pur- pose. many who were field-laborers in the country, receiving their shilling a day, have sent their children to reside with some relations or friends in town, for the purpose of giving them the benefits of this school. several such children were pointed out to us. the increase of female scholars during the first year of emancipation, was in this school alone about eighty. for our gratification, the governor requested that all the chil- dren emancipated on the first qf august, might be called up and placed on our side of the room. nearly one hundred children, of both sexes, who two years ago were slaves, now stood up before us free. we noticed one little girl among the rest, about ten years old, who bore not the least tinge of color. her hair was straight and light, and her face had that ming- ling of vermilion and white, which americans seem to consider, not only the nonpareil standard of beauty, but the immaculate test of human rights. at her side was another with the deep- est hue of the native african. there were high emotions on the countenances of those redeemed ones, when we spoke to them of emancipation. the undying principle of freedom living and burning in the soul of the most degraded slave, like lamps amid the darkness of eastern sepulchres, was kindling up bril- liantly within them, young as they were, and flashing in smiles upon their ebon faces. the governor made a few remarks, in which he gave some good advice, and expressed himself highly pleased with the ap- pearance and proficiency of the school. antigua. his excellency remarked to us in a tone of pleasantry, "you see, gentlemen, these children have souls." t during the progress of the examination, he said to us, "you perceive that it is our policy to give these children every chance to make men of themselves. we look upon them as our fu- ture citizens." he had no doubt that the rising generation would assume a position in society above the contempt or op- position of the whites. infant schools in the country. we had the pleasure of attending one of the infant schools in the vicinity of parham, on the east side of the island. having been invited by a planter, who kindly sent his horse and car- riage for our conveyance, to call and take breakfast with him on our way, we drove out early in the morning. while we were walking about the estate, our attention was arrested by distant singing. as we cast our eyes up a road crossing the estate, we discovered a party of children! they were about twenty in number, and were marching hand in hand to the music of their infant voices. they were children from a neighboring estate, on their way to the examination at parham, and were singing the hymns which they had learn- ed at school. all had their testaments in their hands, and seemed right merry-hearted. - we were received at the gate of the chapel by the wes- leyan missionary located in this district, a highly respectable and intelligent colored man, who was, ten years since, a slave. he gave us a cordial welcome, and conducted us to the chapel, where we found the children, to the number of four hundred, assembled, and the examination already commenced. there were six schools present, representing about twenty estates, and arranged under their respective teachers. the ages of the pupils were from three to ten or twelve. they were all, with the exception of two or three, the children of emancipated slaves. they came up by classes to the superintendent's desk, were they read and were examined. they read correctly; some of antigua. them too, who had been in school only a few months, in any portion of the new testament selected for them. by request of the superintendent, we put several inquires to them, which they answered in a way which showed that they thought. they manifested an acquaintance with the bible and the use of language which was truly surprising. it was delightful to see so many tiny beings stand around you, dressed in their tidy gowns and frocks, with their bright morning feces, and read with the self-composure of manhood, any passage chosen for them. they all, large and small, bore in their hands the charter of their freedom, the book by the influence of which they received all the privileges they were enjoying. on the cover of each was stamped in large capitate—" presented bt the british and foreign bible society, in commemoration of the first of august, ." at the close of the examination, the rewards, consisting of books, work-bags, &c. &c., chiefly sent by a society of females in england, were distributed. it was impossible to repress the effervescence of the little expectants. as a little one four years old came up for her reward, the superintendent said to her— "well, little becky, what do you want v "me wants a bag," said becky, "and me wants a pin-cushion, and me wants a little book." becky's desires were large, but being a good girl, she was gratified. occasionally the girls were left to choose between a book and a work-bag, and although the bag might be gaudy and tempting, they invariably took the book. the teachers were all but one blacks, and were formerly slaves. they are very devoted and faithful, but are ill-quali- fied for their duties, having obtained all the learning they pos- sess in the sabbath school. they are all pious, and exert a happy influence on the morals of their pupils. the number of scholars has very greatly increased since emancipation, and their morals have essentially improved. instancep of falsehood and theft, which at first were fearful- ly frequent and bold, have much lessened. they begin to have a regard for character. their sense of right and wrong is en- lightened, and their power of resisting temptation, and adhering to right, manifestly increased. antigua. on the whole, we know not where we have looked on a more delightful scene. to stand in front of the pulpit and look around on a multitude of negro children, gathered from the sordid huts into which slavery had carried ignorance and misery, to see them coming up, with their teachers of the same proscribed hue, to hear them read the bible, answer with readiness the questions of their superintendent, and lift up together their songs of infant praise, and then to remember that two years ago these four hundred children were slaves, and still more to re- member that in our own country, boasting its republicanism and christian institutions, there are thousands of just such children under the yoke and scourge, in utter heathenism, the victims of tyrannic jaw or of more tyrannic public opinion—caus- ed the heart to swell with emotions unutterable. there were as many intelligent countenances, and as much activity and sprightliness, as we ever saw among an equal number of chil- dren anywhere. the correctness of their reading, the perti- nence of their replies, the general proofs of talent which they showed through all the exercises, evinced that they are none inferior to the children of their white oppressors. after singing a hymn they all kneeled down, and the school closed with a prayer and benediction. they continued singing as they retired from the house, and long after they had parted on their different ways home, their voices swelled on the breeze at a distance as the little parties from the estates chanted on their way the songs of the school room. willoughby bay examination. when we entered the school house at willoughby bay, which is capable of containing a thousand persons, a low murmur, like the notes of preparation, ran over the multitude. one school came in after we arrived, marching in regular file, with their teacher, a negro man, at their head, and their standard bearer following; next, a sable girl with a box of testaments on her head. the whole number of children was three hundred and fifty. the male division was first called out, and marched several times around the room, singing and keeping a regular antigua. ■tep. after several rounds, they came to a halt, filing off and forming into ranks four rows deep—in quarter-circle shape. the music still continuing, the girls sallied forth, went through the same evolutions, and finally formed in rows corresponding with those of the boys, so as to compose with the latter a semicircle. the schools were successively examined in spelling, reading, writing, cyphering, &c., after the manner already detailed. in most respects they showed equal proficiency with the children of parham; and in reading the testament, their accuracy was even greater. in looking over the writing, several "incendiary" copies caught our eyes. one was, "masters, give unto your servants that which is just and equal." another," if i neglect the cause of my servant, what shall i do when i appear before my master?" a few years ago, had children been permitted to write at all, one such copy as the above would have exploded the school, and perchance sent the teacher to jail for sedition. but now, thanks to god! the negro children of antigua are taught liberty from their bibles, from their song books, and from their copy books too; they read of liberty, they sing of it, and they write of it; they chant to liberty in their school rooms, and they resume the strains on their homeward way, till every rustling lime-grove, and waving cane-field, is alive with their notes, and «very hillock and dell rings with "free" echoes. the girls, in their turn, pressed around us with the liveliest eagerness to display their little pieces of needle-work. some had samplers marked with letters and devices in vari-colored silk. others showed specimens of stitching; while the little ones held up their rude attempts at hemming handkerchiefs, aprons, and so on. during the exercises we spoke to several elderly women, who were present to witness the scene. they were laborers on the estates, but having children in the school, they had put on their sunday dresses, and "come to see." we spoke to one of the privileges which the children were enjoying, since freedom. her eyes filled, and she exclaimed, "yes, massa, we do tank de good lord for bring de free—never can be too tankful." she said she had seven children present, and it made her feel happy to know that they were learning to read. another woman said, antigua. when she heard the children reading so finely, she wanted to "take de words out of da mouts and put em in her own." in the morning, when she first entered the school house, she felt quite sick, but all the pleasant things she saw and heard, had made her well, and she added, "i tell you, me massa, it do my old heart good to come here." another aged woman, who had grand-children in the school, said, when she saw what advan- tages the children enjoyed, she almost cried to think she was not a chiid too. besides these there were a number of adult men and women, whom curiosity or parental solicitude had brought together, and they were thronging about the windows and doors witnessing the various exercises with the deepest interest. among the rest was one old patriarch, who, anxious to bear some part, however humble, in the exercises of the occasion, walked to and fro among the children, with a six feet pole in his hand, to keep order. these schools, and those examined at parham, are under the general supervision of mr. charles thwaites, an indefatigable and long tried friend of the negroes. we here insert a valuable communication which we received from mr. t. in reply to several queries addressed to him. it will give further information relative to the schools. mr. charles thioaites' replies to queries on education in an- tigua. . what has been your business for some years past in an- tigua! a superintendent of schools, and catechist to the negroes. . how long have you been engaged in this business twenty-four years. the first four years engaged gratuitously, ten years employed by the church missionary society, and since by the wesleyan missionary society. . how many schools have you under your charge? sunday schools, (including all belonging to the wesleyan missionary society,) eight, with scholars; day schools, seventeen with scholars; night schools on twenty-six ' antigua. estates, scholars. the total number of scholars under instruction is about . . are the scholars principally the children who were eman- cipated in august, ? yes, except the children in st john's, most of whom were free before. . are the teachers negroes, colored, or white? one wlnte, four colored, and sixteen black.* . how many of the teachers were slaves prior to the first of august, ? thirteen. . what were their opportunities for learning? the sunday and night schools; and they have much improved themselves since they have been in their present employment. . what are their qualifications for teaching, as to education, religion, zeal, perseverance, &c.? the white and two of the colored teacher.', i presume, are well calculated, in all respects, to carry on a school in the ablest manner. the others are deficient in education, but are zealous, and very persevering. . what are the wages of these teachers? the teachers' pay is, some four, and some three dollars per month. this sum is far too small, and would be greater if the funds were sufficient. . how and by whom are the expenses of superintendent, teachers, and schools defrayed? the superintendent's salary, &a, is paid by the wesleyan missionary society. the expenses of teachers and schools are defrayed by charitable societies and friends in england, particu- larly the negro education society, which grants . sterling per annum towards this object, and pays the rent of the church mis- sionary society's premises in willoughby bay for use of the schools. about . sterling per annum is also raised from the children; each child taught writing and needle-work, pays l- d. sterling per week. * this number includes only salaried teachers, and not the gratuitous. antigua. . is it your opinion that the negro children are as ready to receive instruction as white children? yes, perfectly so. . do parents manifest interest in the education of their children? they do. some of the parents are, however, still very ignorant, and are not aware how much their children lose by irregular attendance at the schools. . have there been many instances of theft among the scholars? not more than among any other class of children. results. besides an attendance upon the various schools, we procured specific information from teachers, missionaries, planters, and others, with regard to the past and present state of education, and the weight of testimony was to the following effect: first, that education was by no means extensive previous to emancipation. the testimony of one planter was, that not a tenth part of the present adult population knew the letters of the alphabet. other planters, and some missionaries, thought the proportion might be somewhat larger; but all agreed that it was very small. the testimony of the venerable mr. newby, the oldest moravian missionary in the island, was, that such was the opposition among the planters, it was impossible to teach the slaves, excepting by night, secretly. mr. thwaites informed us that the children were not allowed to attend day school after they were six years old. all the instruction they obtained after that age, was got at night—a very unsuitable time to study, for those who worked all day under an exhaust- ing sun. it is manifest that the instruction received under six years of age, would soon be effaced by the incessant toil of sub- sequent life. the account given in a former connection of the adult school under the charge of mr. morrish, at newfield, shows most clearly the past inattention to education. and yet mr. m. stated that his school was a fair specimen of the intelli- gence of the negroes generally. one more evidence in point is * antigua. the acknowledged ignorance of mr. thwailes' teachers. after searching through the whole freed population for a dozen suita- ble teachers of children, mr. t. could not find even that number who could read well. many children in the schools of six years old read better than their teachers. we must not be understood to intimate that up to the period of the emancipation, the planters utterly prohibited the educa- tion of their slaves. public sentiment had undergone some change previous to that event. when the public opinion of england began to be awakened against slavery, the planters were induced, for peace sake, to tolerate education to some extent; though they cannot be said to have encouraged it until after emancipation. this is the substance of the statements made to us. hence it appears that when the active opposition of the planters to education ceased, it was succeeded by a general indifference, but little less discouraging. we of course speak of the planters as a body; there were some honorable exceptions. second, education has become very extensive since eman- cipation. there are probably not less than six lhousand children who now enjoy daily instruction. these are of all ages under twelve. all classes feel an interest in knowledge. while the schools previously established are flourishing in newness of life, additional ones are springing up in every quarter. sabbath schools, adult and infant schools, day and evening schools, are all crowded. a teacher in a sabbath school in st. john's informed us, that the increase in that school immediately after emancipation was so sudden and great, that he could compare it to nothing but the rising of the mercury, when the thermometer is removed out of the shade into the sun. we learned that the bible was the principal book taught in all the schools throughout the island. as soon as the child- ren have learned to read, the bible is put into their hands. they not only read it, but commit to memory portions of it every day;—the first lesson in the morning is an examina- tion on some passage of scripture. we have never seen, even among sabbath-school children, a better acquaintance with the antigua. characters and events recorded in the old and new testaments, than among the negro children in antigua. those passages which inculcate obedience to law are strongly enforced; and the prohibitions against stealing, lying, cheating, idleness, &c., are reiterated day and night. great attention is paid to singing in all the schools. the songs which they usually sung, embraced such topics as love to god—the presence of god—obedience to parents— friendship for brothers and sisters and schoolmates—love of school —the sinfulness of sloth, of lying, and of stealing. we quote the following hymn as a specimen of the subjects which are introduced into their songs: often were we greeted with this sweet hymn, while visiting the different schools throughout the island. bkotherlt love. we're all brothers, sisters, brothers, we're sisters and brothers, and heaven is our home. we're all brothers, sisters, brothers, we're sisters and brothers, and heaven is our home. the god of heaven is pleased to see that little children all agree; and will not slight the praise they bring, when loving children join to sing: we're all brothers, sisters, brothers, &c. for love and kindness please him more than if we gave him all our store; and children here, who dwell in love, are like his happy ones above. we're all brothers, sisters, brothers, &c . antigua. the gentle child that tries to please, that hates to quarrel, fret, and teaze, and would not say an angry word— that child is pleasing to the lord. we're all brothers, sisters, brothers, &c. o god! forgive, whenever we forget thy will, and disagree; and grant that each of us may find the sweet delight of being kind. we're all brothers, sisters, brothers, &c. we were convinced that the negroes were as capable of re- ceiving instruction as any people in the world. the testimony of teachers, missionaries, clergymen and planters, was uniform on this point. said one planter of age and long experience on the island,— "the negroes are as capable of culture as any people on earth. color makes no difference in minds. it is slavery alone that has degraded the negro." another planter, by way of replying to our inquiry on this sub- ject, sent for a negro child of five years, who read with great fluency in any part of the testament to ..which we turned her. "now," said the gentleman, "i should be ashamed to let you hear my own son, of the same age with that little girl, read after her." we put the following questions to the wesleyan mis- sionaries: "are the negroes as apt to learn as other people in similar circumstances?" their written reply was this: "we think they are; the same diversified qualities of intellect appear among them as among other people." we put the same ques- tion to the moravian missionaries, to the clergymen, and to the teachers of each denomination, some of whom, having taught school in england, were well qualified to judge between the european children and the negro children; and we uniforml received substantially the same answer. such, however, wa the air of surprise with which our question was often received, that it required some courage to repeat it. sometimes it excited a smile, as though we could not be serious in the inquiry. and antkhta. indeed we seldom got a direct and explicit answer, without pre- viously stating by way of explanation, that we had no doubts of our own, but wished to remove those extensively entertained among our countrymen. after all, we were scarcely credited in antigua. such cases as the following were common in every schoool: children of four and five years old reading the bible; children beginning in their a, b, c's, and learning to read in four months; children of five and six, answering a variety of questions on the historical parts of the old testament; children but a little older, displaying fine specimens of penmanship, performing sums m the compound rules, and running over the multiplication table, and the pound, shilling and pence table, without mistake. we were grieved to find that most of the teachers employed in the instruction of the children, were exceedingly unfit for the work. they are very ignorant themselves, and have but little skill in the management of children. this however is a neces- sary evil. the emancipated negroes feel a great anxiety for the education of their children. they encourage them to go to school, and they labor to support them, while they have strong temptation to detain them at home to work. they also pay a small sum every week for the maintenance of the schools. in conclusion, we would observe, that one of the prominent features of regenerated antigua, is its education. an intelli- gent religion, and a religious education, are the twin glories of this emancipated colony. it is comment enough upon the differ- ence between slavery and freedom, that the same agents which are deprecated as the destroyers of the one, are cherished as the defenders of the other. before entering upon a detail of the testimony which beats more directly upon slavery in america, we deem it proper to con- sider the inquiry, "what is the amount of freedom in antigua, as regulated by law'!" st. the people are entirely free from the whip, and from all compulsory control of the master. d. they can change employers whenever they become dis- satisfied with their situation by previously giving a month's notice. antigua. d. they have the right of trial by jury in all cases of a serious nature, while for small offences, the magistrate's court is open. they may have legal redress for any wrong or violence inflicted by their employers. th. parents have the entire control of their children. the planter cannot in any way interfere with them. the parents have the whole charge of their support. th. by an express provision of the legislature, it was made obligatory upon every planter to support all the superannuated, infirm, or diseased on the estate, who were such at the time of emancipation. those who have become so since , fall upon the hands of their relatives for maintenance. th. the amount of wages is not determined by law. by a general understanding among the planters, the rate is at pre- sent fixed at a shilling a day, or a little more than fifty cents per week, counting five working days. this matter is wisely left to be regulated by the character of the seasons, and the mu- tual agreement of the parties concerned. as the island is suf- fering rather from a paucity of laborers, than otherwise, labor must in good seasons command good wages. the present rate of wages is extremely low, though it is made barely tolerable by the additional perquisites which the people enjoy. they have their houses rent-free, and in connection with them small premises forty feet square, suitable for gardens, and for raising poultry, and pigs, &c., for which they always find a ready market moreover, they are burthened with no taxes whatever; and added to this, they are supplied with medical at- tendance at the expense of the estates. th. the master is authorized, in case of neglect of work, or turning out late in the morning, or entire absence from labor, to reduce the wages, or withhold them for a time not exceed- ing a week. th. the agricultural laborers may leave the field whenever they choose, (provided they give a month's previous notice) and engage in any other business; or they may purchase land and become cultivators themselves, though in either case they are of course liable to forfeit their houses on the estates. th. they may leave the island, if they choose, and seek their antigua. fortunes in any other part of the world, by making provision for their near relatives left behind. this privilege has been lately tested by the emigration of some of the negroes to demerara. the authorities of the island became alarmed lest they should lose too many of the laboring population, and the question was under discussion, at the time we were in antigua, whether it would not be lawful to prohibit the emigration. it was settled, however, that such a measure would be illegal, and the planters were left to the alternative of either being abandoned by their negroes, or of securing their continuance by adding to their com- forts and treating them kindly. th. the right of suffrage and eligibility to office are subject to no restrictions, save the single one of property, which is the same with all colors. the property qualification, however, is so great, as effectually to exclude the whole agricultural negro popu- lation for many years. th. the main constabulary force is composed of emanci- pated negroes, living on the estates. one or two trust-worthy men on each estate are empowered with the authority of con- stables in relation to the people on the same estate, and much reliance is placed upon these men to preserve order and to bring offenders to trial. th. a body of police has been established, whose duty it is to arrest all disorderly or riotous persons, to repair to the estates in case of trouble, and co-operate with the constables in arraign- ing all persons charged with a violation of law. th. the punishment for slight offences, such as stealing sugar-canes from the field, is confinement in the house of cor- rection, or being sentenced to the treadmill, for any period from three days to three months. the punishment for burglary and other high offences, is solitary confinement in chains, or trans- portation for life to botany bay. such are the main features in the statutes, regulating the free- dom of the emancipated population of antigua. it will be seen that there is no enactment which materially modifies, or unduly restrains, the liberty of the subject. there are no secret reser- vations or postscript provisoes, which nullify the boon of freedom, not only is slavery utterly abolished, but all its appendages are * antigua. scattered to the winds ; and a system of impartial laws secures justice to all, of every color and condition. the measure of success which has crowned the experiment of emancipation in antigua—an experiment tried under so many adverse circumstances, and with comparatively few local advan- tages—is highly encouraging to slaveholders in our country. it must be evident that the balance of advantages between the situation of antigua and that of the south, is decidedly in favor of che latter. the south has her resident proprietors, her resour- ces of wealth, talent, and enterprise, and her preponderance of white population; she ako enjoys a regularity of seasons, but rarely disturbed by desolating droughts, a bracing climate, which imparts energy and activity to her laboring population, and comparatively numerous wants to stimulate and press the laborer up to the working mark: she has close by her side the example of a free country, whose superior progress in internal improvements, wealth, the arts and sciences, morals and reli- gion, all ocular demonstration to her of her own wretched poli- cy and a moving appeal in favor of abolition; and above all, she has the opportunity of choosing her own mode, and of ensuring all the blessings of a voluntary and peaceable manumission, while the energies, the resources, the sympathies, and the prayers of the north, stand pledged to her assistance. chapter iii. facts and testimony. we have reserved the mass of facts and testimony, bearing immediately upon slavery in america, in order that we might present them together in a condensed form, under distinct heads. these heads, it will be perceived, consist chiefly of propositions which are warmly contested in our country. will the reader examine these principles in the light of facts will the candid of our countrymen—whatever opinions they may hitherto have antigua. entertained on this subject—hear the concurrent testimony of numerous planters, legislators, lawyers, physicians, and mer- chants, who have until three years past been wedded to slavery by birth, education, prejudice, associations, and supposed inte- rest, but who have since been divorced from all connection with the system? in most cases we shall give the names, the stations, and business of our witnesses; in a few instances, in which we were requested to withhold the name, we shall state such circum- stances as will serve to show the standing and competency of the individuals. if the reader should find in what follows, very little testimony unfavorable to emancipation, he may know the reason to be, that little was to be gleaned from any part of an- tigua. indeed, we may say that, with very few exceptions, the sentiments here recorded as coming from individuals, are really the sentiments of the whole community. there is no such thing known in antigua as an opposing, disaffected party. so complete and thorough has been the change in public opinion, that it would be now disreputable to speak against emancipation. fikst proposition.—the transition from slavery to freedom is represented as a great revolution, by which a prodigious change was effected in the condition of the negroes. in conversation with us, the planters often spoke of the greatness and suddenness of the change. said mr. barnard, of green castle estate, "the transition from slavery to freedom, was like passing suddenly out of a dark dungeon into the light of the sun." r. b. eldridge, esq., a member of the assembly, remarked, that, "there never had been in the history of the world so great and instantaneous a change in the condition of so large a body of people." the honorable nicholas nugent, speaker of the house of assembly, and proprietor, said, "there never was so sudden a transition from one state to another, by so large a body of peo- ple. when the clock began to strike the hour of twelve on the last night of july, , the negroes of antigua were slaves— when it ceased they were all freemen! it was a stupendous change," he said, "and it was one of the sublimest spectacles antigua. ever witnessed, to see the subjects of the change engaged at the very moment it occurred, in worshiping god." these, and very many similar ones, were the spontaneous ex- pressions of men who had long contended against the change of which they spoke. it is exceedingly difficult to make slaveholders see that there is any material difference between slavery and freedom; but when they have once renounced slavery, they will magnify this distinction more than any other class of men. second peoposition.—emancipation in antigua was the re- sult of political and pecuniary considerations merely. abolition was seen to be inevitable, and there were but two courses left to the colonists—to adopt the apprenticeship system, or immediate emancipation. motives of convenience led them to choose the latter. considerations of general philanthrophy, of human rights, and of the sinfulness of slavery, were scarcely so much as thought of. some time previous to the abolition of slavery, a meeting of the influential men of the island was called in st. john's, to me- morialize parliament against the measure of abolition. when the meeting convened, the hon. samuel o. baijer, who had been the champion of the opposition, was called upon to propose a plan of procedure. to the consternation of the pro-slavery meeting, their leader arose and spoke to the following effect:— "gentlemen, my previous sentiments on this subj ect are well known to you all; be not surprised to learn that they have under- gone an entire change. i have not altered my views without ma- ture deliberation. i have been making calculations with regard to the probable results of emancipation, and j have ascertained beyond a doubt, that i can cultivate my estate at least one third cheaper by free labor than by slave labor." after mr. b. had finished his remarks, mr. s. shands, member of assembly, and a wealthy proprietor, observed that he entertained precisely the same views with those just expressed; but he thought that the honorable gentleman had been unwise in uttering them in so public a man- ner; "for," said he, " should these sentiments reach the ear of parliament, as coming from us, it might induce them to withhold the compensation." antigua. ill col. edwards, member of the assembly, then arose and said, that he had long been opposed to slavery, but he had not dared lo avow his sentiments. as might be supposed, the meeting adjourned without effect- ing the object for which it was convened. when the question came before the colonial assembly, similar discussions ensued, and finally the bill for immediate emancipa- tion passed both bodies unanimously. it was an evidence of the spirit of selfish expediency, which prompted the whole pro- cedure, that they clogged the emancipation bill with the proviso that a certain governmental tax on exports, called the four and and a half per cent . tax,* should be repealed. thus clogged, the bill was sent home for sanction, but it was rejected by par- liament, and sent back with instructions, that before it could re- ceive his majesty's seal, it must appear wholly unencumbered •we subjoin the following brief history of the four and a half per cent. tax, which we procured from the speaker of the assem- bly. in the reign of charles ii., antigua was conquered by the french, and the inhabitants were forced to swear allegiance to the french government. in a very short time the french were driven off the island, and the english again took posses- sion of it. it was then declared, by order of the king, that as the people had, by swearing allegiance to another government, for- feited the protection of the british government, and all title to their lands, they should not again receive either, except on con- dition of paying to the king a duty of four and a half per cent. on every article exported from the island—and that they were to do in perpetuity. to this hard condition they were obliged to submit, and they have groaned under the onerous duty ever since. on every occasion, which offered any hope, they have sought the repeal of the tax, but have uniformly been de- feated. when they saw that the abolition question was coming to a crises, they resolved to make a last effort for the repeal of the four and a half per cent. duty. they therefore adopted im- mediate emancipation, and then, covered as they were with the laurels of so magnanimous an act, they presented to parliament their cherished object. the defeat was a humiliating one, and it produced such a reaction in the island, as well nigh led to the rescinding of the abolition bill. antigua. with extraneous provisoes. this was a great disappointment to the legislature, and it so chagrined them that very many actual- ly withdrew their support from the bill for emancipation, which passed finally in the assembly only by the casting vote of the speaker. the verbal and written statements of numerous planters also confirm the declaration that emancipation was a measure solely of selfish policy. said mr. barnard, of green castle estate—" emancipation was preferred to apprenticeship, because it was attended with less trouble, and left the planters independent, instead of being saddled with a legion of stipendiary magistrates." said dr. daniell, member of the council, and proprietor— "the apprenticeship was rejected by us solely from motives of policy. we did not wish to be annoyed with stipendiary ma- gistrates." said hon. n. nugent—" we wished to lot ourselves down in the easiest manner possible; therefore v, o chose immediate freedom in preference to apprenticeship." "emancipation was preferred to apprenticeship, because of the inevitable and endless perplexities connected with the lat- ter system."—david cranstoun, esq., a colonial magistrate and planter. "it is not pretended that emancipation was produced by the influence of religious considerations. it was a measure of mere convenience and interest."—a moravian missionary. the following testimony is extracted from a letter ad- dressed to us by a highly respectable merchant of st. john's—a gentleman of long experience on the island, and now agent for several estates. "emancipation was an act of mere policy, adopted as the safest and most economic measure." our last item of testimony under this head is from a' written statement by the hon. n. nugent, speaker of the assembly, at the time of emancipation. his remarks on this subject, although long, we are sure will be read with interest. alluding to the adoption of immediate emancipation in preference to appren- ticeship, he observes:— "the reasons and considerations which led to this step were antigua. various, of course impressing the minds of different individuals in different degrees. as slave emancipation could not be avert- ed, and must inevitably take place very shortly, it was better to meet the crisis at once, than to have it hanging over our heads for six years, with all its harassing doubts and anxieties; bet- ter to give an air of grace to that which would be ultimately unavoidable; the slaves should rather have a motive of grati- tude and kind reciprocation, than to feel, on being declared free, that their emancipation could neither be withheld nor retarded by their owners. the projected apprenticeship, while it destroyed the means of an instant coercion in a state of involuntary labor, equally withdrew or neutralised all those urgent motives which constrain to industrious exertion in the case of freemen. it ab- stracted from the master, in a state of things then barely re- munerative, one fourth of the time and labor required in culti- vation, and gave it to the servant, while it compelled the master to supply the same allowances as before. with many irksome restraints, conditions, and responsibilities imposed on the master, it had no equivalent advantages. there appeared no reason, in short, why general emancipation would not do as well in as in . finally, a strong conviction existed that from pe- culiarity of climate and soil, the physical wants and necessities of the peasantry would compel them to labor for their subsist- ence, to seek employment and wages from the proprietors of the soil; and if the transformation could be safely and quietly brought about, that the free system might be cheaper and more profitable than the other. the general testimony of planters, missionaries, clergy- men, merchants, and others, was in confirmation of the same truth. there is little reason to believe that the views of the colonists on this subject have subsequently undergone much change. we did not hear, excepting occasionally among the missionaries and clergy, the slightest insinuations thrown out that slavery was sin- ful; that the slaves had a right to freedom, or that it would have been wrong to have continued them in bondage. the politics of anti-slavery the antiguans are exceedingly well versed in, but of its religim, they seem to feel but little. they * antigua. seem never to have examined slavery in its moral relations; never to have perceived its monstrous violations of right and its impious tramplings upon god and man. the antigua plan- ters, it would appear, have yet to repent of the sin of slave- holding. if the results of an emancipation so destitute of principle, so purely selfish, could produce such general satisfaction, and be followed by such happy results, it warrants us in anticipating still more decided and immingled blessings in the train of a vo- luntary, conscientious, and religious abolition. third proposition.—the event of emancipation passed peacearly. the first of august, , is universally regarded in antigua, as having presented a most imposing and sublime moral spectacle. it is almost impossible to be in the company of a missionary, a planter, or an emancipated negro, for ten minutes, without hearing some allusion to that occasion. even at the time of our visit to antigua, after the lapse of nearly three years, they spoke of the event with an admiration apparently unabated. for some time previous to the first of august, forebodings of disaster lowered over the island. the day was fixed! thirty thousand degraded human beings were to be brought forth from the dungeon of slavery and "turned loose on the community!" and this was to be done "in a moment, in the twinkling of an eye." gloomy apprehensions were entertained by many of the planters. some timorous families did not go to bed on the night of the st of july; fear drove sleep from their eyes, and they awaited with fluttering pulse the hour of midnight, fearing lest the same bell which sounded the jubilee of the slaves might toll the death knell of the masters.* * "we were informed by a merchant of st. john's, that several american vessels which had lain for weeks in the harbor, weigh- ed anchor on the vst of july, and made their escape, through actual fear, that the island would be destroyed on the following day. ere they set sail they earnestly besought our informant to escape from the island, as he valued his life. antigua. the more intelligent, who understood the disposition of the negroes, and contemplated the natural tendencies of emancipa- tion, through philosophical principles, and in the light of human nature and history, were free from alarm. to convey to the reader some idea of the manner in which the great crisis passed, we give the substance of several ac- counts which were related to us in different parts of the island, by those who witnessed them. the wesleyans kept " watch-night" in all their chapels on the night of the st july. one of the wesleyan missionaries gave us an account of the watch meeting at the chapel in st john's. the spacious house was filled with candidates for li- berty. all was animation and eagerness. a mighty chorus of voices swelled the song of expectation and joy, and as they united in prayer, the voice of the leader was drowned in the uni- versal acclamations of thanksgiving and praise, and blessing, and honor, and glory to god, who had come down for their de- liverance. in such exercises the evening was spent until the hour of twelve approached. the missionary then proposed that when the clock on the cathedral should begin to strike, the whole congregation should fall upon their knees and receive the boon of freedom in silence. accordingly, as the loud bell tolled its first note, the immense assembly fell prostrate on their knees. all was silence, save the quivering half-stifled breath of the struggling spirit. the slow notes of the clock fell upon the multitude; peal on peal, peal on peal, rolled over the prostrate throng, in tones of angels' voices, thrilling among the desolate chords and weary heart strings. scarce had the clock sounded its last note, when the lightning flashed vividly around, and a loud peal of thunder roared along the sky—god's pillar of fire, and trump of jubilee! a moment of profoundest silence pass- ed—then came the burst—they broke forth in prayer; they shouted, they sung, "glory," "alleluia;" they clapped their hands, leaped up, fell down, clasped each other in their free arms, cried, laughed, and went to and fro, tossing upward their unfet- tered hands; but high above the whole there was a mighty sound which ever and anon swelled up; it was the utterings in bro- ken negro dialect of gratitude to god. antigua. after this gush of excitement had spent itself, and the con- gregation became calm, the religious exercises were resumed, and the remainder of the night was occupied in singing and prayer, in reading the bible, and in addresses from the missiona- ries explaining the nature of the freedom just received, and ex- horting the freed people to be industrious, steady, obedient to the laws, and to show themselves in all things worthy of the high boon which god had conferred upon them. the first of august came on friday, and a release was proclaimed from all work until the next monday. the day was chiefly spent by the great mass of the negroes in the churches and chapels. thither they flocked "as clouds, and as doves to their windows." the clergy and missionaries throughout the island were actively engaged, seizing the op- portunity in order to enlighten the people on all the duties and responsibilities of their new relation, and above all, urg- ing them to the attainment of that higher liberty with which christ maketh his children free. in every quarter we were assured that the day was like a sabbath. work had ceased; the hum of business was still, and noise and tumult were unheard on the streets. tranquillity pervaded the towns and country. a sabbath indeed! when the wicked ceased from troubling, and the weary were at rest, and the slave was free from his master! the planters informed us that they went to the chapel where their own people were assembled, greeted them, shook hands with them, and exchanged the most hearty good wishes. the churches and chapels were thronged all over the island. at cedar hall, a moravian station, the crowd was so great that the minister was obliged to remove the meeting from the cha- pel to a neighboring grove. at grace hill, another moravian station, the negroes went to the missionary on the day before the first of august, and beg- ged that they might be allowed to have a meeting in the chapel at sunrise. it is the usual practice among the moravians to hold but one runrise meeting during the year, and that is on the morning of easter; but as the people besought very earnestly antigua. for this special favor on the easter morning of their freedom, it was granted to them. early in the morning they assembled at the chapel. for some time they sat in perfect silence. the missionary then proposed that they should kneel down and sing. the whole audience fell upon their knees, and sung a hymn commencing with the following verse: "now let us praise the lord, with body, soul and spirit, . who doth such wondrous things, beyond our sense and merit." the singing was frequently interrupted with the tears and sob- bings of the melted people, until finally it was wholly arrested, and a tumult of emotion overwhelmed the congregation. during the day, repeated meetings were held. at eleven o'clock, the people assembled in vast numbers. there were at least a thousand persons around the chapel, who could not get in. for once the house of god suffered violence, and the violent took it by force. after all the service of the day, the people went again to the missionaries in a body, and petitioned to have a meeting in the evening. at grace bay, the people, all dressed in white, assembled in a spacious court in front of the moravian chapel. they form- ed a procession and walked arm in arm into the chapel. si- milar scenes occurred at all the chapels and at the churches also. we were told by the missionaries that the dress of the negroes on that occasion was uncommonly simple and modest. there was not the least disposition to gaiety. we were also informed by planters and missionaries in every part of the island, that there was not a single dance known of, either day or night, nor so much as a fiddle play- ed. there were no riotous assemblies, no drunken carousals. it was not in such channels that the excitement of the emanci- pated flowed. they were as far from dissipation and debauch- ery, as they were from violence and carnage. gratitude was the absorbing emotion. from the hill-tops, and the valleys, the cry of a disenthralled people went upward like the sound of many waters, "glory to god, glory to god." antigua. the testimony of the planters corresponds fully with that ot the missionaries. said r. b. eldridge, esq., after speaking of the number emancipated, - yet this vast body, ( , ,) glided out of slave- ry into freedom with the utmost tranquillity." dr. daniel observed, that after so prodigious a revolution in the condition of the negroes, he expected that some irregulari- ties would ensue; but he had been entirely disappointed. he also said that he anticipated some relaxation from labor during the week following emancipation. but he found his hands in the field early on monday morning, and not one missing. the same day he received word from another estate, of which he was the proprietor,* that the negroes had to a man refused to go to the field. he immediately rode to the estate and found the people standing with their hoes in their hands doing nothing. he accosted them in a friendly manner: "what does this mean, my fellows, that you are not at work this morning i" they immediately replied,"it's not because we don't want to work, massa, but we wanted to see you first and foremost to know what the bargain would be." as soon as that matter was settled, the whole body of negroes turned out cheerfully, without a mo- ment's cavil. mr. bourne, of millar's, informed us that the largest gang he had ever seen in the field on his property, turned out the week after emancipation. said hon. n. nugent, "nothing could surpass the universal propriety of the negroes' conduct on the first of august, ! never was there a more beautiful and interesting spectacle ex- hibited, than on that occasion." fourth proposition.—there has been since emancipation, not only no rebellion in fact, but no fear or it in antigua. proof st the militia were not called out during christmas holidays. before emancipation, martial law invariably prevailed on the holidays, but the very first christmas after emancipation, * it is not unusual in the west indies for proprietors to com- mit their own estates into the hands of managers; and be themselves the managers of other men's estates* antkhta. the governor made a proclamation stating that in consequence of the abolition of slavery it was no longer necessary to resort to such a precaution. there has not been a parade of soldiery on any subsequent christmas.* d. the uniform declaration of planters and others: "previous to emancipation, many persons apprehended vio- lence and bloodshed as the consequence of turning the slaves all loose. but when emancipation took place, all these apprehen- sions vanished. the sense of personal security is universal. we know not of a single instance in which the negroes have exhibited a revengeful spirit.''—s. bourne, esq., of millar's— watfcms, esq., of donovan's. "it has always appeared to me self-evident, that if a man is peaceable while a slave, he will be so when a free man."—dr. ferguson. * this has been followed by a measure on the part of the le- gislature, which is further proof of the same thing. it is " an act for amending, and further continuing the several acts at present in force for better organizing and ordering the militia. the preamble reads thus: "whereas the abolition of slavery in this island renders it expedient to provide against an unnecessary augmentation of the militia, and the existing laws for better organizing and ordering that local force require amendment." the following military advertisement also shows the'increas- ing confidence which is felt in the freed men: "recruits wanted.—the freemen of antigua are now called on to show their gratitude and loyalty to king william, fot the benefits he has conferred on them and their families, by vo- lunteering their services as soldiers in ms first west india re- giment; in doing which they will acquire a still higher rank in society, by being placed on a footing of perfect equality with the other troops in his majesty's service, and receive the same bounty, pay, clothing, rations and allowances. none but young men of good character can be received, and all such will meet with every encouragement by applying at st. john's barracks, to h. downie, captain st w. i. reg. september th, . antigua. "there is no possible danger of personal violence from the slaves; should a foreign power invade our island, i have n* doubt that the negroes would, to a man, fight for the planters. i have the utmost confidence in all the people who are under my management; they are my friends, and they consider me their friend."—h. armstrong, esq., of fitch's creek. the same gentleman informed us that during slavery, he used frequently to he sleepless on his bed, thinking of his dangerous situation—a lone white person far away from help, and sur- rounded by hundreds of savage slaves; and he had spent hours thus, in devising plans of self-defence in case the house should be attacked by the negroes. "if they come," he would say to himself, "and break down the door, and fill my bed-room, what shall i do? it will be useless to fire at them; my only hope is to frighten the superstitious fellows by covering myself with a white sheet, and rushing into the midst of them, crying, 'ghost, ghost'" now mr. a. sleeps in peace and safety, without conjuring up a ghost to keep guard at his bed-side. his body-guard is a bat- talion of substantial flesh and blood, made up of those who were once the objects of his nightly terror! "there has been no instance of personal violence since free- dom. some persons pretended, prior to emancipation, to appre- hend disastrous results; but for my part i cannot say that i ever entertained such fears. i could not see any thing which was to instigate negroes to rebellion, after they had obtained their liberty. i have not heard of a single case of even meditated re- venge."—dr. darnell, proprietor, member of council, attorney of six estates, and manager of weatheritt's. "one of the blessings of emancipation has been, that it has banished the fear of insurrections, incendiarism," &c. mr. favey, manager of lavicount's. "in my extensive intercourse with the people, as missionary, i have never heard of an instance of violence or revenge on the part of the negroes, even where they had been ill-treated dur- ing slavery."—rev. m. morrish, moravian missionary. antigua. "insurrection or revenge is in no case dreaded, not even by those planters who were most cruel in the time of slavery. my family go to sleep every night with the doors unlocked, and we fear neither violence nor robbery.''—hon. n. nugent. again, in a written communication, the same gentleman re- marks :—" there is not the slightest feeling of insecurity—quite the contrary. property is more secure, for all idea of insurrec- tion is abolished forever." "we have no cause now to fear insurrections; emancipation has freed us from all danger on this score."—david cranstoun, esq. extract of a letter from a merchant of st john's, who has re- sided in antigua more than thirty years: "there is no sense of personal danger arising from insurrec- tions or conspiracies among the blacks. serious apprehensions of this nature were formerly entertained; but they gradually died away during the first year of freedom." we quote the following from a communication addressed to us by a gentleman of long experience in augusta—now a mer- chant in st. john's—james scotland, sen*, esq. "disturbances, insubordinations, and revelry, have greatly decreased since emancipation; and it is a remarkable fact, that on the day of abolition, which was observed with the solemnity and services of the sabbath, not an instance of common inso- lence was experienced from any freed man. "there is no feeling of insecurity. a stronger proof of this cannot be given than the dispensing, within five months after emancipation, with the christmas guards, which had been regu- larly and uninterruptedly kept, for nearly one hundred years— during the whole time of slavery. "the military has never been called out but on one occasion, since the abolition, and that was when a certain planter, the most violent enemy of freedom, reported to the governor that there were strong symptoms of insurrection among his negroes. the story was generally laughed at, and the reporter of it was quite ashamed of his weakness and fears. "my former occupation, as editor of a newspaper, rendered it antigua. necessary for me to make incessant inquiries into the conduct as well as the treatment of the emancipated, and i have never heard of any instance of revenge for former injuries. the negroes have indeed quilled managers who were harsh or cruel to them in their bondage, but they removed in a peaceable and orderly manner. "our negroes, and i presume other negroes too, are very lit- tle less sensible to the force of those motives which lead to the peace, order, and welfare of society, than any other set of people." to the foregoing, we add the testimony of ralph higinbot- hom, esq., u. s. consul. "the general conduct of the negroes has been worthy ot much praise, especially concerning the sudden transition from slavery to unrestricted freedom. their demeanor is peaceable and orderly." as we mingled with the missionaries, both in town and coun- try, they all bore witness to the security of their persons and families. they, equally with the planters, were surprised that we should make any inquiries about insurrections. a question on this subject generally excited a smile, a look of astonishment, or some exclamation, such as "insurrection! my dear sirs, we do not think of such a thing;" or, "rebellion indeed! why, what should they rebel for now, since they have got their liberty!" physicians informed us that they were in the habit of riding into the country at all hours of the night, and though they were constantly passing negroes, both singly and in companies, they never had experienced any rudeness, nor even so much as an insolent word. they could go by night or day, into any part of the island where their professional duties called them, without the sbghtest sense of danger. a residence of nine weeks in the island gave us no small opportunity of testing the reality of its boasted security. the hospitality of planters and missionaries, of which we have re- corded so many instances in a previous part of this work, gave us free access to their houses in every part of the island. in many cases we were constrained to spend the night with them, antigua. and thus enjoyed, in the intimacies of the domestic circle, and in the unguarded moments of social intercourse, every opportu- nity of detecting any lurking fears of violence, if such there had deen; but we saw no evidence of it, either in the arrangements of the houses or in the conduct of the inmates.* fifth proposition.—there has been no fear of house break- ing, highway-robberies, and like misdemeanors, since emanci- pation. statements, similar to those adduced under the last head, from planters, and other gentlemen, might be introduced here; but as this proposition is so intimately involved in the foregoing, separate proof is not necessary. the same causes which excite apprehensions of insurrection, produce fears of robberies and other acts of violence; so also the same state of society which establishes security of person, insures the safety of property. both in town and country we heard gentlemen repeatedly speak of the slight fastenings to their houses. a mere lock, or bolt, was all that secured the outside doors, and they might be burst open with ease, by a single man. in some cases, as has already been intimated, the planters habitually neglect to fasten their doors—so strong is their confidence of safety. we were not a little struck with the remark of a gen- tleman in st. john's. he said he had long been desirous to re- move to england, his native country, and had slavery continued much longer in antigua, he certainly should have gone; but now the security of property was so much greater in antigua than it was in england, that he thought it doubtful whether he should ever venture to take his family thither. * in addition to the evidence derived from antigua, we would mention the following fact: a planter, who is also an attorney, informed us that on the neighboring little island of barbuda, (which is leased from the english government by sir. bethel coddrington,) there are five hundred negroes and only three white men. the negroes are entirely free, yet the whites continue to live among them without any fear of having their throats cut. though, under the govern- ment of antigua, the act of entire emancipation did not extend to that island. but sir. bethel, the proprietor, emancipated the slaves by deed under his own hand. antigua. sixth proposition.—emancipation is regarded by all classes as a great blessing to the island. there is not a class, or party, or sect, who do not esteem the abolition of slavery as a special blessing to them. the rich be- cause it relieved them of "property" which was fast becoming a disgrace, as it had always been a vexation and a tax, and be- cause it has emancipated them from the terrors of insurrec- tion, which kept them all their life time subject to bondage. the poor whites—because it lifted from off them the yoke of civil oppression. the free colored population—because it gave the death blow to the prejudice that crushed them, and opened the prospect of social, civil, and political equality with the whites. the slaves—because it broke open their dungeon, led them out to liberty, and gave them, in one munificent donation, their wives, their children, their bodies, their souls—every thing! the following extracts from the journals of the legislature, show the state of feeling existing shortly after emancipation. the first is dated october , : "the speaker said, that he looked with exultation at the prospect before us. the hand of the most high was evidently working for us. could we regard the universal tranquillity, the respectful demeanor of the lower classes, as less than an inter- position of providence? the agricultural and commercial pros- perity of the island were absolutely on the advance; and for hie part he would not hesitate to purchase estates to-morrow." the following remark was made in the course of a speech by a member of the council, november , : "colonel brown stated, that since emancipation he had never been without a sufficient number of laborers, and he was certain he could obtain as many more to-morrow as he should wish." the general confidence in the beneficial results of emancipa- tion, has grown stronger with every succeeding year and month. it has been seen that freedom will bear trial; that it will en- dure, and continue to bring forth fruits of increasing value. the governor informed us that "it was universally admit- ted, that emancipation had been a great blessing to the island." in a company of proprietors and planters, who met us on a antigua. certain occasion, among whom were lawyers, magistrates, and members of the council, and of the assembly, the sentiment was distinctly avowed, that emancipation was highly beneficial to the island, and there was not a dissenting opinion. "emancipation is working most admirably, especially for the planters. it is infinitely better policy than slavery or the ap- prenticeship either."—dr. ferguson. "our planters find that freedom answers a far better purpose than slavery ever did. a gentleman, who is attorney for eight estates, assured me that there was no comparison between the benefits and advantages of the two systems."—archdeacon parry. "all the planters in my neighborhood (st. philip's parish) are highly pleased with the operation of the new system."—rev. mr. jones, rector of st. philip's. "i do not know of more than one or two planters in the whole island, who do not consider emancipation as a decided advan- tage to all parties."—dr. daniell. that emancipation should be universally regarded as a bless- ing, is remarkable when we consider that combination of un- toward circumstances which it has been called to encounter—a combination wholly unprecedented in the history of the island. in , the first year of the new system, the colony was visited by one of the most desolating hurricanes which has occurred for many years. in the same year, cultivation was arrested, and the crops greatly reduced, by drought. about the same time, the yellow fever prevailed with fearful mortality. the next year the drought returned, and brooded in terror from march until january, and from january until june—not only blasting the harvest of ' , but extending its blight over the crops of' . nothing could be better calculated to try the confidence in the new system. yet we find all classes zealously exonerating emancipation, and in despite of tornado, plague, and wasting, still affirming the blessings and advantages of freedom! seventh proposition.—free labor is decidedly less expen- sive than slave labor. it costs the planter actually less to pay his free laborers daily wages, than it did to maintain his slaves. it will be observed in the testimony which follows, that there is * antigua. some difference of opinion as to the precise amount of reduction in the expenses, which is owing to the various modes of manage- ment on different estates, and more particularly to the fact, that some estates raise all their provisions, while others raise none. but as to the fact itself, there can scarcely be said to be any dispute among the planters. there was one class of planters whose expenses seemed to be somewhat increased, viz.,—those who raised all their provisions before emancipation, and ceased to raise any after that event. but in the opinion of the most intelligent planters, even these did not really sustain any loss, for originally it was bad policy to raise provisions, since it en- grossed that labor which would have been more profitably di- rected to the cultivation of sugar; and hence they would ulti- mately be gainers by the change. s. bourne, esq., stated that the expenses on millar's estate,of which he is manager, had diminished about one.third. mr. barnard, of green castle, thought his expenses were about the same that they were formerly. mr. favey, of lavicount's estate, enumerated, among the ad- vantages of freedom over slavery, "the diminished expense." dr. nugent also stated, that "the expenses of cultivation were greatly diminished." mr. hatley, manager of fry's estate, said that the expenses on his estate had been greatly reduced since emancipation. he showed us the account of his expenditures for the last year of slavery, and the first full year of freedom, . the expenses during the last year of slavery were . s. aid.; the expenses for were ?. s. jrf.: showing a reduction of more than one-third. d. cranstoun, esq., informed us that his weekly expenses during slavery, on the estate which he managed, were, on an average, z.; the average expenses now do not exceed z. extract of a letter from hon. n. nugent: "the expenses of cultivating sugar estates have in no in- stance, i believe, been found greater than before. as far as my experience goes, they are certainly less, particularly as regards those properties which were overhanded before, when proprie- tors were compelled to support more dependents than they re- antigua. quired. in some cases, the present cost is less by one-third. i have not time to furnish you with any detailed statements, but the elements of the calculation are simple enough." it is not difficult to account for the diminution in the cost of cultivation. in the first place, for those estates that bought their provision previous to emancipation, it cost more money to purchase their stores than they now pay out in wages. this was especially true in dry seasons, when home provisions failed, and the island was mainly dependent upon foreign supplies. but the chief source of the diminution lies in the reduced number of people to be supported by the planter. during sla- very, the planter was required by law to maintain all the slaves belonging to the estate; the superannuated, the mfirm, the pregnant, the nurses, the young children, and the infants, as well as the working slaves. now it is only the latter class, the ef- fective laborers, (with the addition of such as were superannu- ated or infirm at the period of emancipation,) who are dependent upon the planter. these are generally not more than one half, frequently less than a third, of the whole number of negroes resident on the estate; consequently a very considerable burthen has been removed from the planter. the reader may form some estimate of the reduced expense to the planter, resulting from these causes combined, by con- sidering the statement made to us by hon. n. nugent, and re- peatedly by proprietors and managers, that had slavery been in existence during the present drought, many of the smaller es- tates must have been inevitably ruined; on account of the high price of imported provisions, (home provisions having fallen short) and the number of slaves to be fed. eighth proposition.—the negroes work more cheerfully, and do (heir work better than they did during slavery. wages are found to be an ample substitute for the lash—they never fail to secure the amount of labor desired. this is particularly true where task work is tried, which is done occasionally in cases of a pressing nature, when considerable effort is required. we heard of no complaints on the score of idleness, but on the con- trary, the negroes were highly commended for the punctuality antigua. and cheerfulness with which they performed the work assigned them. the governor stated, that " he was assured by planters, from every part of the island, that the negroes were very industriously "my people have become much more industrious since they were emancipated. i have been induced to extend the sugar cultivation over a number of acres more than have ever been cultivated before."—mr. walkins, of donovan's. "fearing the consequences of emancipation, i reduced my cultivation in the year ' ; but soon finding that my people would work as well as ever, i brought up the cultivation the next year to the customary extent, and this year (' ) i have added fifteen acres of new land."—s. bourne,of millar's. "throughout the island the estates were never in a more ad- vanced state than they now are. the failure in the crops is not in the slightest degree chargeable to a deficiency of labor. i have frequently adopted the job system for short periods; the results have always been gratifying—the negroes accomplished twice as much as when they worked for daily wages, because they made more money. on some days they would make three shillings—three times the ordinary wages."—dr. darnell. "they are as a body more industrious than when slaves, for tbe obvious reason that they are working for themselves."—ralph higinbothom, u. s. consul. "i have no hesitation in saying that on my estate cultivation is more forward than ever it has been at the same season. the failure of the crops is not in the least degree the fault of the la- borers. they have done well."—mr. favey, of lavicounl's estate. "the most general apprehension prior to emancipation was, that the negroes would not work after they were made free— that they would be indolent, buy small parcels of land, and 'squat' on them to the neglect of sugar cultivation. time, how- ever, has proved that there was no foundation for this appre- hension. the estates were never in better order than they are at present. if you are interrogated on your return home con- cerning the cultivation of antigua, you can say that every thing antigua. depends upon the weather. if we have sufficient rain, you may be certain that we shall realize abundant crops. if we have no rain, the crops must inevitably fail. but we can aboays depend upon the laborers. on account of the stimulus to industry which wages afford, there is far less feigned sickness than there was during slavery. when slaves, the negroes were glad to find any excuse for deserting their labor, and they were incessantly feigning sickness. the sick-house was thronged with real and pretended invalids. after ' , it was wholly deserted. the negroes would not go near it; and, in truth, i have lately used it for a stable."—hon, n. nugent. "though the laborers on both the estates under my manage- ment have been considerably reduced since freedom, yet the grounds have never been in a finer state of cultivation, than they are at present . when my work is backward, i give it out in jobs, and it is always done in half the usual time." "emancipation has almost wholly put an end to the practice of skulking, or pretending to be sick. that was a thing which caused the planter a vast deal of trouble during slavery. every monday morning regularly, when i awoke, i found ten or a dozen, or perhaps twenty men and women, standing around my door, waiting for me to make my first appearance, and begging that i would let them off from work that day on account of sick- ness. it was seldom the case that one fourth of the applicants were really unwell ; but every one would maintain that he was very sick, and as it was hard to contend with them about it, they were all sent off to the sick-house. now this is entirely done away, and my sick-house is converted into a chapel for religious worship."—james howell, esq. " find my people much more disposed to work than they , formerly were. the habit of feigning sickness to get rid of going to the field, is completely broken up. this practice was very common during slavery. it was often amusing to hear their complaints. one would come carrying an arm in one hand, and declaring that it had a mighty pain in it, and he could not use the hoe no way ; another would make his appearance with both hands on his breast, and with a rueful look complain of a great pain in the stomach; a third came limping along, antigua. with a dreadful rheumatiz in his knees; and so on for a dozen or more. it was vain to dispute with them, although it was often manifest that nothing earthly was ailing them. they would say,' ah! me massa, you no tink how had me feel—it's deep in, massa.' but all this trouble is passed. we have no sick-house now; no feigned sickness, and really much less actual illness than formerly. my people say ' they have not time lobe sick now.' my cultivation has never been so far advanced at the same season, or in finer order than it is at the present time. i have been encouraged by the increasing industry of my people to bring several additional acres under cultivation."—mr. hatley, fry's estate. "i get my work done better than formerly, and with incom- parably more cheerfulness. my estate was never in a finer state of cultivation than it is now, though i employ fewer labor- ers than during slavery. i have occasionally used job, or task work, and with great success. when i give out a job, it is accomplished in about half the time that it would have required by giving the customary wages. the people will do as much in one week at job work, as they will in two, working for a shilling a day. i have known them, when they had a job to do, turn out before three o'clock in the morning, and work by moonlight"— d. cransioun, esq. "my people work very well for the ordinary wages; i have no fault to find with them in this respect"—manager of scot- land's estate. extract from the superintendent's report to the commander in chief. superintendent's office, june qth, . "during the last month have visited the country in almost every direction, with the express object of paying a strict atten- tion to all branches of agricultural operations at that period pro- gressing. the result of my observations is decidedly favorable, as re- gards proprieters and laborers. the manufacture of sugar has advanced as far as the long and continued want of rain will ad- mit; the lands, generally, appear to be in a forward state of .antigua. preparation for the ensuing crop, and the laborers seem to work with more steadiness and satisfaction to themselves and their employers, than they have manifested for some length of time past, and their work is much more correctly performed. complaints are, for the most part, adduced by the employers against the laborers, and principally consist, (as hitherto,) of breaches of contract; but i am happy to observe, that a diminu- tion of dissatisfaction on this head even, has taken place, as will be seen by the accompanying general return of offences re- ported. your honor's most obedient, humble servant, richard s. wickham, superintendent of police." ninth proposition.—the negroes are more easily managed as freemen than they were when slaves. on this point as well as on every other connected with the system of slavery, public opinion in antigua has undergone an entire revolution, since . it was then a common maxim that the peculiar characteristics of the negro absolutely required a government of terror and brute force. the governor said, "the negroes are as a race remarkable for docility; they are very easily controlled by kind influence. it is only necessary to gain their confidence, and you can sway them as you please." "before emancipation took place, i dreaded the consequences of abolishing the power of compelling labor, but i have since found by experience that forbearance and kindness are sufficient for all purposes of authority. i have seldom had any trouble in managing my people. they consider me their friend and the expression of my wish is enough for them. those planters who have retained their harsh manner do not succeed under the new system. the people will not bear it."—mr. j. howell. "i find it remarkably easy to manage my people. i govern them entirely by mildness. in every instance in which mana- gers have persisted in their habits of arbitrary command, they have failed. i have lately been obliged to discharge a manager from one of the estates under my direction, on account of his overbearing disposition. if i had not dismissed him, the people would have abandoned the estate en masse."—dr. daniell. antigua. "the minagement of an estate under the free system is a much lighter business than it used to be. we do not have the trouble to get the people to work, or to keep them in order."— mr. favey. u before the abolition of slavery, i thought it would be utterly impossible to manage my people without tyrannizing over them as usual, and that it would be giving up the reins of government entirely to abandon the whip; but i am now satisfied that i was mistaken. i have lost all desire to exercise arbitrary power. i have known of several instances in which unpleasant distur- bances have been occasioned by managers giving way to their anger, and domineering over their laborers. the people be- came disobedient and disorderly, and remained so untill the es- tates went into other hands, and a good management immedi- ately restored confidence and peace."—mr. watkins. "among the many advantages belonging to the free system, may be enumerated the greater facility in managing estates. we are freed from a world of trouble and perplexity."—david cranstoun, esq. "i have no hesitation in saying, that if i have a supply of cash, i can take off any crop it may please god to send. having already, since emancipation, taken off one fully sixty hogsheads above the average of the last twenty years, i can speak with confidence."—letter from s. bourne, esq. mr. bourne stated a fact which illustrates the ease with which the negroes are governed by gentle means. he said that it was a prevailing practice during slavery for the slaves to have a dance soon after they had finished gathering in the crop. at the completion of his crop in ' , the people made arrangements for having the customary dance. they were particularly elated because the crop which they had first taken off was the largest one that had ever been produced by the estate, and it was also the largest crop on the island for that year. with these extra- ordinary stimulants and excitements, operating in connection with the influence of habit, the people were strongly inclined to have a dance. mr. b. told them that dancing was a bad prac- tice—and a very childish, barbarous amusement. and he thought it was wholly unbecoming freemen. he hoped therefore that antistm. they would dispense with it. the negroes could not exactly agree with their manager—and said they did not like to he dis- appointed in their expected sport. mr. b. finally proposed to them that he would get the moravian minister, rev. mr. har- vey, to ride out and preach to them on the appointed evening. the people all agreed to this. accordingly, mr. harvey preach- ed, and they said no more ahout the dance—nor have they ever attempted to get up a dance since. we had repeated opportunities of witnessing the management of the laborers on the estates, and were always struck with the absence of every thing like coercion. by the kind invitation of mr. bourne, we accompianed him once on a morning circuit around his estate. after riding some distance, we came to the 'great gang' cutting canes. mr. b. saluted the people in a friendly manner, and they all responded with a hearty 'good morning, massa.' there were more than fifty persons, male and female, on the spot . the most of them were employed in cutting canes,* which they did with a heavy knife called a bill. mr. b. beckoned to the superintendent, a black man, to come to him, and gave him some directions for the forenoon's work, and then, after saying a few encouraging words to the people, took us to another part of the estate, re- marking as we rode off; "i have entire confidence that those laborers will do their work just as i want to have it done." we next came upon some men, who were hoeing in a field of corn. we found that there had been a slight altercation between two *the process of cutting canes is this:—the leafy part at top is first cut off down as low as the saccharine matter. a few of the lowest joints of the part thus cut off, are then stripped of the leaves, and cut off for plants, for the next crop. the stalk is then cut off close to the ground—and it is that which fur- nishes the juice for sugar. it is from three to twelve feet long, and from one to two inches in diameter, according to the quality of the soil, the seasonablcness of the weather, &c. the cutters are followed by gatherers, who bind up the plants and stalks, as the cutters cast them behind them, in different bundles. the carts follow in the train, and take up the bundles—carrying the stalks to the mill to be ground, and the plants in another direction. antigua. of the men. peter, who was a foreman, came to mr. b., and complained that george would not leave the cornfield and go to another kind of work as he had bid him. mr.b. called george, and asked for an explanation. george had a long story to tell, and he made an earnest defence, accompanied with impassioned gesticulation; but his dialect was of such outlandish description, that we could not understand him. mr. b. told us that the main ground of his defence was that peter's direction was altogether unreasonable. peter was then called upon to sustain his com- plaint; he spoke with equal earnestness and equal unintelligi- bility. mr. b. then gave his decision, with great kindness of manner, which quite pacified both parties. as we rode on, mr. b. informed us that george was himself the foreman of a small weeding gang, and felt it derogatory to his dignity to be ordered by peter. we observed on all the estates which we visited that the planters, when they wish to influence their people, are in the habit of appealing to them as freemen, and that now better things are expected of them. this appeal to their self-respect seldom fails of carrying the point. it is evident from the foregoing testimony, that if the negroes do not work well on any estate, it is generally speaking the fault of the manager. we were informed of many instances in which arbitrary men were discharged from the management of estates, and the result has been the restoration of order and industry among the people. on this point we quote the testimony of james scotland, sen., esq., an intelligent and aged merchant of st. john's: "in this colony, the evils and troubles attending emancipation have resulted almost entirely from the perseverance of the plant- ers in their old habits of domination. the planters very fre- quently, indeed, in the early stage of freedom, used their power as employers to the annoyance and injury of their laborers. for the slightest misconduct, and sometimes without any rea- son whatever, the poor negroes were dragged before the ma- gistrates, (planters or their friends,) and mulcted in their wages, fined otherwise, and committed to jail or the house of correction. and yet those harassed people remained patient, orderly and antigua. submissive. their treatment now is much improved. the plant- ers have happily discovered, that as long as they kept the cultivators of then lands in agitations and sufferings, their own interests were sacrificed." tenth proposition.—the negroes are more trust.tvorthy, and take a deeper interest in their employers' affairs, since emancipation. "my laborers manifest an increasing attachment to the estate. in all their habits they are becoming more settled, and they begin to feel that they have a personal interest in the suc- cess of the property on which they live."—mr. favey. "as long as the negroas felt uncertain whether they would remain in one place, or be dismissed and compelled to seek a home elsewhere, they manifested very little concern for the advancement of their employers' interest; but in proportion as they become permanently established on an estate, they seem to identify themselves with its prosperity. the confidence between master and servant is mutually increasing."—mr. james howell the hon. mr. nugent, dr. daniel], d. cranstoun, esq., and other planters, enumerated among the advantages of freedom, the planters being released from the perplexities growing out of want of confidence in the sympathy and honesty of the slaves. s. bourne, esq., of millar's, remarked as we were going to wards his mill and boiling-house, which had been in operation about a week, "i have not been near my works for several days; yet i have no fears but that i shall find every thing going on properly." the planters have been too deeply experienced m the nature of slavery, not to know that mutual jealousy, distrust, and aliena- tion of feeling and interest, are its legitimate offspring; and they have already seen enough of the operation of freedom, to entertain the confident expectation, that fair wages, kind treat- ment, and comfortable homes, will attach the laborers to the estates, and identify the interests of the employer and the em- ployed. eleventh proposition.—the experiment in antigua proves that emancipated slaves can appreciate law. it is a prevailing opinion that those who have long been slaves, cannot at once be safely subjected to the control of law. antigua. it will now be seen how far this theory is supported by facte. let it be remembered that the negroes of antigua passed, "by a single jump, from absolute slavery to unqualified freedom."* in proof of their subordination to law, we give the testimony of planters, and quote also from the police reports sent in monthly to the governor, with copies of which we were kindly furnished by order of his excellency. "i have found that the negroes are readily controlled by law; more so perhaps than the laboring classes in other countries.— david cransloun, esq. "the conduct of the negro population generally, has sur- passed all expectation. they are as pliant to the hand of legislation, as any people; perhaps more so than some."—wes- leyan missionary. similar sentiments were expressed by the governor, the hon. n. nugent, r. b. eldridge, esq., dr. ferguson, dr. daniel], and james scotland, jr., esq., and numeroiin other planters, managers, &c. this testimony is corroborated by the police reports, exhibiting, as they do, comparatively few crimes, and those for the most part minor ones. we have in our possession tb,e police reports for every month from september, , to january, . we give such specimens as will serve to show the general tenor of the reports. police-office, st. john's, sept. , & . "from the information which i have been able to collect by my own personal exertions, and from the reports of the assistant inspectors, at the out stations, i am induced to believe that, in general, a far better feeling and good understanding at present prevails between the laborers and their employers, than hitherto. "capital offences have much decreased in number, as well as all minor ones, and the principal crimes lately submitted for the investigation of the migistrates, seem to consist chiefly in trifling' offences and breaches of contract. signed, richard s. wickham, superintendent of police. "to his excellency, sik c. i. murray mcgregor, governor, <fc. * dr. daniell. antigua. st. john's, antigua, oct. , . "sib—the general state of regularity and tranquillity which prevails throughout the island, admits of my making but a con- cise report to your excellency, for the last month. "the autumnal agricultural labors continue to progress favor- ably, and i have every reason to believe, that the agriculturalists, generally, are far more satisfied with the internal state of the island affairs, than could possibly have been anticipated a short period since. "from conversations which i have had with several gentle- men of extensive interest and practical experience, united with my own observations, i do not hesitate in making a favorable report of the general easy and quietly progressing state of con- tentedness, evidently showing itself among the laboring class; and i may add, that with few exceptions, a reciprocity of kind and friendly feeling at present is maintained between the plant- ers and their laborers. "although instances do occur of breach of contract, they are not very frequent, and in many cases i have been induced to be- lieve, that the crime has originated more from the want of a proper understanding of the time, intent, and meaning of the contract into which the laborers have entered, than from the actual exist- ence of any dissatisfaction on their part." signed, <j-c. st. john's, antigua, dec. d, . "sir—i have the honor to report that a continued uninter- rupted state of peace and good order has happily prevailed throughout the island, during the last month. "the calendar of offences for trial at the ensuing sessions, bears little comparison with those of former periods, and i am happy to state, that the crimes generally, are of a trifling nature, and principally petty thefts. "by a comparison of the two last lists of offences submitted for investigation, it will be found that a decrease has taken place in that for november." signed, <fc. st. john's, january d, . "sir—i have great satisfaction in reporting to your honor * antigua. the peaceable termination of the last year, and of the christmas vacation. "at this period of the year, which has for ages been celebrat- ed for scenes of gaiety and amusement among the laboring, as well as all other classes of society, and when several successive days of idleness occur, i cannot but congratulate your honor, on the quiet demeanor and general good order, which has happily been maintained throughout the island. "it may not be improper here to remark, that during the hol- idays, i had only one prisoner committed to my charge, and that even his offence was of a minor nature." signed, «j-c. extract of report for february, . "the operation of the late contract acts, caused some trifling inconvenience at the commencement, but now that they are clearly understood, even by the young and ignorant, i am of opinion, that the most beneficial effects have resulted from these salutary acts, equally to master and servant, and that a permanent understanding is fully established. "a return of crimes reported during the month of january, beg leave to inclose, and at the same time, to congratulate your honor on the vast diminution of all minor misdemeanors, and of the continued total absence of capital offences." superintendent's office, antigua, april lh, . "sir—i am happy to remark, for the information of your honor, that the easter holidays have passed off! without the occurrence of any violation of the existing laws sufficiently seri- ous to merit particular observation."* signed, 'j-c extract from the report for may, . "it affords me great satisfaction in being able to report that the continued tranquillity prevailing throughout the island, pre- vents the necessity of my calling the particular attention of your honor to the existence of any serious or flagrant offence. * this and the other reports concern, not st. john's merely, but the entire population of the island. antigua. "the crop season having far advanced, i have much pleasure in remarking the continued steady and settled disposition, which on most properties appear to be reciprocally established between the proprietors and their agricultural laborers; and i do also venture to offer as my opinion, that a considerable improvement has taken place, in the behavior of domestic, as well as other laborers, not immediately employed in husbandry." we quote the following table of offences as a specimen of the monthly reports: police office, st. john's, . return of offences reported at the police stations from st to st mat. p h nature of offences. o h . o ro - %, en™ sl o ? p h assaults, do. and batteries, breach of contract, burglaries, . commitments under va- grant act, do. for fines, do. under amended porter's and job. ber's act, felonies, injury to property, larcenies, misdemeanors, murders, petty thefts, trespasses, . riding improperly thro' the streets, total, . . . . signed, richard s. wickham, superintendent of police. antigua. superintendent's office, antigua, july th, . "sir—i have the honor to submit for your information, a general return of all offences reported during the last month, by which your honor will perceive, that no increase of' breach of contract' has been recorded. "while i congratulate your honor on the successful mainte- nance of general peace, and a reciprocal good feeling among all classes of society, i beg to assure you, that the opinion which i have been able to form in relation to the behavior of the laboring population, differs but little from my late observations. "at a crisis like this, when all hopes of the ultimate success of so grand and bold an experiment, depends, almost entirely, on a cordial co-operation of the community, i sincerely hope, that no obstacles or interruptions will now present themselves, to disturb that general good understanding so happily estab- lished, since the adoption of unrestricted freedom." superintendent's office, st. john's, sept. th, . "sir—i have the honor to. enclose, for the information of your excellency, the usual monthly return of offences reported for punishment. "it affords me very great satisfaction to report, that the inter- nal peace and tranquillity of the island has remained uninterrupted during the last month; the conduct of all classes of the commu- nity has been orderly and peaceable, and strictly obedient to the laws of their country. "the agricultural laborers continue a steady and uniform line of conduct, and with some few exceptions, afford a general satisfaction to their several employers. «every friend to this country, and to the liberties of the world, must view with satisfaction the gradual improvement in the character and behavior of this class of the community, under the constant operation of the local enactments. "the change must naturally be slow, but i feel sure that, in due time, a general amelioration in the habits and industry of the laborers will be sensibly experienced by all grades of society in this island, and will prove the benign effects and propitious atfthsua. results of the co-operated exertions of all, for their general bene. fit and future advancement. "complaints have been made in the public prints of the rob- beries committed in this town, as well as the neglect of duty of the police force, and as these statements must eventually come under the observation of your excellency, i deem it my duty to make a few observations on this point. "the town of st. john's occupies a space of one hundred and sixty acres of land, divided into fourteen main, and nine cross streets, exclusive of lanes and alleys—with a population of about three thousand four hundred persons. "the numerical strength of the police force in this district, is eleven sergeants and two officers; five of these sergeants are on duty every twenty-four hours. one remains in charge of the premises, arms, and stores; the other four patrole by day and night, and have also to attend to the daily duties of the ma- gistrates, and the eleventh is employed by me (being an old one) in general patrole duties, pointing out nuisances and irre- gularities. "one burglary and one felony alone were reported through- out the island population of , souls in the month of july; and no burglary, and three felonies, were last month reported. "the cases of robbery complained of, have been effected without any violence or noise, and have principally been by con- cealment in stores, which, added to the great want of a single jamp, or other light, in any one street at night, must reasonably facilitate the design of the robber, and defy the detection of the most active and vigilant body of police." signed, '%c superinttndents office, antigua, january ft, . "sir—it is with feelings of the most lively gratification that i report for your notice the quiet and peaceable termination of christmas vacation, and the last year, which were concluded without a single serious violation of the governing laws. cannot refrain from cordially congratulating your excellency on the regular and steady behavior, maintained by all ranks of society, at this particular period of the year. antigua. "not one species of crime which can be considered of an heinous nature, has yet been discovered; and i proudly venture to declare my opinion, that in no part of his majesty's domin- ions, has: a population of thirty thousand conducted themselves with more strict propriety, at this annual festivity, or been more peaceably obedient to the laws of their country." signed, fc in connection with the above quotation from the monthly re- ports, we present an extract of a letter from the superintendent of the police, addressed to us. st. john's, th february, . "my dear sirs—in compliance with your request, i have not any hesitation in affording you any information on the sub- ject of the free system adopted in this island, which my public situation has naturally provided me with. "the opinion which i have formed has been, and yet re- mains, in favor of the emancipation; and i feel very confident that the system has and continues to work well, in almost all instances. the laborers have conducted themselves generally in a highly satisfactory manner to all the authorities, and strik- ingly so when we reflect that the greater portion of the popula- tion of the island were at once removed from a state of long existing slavery, to one of unrestricted freedom. unacquainted as they are with the laws newly enacted for their future govern- ment and guidance, and having been led in their ignorance to expect incalculable wonders and benefits arising from freedom, i cannot but reflect with amazement on the peace and good order which have been so fortunately maintained throughout the island population of thirty thousand subjects. "some trifling difficulties sprang up on the commencement of the new system among the laborers, but even these, on strict investigation, proved to originate more from anignorance of their actual position, than from any bad feeling, or improper motives, and consequently were of short duration. in general the labor- ers are peaceable, orderly, and civil, not only to those who move in higher spheres of life than themselves, but also to each other. "the crimes they are generally guilty of, are petty thefts, antigua. and other minor offences against the local acts; but crimes of any heinous nature are very rare among them; and i may ven- ture to say, that petty thefts, breaking sugar-canes to eat, and of- fences of the like description, principally swell the calendars of our quarterly courts of sessions. murder has been a stranger to this island for many years; no execution has occurred among the island population for a very long period; the only two in- stances were two irish soldiers. "the lower class having become more acquainted with their governing laws, have also become infinitely more obedient to them, and i have observed that particular care is taken among most of them to explain to each other the nature of the laws, and to point out in their usual style the ill consequences attending any violation of them. o" a due fear of, and a prompt obedience to, the authority of the magistrates, is a prominent feature of the lower orders, and to this i mainly attribute the successful maintenance of rural tranquillity. "since emancipation, the agricultural laborer has had to con- tend with two of the most .obstinate droughts experienced for many years in the island, which has decreased the supply of his accustomed vegetables and ground provisions, and consequently subjected him and family to very great privations; but this even, i think, has been submitted to with becoming resignation. "to judge of the past and present state of society throughout the island, i presume that the lives and properties of all classes are as secure in this, as in any other portion of his majesty's do- minions; and i sincerely hope the future behavior of all, will more clearly manifest the correctness of my views of this highly important subject . "i remain, dear sirs, yours faithfully, "richard s. wickham, superintendent of police." this testimony is pointed and emphatic; and it comes from one whose official business it is to know the things whereof he here affirms. we have presented not merely the opinions of. mr. w, relative to the subordination of the emancipated negroes in antigua, but likewise the facts upon which he founded his opinion. antigua. on a point of such paramount importance we cannot be too explicit we therefore add the testimony of planters as to the actual state of crime compared with that previous to emancipa- tion. said j. howell, esq., of t. jarvis's estate, "i do not think that aggressions on property, and crime in general, have in- creased since emancipation, but rather decreased. they ap- pear to be more frequent, because they are made more public. during slavery, all petty thefts, insubordination, insolence, neg- lect of work, and so forth, were punished summarily on the es- tate, by order of the manager, and not even so much as the rumor of them ever reached beyond the confines of the proper- ty. now all offences, whether great or trifling, are to be taken cognizance of by the magistrate or jury, and hence they be- come notorious. formerly each planter knew only of those crimes which occurred on his own property; now every one knows something about the crimes committed on every other estate, as well as his own." . it will be remembered that mr. h. is a man of thorough and long experience in the condition of the island, having lived in it since the year , and being most of that time engaged direct- ly in the management of estates. "aggression on private property, such as breaking into houses, cutting canes, &c, are decidedly fewer than formerly. it is true that crime is made more public now, than during slavery, when the master was his own magistrate."—dr. daniell. "i am of the opinion that crime in the island has diminished rather than increased since the abolition of slavery. there is an apparent increase of crime, because every misdemeanor, how- ever petty, floats to the surface."—hon. n. nugent. we might multiply testimony on this point; but suffice it to say that, with very few exceptions, the planters, many of whom are also civil magistrates, concur in these two statements; that the amount of crime is actually less than it was during slavery; and that it appears to be greater because of the publicity which is necessarily given by legal processes to offences which were formerly punished and forgotten on the spot where they occurred. antigua. some of the prominent points established by the foregoing evidence are, st . that most of the crimes committed are petty misdemea- nors, such as turning out to work late in the morning, cutting canes to eat, &c. high penal offences are exceedingly rare. d. that where offences of a serious nature do occur, or any open insubordination takes place, they are founded in ignorance or misapprehension of the law, and are seldom repeated a second time, if the law be properly explained and fully understood. d. that the above statements apply to no particular part of the island, where the negroes are peculiarly favored with intel- ligence and religion, but are made with reference to the island generally. now it happens that in one quarter of the island the negro population are remarkably ignorant and degraded. we were credibly informed by various missionaries, who had labored in antigua and in a number of the other english islands, that they had not found in any colony so much debasement among the people, as prevailed in the part of antigua just alluded to. yet they testified that the negroes in that quarter were as peace- able, orderly, and obedient to law, as in any other part of the colony. we make this statement here particularly for the pur- pose of remarking that in the testimony of the planters, and in the police reports, there is not a single allusion to this portion of the island as forming an exception to the prevailing state of order and subordination. after the foregoing facts and evidences, we ask, what be- comes of the dogma, that slaves cannot be immediately placed under the government of equitable laws with safety to themselves and the community? twelfth proposition.—the emancipated negroes have shown no disposition to roam from place to place. a tendency to rove about, is thought by many to be a characteristic of the negro; he is not allowed even an ordinary share of local attach- ment, but must have the chain and staple of slavery to hold hun amidst the graves of his fathers and the society of his children. the experiment in antigua shows that such sentiments are groundless prejudices. there a large body of slaves wore antigua. "turned loose;" they had full liberty to leave their old homes and settle on other properties—or if they preferred a continuous course of roving, they might change employers every six weeks, and pass from one estate to another until they had accomplished the circuit of the island. but what are the facts "the ne- groes are not disposed to leave the estates on winch they have formerly lived, unless they are forced away by bad treatment. i have witnessed many facts which illustrate this remark. not unfrequently one of the laborers will get dissatisfied about some- thing , and in the excitement of the moment will notify me that he intends to leave my employ at the end of the month. but in nine cases out of ten such persons, before the month has ex- pired, beg to be allowed to remain on the estate. the strength of their local attachment soon overcomes their resentment, and even drives them to make the most humiliating confessions in order to be restored to the favor of their employer, and thus be permitted to remain in their old homes."—h. armstrong, esq. "nothing but bad treatment on the part of the planters has ever caused the negroes to leave the estates on which they were accustomed to live, and in such cases a change of management has almost uniformly been sufficient to induce them to return. we have known several instances of this kind."—s. bourne, esq., of millar's, and mr. watkins, of donovan's. "the negroes are remarkably attached to their homes. in the year , forty-three slaves were sold from the estate un- der my management, and removed to another estate ten miles distant. after emancipation, the whole of these came back, and plead with me to employ them, that they might live in their former houses."—james howell, esq. "very few of my people have left me. the negroes are peculiar for their attachment to their homes."—samuel barnard, esq., of green castle. "love of home is very remarkable in the negroes. it is a passion with them. on one of the estates of which i am attor- ney, a part of the laborers were hired from other proprietors. they had been for a great many years living on the estate, and they became so strongly attached to it, that they all continued to work on it after emancipation, and they still remain on the antigua. same property. the negroes are loth to leave their homes, and they very seldom do so unless forced away by ill treatment."— dr. daniell. on a certain occasion we were in the company of four plant- ers, and among other topics this subject was much spoken of. they all accorded perfectly in the sentiment that the negroes were peculiarly sensible to the influence of local attachments. one of the gentlemen observed that it was a very common say- ing with them—"me nebber leave my bornin' ground,"—i. e., birth-place. an aged gentleman in st john's, who was formerly a planter, remarked, "the negroes have very strong local attachments they love their little hut, where the calabash tree, planted at the birth of a son, waves over the bones of their parents. they will endure almost any hardship and suffer repeated wrongs be- fore they will desert that spot." such are the sentiments of west india planters: expressed, in the majority of case?, spontaneously, and mostly in illustration of other statements. we did not hear a word that implied an opposite sentiment. it is true, much was said about the emi- gration to demerara, but the facts in this case only serve to con- firm the testimony already quoted. in the first place, nothing but the inducement of very high wages* could influence any to go, and in the next place, after they got there they sighed to return, (but were not permitted,) and sent back word to their relatives and friends not to leave antigua. facts clearly prove, that the negroes, instead of being indif- ferent to local attachments, are peculiarly alive to them. that nothing short of cruelty can drive them from their homes—that they will endure even that, as long as it can be borne, rather than leave; and that as soon as the instrument of cruelty is re- moved, they will hasten back to their " bornin' ground." thirteenth proposition.—" the gift of unrestricted free- dom, though so suddenly bestowed, has not made the negroes more insolent than they were while slaves, but has rendered them less so."—dr. daniell. * from fifty cents to a dollar per day. antigua. said james howell, esq.—" a short time after emancipation, the negroes showed some disposition to assume airs and affect a degree of independence; but this soon disappeared, and they are now respectful and civil. there has been a mutual improve- ment in this particular. the planters treat the laborers more like fellow men, and this leads the latter to be respectful in their turn." r. b. eldridge, esq., asked us if we had not observed the civility of the lower classes as we passed them on the streets, both in town and in the country. he said it was their uniform custom to bow or touch their hat when they passed a white per- son. they did so during slavery, and he had not discovered any change in this respect since emancipation. said mr. bourne—" the negroes are decidedly less insolent now than they were during slavery." said mr. watkins, of donovan's—" the negroes are now all cap in hand; as they know that it is for their interest to be re- spectful to their employers." said dr. nugent—" emancipation has not produced insolence among the negroes." during our stay in antigua, we saw no indications what- ever of insolence. we spoke in a former part of this work of the uncommon civility manifested in a variety of ways on the road-sides. a trifling incident occurred one day in st. john's, which at first seemed to be no small rudeness. as one of us was standing in the verandah of our lodging-house, in the dusk of the evening, a brawny negro man who was walking down the middle of the street, stopped opposite us, and squaring himself, called out" heigh! what for you stand dare wid your arms sol" placing his arms a-kimbo, in imitation of ours. seeing we made no answer, he repeated the question, still standing in the same posture. we took no notice of him, seeing that his supposed insolence was at most good-humored and innocent. our hostess, a colored lady, happened to step out at the moment, and told us that the man had mistaken us for her son, with whom he was well acquainted, at the same time calling to the man, and telling him of his mistake. the negro instantly dropped his arms, took antigua. off his hat, begged pardon, and walked away apparently quite ashamed. fourteenth proposition.—emancipation in antigua has demonstrated that gratitude is a prominent trail in the negro character. the conduct of the negroes on the first of august, , is ample proof of this; and their uniform conduct since that event manifests an habitual feeling of gratitude. said one, "the liberty we received from the king, we can never suffi- ciently thank god for; whenever we think of it, our hearts go out ingratitude to god." similar expressions we heard repeatedly from the negroes. we observed that the slightest allusion to the first of august in a company of freed persons, would awak- en powerful emotions, accompanied with exclamations of "tank de good lord," "bless de savior," " praise de savior,'' and such like. it was the remark of mr. james howell, manager of thi- bou jarvis's—" that the negroes evinced very little gratitude to their masters for freedom. their gratitude all flowed to- ward god and the king, whom they regarded as the sole au- thors of their liberty." mr. watkins observed that, "the negroes' motto was god and the king. this feeling existed particularly at the time of emancipation, and shortly after it. they have since become more attached to their former masters." it is by no means strange that the negroes should feel little gratitude toward their late masters, since they knew their op- position to the benevolent intentions of the english govern- ment. we were informed by dr. daniell and many others, that for several months before emancipation took place, the negroes had an idea that the king had sent them 'free papers,' and that their masters were keeping them back. besides, it was but two years before that period, that they had come into fierce and open hostility with the planters for abolishing the sunday market, and giving them no market-day instead thereof. in this thing, their masters had shown themselves to be their ene- mies. that any good thing could come from such persons the slaves were doubtless slow to believe. however, it is an un- deniable feet, that since emancipation, kind treatment on the s * antigca. part of the masters has never failed to excite gratitude in the negroes. the planters understand fully how they may secure the attachment and confidence of their people. a grateful and contented spirit certainly characterizes the negroes of an- tigua. they do not lightly esteem what they have got, and murmur because they have no more. they do not complain of small wages, and strike for higher. they do not grumble about their simple food and their coarse clothes, and flaunt about, saying 'freemen ought to live better.' they do not be- come dissatisfied with their lowly, cane-thatched huts, and say, we ought to have as good houses as massa. they do not look with an evil eye upon the political privileges of the whites, and say wo have the majority, and we'll rule. it is the com- mon saying with them, as we were told by the missionaries, when speaking of the inconveniences which they sometimes suffer, " well, we must be satisfy and conten." fifteenth proposition the freed negroes of antigua have proved that they are able to take care, of themselves. it is affirmed by the opponents of emancipation in the united states, that if the slaves were liberated they could not take care of themselves. some of the reasons assigned for enter- taining this view are— st, "the negro is naturally improvi- dent." d, "he is constitutionally indolent." d, "being of an inferior race, he is deficient in that shrewdness and manage- ment necessary to prevent his being imposed upon, and which are indispensable to enable him to conduct any kind of business with success." th, "all these natural defects have been ag- gravated by slavery. the slave never provides for himself, hut looks to his master for every thing he needs. so likewise he becomes increasingly averse to labor, by being driven to it daily, and flogged for neglecting it . furthermore, whatever of mind he had originally has been extinguished by slavery." thus by nature and by habit the negro is utterly unqualified to take care of himself. so much for theory; now for testimony. first, what is the evidence with regard to the improvidence of the negroes? "during slavery, the negroes squandered every cent of mo- ney they got, because they were sure of food and clothing. antigua. since their freedom, they have begun to cultivate habits of care- fulness and economy,"—mr. james howell. facts— st. the low wages of the laborers is proof of their providence. did they not observe the strictest economy, they could not live on fifty cents per week. d. that they buy small parcels of land to cultivate, is proof of economy and foresight. the planters have to resort to every means in their power to induce their laborers not to purchase land. d. the friendly societies are an evidence of the same thing. how can we account for the number of these societies, and for the large sums of money annually contributed in them? and how is it that these societies have trebled, both in mem- bers and means since emancipation, if it be true that the ne- groes are thus improvident, and that freedom brings starvation? th. the weekly and monthly contributions to the churches, to benevolent societies, and to the schools, demonstrate the economy of the negroes; and the great increase of these contri- butions since august, , proves that emancipation has not made them less economical. th. the increasing attention paid to the cultivation of their private provision grounds is further proof of their foresight. for some time subsequent to emancipation, as long as the peo- ple were in an unsettled state, they partially neglected their grounds. the reason was, they did not know whether they should remain on the same estate long enough to reap their provisions, should they plant any. this state of uncertainty very naturally paralyzed all industry and enterprise; and their neglecting the cultivation of their provision grounds, under such circumstances, evinced foresight rather than improvidence. since they have become more permanently established on the estates, they are resuming the cultivation of their grounds with renewed vigor. said dr. daniell—" there is an increasing attention paid by the negroes to cultivating their private lands, since they have become more permanently settled." th. the fact that the parents take care of the wages which their children earn, shows their provident disposition. we were antigua. informed that the mothers usually take charge of the money paid to their children, especially their daughters, and this, in order to teach them proper subordination, and to provide against casualties, sickness, and the infirmities of age. th. the fact that the negroes are able to support their aged parents, is further proof. as it regards the second specification, viz, constitutional in- cidence, we may refer generally to the evidence on this subject under a former proposition. we will merely state here two facts. st. although the negroes are not obliged to work on satur- day, yet they are in the habit of going to estates that are weak- handed, and hiring themselves out on that day. d. it is customary throughout the island to give two hours (from to ) recess from labor. we were told that in many cases this time is spent in working on their private provision grounds, or in some active employment by which a pittance may be added to their scanty earnings. what are the facts respecting the natural inferiority of the negro race, and their incompetency to manage their own affairs. said mr. armstrong—" the negroes are exceedingly quick to turn a thought. they show a great deal of shrewdness in every thing which concerns their own interests. to a stranger it must be utterly incredible how they can manage to live on such small wages. they are very exact in keeping their ac- counts with the manager." "the negroes are very acute in making bargains. a diffi- culty once arose on an estate under my charge, between the manager and the people, in settling for a job which the laborers had done. the latter complained that the manager did not give them as much as was stipulated in the original agreement. the manager contended that he had paid the whole amount. the people brought their complaint before me, as attorney, and maintained that there was one shilling and six-pence (about nineteen cents) due each of them. i examined the accounts and found that they were right, and that the manager had really made a mistake to the very amount specified."—dr. daniell antigua. "the emancidated people manifest as much cunning and ad- dress in business, as any ciass of persons."—mr. j. howell. "the capabilities of the blacks for education are conspicu- ous; so also as to mental acquirements and trades."—hon. n. niigent. it is a little remarkable that while americans fear that the negroes, if emancipated, could not take care of themselves, the west indians fear lest they should take care of themselves; hence they discourage them from buying lands, from learning trades, and from all employments which might render them in- dependent of sugar cultivation. sixteenth proposition.—emancipation has operated at once to elevate and improve the negroes. it introduced them into the midst of all relations, human and divine. it was the first formal acknowledgment that they were men—personally interested in the operations of law, and the requirements of god. it laid the corner-stone in the fabric of their moral and intellectual improvement. "the negroes have a growing self-respect and regard for character. this was a feeling which was scarcely known by them during slavery."—mr. j. howell. "the negroes pay a great deal more attention to their per- sonal appearance, than they were accustomed to while slaves. the women in particular have improved astonishingly in their dress and manners."—dr. daniell. abundant proof of this proposition may be found in the state- ments already made respecting the decrease of licentiousness, the increased attention paid to marriage, the abandonment by the mothers of the horrible practice of sellmg their daughters to vile white men, the reverence for the sabbath, the attendance upon divine worship, the exemplary subordination to law, the avoidance of riotous conduct, insolence and intemperance. seventeenth proposition.—emancipation promises a vast improvement in the condition of woman. what could more effectually force woman from her sphere, than slavery has done by dragging her to the field, subjecting her to the obscene re- marks, and to the vile abominations of licentious drivers ami overseers; by compelling her to wield the heavy hoe, until ail- antigua. vancing pregnancy rendered her useless, then at the earliest possible period driving her back to the field with her infant swung at her back, or .torn from her and committed to a stranger. some of these evils still exist in antigua, but there has already been a great abatement of them, and the humane planters look forward to their complete removal, and to the ultimate restoration of woman to the quiet and purity of do- mestic life. samuel bourne, esq., stated that there had been a great im- provement in the treatment of mothers on his estate. "under the old system, mothers were required to work half the . time after their children were six weeks old; but now we do not call them out for nine months after their confinement, until their children are entirely weaned." "in those cases where women have husbands in the field, they do not turn out while they are nursing their children. in many instances the husbands prefer to have their wives engaged in other work, and i do not require them to go to the field."— mr. j. hoioell. much is already beginning to be said of the probabihty that the women will withdraw from agricultural labor. a conviction of the impropriety of females engaging in such employments is gradually forming in the minds of enlightened and influential planters. a short time previous to emancipation, the hon. n. nugent, speaker of the assembly, made the following remarks before the house :—" at the close of the debate, he uttered his fervent hope that the day would come when the principal part of the agricul- ture of the island would be performed by males, and that the women would be occupied in keeping their cottages in order, and in increasing their domestic comforts. the desire of im- provement is strong among them; they are looking anxiously forward to the instruction and advancement of their children, and even of themselves."—antigua herald of march, . in a written communication to us, dated january , , the speaker says: "emancipation will, i doubt not, improve the condition of the females. there can be no doubt that they will ultimately leave the field, (except in times of emergency,) antigua. and confine themselves to their appropriate domestic employ- ments." eighteenth proposition.—real estate has risen in value since emancipation; mercantile and mechanical occupations have received a fresh impulse; and the general condition of the colony is decidedly more flourishing than at any former period. "the credit of the island has decidedly improved. the internal prosperity of the island is advancing in an increased ratio. more buildings have been erected since emancipation, than for twenty years before. stores and shops have multi- plied astonishingly; i can safely say that their number has more than quintupled since the abolition of slavery."—dr. ferguson. "emancipation has very greatly increased the value of, and consequently the demand for, real estate. that which three years ago was a drug altogether unsaleable by private bargain, has now many inquirers after it, and ready purchasers at good prices. the importation of british manufactured goods has been considerably augmented, probably one fourth. "the credit of the planters who have been chiefly affected by the change, has been much improved. and the great reduction of expense in managing the estates, has made them men of more real wealth, and consequently raised their credit both with the english merchants and our own."—james scotland, sen., esq. "the effect of emancipation upon the commerce of tile island must needs have been beneficial, as the laborers indulge in more wheaten flour, rice, mackerel, dry fish, and salt-pork, than formerly. more lumber is used in the superior cottages now built for their habitations. more dry goods—manufactures of wool, cotton, linen, silk, leather, dit, are also used, now that the laborers can better afford to indulge their propensity for gay clothing."—statement of a merchant and agent for estates. "real estate has risen in value, and mercantile business has greatly improved."—h. armstrong, esq. a merchant of st. john's informed us, that real estate had increased in value at least fifty per cent. he mentioned the fact, that an estate which previous to emancipation could not be sold for je current, lately brought £ current antigua. nineteenth proposition.—emancipation has been follow- ed by the introduction of labor-saving machinery. "various expedients for saving manual labor have already been introduced, and we anticipate still greater improvements. very little was thought of this subject previous to emancipation." s. bourne, esq. m planters are beginning to cast about for improvements in labor. my own mind has been greatly turned to this subject since emancipation."—h. armstrong, esq. "the plough is beginning to be very extensively used."—mr. haiku. "there has been considerable simplification in agricultural labor already, which wouid have been more conspicious, had it not been for the excessive drought which has prevailed since . the plough is more used, and the expedients for manur- ing land are less laborious."—extract of a letter from hon. jv. nugent. twentieth proposition emancipation has produced the most decided change in the views of the planters. "before emancipation took place, there was the bitterest opposition to it among the planters. but after freedom came, they were delighted with the change. i felt strong opposition myself, being exceedingly unwilling to give up my power of com- mand. but i shall never forget how differently i felt when free- dom took place. arose from my bed on the first of august, exclaiming with joy, ' i am free, am free; i was the greatest slave on the estate, but now i am free.' "—mr. j. howell. "we all resisted violently the measure of abolition, when it first began to be agitated in england. we regarded it as an out- rageous interference with our rights, with our property. but we are now rejoiced that slavery is abolished."—dr. danieu. "i have already seen such decided benefits growing out of the free labor system, that for my part i wish never to see the face of slavery again."—mr. hatley. "i do not know of a single planter who would be willing to return to slavery. we all feel that it was a great curse."—d. cranstoun, esq. the speaker of the assembly was requested to state especially antigua. i the advantages of freedom both to the master and the slave; and he kindly communicated the following reply: "the benefits to the master are conspicuous—he has got rid of the cark and care, the anxiety and incessant worry of managing slaves; all the trouble and responsibility of rearing them from infancy, of their proper maintenance in health, and sickness, and decrepitude, of coercing them to labor, restrain- ing, correcting, and punishing their faults and crimes—settling all their grievances and disputes. he is now entirely free from all apprehension of injury, revenge, or insurrection, however transient and momentary such impression may have formerly been. he has no longer the reproach of being a slaveholder; his property has lost all the taint of slavery, and is placed on as secure a footing, in a moral and political point of view, as that in any other part of the british dominions. "as regards the oilier party, it seems almost unnecessary to point out the advantages of being a free man rather than a slave. he is no longer liable to personal trespass of any sort; he has a right of self-control, and all the immunities enjoyed by other classes of his fellow subjects—he is enabled to better his condi- tion as he thinks proper—he can make what arrangements he likes best, as regards his kmdred, and all his domestic relations— he takes to his own use and behoof, all the wages and profits of his own labor; he receives money wages instead of weekly allowances, and can purchase uch particular food and neces- saries as he prefers—and so m! it would re endless to attempt to enumerate all the superior advantages of a state of freedom to one of slavery!" the writer says, at the close of his invaluable letter, " i was born in antigua, and have resided here with little interruption since . since , have taken an active concern in plantation affairs." he was born heir to a large slave property, and retained it up to the hour of emancipation. he is now the proprietor of an esta'te. we have another witness to introduce to the reader, ralph higinbothom, esq., the united states consul !—hear him! "whatever may have been the dissatisfaction as regards emancipation among the planters as its commencement, there ^ § antigti^. are few, indeed, if any, who are not now well satisfied that under the present system, their properties are better worked, and their laborers more contented and cheerful, than in the time of slavery." in order that the reader may see the revolution that has taken place since emancipation in the views of the highest class of society in antigua, we make a few extracts. "there was the most violent opposition in the legislature, and throughout the island, to the anti-slavery proceedings in parliament . the anti-slavery party in england were detested here for their fanatical and reckless course. such was the state of feeling previous to emancipation, that it would have been certain disgrace for any planter to have avowed the least sympa- thy with anti-slavery sentiments. the humane might have their hopes and aspirations, and they might secretly long to see slavery ultimately terminated; but they did not dare to make such feelings public. they would at once have been branded as the enemies of their country!"—hon. n. nugent. "there cannot be said to have been any anti-slavery party in. the island before emancipation. there were some individuals in st . john's and a very few planters, who favored the anti-sla- very views, but they dared not open their mouths, because of the bitter hostility which prevailed."—s. bourne, esq. "the opinions of the clergymen and missionaries, with the exception of, i believe, a few clergymen, were favorable to, emancipation ; but neither in their conduct preaching, or pray- ers, did they declare themselves openly, until the measure of abolition was determined on. the missionaries felt restrained by their instructions from home, and the clergymen thought that it did not comport with their order' to take part in politics!' i never heard of a single planter who was favorable, until about three months before the emancipation took place; when some few of them began to perceive that it would be advantageous to their interests. whoever was known, or suspected of being an advocate for freedom, became the object of vengeance, and was sure to suffer, if in no other way, by a loss of part of his business. my son-in-law,* my son.f and myself, were perhaps the chief * dr. ferguson, physician in st john's, t james scotland, jun., esq., barrister, proprietor, and member ef assembly. antigua. w marks for calumny and resentment . the first was twice elect- ed a member of the assembly, and as often put out by scrutinies conducted by the house, in the most flagrantly dishonest man- ner. every attempt was made to deprive the second of his business, as a lawyer. with regard to myself, i was thrown into prison, without any semblance of justice, without any form of trial, but in the most summary manner, simply upon the com- plaint of one of the justices, and without any opportunity being allowed me of saying one word in my defence. i remained in jail until discharged by a peremptory order from the colonial secretary, to whom i appealed."—james scotland, sen-, esq. another gentleman, a white man, was arrested on the charge of being in the interest of the english anti-slavery party, and in a manner equally summary and illegal, was cast into prison, and confined there for one year. from the foregoing statements we obtain the following com- parative view of the past and present state of sentiment in an- tigua. views and conduct of the planters previous to emancipation: st. they regarded the negroes as an inferior race, fit only for slaves. d. they regarded them as their rightful property. d. they took it for granted that negroes could never be made to work without the use of the whip ; hence, th. they supposed that emancipation would annihilate sugar cultivation ; and, th. that it would lead to bloodshed and general rebellion. th. those therefore who favored it, were considered the "enemies of their country"—" traitors"—and were accordingly persecuted in various ways, not excepting imprisonment in the common jail. th. so popular was slavery among the higher classes, that its morality or justice could not be questioned by a missionary— an editor—or a planter even, without endangering the safety of the individual. th. the anti-slavery people in england were considered detestable men, intermeddling with matters which they did not understand, and which at any rate did not concern them. they antigua. were accused of being influenced by selfish motives, and of de- signing to further their own interests by the ruin of the planters. they were denounced as fanatics, incendiaries, knaves, religious enthusiasts. th. the abolition measures of the english government were considered a gross outrage on the rights of private property, a violation of their multiplied pledges of countenance and support, and a flagrant usurpation of power over the weak. views and conduct of the planters subsequent to emancipation: st the negroes are regarded as men—equals standing on the same footing as fellow-citizens. d. slavery is considered a foolish, impolitic, and wicked system. d. slaves are regarded as an unsafe species of property, and to hold them disgraceful. th. the planters have become the decided enemies of slavery. the worst thing they could say against the apprenticeship, was, that "it was only another name for slavery." th. the abolition of slavery is applauded by the planters as one of the most noble and magnanimous triumphs ever achieved by the british government. th. distinguished abolitionists are spoken of in terms of re- spect and admiration. the english anti-slavery delegation* spent a fortnight in the island, and left it the same day we arriv- ed. wherever we went we heard of them as "the respectable gentlemen from england," "the worthy and intelligent members of the society of friends," &c. a distinguished agent of the english anti-slavery society now resides in st. john's, and keeps a bookstore, well stocked with anti-slavery books and pamphlets. the bust of george thompson stands conspicu- ously upon the counter of the bookstore, looking forth upon the public street th. the planters affirm that the abolition of slavery put an end to all danger from insurrection, rebellion, privy conspiracy, and sedition, on the part of the slaves. th. emancipation is deemed an incalculable blessing, because * messrs. sturge and harvey. antigua. it released the planters from an endless complication of responsi- bilities, perplexities, temptations and anxieties, and because it emancipated them from the bondage of the whip. th. slavery—emancipation—freedom—are the universal topics of conversation in antigua. anti-slavery is the popular doctrine among all classes. he is considered an enemy to his country who opposes the principles of liberty. the planters look with aston- ishment on the continuance of slavery in the united states, and express their strong belief that it must soon terminate here and throughout the world. they hailed the arrival of french and american visitors on tours of inquiry as a bright omen. in pub- lishing our arrival, one of the st. john's papers remarks, "we regard this as a pleasing indication that the american public have their eyes turned upon our experiment, with a view, we may hope, of ultimately following our excellent example." (!) all classes showed the same readiness to aid us in what the governor was pleased to call "the objects of our philanthropic mission." such are the views now entertained among the planters of an- tigua. what a complete change*—and all in less than three years, and effected by the abolition of slavery and a trial of free- * the following little story will further illustrate the wonderful revolution which has taken place in the public sentiment of this colony. the facts here stated all occurred while we were in an- tigua, and we procured them from a variety of authentic sources. they were indeed publicly known and talked of, and produced no lit. tie excitement throughout the island. mr. corbett was a respectable and intelligent planter residing on an estate near johnston's point. several months previous to the time of which we now speak, a few colored families (emancipated negroes) bought of a white man some small parcels of land lying adjacent to mr. c.'s estate. they planted their lands in provisions, and also built them houses there- on, and moved into them. after they had become actively en- gaged in cultivating their provisions, mr. corbett laid claim to the lands, and ordered the negroes to leave them forthwith. they of course refused to do so. mr. c. then flow into a vio- lent rage, and stormed and swore, and threatened to burn their houses down over their heads. the terrified negroes forsook their property and fled. mr. c. then ordered his negroes to tear down * antigr/a. dom! most certainly, if the former views of the antigua plant- ers resemble those held by pro-slavery men in this country, their present sentiments are a fac simile of those entertained by the immediate abolitionists. twenty-first proposition.—emancipation has been fol- lowed by a manifest diminution of " prejudice against color," and has opened the prospect of its speedy extirpation. some thirty years ago, the president of the island, sir ed- ward byam, issued an order forbidding the great bell in the ca- thedral of st. john's being tolled at the funeral of a colored per- son; and directing a smaller bell to be hung up in the same bel- fry, and used on such occasions. for twenty years this distinc- tion was strictly maintained. when a white person, however vile, was buried, the great bell was tolled; when a colored person, whatever his moral worth, intelligence, or station, was carried to his grave, the little bell was tinkled. it was not until the ar- rival of the present excellent rector, that this "prejudice bell" their huts and bum up the materials—which was accordingly done. he also turned in his cattle upon the provision grounds, and des- troyed them. the negroes made a complaint against mr. c, and he was arrested and committed to jail in st. john's for trial on the charge of arson. we heard of this circumstance on the day of mr. c.'s commit- ment, and we were told that it would probably go very hard with him on his trial, and that he would be very fortunate if he escap- ed the gallows or transportation. a few days after this we were surprised to hear that mr. c. had died in prison. upon inquiry, we learned that he died literally from rage and mortification. his case defied the skill and power of the physicians. they could de- tect the presence of no disease whatever, even on a minute post- mortem examination. they pronounced it as their opinion that he had died from the violence of his passions—excited by being imprisoned, together with his apprehensions of the fatal issue of the trial. not long before emancipation, mr. scotland was imprisoned for befriending the negroes. after emancipation, mr. corbett was imprisoned for wronging them. mr. corbett was a respectable planter, of good family, and mov- ed in the first circles in the island. antigua. was silenced. the rev. mr. cox informed us that prejudice had greatly decreased since emancipation. it was very com- mon for white and colored gentlemen to be seen walking arm and arm on the streets of st. john's. "prejudice against color is fast disappearing. the colored people have themselves contributed to prolong this feeling, by keeping aloof from the society of the whites."—james howell, of t. jarvis's. how utterly at variance is this with the commonly received opinion, that the colored people are disposed to thrust themselves into the society of the whites! "prejudice against color exists in this community only to a limited extent, and that chiefly among those who could never bring themselves to believe that emancipation would really take place. policy dictates to them the propriety of confining any ex- pression of their feelings to those of the same opinions. nothing is shown of this prejudice in their intercourse with the colored class—it is' kept behind the scenes.' "—ralph higinbothom, v. s. consul. mr. h. was not the only individual standing in "high places" who insinuated that the whites that still entertained prejudice were ashamed of it. his excellency the governor intimated as much, by his repeated assurances for himself and his compeers of the first circles, that there was no such feeling in the island as prejudice against color. the reasons for excluding the colored people from their society, he said, were wholly different from that. it was chiefly because of their illegitimacy, and also because they were not sufficiently refined, and because their occupations were of an inferior kind, such as mechanical trades, small shop keep, ing, &c. said he, "you would not wish to ask your tailor, or your shoemaker to dine with youv however, we were too unsophisticated to coincide in his excellency's notions of social propriety. twenty-second proposition.—the progress of the anti-sla- very discussions in england did not cause the masters to treat their slaves worse, but on the contrary restrained them from outrage. "the treatment of the slaves during the discussions in eng- land, was manifestly milder than before."—dr. daniell. antigua. "the effect of the proceedings in parliament was to make the planters treat their slaves better. milder laws were passed by the assembly, and the general condition of the slave was greatly ameliorated."—h. armstrong, esq. "the planters did not increase the rigor of their discipline be- cause of the anti-slavery discussions; but as a general thing, were more lenient than formerly."—s. bourne, esq. "we pursued a much milder policy toward our slaves after the agitation began in england."—mr. jas. howell. 'the planters did not treat their slaves worse on account of the discussions; but were more lenient and circumspect."— letter of hon. n. nugent. "there was far less cruelty exercised by the planters during the anti-slavery excitement in england. they were always on their guard to escape the notice of the abolitionists. they did not wish to have thitr names published abroad, and to be exposed as monsters of cruelly !"—david cranstoun, esq. we have now completed our observations upon antigua. it has been our single object in the foregoing account to give an accurate statement of the results of immediate emancipation. we have not taken a single step beyond the limits of testimony, and we are persuaded that testimony materially conflicting with this, cannot be procured from respectable sources in antigua. we now leave it to our readers to decide, whether emancipa- tion in antigua has been to all classes in that island a blessing or a curse. we cannot pass from this part of our report without record- ing the kindness and hospitality which we everywhere experi- enced during our sojourn in antigua. whatever may have been our apprehensions of a cool reception from a community of ex-slaveholders, none of our forebodings were realized. it rare- ly falls to the lot of strangers visiting a distant land, with none of the contingencies of birth, fortune, or fame to herald their arrival, and without the imposing circumstance of a popular mission to recommend them, to meet with a warmer reception, or to enjoy a more hearty confidence, than that with which we were honored in the interesting island of antigua. the very object of our visit, humble, and even odious as it may appear ^ antigua. in the eyes of many of our own countrymen, was our passport to the consideration and attention of the higher classes in that free colony. we hold in grateful remembrance the interests which all—not excepting those most deeply implicated in the late system of slavery—manifested in our investigations. to his excellency the governor, to officers both civil and military, to legislators and judges, to proprietors and planters, to physi- cians, barristers, and merchants, to clergymen, missionaries, and teachers, we are indebted for their uniform readiness in furthering our objects, and for the mass of information with which they were pleased to furnish us. to the free colored population, also, we are lasting debtors for their hearty co-ope- ration and assistance. to the emancipated, we recognise our obligations as the friends of the slave, for their simple-hearted and reiterated assurances that they should remember the op- pressed of our land in their prayers to god. in the name of the multiplying hosts of freedom's friends, and in behalf of the millions of speechless but grateful-hearted slaves, we tender to our acquaintances of every class in antigua our warmest thanks for their cordial sympathy with the cause of emancipation in america. we left antigua with regret. the natural advan- tages of that lovely island; its climate, situation, and scenery; the intelligence and hospitality of the higher orders, and the simplicity and sobriety of the poor ; the prevalence of education, morality and religion; its solemn sabbaths and thronged sanc- tuaries; and above all, its rising institutions of liberty—flourish- ing so vigorously,—conspire to make antigua one of the fairest portions of the earth. formerly it was in our eyes but a speck on the world's map, and little had we recked if an earthquake had sunk, or the ocean had overwhelmed it; but now, the minute circumstances in its condition, or little incidents in ita history, are to our minds invested with grave interest none, who are alive to the cause of religious freedom in the world, can be indifferent to the movements and destiny of this little colony. henceforth, antigua is the morning star of our nation, and though it glimmers faintly through a lurid sky, yet we hail it, and catch at every ray as the token of a bright sun which may yet burst gloriously upon us. barbados. chapter i. barrados was the next island which we visited. having failed of a passage in the steamer,* (on account of her leaving antigua on the sabbath,) we were reduced to the necessity of sailing in a small schooner, a vessel of only seventeen tons bur- then, with no cabin but a mere hole, scarcely large enough to receive our baggage. the berths, for there were two, had but one mattress between them; however, a foresail folded made up the complement. the wind being for the most part directly against us, we were seven days in reaching barbados. our aversion to the sepul- chre-like cabin obliged us to spend, not the days only, but the nights mostly on the open deck. wrapping our cloaks about us, and drawing our fur caps over our faces, we slept securely in the soft air of a tropical clime, undisturbed save by the hoarse voice of the black captain crying " ready, bout," and the flap- ping of the sails, and the creaking of the cordage, in the frequent tackings of our staunch little sea-boat. on our way we passed under the lee of guadaloupe and to the windward of dominica, martinique, and st. lucia. in passing guadaloupe, we were obliged to keep at a league's distance from the land, in obedi- ence to an express regulation of that colony prohibiting small english vessels from approaching any nearer. this is a pre- * there are several english steamers which ply between barba- dos and jamaica, touching at several of the intermediate and sur- rounding islands, and carrying the mails. barbados. iwi cautionary measure against the escape of slaves to the english islands. numerous small vessels, called guarda costas, are sta- tioned around the coast to warn off vessels and seize upon all slaves attempting to make their escape. we were informed that the eagerness of the french negroes to taste the sweets of liberty, which they hear to exist in the surrounding english islands, is so great, that notwithstanding all the vigilance by land and sea, they are escaping in vast numbers. they steal to the shores by night, and seizing upon any sort of vessel within their reach, launch forth and make for dominica, montserrat, or an- tigua. they have been known to venture out in skiffs, canoes, and such like hazardous conveyances, and make a voyage of fifty or sixty miles; and it is not without reason supposed, that very many have been lost in these eager darings for freedom. such is their defiance of dangers when liberty is to be won, that old ocean, with its wild storms, and fierce monsters, and its yawning deep, and even the superadded terrors of armed vessels ever hovering around the island, are barriers altogether ineffect- ual to prevent escape. the western side of guadaloupe, along which we passed, is hilly and little cultivated. it is mostly occu- pied in pasturage. the sugar estates are on the opposite side of the island, which stretches out eastward in a low sloping country, beautifully situated for sugar cultivation. the hills were covered with trees, with here and there small patches of culti- vated grounds where the negroes raise provisions. a deep rich verdure covered all that portion of the island which we saw. we were a day and night in passing the long island of guada- loupe. another day and night were spent jn beating through the channel between guadaloupe and dominica: another day in passing the latter island, and then we stood for martinique. this is the queen island of the french west indies. it is fer- tile and healthful, and though not so large as guadaloupe, pro- duces a larger revenue. it has large streams of water, and many of the sugar mills are worked by them. martinique and domi- nica are both very mountainous. their highest peaks are con- stantly covered with clouds, which in their varied shiftings, now wheeling around, then rising or falling, give the hills the appear- ance of smoking volcanoes. it was not until the eighth day of y barbados. the voyage, that we landed at barbados. the passage from barbados to antigua seldom occupies more than three days, the wind being mostly in that direction. in approaching barbados, it presented an entirely different appearance from that of the islands we had passed on the way. it is low and level, almost wholly destitute of trees. as we drew nearer we discovered in every direction the marks of its extraordinary cultivation. the cane fields and provision grounds in alternate patches cover the island with one continuous mantle of green. the mansions of the planters, and the clusters of ne- gro houses, appear at short intervals dotting the face of the island, and giving to it the appearance of a vast village inter- spersed with verdant gardens. we "rounded up" in the bay, off bridgetown, the principal place in barbados, where we underwent a searching examina- tion by the health officers; who, after some demurring, conclud- ed that we might pass muster. we took lodgings in bridge- town with mrs. mt, a colored lady. the houses are mostly built of brick or stone, or wood plaster- ed. they are seldom more than two stories high, with flat roofs, and huge window shutters and doors—the structures of a hurricane country. the streets are narrow and crooked, and formed of white marl, which reflects the sun with a brilliancy half blinding to the eyes. most of the buildings are occupied as stores below and dwelling houses above, with piazzas to the upper story, which jut over the narrow streets, and afford a shade for the side walks. the population of bridgetown is about , . the population of the island is about , , of whom nearly , are apprentices, the remainder are free colored and white in the proportion of , free colored and , whites. this large population exists on an island not more than twenty miles long, by fifteen broad. the whole island is under the most vigorous and systematic culture. there is scarcely a foot of productive land that is not brought into requisition. there is no such thing as a forest of any extent in the island. it is thus that, notwithstanding the insignificance of its size, barba- dos ranks among the british islands next to jamaica in value 'and importance. it was on account of its conspicuous standing barbados. among the english colonies, that we were induced to visit it, and l here investigate the operations of the apprenticeship system. our principal object in the following pages is to give an ac- count of the working of the apprenticeship system, and to pre- sent it in contrast with that of entire freedom, which has been described minutely in our account of antigua. the apprentice- ship was designed as a sort of preparation for freedom. a state- ment of its results will, therefore afford no small data for decid- ing upon the general principle of gradualism! we shall pursue a plan less labored and prolix than that which it seemed necessary to adopt in treating of an'igua. as that part of the testimony which respects the abolition of slavery, and the sentiments of the planters, is substantially the same with what is recorded in the foregoing pages, we shall be content with presenting it in the sketch of our travels throughout the island, and our interviews with various classes of men. the testimony respecting the nature and operations of the appren- ticeship, will be embodied in a more regular form. visit to the governor. at an early day after our arrival we called on the governor, in pursuance of the etiquette of the island, and in order to ob- tain the assistance of his excellency in our inquiries. the pre- sent governor is sir evan john murray mcgregor, a scotch- man of high reputation. he is the present chieftain of the mcgregor clan, which figures so illustriously in the history of scotland. sir evan has been distinguished for his bravery in war, and he now bears the title of knight, for his achievements in the british service. he is governor-general of the windward islands, which include barbados, grenada, st vincent's, and tobago. the government house, at which he resides, is about two miles from town. the road leading to it is a delightful one. lined with cane fields, and pasture grounds, all verdant with the luxuriance of midsummer. it passes by the cathedral, the kmg'n house, the noble residence of the archdeacon, and many other fine mansions. the government house is situated on a pleasant. eminence, and surrounded with a large garden, park, and en- barbados. trance yard. at the large outer gate, which gives admittance to the avenue leading to the house, stood a black sentinel in his military dress, and with a gun on his shoulder, pacing to and fro. at the door of the house we found an other black soldier on guard. we were ushered into the dining hall, which seems to serve as ante-chamber when not otherwise used. it is a spa- cious airy room, overhung with chandeliers and lamps in pro- fusion, and bears the marks of many scenes of mirth and was- sail. the eastern windows, which extend from the ceiling to the floor, look out upon a garden filled with shrubs and flowers, among which we recognised a rare variety of the floral family in full bloom. every thing around—the extent of the buildings, the garden, the park, with deer browsing amid the tangled shrubbery—all bespoke the old english style and dignity. after waiting a few minutes, we were introduced to his ex- cellency, who received us very kindly. he conversed freely on the subject of emancipation, and gave his opinion decidedly in favor of unconditional freedom. he has been in the west in- dies five years, and resided at antigua and dominica before he received his present appointment; he has visited several other islands besides. in no island that he has visited have affairs gone on so quietly and satisfactorily to all parties as in antigua. he remarked that he was ignorant of the character of the black population of the united states, but from what he knew of their character in the west indies, he could not avoid the conclusion that immediate emancipation was entirely safe. he expressed his views of the apprenticeship system with great freedom. he said it was vexatious to all parties. he remarked that he was so well satisfied that emancipation was safe and proper, and that unconditional freedom was better than apprenticeship, that had he the power, he would emanci- pate every apprentice to-morrow. it would be better both for the planter and the laborer. he thought the negroes in barbados, and in the windwara, is- lands generally, were as well prepared for freedom as the slaves of antigua. the governor is a dignified but plain man, of sound sense arid liberal views. he promised to give us every assistance, and barbados. said, as we arose to leave him, that he would mention the ob- ject of our visit to a number of influential gentlemen, and that we should shortly hear from him again. a few days after our visit to the governor's, we called on the rev. edward elliott, the archdeacon at barbados, to whom we had been previously introduced at the house of a friend in bridgetown. he is a liberal-minded man. in , he deliver- ed a series of lectures in the cathedral on the subject of slavery. the planters became alarmed—declared that such discourses would lead to insurrection, and demanded that they should be abandoned. he received anonymous letters threatening him with violence unless he discontinued them. nothing daunted, however, he went through the course, and afterwards published the lectures in a volume. the archdeacon informed us that the number of churches and clergymen had increased since emancipation; religious meetings were more fully attended, and the instructions given had manifestly a greater influence. increased attention was paid to education also. before emancipation the planters op- posed education, and as far as possible, prevented the teachers from coming to the estates. now they encourage it in many instances, and where they do not directly encourage, they make no opposition. he said that the number of marriages had very much increased since the abolition of slavery. he had resided in barbados for twelve years, during which time he had repeat- edly visited many of the neighboring islands. he thought the negroes of barbados were as well prepared for freedom in , as those of antigua, and that there would have been no bad results had entire emancipation been granted at that time. he did not tliink there was the least danger of insurrection. on this subject he spoke the sentiments of the inhabitants generally. he did not suppose there were five planters on the island, who entertained any fears on this score now. on one other point the archdeacon expressed himself sub- stantially thus: the planters undoubtedly treated their slaves better during the anti-slavery discussions in england. the condition of the slaves was very much mitigated by the efforts which were made for their entire freedom. the planters barbados. softened down the system of slavery as much as possible. they were exceedingly anxious to put a slop to discussion and investi- gation. having obtained a letter of introduction from an american merchant here to a planter residing about four miles from town, we drove out to his estate. his mansion is pleasantly situated on a small eminence, in one of the coolest and most inviting re- treats which is to be seen in this hot clime, and we were re- ceived by its master with all the cordiality and frankness for which barbados is famed. he introduced us to his family, con- sisting of three daughters and two sons, and invited us to stop to dinner. one of his daughters, now here on a visit, is married to an american, a native of new york, but now a merchant in one of the southern states, and our connection as fellow country- men with one dear to them, was an additional claim to then- kindness and hospitality. he conducted us through all the works and out-buildings, the mill, boiling-house, curing-house, hospital, store-houses, &c. the people were at work in the mill and boiling-house, and as we passed, bowed and bade us " good mornin', massa," with the utmost respect and cheerfulness. a white overseer was regu- lating the work, but wanted the insignia of slaveholding author- ity, which he had borne for many years, the whip. as we came out, we saw in a neighboring field a gang of seventy apprentices, of both sexes, engaged in cutting up the cane, while others were throwing it into carts to be carried to the mill. they were all as quietly and industriously at work as any body of our own farmers or mechanics. as we were looking at them, mr. c, the planter, remarked, "those people give me more work than when slaves. this estate was never under so good cultivation as at the present time." he took us to the building used as the mechanics' shop. several of the apprentices were at work in it, some setting up the casks for sugar, others repairing utensils. mr. c. says all the work of the estate is done by the apprentices. his carts are made, his mill kept in order, his coopering and blacksmith- ing are all done by them. "all these buildings," said ho, barbados. <' even to the dwelling-house, were built after the great storm of , by the slaves." as we were passing through the hospital, or sick-house, as it is called hy the blacks, mr. c. told us he had very little use for it now. there is no skulking to it as there was under the old system. just as we were entering the door of the house, on our re- turn, there was an outcry among a small party of the appren- tices who were working near by. mr. c. went to them and in- quired the cause. it appeared that the overseer had struck one of the lads with a stick. mr. c. reproved him severely for the act, and assured him if he did such a thing again he would take him before a magistrate. during the day we gathered the following information :— mr. c. had been a planter for thirty-six years. he has had charge of the estate on which he now resides ten years. he is the attorney for two other large estates a few miles from this, and has under his superintendence, directly or indirectly, more than a thousand apprenticed laborers. this estate consists of six hundred and sixty-six acres of land, most of which is under cul- tivation either in cane or provisions, and has on it three hun- dred apprentices and ninety-two free children. the average amount of sugar raised on it is two hundred hogsheads of a ton each, but this year it will amount to at least two hundred and fifty hogsheads^the largest crop ever taken off since he has been connected with it. he has planted thirty acres additional this year. the island has never been under so good cultivation, and is becoming better every year. during our walk round the works, and during the day, he spoke several times in general terms of the great blessings of emancipation. emancipation is as great a blessing to the master as to the slave. "why," exclaimed mr. c, "it was emancipation to me. i assure you the first of august brought a great, great relief to me. i felt myself, for the first time, a freeman on that day. you cannot imagine the responsibilities and anxieties which were swept away with the extinction of slavery." there were many unpleasant and annoying circumstances - * barbados. attending slavery, which had a most pernicious effect on the master. there was continual jealousy and suspicion between him and those under him. they looked on each other as sworn enemies, and there was kept up a continual system gf plotting and counterplotting. then there was the flogging, which was a matter of course throughout the island. to strike a slave was as common as to strike a horse—then the punishments were inflicted so unjustly, in innumerable instances, that the poor victims knew no more why they were punished than the dead in their graves. the master would be a little ill, perhaps, and felt irritable—something went wrong—his passion was up, and away went some poor fellow to the whipping-post the slightest offence at such a moment, though it might have passed unnoticed at another time, would meet with the severest pun- ishment. he said he himself had more than once, in a passion, ordered his slaves to be flogged, and after he became cool he would have given guineas not to have done it. many a night had he been kept awake, thinking of some poor fellow whom he had shut up in the dungeon, fearing lest he might die before morning, either cut his throat or dash his brains out against the wall in his desperation. he has known such cases to occur. the apprenticeship will not have so beneficial an effect as he hoped it would, on account of an indisposition on the part of many of the planters to abide by its regulations. the planters generally are doing very little to prepare the apprentices for freedom, but some are doing very much to unprepare them. mr. c. said he had often wished for emancipation. there were several other planters among his acquaintance who had the same feelings, but did not dare express them. most of the planters, however, were violently opposed. many of them de- clared that emancipation could not and should not take place. so obstinate were they, that they would have sworn on the st of july, , that emancipation could not happen. these very men now see and acknowledge the benefits which have resulted from the new system. the first of august passed off very quietly. the people la- bored on that day as usual, and had a stranger gone over the island, he would not have suspected any change had taken > i barbados. place. mr. c. did not expect his people would go to work that day. he told them what the conditions of the new system were, and that after the first of august, they would be required to turn out to work at six o'clock instead of five o'clock, as before. at the appointed hour every man was at his post in the field. not one individual was missing. the apprentices do more work in the nine hours required by law, than in twelve hours during slavery. his apprentices are perfectly willing to work for him during their own time. he pays them at the rate of twenty-five cents a day. the people are less quarrelsome than when they were slaves. about eight o'clock in the evening, mr. c. invited us to step out into the piazza. pointing to the houses of the laborers, which were crowded thickly together, and almost concealed by the cocoanut and calabash trees around them, he said, "there are probably more than four hundred people in that village. all my own laborers, with their free children, are retired for the night, and with them are many from the neighboring estates." we listened, but all was still, save here and there a low whistle from some of the watchmen. he said that night was a specimen of every night now. but it had not always been so. during slavery these villages were oftentimes a scene of bickering, revelry, and contention. one might hear the inmates reveling and shouting till midnight sometimes it would be kept up till morning. such scenes have much decreased, and instead of the obscene and heathen songs which they used to sing, they are learning hymns from the lips of their children. the apprentices are more trusty. they are more faithful in work which is given them to do. they take more interest in the prosperity of the estate generally, in seeing that things are kept in order, and that the property is not destroyed. they are more open-hearted. formerly they used to shrink before the eyes of the master, and appear afraid to meet him. they would go out of their way to avoid him, and never were willing to talk with him. they never liked to have him visit their houses; they looked on him as a spy, and always expected a reprimand, or perhaps a flogging. now they look up cheer- barbados. fully when they meet him, and a visit to their homes is esteemed a favor. mr. c. has more confidence in his people than he ever had before. there is less theft than during slavery. this is caused by greater respect for character, and the protection afforded to property by law. for a slave to steal from his master was never considered wrong, but rather a meritorious act. he who could rob the most without being detected was the best fellow. the blacks in several of the islands have a proverb, that for a thief to steal from a thief makes god laugh. the blacks have a great respect for, and even fear of law. mr. c. believes no people on earth are more influenced by it. they regard the same punishment, inflicted by a magistrate, much more than when inflicted by their master. law is a kind of deity to them, and they regard it with great reverence and awe. there is no insecurity now. before emancipation there was a continual fear of insurrection. mr. c. said he had lain down in bed many a night fearing that his throat would be cut before morning. he has started up often from a dream in which he thought his room was filled with armed slaves. but when the abolition bill passed, his fears all passed away. he felt assured there would be no trouble then. the motive to insurrection was taken away. as for the cutting of throats, or insult and violence in any way, ho never suspects it. he never thinks of fastening his door at night now. as we were retiring to bed, he looked round the room in which we had been sitting, where every thing spoke of serenity and confidence—doors and win- dows open, and books and plate scattered about on the tables and sideboards. "you see things now," he said, "just as we leave them every night, but you would have seen quite a differ- ent scene had you come here a few years ago." mr. c. thinks the slaves of barbados might have been entirely and immediatety emancipated as well as those of antigua. the results, he doubts not, would have been the same. he has no fear of disturbance or insubordination in . ho has no doubt that the people will work. that there may be a little unsettled, excited, experimenting feeling for a short time, barbados. he thinks probable—but feels confident that tliings generally will move on peaceably and prosperously. he looks with much more anxiety to the emancipation of the non-predials in . there is no disposition among the apprentices to revenge their wrongs. mr. c. feels the utmost security both of person and property. the slaves were very much excited by the discussions in england. they were well acquainted with them, and looked and longed for the result. they watched every arrival of the packet with great anxiety. 'the people on his estate often knew its arrival before he did. one of his daughters remarked, that she could see their hopes flashing from their eyes. they manifested, however, no disposition to rebel, waiting its anxious but quiet hope for their release. yet mr. c. had no doubt, that if parliament had thrown out the emancipation bill, and all measures had ceased for their relief, there would have been a general insurrection. while there was hope they remained peaceable, but had hope been destroyed it would have been buried in blood. there was some dissatisfaction among the blacks with the apprenticeship. they thought they ought to be entirely free, and that their masters were deceiving them. they could not at first understand the conditions of the new system—there was some murmuring among them, but they thought it better, how- ever, to wait six years for the boon, than to run the risk of losing it altogether by revolt. the expenses of the apprenticeship are about the same as during slavery. but under the free system, mr. c. has no doubt they will be much less. he has made a calculation of the expenses of cultivating the estate on which he resides for one year during slavery, and what they will probably be for one year under the free system. he finds the latter are less by about $ , . real estate has increased in value more than thirty per cent. there is greater confidence in the security of property. in- stances were related to us of estates that could not be sold at any price before emancipation, that within the last two years have been disposed of at great prices. barbados. the complaints to the magistrates, on the part of the planters, were very numerous at first, but have greatly diminished. they are of the most trivial and even ludicrous character. one of the magistrates says the greater part of the cases that come before him are from old women who cannot get their coffee early enough in the morning! and for offences of equal importance. prejudice has much diminished since emancipation. the discussions in england prior to that period had done much t* soften it down, but the abolition of slavery has given it its death blow. * such is a rapid sketch of the various topics touched upon dur- ing our interview with mr. c. and his family. before we left the hospitable mansion of lear's, we had the pleasure of meeting a company of gentlemen at dinner. with the exception of one, who was provost-marshal, they were merchants of bridgetown. these gentlemen expressed their full concurrence in the statements of mr. c, and gave additional testimony equally valuable. mr. w., the provost-marshal, stated that he had the supervi- sion of the public jail, and enjoyed the best opportunity of know- ing the state of crime, and he was confident that there was a less amount of crime since emancipation than before. he also spoke of the increasing attention which the negroes paid to neatness of dress and personal appearance. the company broke up about nine o'clock, but not until we had seen ample evidence of the friendly feelings of all the gen- tlemen toward our object. there was not a single dissenting voice to any of the statements made, or any of the sentiments expressed. this fact shows that the prevailing feeling is in favor of freedom, and that too on the score of policy and self- interest. dinner parties are in one sense a very safe pulse in all matters of general interest. they rarely beat faster than the heart of the community. no subject is likely to be introduced amid the festivities of a fashionable circle, until it is fully endorsed by public sentiment. through the urgency of mr. c, we were induced to remain all night. early the next morning, he proposed a ride before barbados. breakfast to scotland. scotland is the name given to an abrupt, hilly section, in the north of the island. it is about five miles from mr. c.'s, and nine from bridgetown. in approaching, the prospect burst suddenly upon the eye, extorting an involuntary exclamation of surprise. after riding for miles, through a coun- try which gradually swells into slight elevations, or sweeps away in rolling plains, covered with cane, yams, potatoes, ed- does, corn, and grass, alternately, and laid out with the regulari- ty of a garden; after admiring the cultivation, beauty, and skill exhibited on every hand, until almost wearied with viewing the creations of art ; the eye at once falls upon a scene in which is crowded all the wildness and abruptness of nature in one of her most freakish moods—a scene which seems to defy the hand of cultivation and the graces of art. we ascended a hill on the border of this section, which afforded us a complete view to describe it in one sentence, it is an immense basin, from two to three miles in diameter at the top, the edges of which are composed of ragged hills, and the sides and bottom of which are diversified with myriads of little hillocks and corresponding indentations. here and there is a small sugar estate in the bottom, and cultivation extends some distance up the sides, though this is at considerable risk, for not unfrequently, large tracts of soil,, covered with cane or provisions, slide down, over- spreading the crops below, and destroying those which they carry with them. mr. c. pointed to the opposite side of the basin to a small group of stunted trees, which he said were the last remains of the barbados forest. in the midst of them there is a boiling spring of considerable notoriety. in another direction, amid the rugged precipices, mr. c. pointed out the residences of a number of poor white families, whom he described as the most degraded, vicious, and aban- doned people in the island—" very far below the negroes." they live promiscuously, are drunken, licentious, and poverty- stricken,—a body of most squalid and miserable human beings. from the height on which we stood, we could see the ocean nearly around the island, and on our rght and left, overlooking the basin below us, rose the two highest, points of land of which r barbados. barbados can boast. the white marl about their naked tops gives them a bleak and desolate appearance, which contrasts gloomily with the verdure of the surrounding cultivation. after we had fully gratified ourselves with viewing the minia- ture representation of old scotia, we descended again into the road, and returned to lear's. we passed numbers of men and women going towards town with loads of various kinds of pro- visions on their heads. some were black, and others white—of the same class whose huts had just been shown us amid the hills and ravines of scotland. we observed that the latter were barefoot, and carried their loads on their heads precisely like the former. as we passed these busy pedestrians, the blacks almost uniformly courtesied or spoke; but the whites did not appear to notice us. mr. c. inquired whether we were not struck with this difference in the conduct of the two people, remarking that he had always observed it. it is very seldom, said he, that i meet a negro who does not speak to me polite- ly; but this class of whites either pass along without looking up, or cast a half vacant, rude stare into one's face, without opening their mouths. yet this people, he added, veriest raggamuffins as they are, despise the negroes, and consider it quite degrad- ing to put themselves on terms of equality with them. they will beg of blacks more provident and industrious than them- selves, or they will steal their poultry and rob their provision grounds at night; but they would disdain to associate with them. doubtless these sansculottes swell in their dangling rags with the haughty consciousness that they possess white skins. what proud reflections they must have, as they pursue their bare- foot way, thinking on their high lineage, and running back through the long line of their illustrious ancestry, whose notable badge was a white skin! no wonder they cannot stop to bow to the passing stranger. these sprouts of the caucasian race are known among the barbadians by the rather ungracious name of red shanics. they are considered the pest of the island, and are far more troublesome to the police, in proportion to their num- bers, than the apprentices. they are estimated at about eight thousand. the origin of this population we learned was the following: it barbados. has long been a law in barbados, that each proprietor should provide a white man for every sixty slaves in his possession, and give bin an acre of land, a house, and arms requisite for defence of the island in case of insurrection. this caused an importation of poor whites from ireland and england, and their number has been gradually increasing until the present time. during our stay of nearly two days with mr. c., there was nothing to which he so often alluded as to the security from danger which was now enjoyed by the planters. as he sat in his parlor, surrounded by his affectionate family, the sense of personal and domestic security appeared to be a luxury to him. he re- peatedly expressed himself substantially thus : " during the exis- tence of slavery, how often navel retired to bed fearing that i should have my throat cut before morning, but now the danger is all over." ti we took leave of lear's, after a protracted visit, not without a pressing invitation from mr. c. to call again. second visit to leab's. the following week, on saturday afternoon, we received a note from mr. ct, inviting us to spend the sabbath at lear's, where we might attend service at a neighboring chapel, and see a congregation composed chiefly of apprentices. on our arrival, we received a welcome from the residents, which reassured us of their sympathy in our object we joined the family circle around the centre table, and spent the evening in free conversa- tion on the subject of slavery. during the evening mr. c. stated, that he had lately met with a planter who, for some years previous to emancipation, and in- deed up to the very event, maintained that it was utterly impos- sible for such a thing ever to take place. the mother country, he said, could not be so mad as to take a step which must inevit- ably ruin the colonies. now, said mr. c, this planter would be one of the last in the island to vote for a restoration of slavery; nay, he even wishes to have the apprenticeship terminated at once, and entire freedom given to the people. such changes as this were very common. barbados. mr. c. remarked that during slavery, if the negro ventured to express an opinion about any point of management, he was met at once with a reprimand. if one should say, " i think such a course would be best," or, « such a field of cane is fit for cut- ting," the reply would be, " think ! you have no right to think any thing about it . do as i bid you." mr. c. confessed frank- ly, that he had often used such language himself. yet at the same time that he affected such contempt for the opinions of the slaves, he used to go around secretly among the negro houses at night to overhear their conversation, and ascertain their views. sometimes he received very valuable suggestions from them, which he was glad to avail himself of, though he was careful not to acknowledge their origin. soon after supper, miss e., one of mr. c.'s daughters, retired for the purpose of teaching a class of colored children which came to her on wednesday and saturday nights. a sister of miss e. has a class on the same days at noon. during the evening we requested the favor of seeing miss e.'s school. we were conducted by a flight of stairs into the base- ment story, where we found her sitting in a small recess, and surrounded by a dozen negro girls, from the ages of eight to fifteen. she was instructing them from the testament, which most of them could read fluently. she afterwards heard them recite some passages which they had committed to memory, and interspersed the recitations with appropriate remarks of ad- vice and exhortation. at ten o'clock on sabbath morning, we drove to the chapel of the parish, which is a mile and a half from lear's. it con- tains seats for five hundred persons. the body of the house is appropriated to the apprentices. there were upwards of four hundred persons, mostly apprentices, present, and a more quiet and attentive congregation we have seldom seen. the people were neatly dressed. a great number of the men wore black or blue cloth. the females were generally dressed in white. the choir was composed entirely of blacks, and sung with character- istic excellence. there was so much intelligence in the countenances of the people, that we could scarcely believe we were looking on a con- gregation of lately emancipated slaves. barbados. we returned to lear's. mr. c. noticed the change which has taken place in the observance of the sabbath since emanci- pation. formerly the smoke would be often seen at this time of clay pouring from the chimneys of the boiling-houses; but such a sight has not been seen since slavery disappeared. sunday used to be the day for the negroes to work on their grounds; now it is a rare thing for them to do so. sunday mar- kets also prevailed throughout the island, until the abolition of slavery. he said " i sometimes wonder, at myself, when i think how long i was connected with slavery; but self-interest and custom blinded me to its enormities." taking a short walk towards sunset, we found ourselves on the margin of a beautiful pond, in which myriads of small gold fishes were disporting—now cir- cling about in rapid evolutions, and anon leaping above the sur- face, and displaying their brilliant sides in the rays of the setting sun. when we had watched for some moments their happy gambols, mr. c. turned around and broke a twig from a bush that stood behind us ; "there is a bush," said he, " which has commu- ted many a murder." on requesting him to explain, he said, that the root of it was a deadly poison, and that the slave women used to make a decoction of it and give to their infants to de- stroy them; many a child had been murdered in this way. mothers would kill their children, rather than see them grow up to be slaves. "ah," he continued, in a solemn tone, pausing a moment and looking at us in a most earnest manner, " i could write a book about the evils of slavery. i could write a book about these things." what a volume of blackness and blood !* *we are here reminded of a fact stated by mr. c. on another occasion. he said that he once attended at the death of a planter who had been noted for his severity to his slaves. it was the most horrid scene he ever witnessed. for hours before his death he was in the extremest agony, and the only words which he uttered were, " africa, o africa!" these words he repeated every few minutes, till he died. and such a ghastly countenance, such dis- tortions of the muscles, such a hellish glare of the eye, and such, convulsions of the body—it made him shudder to think of them. barbados. when we arose on monday morning, the day-light had scarcely broken. on looking out of the window, we saw the mill slowly moving in the wind, and the field gang were going out to their daily work. surely, we thought, this does not look much like the laziness and insubordination of freed negroes. after dressing, we walked down to the mill, to have some con- versation with the people. they all bade us a cordial " good mornin'." the tender of the mill was an old man, whose de- spised locks were gray and thin, and on whose brow the hands of time and sorrow had written many effaceless lines. he ap- peared hale and cheerful, and answered our questions in distinct intelligible language. we asked him how they were all getting along under the new system. "very well massa," said he, "very well, thank god. all peaceable and good." "do you like the apprenticeship better than slavery v " great deal bet- ter, massa ; we is doing well now." "you like the apprentice- ship as well as freedom, don't you v "o no, me massa, free- dom till better." "what will you do when you are entirely free v "we must work; all have to work when de free come, white and black." "you are old, and will not enjoy freedom long; why do you wish for freedom then v "me want to die free, massa—it good ting to die free, and me want to see children free too." we continued at lear's during monday, to be in readiness for a tour to the windward of the island, which mr. c. had pro- jected for us, and on which we were to set out early the next morning. in the course of the day we had opportunities of see- ing the apprentices in almost every situation—in the field, at the mill, in the boiling-house, moving to and from work, and at rest. in every aspect in which we viewed them, they appeared cheer- ful, amiable, and easy of control. it was admirable to see with what ease and regularity every thing moved. an estate of nearly seven hundred acres, with extensive agriculture, and a large manufactory and distillery, employing three hundred ap- prentices, and supporting twenty-five horses, one hundred and thirty head of horned cattle, and hogs, sheep, and poultry in pro- portion, is manifestly a most complicated machinery. no wonder barbados. it should have been difficult to manage during slavery, when the main spring was absent, and every wheel out of gear. we saw the apprentices assembled after twelve o'clock, to receive their allowances of yams. these provisions are dis- tributed to them twice every week—on monday and thursday. they were strewed along the yard in heaps of fifteen pounds each. the apprentices came with baskets to get their allow- ances. it resembled a market scene—much chattering and talking, but no anger. each man, woman, and child, as they got their baskets filled, placed them on their heads, and marched off to their several huts. on tuesday morning, at an early hour, mr. c. took us in his phaeton on our projected excursion. it was a beautiful morn- ing. there was a full breeze from the east, which had already started the ponderous wings of the windmills in every direction. the sun was shaded by light clouds, which rendered the air quite cool. crossing the rich valley in which the belle estate and other noble properties are situated, we ascended the cliffs of st. john's—a high ridge extending through the parish of that name—and as we rode along its top, eastward, we had a delight- ful view of sea and land. below us on either hand lay vast estates glowing in the verdure of summer, and on three sides in the distance stretched the ocean. rich swells of land, cultivated and blooming like a vast garden, extended to the north as far as the eye could reach, and on every other side down to the water's edge. one who has been accustomed to the wildness of american scenery, and to the imperfect cultivation, inter- cepted with woodland, which yet characterizes even the oldest portions of the united states, might revel for a time amid the sunny meadows, the waving cane-fields, the verdant provision grounds, the acres of rich black soil without a blade of grass, and divided into holes two feet square for the cane-plants, with the precision almost of the cells of a honey-comb; and withal he might be charmed with the luxurious mansions—more luxu- rious than superb—surrounded with the white cedar, the cocoa- nut tree, and the tall rich mountain cabbage—the most beautiful *f all tropical trees; but perchance it would not require a very long excursion to weary him with the artificiality of the scenery, * barbados. and cause him to sigh for the "woods and wilds," the i' banks and braes" of his own majestic country. after an hour and a half's drive, we reached colliton estate, where we were engaged to breakfast. we met a hearty wel- come from the manager, samuel hinkston, esq. we were soon joined by several gentlemen whom mr. h. had invited to take breakfast with us; these were the rev. mr. gittens, rector of st. philip's parish, (in which colliton estate is situated,) and member of the colonial council; mr. thomas, an extensive attor- ney of barbados; and dr. bell, a planter of demerara—then on a visit to the island. we conversed with each of the gen- tlemen separately, and obtained their individual views respecting emancipation. mr. hinkston has been a planter for thirty-six years, and is highly esteemed throughout the island. the estate which he manages ranks among the first in the island. it comprises six hundred acres of superior land, has a population of two hundred apprentices, and yields an average crop of one hundred and eighty hogsheads. together with his long experience and standing as a planter, mr. h. has been for many years local magistrate for the parish in which he resides. from these cir- cumstances combined, we are induced to give his opinions on a variety of points. . he remarked that the planters were getting along infinitely better under the new system than they ever did under the old. instead of regretting that the change had taken place, he is looking forward with pleasure to a better change in , and he only regrets that it is not to come sooner. . mr. h. said it was generally conceded that the island was never under better cultivation than at the present time. the crops for this year will exceed the average by several thousand hogsheads. the canes were planted in good season, and well attended to afterwards. . real estate has risen very much since emancipation. mr. h. stated that he had lately purchased a small sugar estate, for which he was obliged to give several hundred pounds more than it would have cost him before . * . there is not the least sense of insecurity now. before barbados. emancipation there was much fear of insurrection, but that fear passed away with slavery. . the prospect for is good. that people have no fear of ruin after emancipation, is proved by the building of sugar- works on estates which never had any before, and which were obliged to cart their canes to neighboring estates to have them ground and manufactured. there are also numerous improve- ments making on the larger estates. mr. h. is preparing to make a new mill and boiling-house on colliton, and other plant- ers are doing the same. arrangements are making too in various directions to build new negro villages on a more commo- dious plan. . mr. h. says he finds his apprentices perfectly ready to work for wages during their own time. whenever he needs their labor on saturday, he has only to ask them, and they are ready to go to the mill or the field at once. there has not been an instance on colliton estate in which the apprentices have refused to work, either during the hours required by law, or during their own time. when he does not need their ser- vices rai saturday, they either hire themselves to other estates, or work on their own grounds. . mr. h. was ready to say, both as a planter and a magis- trate, that vice and crime generally had decreased, and were still on the decrease. petty thefts are the principal offences. he has not had occasion to send a single apprentice to the court of sessions for the last six months. . he has no difficulty in managing his people—far less than he did when they were slaves. it is very seldom that he finds it necessary to call in the aid of the special magis- trate. conciliatory treatment is generally sufficient to maintain order and industry among the apprentices. . he affirms that the negroes have no disposition to be re- vengeful. he has never seen any thing like revenge. . his people are as far removed from insolence as from vin- dictiveness. they have been uniformly civil. . his apprentices have more interest in the affairs of the estate, and he puts more confidence in them than he ever did before. s barbados. . he declares that the working of the apprenticeship, as also that of entire freedom, depends entirely on the planters. if they act with common humanity and reason, there is no fear but that the apprentices will be peaceable. mr. thomas is attorney for fifteen estates, on which there are upwards of two thousand five hundred apprentices. we were informed that he had been distinguished as a severe dis- ciplinarian under the old reign, or in plain terms, had been a cruel man and a hard driver; but he was one of those who, since emancipation, have happily conformed their mode of treatment to the new system. in reply to our inquiry how the present system was working, he said, "infinitely better (such was his language) than slavery. i succeed better on all the estates under my charge than i did formerly. i have far less difficulty with the people. i have no reason to com- plain of their conduct. however, i think they will do still better after ." we made some inquiries of dr. bell concerning the results of abolition in demcrara. he gave a decidedly flattering ac- count of the working of the apprenticeship system. no fears are entertained that demerara will be ruined after . on the contrary, it will be greatly benefited by emancipation. it is now suffering from a want of laborers, and after there will be an increased emigration to that colony from the older and less productive colonies. the planters of demerara are making arrangements for cultivating sugar on a larger scale than ever before. estates are selling at very high prices. every thing indicates the fullest confidence on the part of the planters that the prosperity of the colony will not only be perma- nent, but progressive. after breakfast we proceeded to the society's estate. we were glad to see this estate, as its history is peculiar. in it was bequeathed by general coddrington to a society in england called "the society for the promotion of christian knowledge." the proceeds of the estate were to be applied to the support of an institution in barbados, for educating missionaries of the es- tablished order. some of the provisions of the will were, that the estate should always have three hundred slaves upon it; baebados. that it should support a school for the education of the negro children, who were to be taught a portion of every day until they were twelve years old, when they were to go into the field; and that there should be a chapel built upon it. the negroes belonging to the estate have for upwards of a hundred years been under this kind of instruction. they have all been taught to read, though in many instances they have forgotten all they learned, having no opportunity to improve after they left school. they enjoy some other comforts peculiar to the society's estate. they have neat cottages built apart—each-on a half-acre lot, which belongs to the apprentice, and for the cultivation of which he is allowed one day out of the five working days. another peculiarity is, that the men and women work in separate gangs. at this estate we procured horses to ride to the college. we rode by the chapel and school-house belonging to the society's estate, which are situated on the brow of a high hill. from the same hill we caught a view of coddrington college, which is situated on a low bottom extending from the foot of the rocky cliff on which we stood to the sea shore, a space of a quarter of a mile. it is a long, narrow, ill-constructed edifice. we called on the principal, rev. mr. jones, who received us very cordially, and conducted us over the buildings and the grounds connected with them. the college is large enough to accommodate a hundred students. it is fitted out with lodging- rooms, various professors' departments, dining hall, chapel, libra- ry, and all the appurtenances of a university. the number of students at the close of the last term was fifteen. the professors, two in number, are supported by a fund, con- sisting of £ , sterling, which has in part accumulated from the revenue" of the estate. the principal spoke favorably of the operation of the appren- ticeship in barbados, and gave the negroes a decided superiority over the lower class of whites. he had seen only one colored beggar since he came to the island, but he was infested with multitudes of white ones. it is intended to improve the college buildings as soon as the toil of apprentices on the society's estate furnishes the requisite means. this robbing of god's image to promote education is barbados. horrible enough; taking the wages of slavery to spread the kingdom of christ! on re-ascending the hill, we called at the society's school. there are usually in attendance about one hundred children, since the abolition of slavery. near the school-house is the chapel of the estate, a neat building, capable of holding three or four hundred people. adjacent to the chapel is the burial- ground for the negroes belonging to the society's estate. we noticed several neat tombs, which appeared to have been erected only a short time previous . they were built of brick, and covered over with lime, so as to resemble white marble slabs. on being told that these were erected by the negroes themselves over the bodies of their friends, we could not fail to note bo beautiful an evidence of their civilization and humanity. we returned to the society's estate, where we exchanged our saddles for the phaeton, and proceeded on our eastward tour. mr. c. took us out of the way a few miles to show us one of the few curiosities of which barbados can boast . it is called the "horse." the shore for some distance is a high and pre- cipitous ledge of rocks, which overhangs the sea in broken cliffs. in one place a huge mass has been riven from the main body of rock and fallen into the sea. other huge fragments have been broken off in the same manner. in the midst of these, a number of steps have been cut in the rock for the purpose of descending to the sea. at the bottom of these steps there is a broad platform of solid rock, where one may stand se- curely, and hear the waves breaking around him like heavy thunders. through the fissures we could see the foam and spray mingling with the blue of the ocean, and .flashing in the sunshine. to the right, between the largest rock and the main land, there is a chamber of about ten feet wide and twenty feet long. the fragment, which forms one of its sides, leans towards the main rock, and touches it at top, forming a roof, with here and there a fissure, through which the light enters. at the bottom of the room there is a clear bed of water, which communicates with the sea by a small aperture under the rock. it is as placid as a summer pond, and is fitted with steps for a barbados. bathing place. bathe, truly! with the sea ever dashing against the side, and roaring and reverberating with deafening echo. on a granite slab, fixed in the side of the rock at the bottom of the first descent, is an inscription. time has very much effaced the letters, but by the aid of mr. c.'s memory, we succeeded in deciphering them. they will serve as the hundred and first ex- emplification of the bonapartean maxim—" there is but one step from the sublime to the ridiculous." "in this remote, and hoarse resounding place, which billows clash, and craggy cliffs embrace, these bubbling springe amid such horrors rise, but armed with virtue, horrors we despise, bathe undismayed, nor dread the impending rock, 'tis virtue shields us from each adverse shock. oenio loci sacrum posuit. j. r. martis men e ." from the » crane," which is the name given to that section of the country in which the '• horse" is situated, we bent our way in a southerly direction to the ridge estate, which was about eight miles distant, where we had engaged to dine. on the way we passed an estate which had just been on fire. the apprentices, fearing lest their houses should be burnt, had carried away all the moveables from them, and deposited them in separate heaps, on a newly ploughed field. the very doors and window shutters had been torn off and carried into the field, several acres of which were strewed over with piles of such furniture. mr. c. was scarcely less struck with this scene than we were, and he assured us that he had never known such providence manifested on a similar occasion during slavery. at the ridge estate we met mr. clarke, manager at staple grove estate, mr. applewhitte of carton, and a brother of mr. c. the manager, mr. cecil, received us with the customary cordi- ality. mr. clarke is the manager of an estate on which there are two hundred apprentices. his testimony was, that the estate was barbados. better cultivated since abolition than before, and that it is far easier to control the laborers, and secure uniformity of labor un- der the present system. he qualified this remark, by saying, that if harsh or violent measures were used, there would be more difficulty now than during slavery; but kind treatment and a con- ciliatory spirit never failed to secure peace and industry. at the time of abolition, mr. c. owned ten slaves, whom he entirely emancipated. some of these still remain with him as domestics; others are hired on an adjoining estate. one of those who left him to work on another estate, said to him, "massa, whenever you want anybody to help you, send to me, and i'll come. it makes no odds when it is—i'll be ready at any time." mr. c. declared himself thoroughly convinced of the propriety of immediate eman- cipation, though he was once a violent opposer of abolition. he said, that if he had the power, he would emancipate every appren- tice on his estate to-morrow. as we were in the sugar-house examining the quality of the sugar, mr. c. turned to one of us, and putting his hand on a hogshead, said," you do not raise this article in your state, (kentucky,) i believe." on being answer- ed in the negative, he continued, " well, we will excuse you, then, somewhat in your state—you cant't treat your slaves so cruelly there. this, this is the dreadful thing! wherever sugar is cul- tivated by slaves, there is extreme suffering." mr. applewhitte said emphatically, that there was no danger in entire emancipation. he was the proprietor of more than a hun- dred apprentices, and he would like to see them free all at once. during a long sitting at the dinner table, emancipation was the topic, and we were gratified with the perfect unanimity of senti- ment among these planters. after the cloth was removed, and we were about leaving the table, mr. clarke begged leave to pro- pose a toast accordingly, the glasses of the planters were once more filled, and mr. c, bowing to us, gave our health, and « suc- cess to our laudable undertaking"—« most laudable undertaking," added mr. applewhitte, and the glasses were emptied. had the glasses contained water instead of wine, our gratification would have been complete. it was a thing altogether beyond our most sanguine expectations, that a company of planters, all of whom i barbados. were but three years previous the actual oppressors of the slave, should be found wishing success to the cause of emancipation. at half-past eight o'clock, we resumed our seats in mr. c.'a phaeton, and by the nearest route across the country, returned to lear's. mr. c. entertained us by the way with eulogies upon the industry and faithfulness of his apprentices. it was, he said, one of the greatest pleasures he experienced, to visit the different estates under his charge, and witness the respect and affection which the apprentices entertained towards him. their joyful welcome, their kind attentions during his stay with them, and their hearty 'good-bye, massa,' when he left, delighted him. visit to colohel ashbt's. we were kindly invited to spend a day at the mansion of co- lonel ashby, an aged and experienced planter, who is the proprie- tor of the estate on which he resides. colonel a.'s estate is situat- ed in the parish of christ church, and is almost on the extreme point of a promontory, which forms the southernmost part of the island. an early and pleasant drive of nine miles from bridge- town, along the southeastern coast of the island, brought us to his residence. colonel a. is a native of barbados, has been a prac- tical planter smce , and for a long time a colonial magistrate and commander of the parish troops. his present estate contains three hundred and fifty acres, and has upon it two hundred and thirty apprentices, and a large number of free children. his aver- age crop is eighty large hogsheads. colonel a remarked to us, that he had witnessed many cruelties and enormities under " the reign of terror." he said, that the abolition of slavery had been an in- calculable blessing, but added, that he had not always entertain- ed the same views respecting emancipation. before it took place, he was a violent opposer of any measure tending to abolition. he regarded the english abolitionists, and the anti-slavery members in parliament, with unmingled hatred. he had often cursed wil- berforce most bitterly, and thought that no doom, either in this life, or in the life to come, was too bad for him. "but," he exclaimed, * how mistaken i was about thatman—i am convinced of it now— o he was a good man—a noble philanthropist—if there is a chair barbados. in heaven, wilberforce is in it.'" colonel a. is somewhat scep- tical, which will account for his hypothetical manner of speaking about heaven. he said that he found no trouble in managing his apprentices. as local or colonial magistrate, in which capacity he still con- tinued to act, he had no cases of serious crime to adjudicate, and very few cases of petty misdemeanor. colonel a. stated empha- tically, that the negroes were not disposed to leave their employ- ment, unless the master was intolerably passionate and hard with them; as for himself, he did not fear losing a single laborer after . he dwelt much on the trustiness and strong attachment of the negroes, where they are well treated. there were no people in the world that he would trust his property or life with sooner than negroes, provided he had the previous management of them long enough to secure their confidence. he stated the following fact in confirmation of this sentiment. during the memorable insurrec- tion of , by which the neighboring parishes were dreadfully ravaged, he was suddenly called from home on military duty. af- ter he had proceeded some distance, he recollected that he had left five thousand dollars in an open desk at home. he immedi- ately told the fact to his slave who was with him, and sent him back to take care of it. he knew nothing more of his money until the rebellion was quelled, and peace restored. on return- ing home, the slave led him to a cocoa-nut tree near by the house, and dug up the money, which he had buried under its roots. he found the whole sum secure. the negro, he said, might have taken the money, and he would never have suspect- ed him, but would have concluded that it had been with other larger sums, seized upon by the insurgents. colonel a. said that it was impossible for him to mistrust negroes as a body. he spoke in terms of praise also of the conjugal attachment of the negroes. his son, a merchant, stated a fact on this subject. the wife of a negro man whom he knew, became afflicted with that loathsome disease, the leprosy. the man continued to live with her, notwithstanding the disease was universally considered con- tagious, and was pecuilarly dreaded by the negroes. the man, on being asked why he lived with his wife under such circum- barbados. stances, said, that he had lived with her when she was well, and he could not bear to forsake her when she was in distress. colonel a. made numerous inquiries respecting slavery in america. he said there would certainly be insurrections in the slaveholding states, unless slavery was abolished. nothing but abolition could put an end to insurrections. mr. thomas, a neighboring planter, dined with us. he had not carried a complaint to the special magistrate against his appren- tices for six months. he remarked particularly that emancipa- tion had been a great blessing to the master; it brought free- dom to hiin as well as to the slave. a few days subsequently to our visit to colonel a.'s, the reverend mr. packer, of the established church, called at our lodgings, and introduced a planter from the parish of st. thomas. the planter is proprietor of an estate, and has eighty appren- tices. his apprentices conduct themselves very satisfactorily, and he had not carried a half dozen complaints to the special magistrate since . he said that cases of crime were very rare, as he had opportunity of knowing, being local magis- trate. there were almost no penal offences brought before him. many of the apprentices of st. thomas parish were buying their freedom, and there were several cases of appraise- ment* every week. vthe monday previous, six cases came before him, in four of which the apprentices paid the money on the spot. before tins gentleman left, the rev. mr. c. called in with mr. pigeot, another planter, with whom we had a long con- versation. mr. p. has been a manager for many years. we had heard of him previously as the only planter in the island who had made an experiment in task work prior to abolition. he tried it for twenty months before that period on an estate of four hundred acres and two hundred people. his plan was simply to give each slave an ordinary day's work for a task; and after that was performed, the remainder of the * when an apprentice signifies his wish to purchase his free- dom, he applies to the magistrate for an appraisement. the ap- praisement is made by one special and two local magistrates. barbados. time, if any, belonged to the slave. no wages toere allowed. the gang were expected to accomplish just as much as they did before, and to do it as well, however long a time it might require; and if they could finish in half a day, the other half was their own, and they might employ it as they saw fit. mr. p. said, he was very soon convinced of the good policy of the system; though he had one of the most unruly gangs of negroes to manage in the whole island. the results of the experiment he stated to be these: . the usual day's work was done generally before the middle of the afternoon. sometimes it was completed in five hours. . the work was done as well as it was ever done under the old system. indeed, the estate continued to improve in cultivation, and presented a far better appearance at the close of the twenty months, than when he took the charge of it. . the trouble of management was greatly diminished. mr. p. was almost entirely released from the care of over- seeing the work; he could trust it to the slaves. . the whip was entirely laid aside. the idea of having a part of the day which they could call their own, and employ for their own interests, was stimulus enough for the slaves without resorting to the whip. . the time gained was not spent (as many feared and prophesied it would be) either in mischief or indolence. it was diligently improved in cultivating their provision grounds, or working for wages on neighboring estates. frequently a man and his wife would commence early and work together until they got the work of both so far advanced that the roan could finish it alone before night; and then the woman would gather up a load of yams and start for the market. . the condition of the people improved astonishingly. they became one of the most industrious and orderly gangs in the parish. under the former system they were considered inade- quate to do the work of the estate, and the manager was obliged to hire additional hands every year, to take off the crop; but mr. p. never hired any, though he made as large crops as were made formerly. barbados. . after the abolition of slavery, bis people chose to continue on the same system of task work. mr. p. stated that the planters were universally opposed to his experiment. they laughed at the idea of making negroes work without using trie whip; and they all prophesied that it would prove an utter failure. after some months' successful trial, he asked some of his neighbor planters what they thought of it then, and he appealed to them to say whether he did not get his work done as thoroughly and seasonably as they did theirs. they were compelled to admit vit; but still they were opposed to his system, even more than ever. they called it an innovation.—it was setting a bad example; and they honestly de- clared that they did not wish the slaves to have any time of their own. mr. p. said, he was first induced to try the system of task work from a consideration that the negroes were men as well as himself, and deserved to be dealt with as liberally as their relation would allow. he soon found that what was in- tended as a favor to the slaves was really a benefit to the mas- ter. mr. p. was persuaded that entire freedom would be better for all parties than apprenticeship. he had heard some fears expressed concerning the fate of the island after ; but he considered them very absurd. although this planter looked forward with sanguine hopes to , yet he would freely say that he did not think the appren- ticeship would be any preparation for entire freedom. the single object with'the great majority of the planters seemed to be to get as much out of the apprentices as they possibly could during the term. no attention had been paid to preparing the apprentices for freedom. we were introduced to a planter who was notorious during the reign of slavery for the strictness of his discipline, to use the barbadian phrase, or, in plain english, for his rigorous treatment and his cruelty. he is the proprietor of three sugar estates and one cotton plantation in barbados, on all of which there are seven hundred apprentices. he was a luxurious looking personage, bottle- cheeked and huge i' the midst, and had grown fat on slavehold- ing indulgences. he mingled with every sentence he uttered * barbados. some profane expression, or solemn appeal to his "honor," and seemed to be greatly delighted with hearing himself talk. he displayed all those prejudices which might naturally be looked for in a mind educated and trained as his had been. as to the conduct of the apprentices, he said they were peaceable and industrious, and mostly well disposed. but after all, the negroes were a perverse race of people. it was a singular fact, he said, that the severer the master the better the apprentices. when the master was mild and indulgent, they were sure to be lazy, insolent, and unfaithful. he knew this by experience; this was the case with his apprentices. his house-servants especially were very bad. but there was one complaint he had against them all, domestics and praedials—they always hold him to the letter of the law, and are ready to arraign him before the special magistrate for every infraction of it on his part, however tri- fling. how ungrateful, truly! after being provided for with parental care from earliest infancy, and supplied yearly with two suits of clothes, and as many yams as they could eat, and only having to work thirteen or fifteen hours per day in return; and now when they are no longer slaves, and new privileges are conferred, to exact them to the full extent of the law which secures them—what ingratitude! how soon are the kindnesses of the past, and the hand that bestowed them, forgotten! had these people possessed the sentiments of human beings, they would have been willing to take the boon of freedom and lay it at their master's feet, dedicating the remainder of their days to his discretionary service! but with all his violent prejudices, this planter stated some facts which are highly favorable to the apprentices. . he frankly acknowledged that his estates were never tmder better cultivation than at the present time: and he could say the same of the estates throughout the island. the largest crops that have ever been made, will be realized this year. . the apprentices are generally willing to work on the es- tates on saturday whenever their labor is needed. . the females are very much disposed to abandon field labor. he has great difficulty sometimes in inducing them to take their hoes and go out to the field along with the men; it barbados. was the case particularly with the mothers! this he regarded as a sore evil! . the free children he represented as being in a wretched condition. their parents have the entire management of them, and they are utterly opposed to having them employed on the estates. he condemned severely the course taken in a particu- lar instance by the late governor, sir lionel smith. he took it upon himself to go around the island and advise the parents never to bind their children in any kind of apprenticeship to the planters. he told them that sooner than involve their free children in any way, they ought to "work their own fingers to the stubs." the consequence of this imprudent measure, said our informant, is that the planters have no control over the child- ren born on their estates; and in many instances their parents • have sent them away lest their residence on the property should, by ome chance, give the planter a claim upon their services. under the good old system the young children were placed to- gether under the charge of some superannuated women, who were fit for nothing else, and the mothers went into the field to work ; now the nursery is broken up, and the mothers spend half of their time "in taking care of their brats." . as to the management of the working people, there need not be any more difficulty now than during slavery. if the ma- gistrates, instead of encouraging the apprentices to complain and be insolent, would join their influence to support the author- ity of the planters, things might go on nearly as smoothly as before. in company with rev. mr. packer, late rector of st . thomas, we rode out to the belle estate, which is considered one of the finest in the island. mr. marshall, the manager, received us cordially. he was selected, with two others, by sir lionel smith, to draw up a scale of labor for general use in the island. there are five hundred acres in the estate, and two hundred and thirty-five apprenticed laborers. the manager stated that every thing was working well on his property. he corroborated the statements made by other planters with regard to the con- duct of the apprentices. on one point he said the planters had found themselves greatly disappointed. it was feared that after barbados. emancipation the negroes would be very much averse to culti- vating cane, as it was supposed that nothing but the whip could induce them to perform that species of labor. but the truth is, they now not only cultivate the estate lands better than they did when under the lash, but also cultivate a third of their half- acre allotments in cane on their own accounts. they would plant the whole in-cane if they were not discouraged by the planter, whose principal objection to their doing so is that it would lead to the entire neglect of provision cultivation. the apprentices on belle estate will make little short of one thousand dollars the present season by their sugar. mr. m. stated that he was extensively acquainted with the cultivation of the island, and he knew that it was in a better condition than it had been for many years. there were twenty-four estates under the same attorneyship with the belle, and they were all in the same prosperous condition. a short time before we left barbados we received an invita- tion from coi. barro ", to breakfast with him at his residence on edgecome estate—about eight miles from town. mr. cum- mins, a colored gentl' at in, a merchant of bridgetown, and agent of col. b., accompanied us. the proprietor of edgecome is a native of barbados, of pol- ished manners and very liberal views. he has travelled ex tensively, has held many important offices, and is generally con. sidered the cleverest man in the island. he is now a member of the council, and acting attorney for about twenty estates. he remarked that he had always desired emancipation, and had prepared himself for it; but that it had proved a greater bless- ing than he had expected. his apprentices did as much work as before, and it was done without the application of the whip. he had not had any cases of insubordination, and it was very seldom that he had any complaints to make to the special ma- gistrate. "the apprentices," said iie, "understand the mean- ing of law, and they regard its authority." he thought there was no such thing in the island as a sense of insecurity, either as respected person or property. real estate had risen in value. col. b. alluded to the expensiveness of slavery, remarking that after all that was expended in purchasing the slaves, it barbados. cost the proprietor as much to maintain them, as it would to hire free men. he spoke of the habit of exercising arbitrary power, which being in continual play up to the time of abolition, had become so strong that managers even yet gave way to it, and frequently punished their apprentices, in spite of all penal- ties. the fines inflicted throughout the island in , upon planters, overseers, and others, for punishing apprentices, amounted to one thousand two hundred dollars. col. b. said that he found the legal penalty so inadequate, that in his own practice he was obliged to resort to other means to deter his book-keepers and overseers from violence ; hence he discharged every man under his control who was known to strike an ap- prentice. he does not tlduk that the apprenticeship will be a means of preparing the negroes for freedom, nor does he believe that they need any preparation. he should have apprehended no danger, had emancipation taken place in . at nine o'clock we sat down to breakfast. our places were assigned at opposite sides of the table, between col. b. and mr. c. to an american eye, we presented a singular spectacle. a wealthy planter, a member of the legislative council, sitting at the breakfast table with a colored man, whose mother was a negress of the most unmitigated hue, and who himself showed a head of hair as curly as his mother's! but this colored guest was treated with all that courtesy and attention to which his intelligence, worth, and accomplished manners so justly entitle him. about noon, we left edgecome, and drove two miles farther, to horton—an estate owned by poster clarke, esq., an attorney for twenty-two estates, who is now temporarily residing in eng- land. the intelligent manager of horton received us and our colored companion with characteristic hospitality. like every one else, he told us that the apprenticeship was far better than slavery, though he was looking forward to the still better system, entire freedom. after we had taken a lunch, mr. cummins invited our host to take a seat with us in his carriage, and we drove across the country to drax hall. drax hall is the largest estate in the island, consisting of eight hundred acres. the manager of this barbados. estate confirmed the testimony of the barbadian planters in every important particular. from drax hall we returned to bridgetown, accompanied by our friend cummins. chapter ii. testimony of special magistrates, police officers, clergymen, and missionaries. next in weight to the testimony of the planters is that of the special magistrates. being officially connected with the administration of the apprenticeship system, and the adjudicators in all difficulties between master and servant, their views of the system and of the conduct of the different parties, are entitled to special consideration. our interviews with this class of men were frequent during our stay in the island. we found them uniformly ready to communicate information, and free to express their sentiments. in barbados there are seven special magistrates, presiding over as many districts, marked a, b, c, &c, which include the whole of the apprentice population, praedial and non-praedial. these districts embrace an average of twelve thousand appren- tices—some more and some less. all the complaints and diffi- culties which arise among that number of apprentices and their masters, overseers and book-keepers, are brought before the single magistrate presiding in the district in which they occur. from the statement of this fact it will appear in the outset either that the special magistrates have an incalculable amount of busi- ness to transact, or that the conduct of the apprentices is wonder- fully peaceable. but more of this again. about a week following our first interview with his ex- cellency, sir evan mcgregor, we received an invitation to dine at government house with a company of gentle- men. on our arrival at six o'clock, we were conducted into a large ante-chamber above the dining-hall, where we were barbados. soon joined by the solicitor-general, hon. r. b. clarke, dr. clarke, a physician, maj. colthurst, capt . hamilton, and mr. galloway, special magistrates. the appearance of the gover- nor about an hour afterwards, was the signal for an adjournment to dinner. slavery and emancipation were the engrossing topics during the evening. as our conversation was for the most part gene- ral, we were enabled to gather at the same time the opinions of all the persons present. there was, for aught we heard or could see to the contrary, an entire unanimity of sentiment. in the course of the evening we gathered the following facts and testimony: . all the company testified to the benefits of abolition. it was affirmed that the island was never in so prosperous a con- dition as at present. . the estates generally are better cultivated than they were during slavery. said one of the magistrates: "if, gentlemen, you would see for yourselves the evidences of our successful cultivation, you need but to travel in any part of the country, and view the superabundant crops which are now being taken off; and if you would satisfy yourselves that emancipation has not been ruinous to barbados, only cast your eyes over the land in any direction, and see the flourishing con- dition both of houses and fields: every thing is starting into new life." it was also stated that more work was done during the nine hours required by law, than was done during slavery in twelve or fifteen hours, with all the driving and goading which were then practised. . offences have not increased, but rather lessened. the solicitor-general remarked, that the comparative state of crime could not be ascertained by a mere reference to statistical re- cords, since previous to emancipation all offences were sum- marily punished by the planters. each estate was a little des- potism, and the manager took cognizance of all the misdemean- ors committed among his slaves—inflicting such punishment as he thought proper. the public knew nothing about the offences of the slaves, unless something very atrocious was commit- barbados. ted. but since emancipation has taken place, all offences, hov» ever trivial, come to the light and are recorded. he could only give a judgment founded on observation. it was his opinion, that there were fewer petty offences, such as thefts, larcenies, &c., than during slavery. as for serious crime, it was hardly known in the island. the whites enjoy far greater safety ot person and property than they did formerly. maj. cplthurst, who is an irishman, remarked, that he had long been a ' magistrate or justice of the peace in ireland, and he was certain that at the present ratio of crime in barbados, there would not, be as much perpetrated in six years to come, as there is in ireland among an equal population in six months. for his part, he had never found in any part of the world so peaceable and inoffensive a community. . it was the unanimous testimony that there was no dispo- sition among the apprentices to revenge injuries committed against them. they are not a revengeful people, but on the con- trary are remarkable for forgetting wrongs particularly when they are succeeded by kindness. . the apprentices were described as being generally civil and respectful toward their employers. they were said to manifest more independence of feeling and action than they did when slaves; but were seldom known to be insolent unless grossly insulted or very harshly used. . ample testimony was given to the law-abiding character of the negroes. when the apprenticeship system was first in- troduced, they did not comprehend its provisions, and as they had anticipated entire freedom, they were disappointed and dis- satisfied. but in a little while they became reconciled to the operations of the new system, and have since manifested a due subordination to the laws and authorities. . there is great desire manifested among them to purchase their freedom. not a week passes without a number of ap- praisements. those who have purchased their freedom have generally conducted well, and in many instances are laboring on the same estates on which they were slaves. . there is no difficulty in inducing the apprentices to work on saturday. they are usually willing to work if proper wages barbados. are given them. if they are not needed on the estates, they either work on their own grounds, or on some neighboring estate. . the special magistrates were all of the opinion that it would have been entirely safe to have emancipated the slaves of bar- bados in . they did not believe that any preparation was needed; but that entire emancipation would have been decided- ly better than the apprenticeship. . the magistrates also stated that the number of complaints brought before them was comparatively small, and it was gradu- ally diminishing. the offences were of a very trival nature, mostly cases of slight insubordination, such as impertinent replies and disobedience of orders. . they stated that they had more trouble with petty over- seers and managers and small proprietors than with the entire black population. . the special magistrates further testified that wherever the planters have exercised common kindness and humanity, the apprentices have generally conducted peaceably. whenever there are many complaints from one estate, it is presumable that the manager is a bad man. . real estate is much higher throughout the island than it has been for many years. a magistrate said that he had heard of an estate which had been in market for ten years before abo- lition and could not find a purchaser. in , the year follow- ing abolition, it was sold for one third more than was asked for it two years before. . it was stated that there was not a proprietor in the island, whose opinion was of any worth, who would wish to have slavery restorea. those who were mostly bitterly opposed to abolition, have become reconciled, and are satisfied that the change has been beneficial. the solicitor-general was candid enough to own that he himself was openly opposed to emancipation. he had declared publicly and repeatedly, while the measure was pending in parliament, that abolition would ruin the colonies. but the results had proved so different that he was ashamed of his former forebodings he had no desire ever to see slavery re- established. barbados. . the first of august, , was described as a day of re- markable quiet and tranquillity. the solicitor-general remark- ed, that there were many fears for the results of that first day of abolition. he said he arose early that morning, and before eight o'clock rode through the most populous part of the island, over an extent of twelve miles. the negroes were all engaged in their work as on other days. a stranger riding through the island, and ignorant of the event which had taken place that morning, would have observed no indications of so extraordinary a change. he returned home satisfied that all would work well. . the change in was spoken of as being associated with the most sanguine expectations. it was thought that there was more danger to be apprehended from the change in . it was stated that there were about fifteen thousand non-praedi- als, who would then be emancipated in barbados. this will most bkely prove the occasion of much excitement and uneasi- ness, though it is not supposed that any thing serious will arise. the hope was expressed that the legislature would effect the emancipation of the whole population at that time. one of the magistrates informed us that he knew quite a number of planters in his district who were willing to liberate their apprentices im- mediately, but they were waiting for a general movement it was thought that this state of feeling was somewhat extensive. . the magistrates represented the negroes as naturally con- fiding and docile, yielding readily to the authority of those who are placed over them. maj. colthurst presides over a district of , apprentices; capt. hamilton over a district of , ; and mr. galloway over the same number. there are but three days in the week devoted to hearing and settling complaints. it is very evident that in so short a time it would be utterly im- possible for one man to control and keep in order such a number, unless the subjects were of themselves disposed to be peaceable and submissive. the magistrates informed us that notwith- standing the extent of their districts, they often did not have more than from a dozen to fifteen complaints in a week. we were highly gratified with the liberal spirit and the intel- ligence of the special magistrates. major colthurst is a gen- barbados. tleman of far more than ordinary pretensions to refinement and general information. he was in early life a justice of the peace in ireland, he was afterwards a major in his majesty's service, and withal, has been an extensive traveler. fifteen years ago he traveled in the united states, and passed through several of the slaveholding states, where he was shocked with the abomi- nations of slavery. he was persuaded that slavery was worse in our country, than it has been for many years in the west indies. captain hamilton was formerly an officer in the british navy. he seems quite devoted to his business, and attached to the in- terests of the apprentices. mr. galloway is a colored gentleman, highly respected for his talents. mr. g. informed us that preju. dice against color was rapidly diminishing—and that the present governor was doing all in his power to discountenance it. the company spoke repeatedly of the noble act of abolition, by which great britain had immortalized her name more than by all the achievements of her armies and navies. the warmest wishes were expressed for the abolition of sla- very in the united states. all said they should rejoice when the descendants of great britain should adopt the noble example of their mother country. they hailed the present anti-slavery movements. said the solicitor-general, "we were once strange- ly opposed to the english anti-slavery party, but now we sympa- thize with you. since slavery is abolished in our own colonies, and we see the good which results from the measure, we go for abolition throughout the world. go on, gentlemen, we are with 'you; we are all sailing in the same vessel." being kindly invited by captain hamilton, during our inter- view with him at the government house, to call on him and at- tend his court, we availed ourselves of his invitation a few days afterwards. we left bridgetown after breakfast, and as it chanced to be saturday, we had a fine opportunity of seeing the people coming into market. they were strung all along the road for six miles, so closely that there was scarcely a minute at any time in which we did not pass them. as far as the eye could reach there were files of men and women, moving peaceably forward. from the cross paths leading through the estates, the busy marketers were pouring into the high way. to their barbados. beads as usual was committed the safe conveyance of the various commodities. it was amusing to observe the almost intimte diversity of products which loaded them. there were sweet potatoes, yams, eddoes, guinea and indian corn, various fruits and berries, vegetables, nuts, cakes, bottled beer and empty bottles, bundles of sugar cane, bundles of fire wood, &c. &c . here was one woman (the majority were females, as usu- al with the marketers in these islands) with a small black pig doubled up under her arm. another girl had a brood of young chickens, with nest, coop, and all, on her head. further along the road we were specially attracted by a woman who was trudging with an immense turkey elevated on her head. he quite filled the tray; head and tail projecting beyound its bounds. he ad- vanced, as was very proper, head foremost, and it was irresisti- bly laughable to see him ever and anon stretch out his neck and peep under the tray, as though ho would discover by what manner of locomotive it was that he got along so fast while his own legs were tied together. of the hundreds whom we past, there were very few who were not well dressed, healthy, and apparently in good spirit?. we saw nothing indecorous, heard no vile language, and wit- nessed no violence. about four miles from town, we observed on the side of the road a small grove of shade trees. numbers of the marketers were seated there, or lying in the cool shade with their trays beside them. it seemed to be a sort of rendezvous place, where those going to, and those returning from town, occasionally halt for a time for the purpose of resting, and to tell and hear news concerning the state of the market. and why should not these traveling merchants have an exchange as well as the station- ary ones of bridgetown? on reaching the station-house, which is about six miles from town, we learned that saturday was not one of the court days. we accordingly drove to captain hamilton's residence. he stated that during the week he had only sir cases of complaint among the thirteen thousand apprentices embraced in his district. saturday is the day set apart for the apprentices to visit him at his house for advice on any points connected with their dutie?. barbados. he had several calls while we were with him. one was from the mother of an apprentice girl who had been committed for injuring the master's son. she came to inform captain h. that the girl had been whipped twice contrary to law, -before her commitment. captain h. stated that the girl had said nothing about this at the time of her trial; if she had, she would in all probability have been set free, instead of being committed to prison. he remarked that he had no question but there were numerous cases of flogging on the estates which never came to light. the sufferers were afraid to inform against their mas- ters, lest they should be treated still worse. the opportunity which he gave them of coming to him one day in the week for private advice, was the means of exposing many outrages which would otherwise be unheard of. he observed that there were not a few whom he had liberated on account of the cruelty of their masters. captain h. stated that the apprentices were much disposed to purchase their freedom. to obtain money to pay for them- selves they practice the most severe economy and self-denial in the very fewindulgences which the law grants them. they sometimes resort to deception to depreciate their value with the appraisers. he mentioned an instance of a man who had for many years been an overseer on a large estate. wishing to purchase him- self, and knowing that his master valued him very highly, he permitted his beard to grow, gave his face a wrinkled and hag- gard appearance, and bound a handkerchief about his head. his clothes were suffered to become ragged and dirty, and he began to feign great weakness in his limbs, and to complain of a "misery all down his back." he soon appeared marked with all the signs of old age and decrepitude. in this plight, and leaning on a stick, he hobbled up to the station-house one day, and requested to be appraised. he was appraised at £ , which he immediately paid. a short time afterwards, he en- gaged himself to a proprietor to manage a small estate at £ per year in cash and his own maintenance, all at onoe grew vigorous again, and is prospering finely. many of the masters in turn practice deception to prevent the apprentices from buy- ing themselves, or to make them pay the very highest sum for * barbados. their freedom. they extol their virtues—they are every thing that is excellent and valuable—their services on the estate are indispensable—no one can fill their places. by such misrepre- sentations they often get an exorbitant price for the remainder of the term—more, sometimes, than they could have obtained for them for life while they were slaves. from captain h.'s we returned to the station-house, the keep- er of which conducted us over the buildings, and showed us the cells of the prison. the house contains the office and private rooms of the magistrate, and the guard-room, below, and cham- bers for the police men above. there are sixteen solitary cells, and two large rooms for those condemned to hard labor—one for females and the other for males. there were at that time seven in the solitary cells, and twenty-four employed in labor on the roads. this is more than usual. the average number is twenty in all. when it is considered that most of the com- mitments are for trivial offences, and that the district contains thirteen thousand apprentices, certainly we have grounds to conclude that the state of morals in barbados is decidedly superi- or to that in our own country. the whole police force for this district is composed of seven- teen horsemen, four footmen, a sergeant, and the keeper. it was formerly greater, but has been reduced within the past year. the keeper informed us that he found the apprentices, placed under his care, very easily controlled. they sometimes at- tempt to escape; but there has been no instance of revolt or in- subordination. the island, he said, was peaceable, and were it not for the petty complaints of the overseers, nearly the whole police force might be disbanded. as for insurrection, he laugh- ed at the idea of it. it was feared before abolition, but now no one thought of it. all but two or three of the policemen at this station are black and colored men. station-house at district a. being disappointed m our expectations of witnessing some trials at the station-house in captain hamilton's district (b,) we visited the court in district a, where major colthurst pre- barbados. sides. major c. was in the midst of a trial when we entered, and we did not learn fully the nature of the case then pend- ing. we were immediately invited within the bar, whence we had a fair view of all that passed. . there were several complaints made and tried, during our stay. we give a brief account of them, as they will serve as specimens of the cases usually brought before the special magis- trates. i. the first was a complaint made by a colored lady, apparently not more than twenty, against a colored girl—her domestic ap- prentice. the charge was insolence, and disobedience of orders. the complainant said that the girl was exceedingly in- solent-o-no one could imagine how insolent she had been—it was beyond endurance. she seemed wholly unable to find woids enough to express the superlative insolence of her servant. the justice requested her to particularize. upon this, she brought out several specific charges, such as, first, that the girl brought a candle to her one evening, and wiped her greasy fingers on her (the girl's) gown; second. that one morning she refused to bring some warm water, as commanded, to pour on a piece of flannel, until she had finished some other work that she was doing at the time; third, that the same morning she de- layed coming into her chamber as usual to dress her, and when she did come, she sung, and on being told to shut her mouth, she replied that her mouth was her own, and that she would sing when she pleased; and fourth, that she had said in her mistress's hearing that she would be glad when she was freed. these several charges being sworn to, the girl was sentenced to four days solitary confinement, but at the request of her mistress, she was discharged on promise of amendment. ii. the second complaint was against an apprentice-man by his master, for absence from work. he had leave to go to the funeral of his mother, and he did not return until after the time allowed him by his master. the man was sentenced to im- prisonment. iii. the third complaint was against a woman for singing and making a disturbance in the field. sentenced to six days' solitary confinement. barbados. iv. an apprentice was brought up for not doing his work well. he was a mason, and was employed in erecting an arch on one of the public roads. this case excited considerable interest. the apprentice was represented by his master to be a praedial— the master testified on oath that he was registered as a praedial; but in the course of the examination it was proved that he had always been a mason ; that he had labored at that trade from his boyhood, and that he knew ' nothing about the hoe,' having never worked an hour in the field. this was sufficient to prove that he was a non-praedial, and of course entitled to liberty two years sooner than he would have been as a praedial. as this matter came up incidentally, it enraged the master exceedingly. he fiercely reiterated his charge against the apprentice, who, on his part, averred that he did his work as well as he could. the master manifested the greatest excitement and fury during the trial. at one time, because the apprentice disputed one of his assertions, he raised his clenched fist over him, and threatened, with an oath, to knock hira down. the magistrate was obliged to threaten him severely before ho would keep quiet. the defendant was ordered to prison to be tried the next day, time being given to make further inquiries about his being a praedial. v. the next case was a complaint agamst an apprentice, for leaving his place in the boiling house without asking permission. it appeared he had been unwell during the evening, and at half past ten o'clock at night, his illness increasing, he left for a few moments, expecting to return. he, however, was soon taken so ill that he could not go back, but was obliged to lie down on the ground, where he remained until twelve o'clock, when he recovered sufficiently to creep home. his sickness was proved by a fellow apprentice, and indeed his appearance at the bar clearly evinced it. he was punished by several days' imprison- ment. with no little astonishment in view of such a decision, we inquired of maj. c. whether the planters had the power to re- quire their people to work as late as half past ten at night. he replied, "certainly, the crops must be secured at any rale, and if they are suffering, the people must be pressed the harder."* * wc learned subsequently from various authentic sources, that barbados. vi. the last case was a complaint against a man for not keeping' up good fires under the boilers. he stoutly denied the charge ; said he built as good fires as he could. he kept stuffing in the trash, and if it would not burn he could not help it. ho was sentenced to imprisonment. maj. c. said that these complaints were a fair specimen of the cases that came up daily, save that there were many more frivolous and ridiculous. by the trials which we witnessed we were painfully impressed with two things: st. that the magistrate, with all his regard for the rights and welfare of the apprentices, showed a gteat and inexcusable partiality for the masters. the patience and consideration with which he heard the complaints of the latter, the levity with which he regarded the defence, of the former, the summary man- ner in which he had despatched the cases, and the character of some of his decisions, manifested no small degree of favoritism. d. that the whole proceedings of the special magistrates' courts are eminently calculated to perpetuate bad feeling between the masters and apprentices. the court-room is a constant scene of angry dispute between the parties. the master ex- hausts his store of abuse and violence upon the apprentice, and the apprentice, emboldened by the place, and provoked by the abuse, retorts in language which he would never think of using on the estate, and thus, whatever may be the decision of the magistrate, the parties return home with feelings more embittered than ever. there were twenty-six persons imprisoned at the station-house, twenty-four were at hard labor, and two were in solitary confine- ment. the keeper of the prison said, he had no difficulty in man- aging the prisoners. the keeper is a colored man, and so also is the sergeant and most of the policemen. we visited one other station-house, in a distant part of the island, situated in the district over which captain cuppage pre- sides. we witnessed several trials there which were similar in the master had not the power to compel his apprentices to labor more than nine hours per day on any condition, except in case of a fire, or some similar emergency. if the call for labor in crop-time was to be set down as an emergency similar to a " fire," and if in official decisions he took equal latitude, alas for the poor apprentices! barbados. frivolity and meanness to those detailed above. we were shock- ed with the mockery of justice, and the indifference to the inter- ests of the negro apparent in the course of the magistrate. it seemed that little more was necessary than for the manager or overseer to make his complaint and swear to it, and the ap- prentice was forthwith condemned to punishment. we never saw a set of men in whose countenances fierce passions of every name were so strongly marked as in the over- seers and managers who were assembled at the station-houses. trained up to use the whip and to tyrannize over the slaves, their grim and evil expression accorded with their hateful occupation. through the kindness of a friend in bridgetown we were favored with an interview with mr. jones, the superintendent of the rural police—the whole body of police excepting those sta- tioned in the tavein. mr. j. has been connected with the police since its first establishment in . he assured us that there was nothing in the local peculiarities of the island, nor in the character of its population, which forbade immediate emancipation in au- gust, . he had no doubt it would be perfectly safe and de- cidedly profitable to the colony. . the good or bad working of the apprenticeship depends mainly on the conduct of the masters. he was well acquainted with the character and disposition of the negroes throughout the island, and he was ready to say, that if disturbances should arise either before or after , it would be because the people were goaded on to desperation by the planters, and not because they sought disturbance themselves. . mr. j. declared unhesitatingly that crime had not increased since abolition, but rather the contrary. . he represented the special magistrates as the friends of the planters. they loved the dinners which they got at the plan- ters' houses. the apprentices had no sumptuous dinners to give them. the magistrates felt under very little obligation of any kind to assert the cause of the apprentice and secure him justice, while they were under very strong temptations to favor the master. . real estate had increased in value nearly fifty per cent since abolition. there is such entire security of property, and barbados. the crops since have been so flattering, that capitalists from abroad are desirous of investing their funds in estates or merchandise. all are making high calculations for the future. . mr. j. testified that marriages had greatly increased since abolition. he had seen a dozen couples standing at one time on the church floor. there had, he believed, been more mar- riages within the last three years among the negro population, than have occurred before since the settlement of the island. we conclude this chapter by subjoining two highly interesting documents from special magistrates. they were kindly fur- nished us by the authors in pursuance of an order from his excel- lency the governor, authorizing the special- magistrates to give us any official statements which we might desire. being made acquainted with these instructions from the governor, we ad- dressed written queries to major colthurst and captain hamil- ton. we insert their replies at length. communication from major colthurst, special magistrate. the following fourteen questions on the working of the ap- prenticeship system in this colony were submitted to me on the th of march, , requesting answers thereto. . what is the number of apprenticed laborers in your dis- trict, and what is their character compared with other districts? the number of apprenticed laborers, of all ages, in my dis- trict, is nine thousand four hundred and eighty, spread over two hundred and-ninety-seven estates of various descriptions—some very large, and others again very small—much the greater number consisting of small lots in the near neighborhood of bridgetown. perhaps my district, in consequence of this mi- nute subdivision of property, and its contact with the town, is the most troublesome district in the island; and the character of the apprentices differs consequently from that in the more rural districts, where not above half the complaints are made. i attribute this to their almost daily intercourse with bridgetown. . what is the state of agriculture in the island? when the planters themselves admit that general cultivation '- barbados was never in a better state, and the plantations extremely clean, it is more than presumptive proof that agriculture generally is in a most prosperous condition. the vast crop of cane grown this year proves this fact other crops are also luxuriant. . is there any difficulty occasioned by the apprentices re- fusing to work? no difficulty whatever has been experienced by the refusal of the apprentices to work. this is done manfully and cheer- fully, when they are treated with humanity and consideration by the masters or managers. i have never known an instance to the contrary. . are the apprentices willing to work in their own time t the apprentices are most willing to work in their own time. . what is the number and character of the complaints brought before you—are they increasing or otherwise? the number of complaints brought before me, during the last quarter, are much fewer than during the corresponding quarter of the last year. their character is also greatly improved. nine complaints out of ten made lately to me are for small im- pertinences or saucy answers, which, considering the former and present position of the parties, is naturally to be expected. the number of such complaints is much diminished. . what is the state of crime among the apprentices? what is usually denominated crime in the old countries, is by no means frequent among the blacks or colored persons. it is amazing how few material breaches of the law occur in so ex- traordinary a community. some few cases of crime do occa- sionally arise ;—but when it is considered that the population of this island is nearly as dense as that of any part of china, and wholly uneducated, either by precept or example, this absence of frequent crime excites our wonder, and is highly creditable to the negroes. i sincerely believe there is no such person, of that class called at home, an accomplished villain, to be found in the whole island.—having discharged the duties of a general jus- tice of the peace in ireland, for above twenty-four years, where crimes of a very aggravated nature were perpetrated almost daily, i cannot help contrasting the situation of that country with barbados. this colony, where i do not hesitate to bay perfect tranquillity exists. . have the apprentices much respect for law % it is, perhaps, difficult to answer this question satisfactorily, as it has been so short a time mce they enjoyed the blessing of equal laws. to appreciate just laws, time, and the experience of the benefit arising from them must be felt. that the appren- tices do not, to any material extent, outrage the law, is certain; and hence it may be inferred that they respect it . . do you find a spirit of revenge among the negroes from my general knowledge of the negro character in other countries, as well as the study of it here, i do not consider them by any means a revengeful people. petty dislikes are frequent, but any thing like a deep spirit of revenge for former injuries does not exist, nor is it for one moment to be dreaded. . is there any sense of insecurity arising from emancipation? not the most remote feeling of insecurity exists arising from emancipation; far the contrary. all sensible and reasonable men think the prospects before them most cheering, and would not go back to the old system on any account whatever. there are some, however, who croak and forebode evil; but they are few in number, and of no intelligence,—such as are to be found in every community. . what is the prospect for ?—for i this question is answered i hope satisfactorily above. on the termination of the two periods no evil is to be reasonably anticipated, with the exception of a few days' idleness. . are the planters generally satisfied with the apprentice- ship, or would they return back to the old system! the whole body of respectable planters are fully satisfied with the apprenticeship, and would not ..go back to the old system on any account whatever. a few young managers, whose opinions are utterly worthless, would perhaps have no objection to be put again into their puny authority. . do you think it would have been dangerous for the slaves in this island to have been entirely emancipated in ? i do not think it would have been productive of danger, had barbados. the slaves of this island been fully emancipated in ; which is proved by what has taken place in another colony. . has emancipation been a decided blessing to this island, or has it been otherwise f emancipation has been, under god, the greatest blessing ever conferred upon this island. all good and respectable men fully admit it. this is manifest throughout the whole progress of this mighty change. whatever may be said of the vast benefit conferred upon the slaves, in right judgment the slave owner was the greatest gainer after all. . are the apprentices disposed to purchase their freedom? how have those conducted themselves who have purchased it? the apprentices are inclined to purchase their discharge, particularly when misunderstandings occur with their masters. when they obtain their discharge they generally labor in the trades and occupations they were previously accustomed to, and conduct themselves well. the discharged apprentices seldom take to drinking. indeed the negro and colored population are the most temperate persons i ever knew of their class. the experience of nearly forty years in various public situa- tions, confirms me in this very important fact. the answers i have had the honor to give to the questions submitted to me, have been given most conscientiously, and to the best of my judgment are a faithful picture of the working of the apprenticeship in this island, as far as relates to the inquiries made.—john b. colthurst, special justice of the peace, district a, rural division. communication from capt. hamilton. barbados, april th, . gentlemen, presuming that you have kept a copy of the questions* you sent me, i shall therefore only send the answers. . there are at present five thousand nine hundred and thirty * the same interrogatories were propounded to capt. hamilton which have been already inserted in major colthurst's communi- cation. barbados. male, and six thousand six hundred and eighty-nine female ap- prentices in my district, (b.) which comprises a part of the parishes of christ church and st. george. their conduct, compared with the neighboring districts, is good. . the state of agriculture is very flourishing. experienced planters acknowledge that it is very generally far superior to what it was during slavery. . where the managers are kind and temperate, they have not any trouble with the laborers. . the apprentices are generally willing to work for wages in their own time. . the average number of complaints tried by me, last year, ending december, was one thousand nine hundred and thirty- two. the average number of apprentices in the district during that time was twelve thousand seven hundred. offences, gen- erally speaking, are not of any magnitude. they do not in- crease, but fluctuate, according to the season of the year. . the state of crime is not so bad by any means as we might have expected among the negroes—just released from such a degrading bondage. considering the state of ignorance in which they have been kept, and the immoral examples set them by the lower class of whites, it is matter of astonishment that they should behave so well. . the apprentices would have a great respect for law, were it not for the erroneous proceedings of the managers, overseers, &c., in taking them before the magistrates for every petty offence, and often abusing the magistrate in the presence of the apprentices, when his decision does not please them. the con- sequence is, that the apprentices too often get indifferent to law, and have been known to say that they cared not about going to prison, and that they would do just as they did before as soon as they were released. . the apprentices in this colony are generally considered a peaceable race. all acts of revenge committed by them origi- nate in jealousy, as, for instance, between husband and wife. . . not the slightest sense of insecurity. as a proof of this, property has, since the commencement of the apprenticeship, increased in value considerably—at least one third. barbados. . the change which will take place in , in my opin- ion, will occasion a great deal of discontent among those called praedials—which will not subside for some months. they ought to have been all emancipated at the same period. i can- not foresee any bad effects that will ensue from the change in , except those mentioned hereafter. . the most prejudiced planters would not return to the old system if they possibly could. they admit that they get more work from the laborers now than they formerly did, and they are relieved from a great responsibility. . it is my opinion, that if entire emancipation had taken place in , no more difficulty would have followed beyond what we may naturally expect in . "it will then take two or three months before the emancipated people finally settle them- selves. i do not consider the apprentice more fit or better pre- pared for entire freedom now than he was in . . i consider, most undoubtedly, that emancipation has been a decided blessing to the colony. . they are much disposed to purchase the remainder of the apprenticeship term. their conduct after they become free is good. i hope the foregoing answers and information may be of ser- vice to you in your laudable pursuits, for which i wish you every success. i am, gentlemen, your ob't serv't, jos. hamilton, special justice. testimony of clergymen and missionaries. there are three religious denominations at the present time in barbados—episcopalians, wesleyans, and moravians. the former have about twenty clergymen, including the bishop and arch-deacon. the bishop was absent during our visit, and we did not see him; but as far as we could learn, while in some of his political measures, as a member ol the council, he has ben- efited the colored population, his general influence has been un- favorable to their moral and spiritual welfare. he has discoun- barbados. tenanced and defeated several attempts made by his rectors and curates to abolish the odious distinctions of color in their churches. we were led to form an unfavorable opinion of the bishop's course, from observing among the intelligent and well-disposed classes of colored people, the current use of the phrase, "bish- op's man," and "no bishop's man," applied to different rectors and curates. those that they were averse to, either as pro- slavery or pro-prejudice characters, they usually branded as "bishop's men," while those whom they esteemed their friends, they designated as "no bishop's men." the archdeacon has already been introduced to the reader. we enjoyed several interviews with him, and were constrained to admire him for his integrity, independence and piety. he spoke in terms of strong condemnation of slavery, and of the apprenticeship system. he was a determined advocate of en- tire and immediate emancipation, both from principle and policy. he also discountenanced prejudice, both in the church and in the social circle. the first time we had the pleasure of meet- ing him was at the house of a colored gentleman in bridgetown where we were breakfasting. he called in incidentally, while we were sitting at table, and exhibited all the familiarity of a frequent visitant. one of the most worthy and devoted men whom we met in barbados was the rev. mr. cummins, curate of st. paul's church, in bridgetown. the first sabbath after our arrival at the island we attended his church. it is emphatically a free church. distinctions of color are nowhere recognized. there is the most complete intermingling of colors throughout the house. in one pew were seen a family of whites, in the next a family of colored people, and in the next perhaps a family of blacks. in the same pews white and colored persons sat side by side. the floor and gallery presented the same promiscuous blending of hues and shades. we sat in a pew with white and colored people. in the pew before and in that behind us the sitting was equally indiscriminate. the audience were kneeling in their morning devotions when we entered, and we were struck with the different colors bowing side by side as we passed down the aisles. there is probably no clergyman in the island * ' barbados. who has secured so perfectly the affections of his people as mr. c. he is of course "no bishop's man." he is constantly em- ployed in promoting the spiritual and moral good of his people, of whatever complexion. the annual examination of the sab- bath school connected with st. paul's occurred while we were in the island, and we were favored with the privilege of attend- ing it. there were about three hundred pupils present, of all ages, from fifty down to three years. there were all colors— white tawny, and ebon black. the white children were classed with the colored and black, in utter violation of those principles of classification in vogue throughout the sabbath schools of our own country. the examination was chiefly conducted by mr. cummins. at the close of the examination about fifty of the girls, and among them the daughter of mr. cummins, were ar- ranged in front of the altar, with the female teachers in the rear of them, and all united in singing a hymn written for the occa- sion. part of the teachers were colored and part white, as were also the scholars, and they stood side by side, mingled promis- cuously together. this is altogether the best sabbath school in the island. after the exercises were closed, we were introduced by a colored gentleman who accompanied us to the examination, to mr. cummins, the rev. mr. packer, and the rev. mr. rowe, master of the public school in bridgetown. by request of mr. c, we accompanied him to his house, where we enjoyed an interview with him and the other gentlemen just mentioned. mr. c. informed us that this sabbath school was commenced in ; but was quite small and inefficient until after . it now numbers more than four hundred scholars. mr. c. spoke of prejudice. it had wonderfully decreased within the last three years. he said he could scarcely credit the testimony of his own senses, when he looked around on the change which had taken place. many now associate with colored persons, and sit with them in the church, who once would have scorned to be found near them. mr. c. and the other clergymen stated, that there had been an increase of places of worship and of clergy- men since abolition. all the churches are now crowded, and there is a growing demand for more. the negroes manifest an barbados. increasing desire for religious instruction. in respect to morals, they represent the people as being greatly improved. they spoke of the general respect which was now paid to the institu- tion of marriage among the negroes. mr. c. said, he was con- vinced that the blacks had as much natural talent and capacity for learning as the whites. he does not know any difference. mr. packer, who was formerly rector of st. thomas' parish, and has been a public teacher of children of all colors, expressed the same opinion. mr. rowe said, that before he took charge of the white school, he was the teacher of one of the free schools for blacks, and he testified that the latter had just as much ca- pacity for acquiring any kind of knowledge, as much inquisitive- ness, and ingenuity, as the former. accompanied by an intelligent gentleman of bridgetown, we visited two flourishing schools for colored children, connected with the episcopal church, and under the care of the bishop. in the male school, there were one hundred and ninety-five scholars, under the superintendence of one master, who is him- self a black man, and was educated and trained up in the same .school. he is assisted by several of his scholars, as monitors and teachers. it was, altogether, the best specimen of a well- regulated school which we saw in the west indies. the present instructor has had charge of the school two years. it has increased considerably since abolition. before the first of august, , the whole number of names on the catalogue was a little above one hundred, and the average at- tendance was seventy-five. the number immediately increased, and now the average attendance is above two hundred. of this number at least sixty are the children of apprentices. we visited also the infant school, established but two weeks previous. mr. s., the teacher, who has been for many years an instructor, says he finds them as apt to learn as any children he ever taught. he said he was surprised to see how soon the in- structions of the school-room were carried to the homes of the children, and caught up by their parents. the very first night after the school closed, in passing through the streets, he heard the children repeating what they had been taught, and the parents learning the songs from their children's barbados. lips. mr. s. has a hundred children already in his school, and additions were making daily. he found among the negro pa- rents much interest in the school. wesleyan missionaries. we called on the rev. mr. pidler, the superintendent of the wesleyan missions in barbados. mr. f. resides in bridgetown, and preaches mostly in the chapel in town. he has been in the west indies twelve years, and in barbados about two years. mr. f. informed us that there were three wesleyan missiona- ries in the island, besides four or five local preachers, one of whom is a black man. there are about one thousand members belonging to their body, the greater part of whom live in town. two hundred and thirty-five were added during the year , being by far the largest number added in any one year since they began their operations in the island. a brief review of the history of the wesleyan methodists in barbados, will serve to show the great change which has been taking place in public sentiment respecting the labors of mission- aries. in the year . not long after the establishment of the wesleyan church in the island, the chapel in bridgetown was destroyed by a mob. not one stone was left upon another. they carried the fragments for miles away from the site, and scattered them about in every direction, so that the chapel might never be rebuilt. some of the instigators and chief actors in this outrage, were "gentlemen of property and standing," residents of bridgetown. the first morning after the outrage began, the mob sought for the rev. mr. shrewsbury, the mis- sionary, threatening his life, and he was obliged to flee precipi- tately from the island, with his wife. he was hunted like a wild beast, and it is thought that he would have been torn in pieces if he had been found. not an effort or a movement was made to quell the mob, during their assault upon the chapel the first men of the island connived at the violence—secretly rejoicing in what they supposed would be the extermination of methodism from the country. the governor, sir henry ward, utterly refused to interfere, and would not suffer the militia to barbados. repair to the spot, though a mere handful of soldiers could have instantaneously routed the whole assemblage. the occasion of this riot was partly the efforts made by the wesleyans to instruct the negroes, and still more the circum- stance of a letter being written by mr. shrewsbury, and pub- lished in an english paper, which contained some severe stric- tures on the morals of the barbadians. a planter informed us that the riot grew out of a suspicion that mr. s. was "leagued with the wilberforce party in england." since the establishment of wesleyanism in this island, it has continued to struggle against the opposition of the bishop, and most of the clergy, and against the inveterate prejudices of nearly the whole of the white community. the missionaries have been discouraged, and in many instances absolutely prohibited from preaching on the estates. these circumstances have greatly retarded the progress of religious instruction through their means. but this state of things had been very much altered since the abolition of slavery. there are several estates now open to the missionaries. mr. f. mentioned several places in the country, where he was then purchasing land, and erecting chapels. he also stated, that one man, who aided in pulling down the chapel.in , had offered ground for a new chapel, and proffered the free use of a building near by, for religious meetings and a school, till it could be erected. the wesleyan chapel in bridgetown is a spacious building, well filled with worshippers every sabbath. we attended ser- vice there frequently, and observed the same indiscriminate sit- ting of the various colors, which is described in the account of st. paul's church. the wesleyan missionaries have stimulated the clergy to greater diligence and faithfulness, and have especially induced them to turn their attention to the negro population more than they did formerly. there are several local preachers connected with the wes- leyan mission in barbados, who have been actively laboring to promote religion among the apprentices. two of these are con- verted soldiers in his majesty's service—acting sergeants of the troops stationed in the island. while we were in barbados, barbados. these pious men applied for a discharge from the army, intending to devote themselves exclusively to the work of teaching and preaching. another of the local preachers is a negro man, of considerable talent and exalted piety, highly esteemed among his missionary brethren for his labors of love. the moravian mission. of the moravians, we learned but little. circumstances una- voidably prevented us from visiting any of the stations, and also from calling on any of the missionaries. we were informed that there were three stations in the island, one in bridgetown, and two in the country, and we learned in general terms, that the few missionaries there were laboring with their characteris- tic devotedness, assiduity, and self-denial, for the spiritual wel- fare of the negro population. chapter iii. colored population. the colored, or as they were termed previous to abolition, by way of distinction, the free colored population, amount in bar- bados to nearly thirty thousand. they are composed chiefly of the mixed race, whose paternal connection, though illegitimate, secured to them freedom at their birth, and subsequently the ad- vantages of an education more or less extensive. there are some blacks among them, however, who were free born, or ob- tained their freedom at an early period, and have since, by great assiduity, obtained an honorable standing. during our stay in barbados, we had many invitations to the houses of colored gentlemen, of which we were glad to avail ourselves whenever it was possible. at an early period after our arrival, wp were invited to dine with thomas harris, esq. he politely sent his chaise for us, as he resided about a mile from our residence. at his table, we met two other colored barbados. gentlemen, mr. thome of bridgetown, and mr. prescod, a young gentleman of much intelligence and ability. there waa also at the table a niece of mr. harris, a modest and highly in- teresting young lady. all the luxuries and delicacies of a tro- pical clime loaded the board—an epicurean variety of meats, flesh, fowl, and fish—of vegetables, pastries, fruits, and nuts, and that invariable accompaniment of a west india dinner, wine. the dinner was enlivened by an interesting and well-sustained conversation respecting the abolition of slavery, the present state of the colony, and its prospects for the future. lively dis- cussions were maintained on points where there chanced to be a difference of opinion, and we admired the liberality of the views which were thus elicited. we are certainly prepared to say, and that too without feeling that we draw any invidious distinc- tions, that in style of conversation, in ingenuity and ability of ar- gument, this company would compare with any company of white gentlemen that we met in the island. in that circle of colored gentlemen were the keen sallies of wit, the admirable repartee, the satire now severe, now playful, upon the measures of the colonial government, the able exposure of aristocratic intoler- ance, of plantership chicanery, of plottings and counterplottings in high places—the strictures on the intrigues of the special ma- gistrates and managers—and withal, the just and indignant re- probation of the uniform oppressions which have disabled and crushed the colored people. the views of these gentlemen with regard to the present state of the island, we found to differ in some respects from those of the planters and special magistrates. they seemed to regard both those classes of men with suspicion. the planters they represented as being still, at least the mass of them, under the mfluence of the strong habits of tyrannizing and cruelty which they formed during slavery. the prohibitions and penalties of the law are not sufficient to prevent occasional and even fre- quent outbreakings of violence, so that the negroes even yet suffer much of the rigor of slavery. in regard to the special magistrates, they allege that they are greatly controlled by the planters. they associate with the planters, dine with the barbados. planters, lounge on the planters' ofas, and marry the planters' daughters. such intimacies as these, the gentlemen very plausi- bly argued, could not exist without strongly biasing the magis- trates towards the planters, and rendering it almost impossible for them to administer equal justice to the poor apprentice, who, unfortunately, had no sumptuous dinners to give them, no luxu- rious sofas to offer them, nor dowered daughters to present in marriage. the gentlemen testified to the industry and subordination of the apprentices. they had improved the general cultivation of the island, and they were reaping for their masters greater crops than they did while slaves. the whole company united in saying that many blessings had already resulted from the abolition of slavery—imperfect as that abolition was. real es- tate had advanced in value at least one third. the fear of insur- rection had been removed; invasions of property, such as oc- curred during slavery, the firing of cane-fields, the demolition of houses, &c, were no longer apprehended. marriage was spreading among the apprentices, and the general morals of the whole community, high and low, white, colored, and black, were rapidly improving. at ten o'clock we took leave of mr. harris and his interest- ing friends. we retired with feelings of pride and gratification that we had been privileged to join a company which, though wearing the badge of a proscribed race, displayed in happy combi- nation, the treasures of genuine intelligence, and the graces of accomplished manners. we were happy to meet in that social circle a son of new england, and a graduate of one of her univer- sities. mr. h. went to the west indies a few months after the abolition of slavery. he took with him all the prejudices com- mon to our country, as well as a determined hostility to abo- lition principles and measures. a brief observation of the as- tonishing results of abolition in those islands, effectually dis- armed him of the latter, and made him the decided and zealous advocate of immediate emancipation. he established himself in business in barbados, where he has been living the greater part of the time since he left his native country. his prejudices barbados. did not long survive his abandonment of anti-abolition senti- ments. we rejoiced to find him on the occasion above referred to, moving in the circle of colored society, with all the freedom of a familiar guest, and prepared most cordially to unite with us in the wish that all our prejudiced countrymen could witness similar exhibitions. the gentleman at whose table we had the pleasure to dine, was born a slave, and remained such until he was seventeen years of age. after obtaining his freedom, he engaged as a clerk in a mercantile establishment, and soon attracted attention by his business talents. about the same period he warmly espoused the cause of the free colored people, who were doubly crush- ed under a load of civil and political impositions, and a still hea- vier one of prejudice. he soon made himself conspicuous by his manly defence ot the rights of his brethren against the en- croachments of the public authorities, and incurred the marked displeasure of several influential characters. after a protracted struggle for the civil immunities of the colored people, during which he repeatedly came into collision with public men, and was often arraigned before the public tribunals; finding his la- bours ineffectual he left the island and went to england. he spent some time there and in france, moving on a footing of hon- orable equality among the distinguished abolitionists of those coun- tries. there, amid the free influences and the generous sympa- thies which welcomed and surrounded him,—his whole character ripened in those manly graces and accomplishments which now so eminently distinguished him. since his return to barbados, mr. h has not taken so public a part in political controversies as he did formerly, but is by no means indifferent to passing events. there is not, we venture to say, within the colony, a keener or more sagacious observer of its institutions, its public men and their measures. when witnessing the exhibitions of his manly spirit, and lis- tening to his eloquent and glowing narratives of his struggles against the political oppressions which ground to the dust himself and his brethren, we could scarcely credit the fact that he was himself born and reared to manhood—a slave. barbados. breakfast at mb. thorne's. by invitation we took breakfast with mr. joseph thome, whom we met at mr. harris's. mr. t. resides in bridgetown, in the parlor, we met two colored gentlemen—the rev. mr. hamilton, a local wesleyan preacher, and mr. cummins, a mer- chant of bridgetown, mentioned in a previous chapter. we were struck with the scientific appearance of mr. thome's par- lor. on one side was a large library of religious, historical, and literary works, the selection of which displayed no small taste and judgment. on the opposite side of the room was a fine cabinet of minerals and shells. in one comer stood a number of curious relics of the aboriginal caribs, such as bows and arrows, etc., together with interesting fossil remains. on the tops of the book-cases and mineral stand, were birds of rare species, pro- cured from the south american continent the centre table was ornamented with shells, specimens of petrifactions, and ele- gantly bound books. the remainder of the furniture of the room was costly and elegant. before breakfast two of mr. thome's children, little boys of six and four, stepped in to salute the com- pany. they were of a bright yellow, with slightly curled hair. ■when they had shaken hands with each of the company, they withdrew from the parlor and were seen no more. their man- ners and demeanor indicated the teachings of an admirable mother, and we were not a little curious to see the lady of whose taste and delicate sense of propriety we had witnessed so attrac- tive a specimen in her children. at the breakfast table we were introduced to mrs. thome, and we soon discovered from her dignified air, from the chaste and elevated style of her conversa- tion, from her intelligence, modesty and refinement, that we were in the presence of a highly accomplished lady. the con- versation was chiefly on subjects connected with our mission. all spoke with great gratitude of the downfall of slavery. it was not the slaves alone that were interested in that event. politi- cal oppression, prejudice, and licentiousness had combined great- ly to degrade the colored community, but these evils were now gradually lessening, and would soon wholly disappear after the final extinction of slavery—the parent of them all barbados. several facts were stated to show the great rise in the value of real estate since . in one instance a gentleman bought a su- gar estate for nineteen thousand pounds sterling, and the very next year, after taking off a crop from which he realized a profit of three thousand pounds sterling, he sold the estate for thirty thousand pounds sterling. it has frequently happened within two years that persons wishing to purchase estates would en- quire the price of particular properties, and would hesitate to give what was demanded. probably soon after they would re- turn to close the bargain, and find that the price was increased by several hundreds of pounds; they would go away again, re- luctant to purchase, and return a third time, when they would find the price again raised, and would finally be glad to buy at al- most any price. it was very difficult to purchase sugar estates now, whereas previous to the abolition of slavery, they were, like the slaves, a drug in the market. mr. joseph thorne is a gentleman of forty-five, of a dark mu- latto complexion, with negro features and hair. he was born a slave, and remained so until about twenty years of age. this fact we learned from the manager of the belle estate, on which mr. t. was born and raised a slave. it was an interesting coinci- dence, that on the occasion of our visit to the belle estate we were indebted to mr. thorne, the former property of that estate, for his horse and chaise, which he politely proffered to us. mr. t. employs much of his time in laboring among the colored peo- ple in the town, and among the apprentices on the estates, in the capacity of lay-preacher. in this way he renders himself very useful. being very competent, both by piety and talents, for the work, and possessing more perhaps than any missionary, the confidence of the. planters, he is admitted to many estates, to lec- ture the apprentices on religious and moral duties. mr. t. is a member of the episcopal church. breakfast at hi. prescod's. we next had the pleasuro of breakfasting with mr. prescod. our esteemed friend mr. harris, was of the company. mr. p. is a young man, but lately married. his wife and himself were bakbados. both liberally educated in england. he was the late editor of the new times, a weekly paper established since the abolition of slavery, and devoted chiefly to the interests of the colored community. it was the first periodical and the only one which advocated the rights of the colored people, and this it did with the utmost fearfulness and independence. it boldly exposed op- pression, whether emanating from the government house or ori- ginating in the colonial assembly. the measures of all parties, and the conduct of every public man, were subject to its scruti- ny, and when occasion required, to its stern rebuke. mr. p. exhibits a thorough acquaintance with the politics of the country, and with the position of the various parties. he is familiar with the spirit and operations of the white gentry—far more so, it would seem, than many of his brethren who have been repeatedly deceived by their professions of increasing liberality, and their show of extending civil immunities, which after all proved to be practical nullities, and as such were denounced by mr. p. at the outset. a few years ago the colored people mildly petitioned the legislature for a removal of their disabilities. their remon- strance was too reasonable to be wholly disregarded. something must be done which would at least bear the semblance of favor- ing the object of the petitioners. accordingly the obnoxious clauses were repealed, and the colored people were admitted to the polls. but the qualification was made three times greater than that required of white citizens. this virtually nullified the extension of privilege, and actually confirmed the disabilities of which it was a pretended abrogation. the colored people, in their credulity, hailed the apparent enfranchisement, and had a public rejoicing on the occasion. but the delusion could not escape the discrimination of mr. p. he detected it at once, and exposed it, and incurred the displeasure of the credulous people of colour by refusing to participate in their premature rejoicings. he soon succeeded however in convincing his brethren that the new provision was a mockery of their wrongs, and that the as- sembly had only added insult to past injuries. mr. p. now urged the colored people to be patient, as the great changes which were working in the colony must bring to them all the rights of which they had been so cruelly deprived. on the subject <w prejudice barbados. he spoke just as a man of keen sensibilities and manly spirit might be expected to speak, who had himself been its victim. he was accustomed to being flouted, scorned and contemned by those whom he could not but regard as his inferiors both in native talents and education. he had submitted to be forever debarred from offices which were filled by men far less worthy except in the single qualification of a white skin, which however was par- amount to all other virtues and acquirements! he had seen himself and his accomplished wife excluded from the society of whites, though keenly conscious of their capacity to move and shine in the most elevated social circles. after all this, it may readily be conceived how mr. p. would speak of prejudice. but while he spoke bitterly of the past, he was inspired with buoy- ancy of hope as he cast his eye to the future. he was confident that prejudice would disappear. it had already diminished very much, and it would ere long be wholly exterminated. mr. p. gave a sprightly picture of the industry of the negroes. it was common, he said, to hear them called lazy, but this waa not true. that they often appeared to, be indolent, especially those about the town, was true; but it was either because they had no work to do, or were asked to work without reasonable wages. he had often been amused at their conduct, when soli- cited to do small jobs—such as carrying baggage, loading or unloading a vessel, or the like. if offered a very small compen- sation, as was generally the case at first, they would stretch themselves on the ground, and with a sleepy look, and lazy tone, would say, "o, i can't do it, sir." sometimes the applicants would turn away at once, thinking that they were unwilling to work, and cursing "the lazy devils;" but occasionally they would try the efficacy of offering a larger compensation, when instantly the negroes would spring to their feet, and the lounging inert mass would appear all activity. we are very willing to hold up mr. p. as a specimen of what colored people generally may become with proper cultivation, or to use the language of one of their own number,* "with free minds and space to rise." •thomas c. brown, who renounced colonization, returned from * barbados. we have purposely refrained from speaking of mrs. p., lest any thing we should be willing to say respecting her, might seem to be adulation. however, having alluded to her, we will say that it has seldom fallen to our lot to meet with her supe- rior. breakfast at mr. london bourne's. after what has been said'in this chapter to try the patience and irritate the nerves of the prejudiced, if there should be such among our readers, they will doubtless deem it quite intolerable to be introduced, not as hitherto to a family in whose faces tht lineaments and the complexion of the white man are discerni- ble, relieving the ebon hue, but. to a household of genuine una- dulterated negroes. we cordially accepted an invitation to breakfast with mr. london bourne. if the reader's horror of amalgamation does not allow him to join us at the table, per- haps he will consent to retire to the parlor, whence, without fear of contamination, he may safely view us through the folding doors, and note down our several positions around the board. at the head of the table presides, with much dignity, mrs. bourne; at the end opposite sits mr. bourne—both of the glos- siest jet; the thick matted hair of mr. b. slightly frosted with age. he has an affable, open countenance, in which the radi- ance of an amiable spirit, and the lustre of a sprightly intellect, happily commingle, and illuminate the sable covering. on either hand of mr. b. we sit, occupying the posts of honor. on the right and left of mrs. b., and at the opposite corners from us, sit two other guests, one a colored merchant, and the other a young son-in-law of mr. b., whose face is the very double extract of blackness; for which his intelligence, the splendor of his dress, and the elegance of his manners, can make to be sure but slight atonement! the middle seats are filled on the one side by an unmarried daughter of mr. b, and on the other side by a pro- mising son of eleven, who is to start on the morrow for edin- a disastrous and almost fatal expedition to liberia, and afterwards went to the west indies, in quest of a free country. barbados. burgh, where he is to remain until he has received the honors of scotland's far famed university. we shall doubtless be thought by some of our readers to glory in our shame. be it so. we did glory in joining the company which we have just described. on the present occasion we had a fair opportunity of testing the merits of an unmixed negro party, and of determining how far the various excellences of the gentlemen and ladies previously noticed were attributable to the admixture of english blood. we are compelled in candor to say, that the company of blacks did not fall a whit below those of the colored race in any respect. we conversed on the same general topics, which, of course, were introduced wherever we went. the gentleman showed an intimate acquaintance with the state of the colony, with the merits of the apprenticeship .!& system, and with the movements of the colonial government. j" ^' as for mrs. b, she presided at the table with great ease, dignity,? self-possession, and grace. her occasional remarks, made with genuine modesty, indicated good sense and discrimination. among other topics of conversation, prejudice was not forgotten. the company were inquisitive as to the extent of it in the united states". we informed them that it appeared to be strongest in those states which held no slaves, that it prevailed among pro- fessing christians, and that it was most manifestly seen in the house of god. we also intimated, in as delicate a manner as possible, that in almost any part of the united states such a table-scene as we then presented would be reprobated and de- nounced, if indeed it escaped the summary vengeance of the mob. we were highly gratified with their views of the proper way for the colored people to act in respect to prejudice. they said they were persuaded that their policy was to wait patiently for the operation of those influences which were now at work for the removal of prejudice. "social intercourse," they said "was not a thing to be gamed by pushing," « they could not go to it, but it would come to them.'' it was for them, how- ever, to maintain an upright, dignified course, to be uniformly courteous, to seek the cultivation of their minds, and strive zeal- ously for substantial worth, and by such means, and such alone, ,they could aid in overcoming prejudice. barbados. mr. bourne was a slave until he was twenty-three years old. he was purchased by his father, a free negro, who gave five hundred dollars for him. his mother and four brothers were bought at the same time for the sum of two thousand five hun- dred dollars. he spoke very kindly of his former master. by industry, honesty, and close attention to business, mr. b. has now become a wealthy merchant. he owns three stores in bridgetown, lives in very genteel style in his own house, and is worth from twenty to thirty thousand dollars. he is highly re- spected by the merchants of bridgetown for hjs integrity and business talents. by what means mr. b. has acquired so much general information, we are at a loss to conjecture. although we did not ourselves need the evidence of his possessing extra- ordinary talents, industry, and perseverance, yet we are happy to present our readers with such tangible proofs—proofs which are read in every language, and which pass current in every nation. the foregoing sketches are sufficient to give a general idea of the colored people of barbados. perchance we may have taken too much liberties with those whose hospitalities we en- joyed ; should this ever fall under their notice, we doubt not they will fully appreciate the motives which have actuatedt us in making them public. we are only sorry, for their sakes, and especially for that of our cause, that the delineations are so imperfect. that the above specimens are an exact likeness of the mass of colored people we do not pretend ; but we do af- firm, that they are as true an index to the whole community, as the merchants, physicians, and mechanics of any of our villages are to the entire population. we must say, also, that families of equal merit are by no means rare among the same peo- ple. we might mention many names which deservedly rank as high as those we have specified. one of the wealthiest mer- chants in bridgetown is a colored gentleman. he has his mer- cantile agents in england, english clerks in his employ, a branch establishment in the city, and superintends the concerns of an extensive and complicated business with distinguished ability and success. a large portion, if not a majority of the merchants of bridgetown are colored. some of the most popular instructors barbados. are colored men and ladies, and one of these ranks high as a teacher of the ancient and modern languages. the most effi- cient and enterprising mechanics of the city, are colored and black men. there is scarcely any line of business which is not either shared or engrossed by colored persons, if we accept that of barber. the only barber in bridgetown is a while man. that so many of the colored people should have obtained wealth and education is matter of astonishment, when we con- sider the numerous discouragements with which they have ever been doomed to struggle. the paths of political distinction have been barred against them by an arbitrary denial of the right of suffrage, and consequent ineligibility to office. thus a large and powerful class of incitements to mental effort, which have been operating continually upon the whites, have never once • stirred the sensibilities nor waked the ambition of the colored community. parents, however wealthy, had no inducement to educate their sons for the learned professions, since no force of talent nor extent of acquirement could hope to brake down the granite walls and iron bars which prejudice had erected round the pulpit, the bar and the bench. from the same cause there was very little encouragement to acquire property, to seek edu- cation, to labor for the graces of cultivated manners, or even to aspire to ordinary respectability, since not even the poor favor of social intercourse with the whites, of participating in the civilities and courtesies of every day life, was granted them. the crushing power of a prevailing licentiousness, has also been added to the other discouragements of the colored people. why should parents labor to amass wealth enough, and much of course it required, to send their daughters to europe to re- ceive their educations, if they were to return only to become the victims of an all-whelming concubinism! it is a fact, that in many cases young ladies, who have been sent to england to receive education, have, after accomplishing themselves in all the graces of womanhood, returned to the island to become the con- cubines of white men: hitherto this vice has swept over the colored community, gathering its repeated .conscriptions of beauty and innocence from the highest as well as the lowest families. colored ladies have been taught to believe that it was barbados. more honorable, and quite as virtuous, to be the kept mistresses of white gentlemen, than the lawfully wedded wives of colored men. we repeat the remark, that the actual progress which the colored people of barbados have made, while laboring under so many depressing influences, should excite our astonishment— and, we add, our admiration too. our acquaintance with this people was at a very interesting period—just when they were beginning to be relieved from these discouragements, and to feel the regenerating spirit of a new era. it was to us like walking through a garden in the early spring. we could see the young buds of hope, the first bursts of ambition, the early up-ehoots of confident aspiration, and occasionally the opening bloom of assurance. the star of hope had risen upon the co- lored people, and they were beginning to realize that their day had come. the long winter of their woes was melting into • "glorious summer." civil immunities and political privileges were just before them, the learned professions were opening to them, social equality and honorable domestic connections would soon be theirs. . parents were making fresh efforts to establish schools for their children, and to send the choicest of their sons and daughters to england. they rejoiced in the privileges they were securing, and they anticipated with virtuous pride the free access of their children to all the fields of enterprise, all the paths of honest emulation, and all the eminences of distinction. we remark in conclusion, that the forbearance of the colored people of barbados under their complicated wrongs, is worthy of all admiration. allied, as many of them are, to the first families of the island, and gifted as they are with every suscep- tibility to feel disgrace, it is a marvel that they have not indig- nantly cast off the yoke and demanded their political rights. their wrongs have been unprovoked on their part, and unnatu- ral on the part of those who have inflicted them—in many cases the guilty authors of their being. the patience and endurance of the sufferers under such circumstances are unexampled, ex- cept by the conduct of the slaves, who, though still more wronged, were, if possible, still more patient. we regret to add, that until lately, the colored people of bar- bados have been far in the back ground in the cause of abolition. barbados. and even now, the majority of them are either indifferent, or ac- tually hostile to emancipation. they have no fellow feeling with the slave. in fact, they have had prejudices against the negroes no less bitter than those which the whites have exer- cised toward .them. there are many honorable exceptions to this, as has already been shown; but such, we are assured, is the general fact.* chapter iv. barbados as it was, and is. according to the declaration of one of the special magis- trates, "barbados has long been distinguished for its devotion to slavery." there is probably no portion of the globe where slave-holding, slave-driving, and slave-labor, have been reduced to a more perfect system. the records of slavery in barbados are stained with bloody atrocities. the planters uniformly spoke of slavery as a system of cruelties; but they expressed themselves in general terms. from colored gentlemen we learned some particulars, a few of which we give. to most of the following facts the narrators * we are here reminded, by the force of contrast, of the noble spirit manifested by the free colored people of our own country. as early as , a numerous body of them in philadelphia, with the venerable james forten at their head, pledged themselves to the cause of the slave in the following sublime' sentiment, which deserves to be engraven to their glory on the granite of our "ever- lasting hills "—" resolved, that we never will separate ourselves voluntarily from the slave population in this country; they are our brethren by the ties of consanguinity, of suffering, and of wrong; and we feel that there is more virtue in suffering privations with them, than enjoying/aneied advantages for a season." we believe that this resolution embodies the feelings and deter- minations of the free colored people generally in the free states. barbados. were themselves eye witnesses, and all of them happened in their day and were fresh in their memories. the slaves were not unfrequently worked in the streets of bridgetown with chains on their wrists and ancles. flogging on the estates and in the tewn, was no less public than frequent, and there was an utter shamelessness often in the manner of its infliction. even women were stripped naked on the sides of the streets, and their backs lacerated with the whip. it was a com- mon practice, when a slave offended a white man, for the master to send for a public whipper, and order him to take the slave be- fore the door of the person offended, and flog him till the latter was satisfied. white females would order their male slaves to be stripped naked in their presence and flogged, while they would look on to see that their orders were faithfully executed. mr. prescod mentioned an instance which he himself witnessed near bridgetown. he had seen an aged female slave, stripped and whipped by her own son, a child of twelve, at the command of the mistress. as the boy was small, the mother was obliged to get down upon her hands and knees, so that the child could inflict the blows on her naked person with a rod. this was done on the public highway, before the mistress's door. mr. t. well remembered when it was lawful for any man to shoot down his slave, under no greater penalty than twenty-five pounds currency; and he knew of cases in which this had been done. just after the in- surrection in , white men made a regular sport of shooting negroes. mr. t. mentioned one case. a young man had sworn that he would kill ten negroes before a certain time. when he had shot nine he went to take breakfast with a neighbor, and carried his gun along. the first slave he met on the estate, he accused of being concerned in the rebellion. the negro pro- tested that he was innocent, and begged for mercy. the man told him to be gone, and as he turned to go away, he shot him dead. having fulfilled his bloody pledge, the young knight ate his breakfast with a relish. mr. h. said that a planter once, in a time of perfect peace, went to his door and called one of his slaves. the negro made some reply which the master construed into insolence, and in a great rage he swore if ho did not come to him immediately he would shoot him. the man replied he barbados. hoped massa wan't in earnest. 'i'll show you whether i am in earnest,' said the master, and with that he levelled his rifle, took deliberate aim, and shot the negro on the spot . he died imme- diately. though great efforts were made by a few colored men to bring the murderer to punishment, they were all ineffectual. the evidence against him was clear enough, but the influence in his favor was so strong that he finally escaped. dungeons were built on all the estates, and they were often abominably filthy, and infested with loathsome and venomous vermin. for slight offences the slaves were thrust into these prisons for several successive nights—being dragged out every morning to work during the day. various modes of torture were employed upon those who were consigned to the dungeon. there were stocks for their feet, and there were staples in the floor for the ancles and wrists, placed in such a position as to keep the victim stretched out and lying on his face. mr. h. described one mode which was called the cabin. a narrow board, only wide enough for a man to lie upon, was fixed in an inclined position, and elevated considerably above the ground. the offending slave was made to lay upon this board, and a strong rope or chain, was tied about his neck and fastened to the ceiling. it was so arranged, that if he should fall from the plank, he would inevit- ably hang by his neck. lying in this position all night, he was more likely than not to fall asleep, and then there were ninety- nine chances to one that he would roll off his narrow bed and be killed before he could awake, or have time to extricate him- self. peradventure this is the explanation of the anxiety mr. of , used to feel, when he had confined one of his slaves in the dungeon. he stated that he would frequently wake up in the night, was restless, and couldn't sleep, from fear that the prisoner would kill himself before morning. it was common for the planters of barbados, like those of antigua, to declare that the greatest blessing of abolition to them, was that it relieved them from the disagreeable work of flogging the negroes. we had the unsolicited testimony of a planter, that slave mothers frequently poisoned, and otherwise murdered, their young infants, to rid them of a life of slavery. what a horrible comment this upon the cruelties of slavery! barbados. scarce has the mother given birth to her child, when she becomes its murderer. the slave-mother's joy begins, not like that of other mothers, when "a man is born into the world," but when her infant is hurried out of existence, and its first faint cry is hushed in the silence of death! why this perversion of nature? ah, that mother knows the agonies, the torments, the wasting woes, of a life of slavery, and by the bowels of a mother's love, and the yearnings of a mother's pity, she resolves that her babe shall never know the same. o, estimate who can, how many groans have gone up from the cane field, from the boiling-house, from around the wind mill, from the bye paths, from the shade of every tree, from the recesses of every dungeon! colonel barrow, of edgecome estate, declared, that the habit of flogging was so strong among the overseers and book-keepers, that even now they frequently indulge it in the face of penalties and at the risk of forfeiting their place. the descriptions which the special magistrates give of the lower class of overseers and the managers of the petty estates, furnish data enough for judging of the manner in which they would be likely to act when clothed with arbitrary power. they are "a low order of men," "without education," " trained up to use the whip," "knowing nothing else save the art of flogging," "ready at any time to perjure themselves in any matter where a negro is concerned," &c. now, may we not ask what but cruelty, the most monstrous, could be expected under a system where such men were constituted law makers, judges, and exe- cutioners from the foregoing facts, and the still stronger circumstantial evidence, we leave the reader to judge for himself as to the amount of cruelty attendant upon "the reign of terror," in bar- bados. we must, however, mention one qualification, without which a wrong impression may be made. it has already been remarked that barbados has, more than any other island, re- duced slave labor and sugar cultivation to a regular system. this the planters have been compelled to do from the denseness of their population, the smallness of their territory, the fact that the land was all occupied, and still more because the island, from long continued cultivation, was partly worn out. a prominent barbados. feature in their system was, theoretically at least, good bodily treatment of the slaves, good feeding, attention to mothers, to pregnant women, and to children, in order that the estates might always be kept well slocked with good-conditioned negroes. they were considered the best managers, who increased the population of the estates most rapidly, and often premiums were given by the attorneys to such managers. another feature in the barba- dos system was to raise sufficient provisions in the island to maintain the slaves, or, in planter's phrase, to feed the stock, with- out being dependent upon foreign countries. this made the supplies of the slaves more certain and more abundant. from several circumstances in the condition of barbados, it is mani- fest, that there were fewer motives to cruelty there than existed in other islands. first, the slave population was abundant, then the whole of the island was under cultivation, and again the lands were old and becoming exhausted. now, if either one of these things had not been true, if the number of slaves had been inad- equate to the cultivation, or if vast tracts of land, as in jamaica, trinidad, and demerara, had been uncultivated, or were being brought into cultivation; or, again, if the lands under cultivation had been fresh and fertile, so as to bear pushing, then it is plain that there would have been inducements to hard driving, which, as the case was, did not exist. such is a partial view of barbados as it was, touching the matter of cruelty. we say partial, for we have omitted to men- tion the selling of slaves from one estate to another, whereby families were separated, almost as effectually as though an ocean intervened. we have omitted to notice the transporta- tion of slaves to trinidad, berbice, and demerara, which was made an open traffic until prohibited in , and was afterwards continued with but little abatement by evasions of the law. from the painful contemplation of all this outrage and wrong, the mind is relieved by turning to the present state of the colo- ny. it cannot be denied that much oppression grows out of the apprenticeship system, both from its essential nature, and from the want of virtuous principle and independence in the men who administer it. yet it is certainly true that there has been a very great diminution in the amount of actual cruelty. the total barbados. abolition of flogging on the estates, the prohibition to use the dungeons, and depriving the masters, managers, overseers and drivers, of the right to punish in any case, or in any way what- ever, leave no room for doubt on this subject. it is true, that the laws are often violated, but this can only take place in cases of excessive passion, and it is not likely to be a very fre- quent occurrence. the penalty of the law is so heavy,* and the chances of detectionf are so great, that in all ordinary cir- cumstances they will be a sufficient security against the violence of the master. on the other hand, the special magistrates them- selves seldom use the whip, but resort toother modes of punish- ment less cruel and degrading. besides, it is manifest that if they did use the whip and were ever so cruelly disposed, it would be physically impossible for them to inflict as much suffer- ing as the drivers could during slavery, on account of the vast numbers over whom they preside. we learned from the ap- prentices themselves, by conversing with them, that their con- dition, in respect to treatment, is incomparably better than it was during slavery. we were satisfied from our observations and inquiries, that the planters, at least the more extensive and enlightened ones, conduct their estates on different principles from those formerly followed. before the abolition of slavery, they regarded the whip as absolutely necessary to the cultiva- tion of sugar, and hence they uniformly used it, and loudly de- precated its abolition as being their certain ruin. but since the whip has been abolished, and the planters have found that the negroes continue, nevertheless, industrious and subordinate, they have changed their measures, partly from necessity, partly from policy, and have adopted a conciliatory course. barbados was not without its insurrections during slavery. although not very frequent, they left upon the minds of the white colonists this conviction, (repeatedly expressed to us by planters and others,) that slavery and rebellions are inseparable. * a fine of sixteen dollars for the first assault, and the liberation of the apprentice after the second. t through the complaint of the apprentice to the special ma- gistrate. barbados. the last widely extended insurrection occurred in , in the eastern part of the island. some of the particulars were given us by a planter who resided in that region, and suffered by it great loss of property. the plot was so cautiously laid, and kept so secret, that no one suspected it. the planter observed that if any one had told him that such a thing was brewing ten minutes before it burst forth, he would not have credited the statement. it began with firing the cane-fields. a signal was given by a man setting fire to a pile of trash on an elevated spot, when instantly the fires broke out in every direction, and in less than a half hour, more than one hundred estates were in flames. the planters and their families, in the utmost alarm, cither fled into other parts of the island, or seized their arms and hurriedly mustered in self-defence. meanwhile the negroes, who had banded themselves in numerous companies, took ad- vantage of the general consternation, proceeded to the deserted mansions of the planters, broke down the doors, battered in the windows, destroyed all the furniture, and carried away the pro- vision stores to their own houses. these ravages continued for three days, during which, the slaves flocked together in increasing numbers; in one place there were several thousands assembled. above five hundred of the insurgents were shot down by the militia, before they could be arrested. the destruction of property during the re- bellion was loosely estimated at many hundred thousand pounds. the canes on many estates were almost wholly burned; so that extensive properties, which ordinarily yielded from two to three hundred hogsheads, did not make more than fifteen or twenty. our informant mentioned two circumstances which he con- sidered remarkable. one was, that the insurgents never touch- ed the property of the estates to which they severally belonged; but went to the neighboring or more distant estates. the other was, that during the whole insurrection the negroes did no t make a single attempt to destroy life. on the other hand, the sacri- fice of negroes during the rebellion, and subsequent to it, was appalling. it was a long time before the white man's thirst for blood could be satiated. * barbados. no general insurrection occurred after this one. however, as late as , the proprietor of mount wilton—the noblest estate in the island—was murdered by his slaves in a most hor- rid manner. a number of men entered his bed-chamber at night he awoke ere they reached him, and grasped his sword, which always hung by his bed, but it was wrested from his hand, and he was mangled and killed. his death was caused by his cruelties, and especially by his extreme licentiousness. all the females on this estate were made successively the victims of his lust. this, together with his cruelties, so incensed the men, that they determined to murder the wretch. several of them were publicly executed. next to the actual occurrence of rebellions, the fear of them deserves to be enumerated among the evils which slavery en- tailed upon barbados. the dread of hurricanes to the people of barbados is tolerable in comparison with the irrepressible ap- prehensions of bloody rebellions. a planter told us that he sel- dom went to bed without thinking he might he murdered before morning. but now the whites are satisfied that slavery was the sole in- stigator of rebellions, and since its removal they have no fear on this score. licentiousness was another of the fruits of slavery. it will be difficult to give to the reader a proper conception of the preva- lence of this vice in barbados, and of the consequent demorali- zation. a numerous colored population were both the offspring and the victims of it on a very moderate calculation, nineteen- twentieths of the present adult colored race are illegitimate. concubinage was practised among the highest classes. young merchants and others who were unmarried, on first going to the island, regularly engaged colored females to live with them as housekeepers and mistresses, and it was not unusual for a man to have more than one. the children of these connections usually sat with the mothers at the lather's table, though when the gentlemen had company, neither mothers nor children made their appearance. to such conduct no disgrace was at- tached, nor was any shame felt by either party. we were assured that there are in bridgetown, colored ladies of "re- barbados. spectability," who, though never married, have large families of children whose different surnames indicate their difference of parentage, but who probably do not know their fathers by any other token. these remarks apply to the towns. the morals of the estates were still more deplerable. the managers and overseers, commonly unmarried, left no female virtue unat- tempted. rewards sometimes, but oftener the whip, or the dungeon, gave them the mastery in point of fact, which the laws allowed in theory. to the slaves marriage was scarcely known. they followed the example of the master, and were ready to minister to his lust. the mass of mulatto population grew paler as it multiplied, and catching the refinement along with the tint of civilization, waged a war upon marriage which had well nigh expelled it from the island. such was barbados under the auspices of slavery. although these evils still exist, yet, since the abolition of slavery, there is one symptom of returning purity, the sense of shame. concubinage is becoming disreputable. the colored females are growing in self-respect, and are beginning to seett regular connections with colored men. they begin to feel (to use the language of one of them) that the light is come, and that they can no longer have the apology of ignorance to plead for their sin. it is the prevailing impression among whites, colored, and blacks, that open licentiousness cannot long survive slavery. prejudice was another of the concomitants of slavery. bar- bados was proverbial for it. as far as was practicable, the co- lored people were excluded from all business connections; though merchants were compelled to make clerks of them for want of better, that is, whiter ones. colored merchants of wealth were shut out of the merchants' exchange, though possessed of untar- nished integrity, while white men were admitted as subscribers without regard to character. it was not a little remarkable that the rooms occupied as the merchants' exchange were rented from a colored gentleman, or more properly a negro j* who, though himself a merchant of extensive business at home and * mr. london bourne, the merchant mentioned in the drevious chapter. barbados. abroad, and occupying the floor below with a store, was not suffered to set his foot within them. this merchant, it will be remembered, is educating a son for a learned profession at the university of edinburgh. colored gentlemen were not allowed to become members of literary associations, nor subscribers to the town libraries. social intercourse was utterly interdicted. to visit the houses of such men as we have already mentioned in a previous chapter, and especially to sit down at their tables, would have been a loss of caste; although the gentry were at the same time living with colored concubines. but most of all did this wicked prejudice delight to display itself in the churches. originally, we believe, the despised color was confined to the galleries, afterwards it was admitted to the seats under the gal- leries, and ultimately it was allowed to extend to the body pews below the cross aisle. if perchance one of the proscribed class should ignorantly stray beyond these precincts, and take a seat above the cross aisle, he was instantly, if not forcibly, removed. every opportunity was maliciously seized to taunt the colored people with their complexion. a gentleman of the highest worth stated that several years ago he applied to the proper officer for a license to be married. the license was accordingly made out and handed to him. it was expressed in the following in- sulting style: "t h f. m., is licensed to marry h l- , f. c. w." the initials f. m. stood for free mulatto, and f. c. w. for free colored woman] the gentleman took his knife and cut out these initials; and was then threaten- ed with a prosecution for forging his license! it must be admitted that this cruel feeling still exists in bar- bados. prejudice is the last viper of the slavery-gendered brood that dies. but it is evidently growing weaker. this the reader will infer from several facts already stated. the colored people themselves are indulging sanguine hopes that prejudice will shortly die away. they could discover a bending on the part of the whites, and an apparent readiness to concede much 'of the ground hitherto withheld. they informed us that they had re- ceived intimations that they might be admitted as subscribers to the merchants' exchange if they would apply; but they were in no hurry to make the advances themselves. they felt assured barbados. that not only business equality, but social equality, would soon be theirs, and were waiting patiently for the course of events to bring them. they have too much self-respect to sue for the consideration of their white neighbors, or to accept it as a con- descension and favor, when by a little patience they might ob- tain it on more honorable terms. it will doubtless be found in barbados, as it has been in other countries—and perchance to the mortification of some lordlings—that freedom is a mighty leveller of human distinctions. the pyramid of pride and preju- dice which slavery had upreared there, must soon crumble in the dust. indolence and inefficiency among the whites, was another pro- minent feature in slaveholding barbados. enterprise, public and personal, has long been a stranger to the island. internal im- provements, such as the laying and repairing of roads, the erec- tion of bridges, building wharves, piers, &c., were either wholly neglected, or conducted in such a listless manner as to be a bur- lesque on the name of business. it was a standing task, re- quiring the combined energy of the island, to repair the dam- ages of one hurricane before another came. the following cir- cumstance was told us, by one of the shrewdest observers of men and things with whom we met in barbados. on the south- eastern coast of the island there is a low point running far out into the sea, endangering all vessels navigated by persons not well acquainted with the island. many vessels have been wrecked upon it in the attempt to make bridgetown from the windward. from time immemorial, it has been in contempla- tion to erect a light-house on that point. every time a vessel has been wrecked, the whole island has been agog for a light- house. public meetings were called, and eloquent speeches made, and resolutions passed, to proceed to the work forthwith. bills were introduced into the assembly, long speeches made, and appropriations voted commensurate with the stupendous un- dertaking. there the matter ended, and the excitement died away, only to be revived by another wreck, when a similar scene would ensue. the light-house is not built to this day. in per- sonal activity, the barbadians are as sadly deficient as in public spirit . london is said to have scores of wealthy merchants who barbados. have never been beyond its limits, nor once snuffed the country air. bridgetown, we should think, is in this respect as deserv- ing of the name little london, as barbados is of the title "little england," which it proudly assumes. we werecredi- ibly informed that there were merchants in bridgetown who had never been off the island iwtheir lives, nor more than five or six miles into the country. the sum total of their locomo- tion might be said to be, turning softly to one side of flieir chairs, and then softly to the other. having no personal cares to harass them, and no political questions to agitate them—hav- ing no extended speculations to push, and no public enterprises to prosecute, (save occasionally when a wreck on the southern point throws them into a ferment,) the lives of the higher classes seem a perfect blank, as it regards every thing madly. their thoughts are chiefly occupied with sensual pleasure, an- ticipated or enjoyed. the centre of existence to them is the dinner-table. "they eat and drink and sleep, and then— eat and drink and sleep again." that the abolition of slavery has laid the foundation for a re- form in this respect, there can be no doubt. the indolence and inefficiency of the white community has grown out of slav- ery. it is the legitimate offspring of oppression everywhere— one of the burning curses which it never fails to visit upon its supporters. it may be seriously doubted, however, whether in barbados this evil will terminate with its cause. there is there such a superabundance of the laboring population, that for a long time to come, labor must be very cheap, and the habitually indolent will doubtless prefer employing others to work for them, than to work themselves. if, therefore, we should not see an active spirit of enterprise at once kindling among the barbadians, if the light-house should not be built for a quarter of a century to come, it need not excite our astonish- ment. we heard not a little concerning the expected distress of those white families whose property consisted chiefly of slaves. there were many such families, who have hitherto lived re- j barbados. spectably and independently by hiring out their slaves. after , these will be deprived of all their property, and will have no means of support whatever. as they will consider it de- grading to work, and still more so to beg, they will be thrown into extremely embarrassing circumstances. it is thought that many of this class will leave gthe country, and seek a home where they will not be ashamed to work for their subsistence. we were forcibly reminded of the oft alleged objection to eman- cipation in the united states, that it would impoverish many excellent families in the south, and drive delicate females to the distaff and the wash-tub, whose hands have never been used to any thing—rougher than the cowhide. much sympathy has been awakened in the north "by such appeals, and vast numbers have been led by them to conclude that it is better for millions of slaves to famish in eternal bondage, than that a few white families, here and there scattered over the south, should be reduced to the humiliation of working. hostility to emancipation prevailed in barbados. that island has always been peculiarly attached to slavery. from the be- ginning of the anti-slavery agitations in england, the barbadians distinguished themselves by their inveterate opposition. as the grand result approximated they increased their resistance. they appealed, remonstrated, begged, threatened, deprecated, and imprecated. they continually protested that abolition would ruin the colony—that the negroes could never be brought to work—especially to raise sugar—without the whip. they both besought and demanded of the english that they should cease their interference with their private affairs and personal property. again and again they informed them that they were wholly disqualified, by their distance from the colonies, and their igno- rance of the subject, to do any thing respecting it, and they were entreated to leave the whole matter with the colonies, who alone could judge as to the best time and manner of moving, or whether it was proper to move at all. we were assured that there was not a single planter in bar- bados who was known to be in favor of abolition, before it took place; if, however, there had been one such, he would not have dared to avow his sentiments. the anti-slavery party in eng- barbados. land were detested; no epithets were too vile for them—no curses too bitter. it was a barbadian lady who once exclaimed in a public company in england, "o, i wish we had wilber- force in the west indies, i would be one of the very first to tear his heart out!" if such a felon wish could escape the lips of a female, and that too amid the awing influence of english society, what may we conclude were the feelings of planters and drivers on the island! the opposition was maintained even after the abolition of slavery; and there was no colony, save jamaica, with which the english government had so much trouble in arranging the provisions and conditions under which abolition was to take place. from statements already made, the reader will see how great a change has come over the feelings of the planters. he has followed us through this and the preceding chapters, he has seen tranquillity taking the place of insurrections, a sense of security succeeding to gloomy forebodings, and public order supplanting mob law; he has seen subordination to authority, peacefulness, industry, and increasing morality, characterizing the negro population; he has seen property rising in value, crime lessening, expenses of labor diminishing, the whole island bloom- ing with unexampled cultivation, and waving with crops unpre- cedented in the memory of its inhabitants; above all, he has seen licentiousness decreasing, prejudice fading away, marriage extending, education spreading, and religion preparing to multi- ply her churches and missionaries over the land. these are the blessings of abolition—begun only, and but partially realized as yet, but promising a rich maturity in time to com' ofter the work of freedom shall have been completed barbados. chapter v. the apprenticeship system. the nature of the apprenticeship system may be learned from the following abstract of its provisions, relative to the three parties chiefly concerned in its operation—the special magis- trate, the master, and the apprentice. provisions respecting the special magis- trates. . they must be disconnected with planters and planterehip, that they may be independent of all colonial parties and inter- ests whatever. . the special magistrates adjudicate only in cases where the master and apprentice are parties. offences committed by apprentices against any person not connected with the estates on which they live, come under the cognizance of the local magistrates or of higher courts. . the special justices sit three days in the week at their offices, where all complaints are carried, both by the master and apprentice. the magistrates do not go to the estate, either to try or to punish offenders. besides the three days the magis- trates are required to be at home every saturday, (that being the day on which the apprentices are disengaged,) to give friend- ly advice and instruction on points of law and personal rights to all apprentices who may call. provisions respecting the master. . the master is allowed the gratuitous labor of the appren- tice for forty-five hours each week. the several islands were permitted by the english government to make such a division of this time as local circumstances might seem to require. in some islands, as for instance in st. christopher's and tortola, it is spread over six days of the week in proportions of seven and a half hours per day, thus leaving the apprentice mere shreds of barbados. time in which he can accomplish nothing for himself. in bar- bados, the forty-five hours is confined within five days, in por- tions of nine hours per day. . the allowances of food continue the same as during sla- very, excepting that now the master may give, instead of the allowance, a third of an acre to each apprentice, but then he must also grant an additional day every week for the cultivation of this land. . the master has no power whatever to punish. a planter observed, "if i command my butler to stand for half an hour on the parlor floor, and it can be proved that i designed it as a punishment, i may be fined for it." the penalty for the first offence (punishing an apprentice) is a fine of five pounds cur- rency, or sixteen dollars, and imprisonment if the punishment was cruel. for a second offence the apprentice is set free. masters frequently do punish their apprentices in despite of a penalties. a case in point occurred not long since, in bridge- town. a lady owned a handsome young mulatto woman, who had a beautiful head of hair of which she was very proud. the servant did something displeasing to her mistress, and the latter in a rage shaved off her hair close to her head. the girl com- plained to the special magistrate, and procured an immediate release from her mistress's service. . it is the duty of the master to make complaint to the spe- cial magistrate. when the master chooses to take the punish- ment into his own hand, the apprentice has a right to complain. . the master is obliged to sell the remainder of the appren- tice's term, whenever the apprentice signifies a wish to buy it. if the parties cannot agree about the price, the special magis- trate, in connection with two local magistrates, appraises the latter, and the master is hound to take the amount of the ap- praisement, whatever that is. instances of apprentices pur- chasing themselves are quite frequent, notwithstanding the term of service is now so short, extending only to august, . the value of an apprentice varies from thirty to one hundred dollars. barbados. provisions respecting the apprentice. . he has the whole of saturday, and the remnants of the other five days, after giving nine hours to the master. . the labor does not begin so early, nor continue so late as during slavery. instead of half past four or five o'clock, the ap- prentices are called out at six o'clock in the morning. they then work till seven, have an hour for breakfast, again work from eight to twelve, have a respite of two hours, and then work till six o'clock. . if an apprentice hires his time from his master, as is not unfrequently the case, especially among the non-praedials, he pays a dollar a week, which is two thirds, or at least one half of his earnings. . if the apprentice has a complaint to make against his master, he must either make it during his own time, or if he prefers to go to the magistrate during work hours, he must ask his master for a pass. if his master refuse to give him one, he can then go without it. . there is an unjustifiable inequality in the apprentice laws, which was pointed out by one of the special magistrates. the master is punishable only for cruelty or corporeal inflictions, whereas the apprentice is punishable for a variety of offences, such as idleness, stealing, insubordination, insolence, &c. the master may be as insolent and abusive as he chooses to be, and the slave can have no redress. . hard labor, solitary confinement, and the treadmill, are the principal modes of punishment. shaving the head is some- times resorted to. a very severe punishment frequently adopt- ed, is requiring the apprentice to make up for the time during which he is confined. if he is committed for ten working days, he must give the master ten successive saturdays. this last regulation is particularly oppressive and palpably unjust. it matters not how slight the offence may have been, it is discretionary with the special magistrates to mulct the ap- prentice of his saturdays. this provision really would appear to have been made expressly for the purpose of depriving the apprentices of their own time. it is a direct inducement to the barbados. master to complain. if the apprentice has been absent from his work but an hour, the magistrate may sentence him to give a whole day in return; consequently the master is encouraged to mark the slightest omission, and to complain of it whether it was unavoidable or not. the design of the apprenticeship it is a serious ques- tion with a portion of the colonists, whether or not the ap- prenticeship was originally designed as a preparation for freedom. this however was the professed object with its advocates, and it was on the strength of this plausible pre- tension, doubtless, that the measure was carried through. we believe it is pretty well understood, both in england and the colonies, that it was mainly intended as an additional compen- sation to the planters. the latter complained that the twenty millions of pounds was but a pittance of the value of their slaves, and to drown their cries about robbery and oppression, this system of modified slavery was granted to them, that they might, for a term of years, enjoy the toil of the negro without compensation. as a mockery to the hopes of the slaves, this system was called an apprenticeship, and it was held out to fhem as a needful preparatory stage for them to pass through, ere they could rightly appreciate the blessings of entire freedom. it was not wonderful that they should be slow to apprehend the necessity of serving a six years' ap- prenticeship at a business which they had been all their lives employed in. it is not too much to say that it was a grand cheat—a national imposture at the expense of the poor vic- tims of oppression, whom, with benevolent pretences, it offered up a sacrifice to cupidity and power. practical operation of the apprenticeship.—it cannot be denied that this system is in some respects far better than slavery. many restraints are imposed upon the master, and many important privileges are secured to the apprentice. being released from the arbitrary power of the master, is regarded by the latter as a vast stride towards entire liberty. we once asked an apprentice if he thought apprenticeship was better than slavery. "oh yes," said he, "great deal better, sir; when we was slaves, our masters git mad wid barbados. us, and give us plenty of licks—but now, thank god, they can't touch us." but the actual enjoyment of these advan- tages by the apprentices depends upon so many contingen- cies, such as the disposition of the master, and the faithful- ness of the special magistrate, that it is left after all exceed- ingly precarious. a very few observations respecting the special magistrates, will serve to show how liable the appren- tice is to suffer wrong without the possibility of obtaining redress. it is evident that this will be the case unless the special magistrates are entirely independent. this was fore- seen by the english government, and they pretended to pro- vide for it by paying the magistrates' salaries at home. but how inadequate was their provision! the salaries scarcely answer for pocket money in the west indies. thus situated, the magistrates are continually exposed to those temptations which the planters can so artfully present in the shape of sumptuous dinners. they doubtless find it very convenient, when their stinted purses run low, and mutton and wines run high, to do as the new england school-master does— f board round;" and consequently the dependence of the ma- gistrate upon the planter is of all things the most deprecated by the apprentice.* congeniality of feeling, habits, views, style and rank—iden- tity of country and color—these powerful influences bias the magistrate toward the master, at the same time that the ab- sence of them all, estrange, and even repel him from the ap- * the feelings of apprentices on this point are well illustrated by the following anecdote, which was related to us while in the west indies. the governor of one of the islands, shortly after his arrival, dined with one of the wealthiest proprietors. the next day one of the negroes of the estate said to another. "de new gubner been poison'd." "what dat you say?" inquired the other in astonishment, "de gubner been poison'd." "dah, now!—how him poisoned?" "him eatmassa turtle soup last night," said the shrewd negro. the other took his meaning at once; and his sympathy for the governor was turned into concern for himself, when he perceived that the poison was one from which he was likely to suffer more than his excellency. * barbados. prentice. there is still an additional consideration which oper- ates against the unfortunate apprentice. the men selected for magistrates are mostly officers of the army and navy. to those who are acquainted with the arbitrary habits of military and na- val officers, and with the iron despotism which they exercise among the soldiers and sailors,* the bare mention of this fact is * we had a specimen of the stuff special magistrates are made of, in sailing from barbados to jamaica. the vessel was origin- ally an english man-of-war brig, which had been converted into a steamer, and was employed by the, english government in con- veying the island mails from barbados to jamaica—to and fro. she was still under the strict discipline of a man-of-war. the senior officer on board was a lieutenant. this man was one of the veriest savages on earth. his passions were in a perpetual storm, at some times higher than at others, occasionally they blew a hurricane. he quarrelled with his officers, and his orders to his men were always uttered in oaths. scarcely a day passed that he did not have some one of his sailors flogged. one night, the cabin-boy left the water-can sitting on the cabin floor, %i. stead of putting it on the sideboard, where it usually stood. for this offence the commander ordered him up on deck after mid- night, and made the quarter-master flog him. the instrument used in this case, (the regular flogging-stick having been used up by previous service) was the commander's cane—a heavy knotted club. the boy held out one hand and received the blow. he howled most piteously, and it was some seconds before he recov- ered sufficiently from the pain to extend the other. "lay on .'" stormed the commander. down went the cane a second time. we thought it must have broken every bone in the boy's hand. this was repeated several times, the boy extending each hand alternately, and recoiling at every blow. "now lay on to his back," sternly vociferated the commander—" give it to him—hard —lay on harder." the old seaman, who had some mercy in his heart, seemed very loth to lay out his strength on the boy with such a club. the commander became furious—cursed and swore —and again yelled, "give it to him harder, more—more—more —there, stop." "you infernal villai^ty-speaking to the quarter- master, and using the most horrid oaths—" you infernal villain, if you do not lay on harder the next time i command you, i'll barbados. sufficient to convince them of the unenviable situation of the ap- prentice. it is at best but a gloomy transfer from the mercies of a slave-driver, to the justice of a military magistrate. it is not a little remarkable that the apprenticeship should be regarded by the planters themselves, as well as by other per- sons generally throughout the colony, as merely a modified form of slavery. it is common to hear it called islavery under a dif- ferent form,' 'another name for slavery,' 'modified slavery,' but little better than slavery.' nor is the practical operation of the system upon the master much less exceptionable. it takes out of his hand the power of coercing labor, and provides no other stimulus. thus it sub- jects him to the necessity either of resorting to empty threats, which must result only in incessant disputes, or of condescending to persuade and entreat, against which his habits at once rebel, or of complaining to a third party—an alternative more revolting if possible, than the former, since it involves the acknowledgment of a higher power than his own. it sets up over his actions a foreign judge, at whose bar he is alike amenable (in theory) with his apprentice, before whose tribunal he may be dragged at any moment by his apprentice, and from whose lips he may re- ceive the humiliating sentence of punishment in the presence of his apprentice. it introduces between him and his laborers mu- tual repellancies and estrangement; it encourages the former to exercise an authority which he would not venture to assume under a system of perfect freedom; it emboldens the latter to display an insolence which he would not have dreamed of in a state of slavery, and thus begetting in the one the imperiousness of the slaveholder without his power, and in the other, the inde- pendence of the freeman without ms immunities, it perpetuates a scene of angry collision, jealousy and hatred. have you put in irons. the boy limped away, writhing in every joint, and crying pitoously, when the commander called at him, "silence, there, you imp—or i'll give you a second edition." one of the first things the commander did after we left barbados, was to have a man flogged; and the last order we heard him give, as we left the steamer at kingston, was to put two of the men in irons. barbados. it does not even serve for the master tne unworthy purpose for which it was mainly devised, viz., that of an additional com- pensation. the apprenticeship is estimated to be more expen- sive than a system of free labor would be. it is but little less expensive than slavery, and freedom, it is confidently expected, will be considerably less. so it would seem that this system burthens the master with much of the perplexity, the ignominy, and the expensiveness of slavery, while it denies him its power. such is the apprenticeship system. a splendid imposition!— which cheats the slave of his freedom, cheats the planter of his gains, cheats the british nation of its money, and robs the world of what else might have been a glorious example of immediate and entire emancipation. the, apprenticeship is no preparation for freedom.— indeed, as far as it can be, it is an actual disqualification. the testimony on this subject is ample. we rarely met a planter, who was disposed to maintain that the apprenticeship was pre- paring the negroes for freedom. they generally admitted that the people were no better prepared for freedom now, than they were in ; and some of them did not hesitate to say, that the sole use to which they and their brother planters turned the system, was to get as much work out of the apprentices while it lasted, as possible. clergymen and missionaries declared that the apprenticeship was no preparation for freedom. if it were a preparation at all, it would most probably be so in a religious and educational point of view. we should expect to find the masters, if laboring at all to prepare their apprentices for free- dom, doing so chiefly by encouraging missionaries and teachers to come to their estates, and by aiding in the erection of chapels and school-houses. but the missionaries declare that they meet with little more direct encouragement now, than they did during slavery. the special magistrates also testify that the apprenticeship is no preparation for freedom on this subject they are very explicit. the colored people bear the same testimony. not a few, too, affirm, that the tendency of the apprenticeship is to unfit the negroes for freedom, and avow it as their firm persuasion, barbados. that the people will be less prepared for liberty at the end of the apprenticeship, than they were at its commencement and it is not without reason that they thus speak. they say, first, that the bickerings and disputes to which the system gives rise be- tween the master and the apprentice, and the arraigning of each other before the special magistrate, are directly calculated to alienate the parties. the effect of these contentions, kept up for six years, will be to implant deep mutual hostility; and the parties will be a hundred fold more irreconcilable than they were on the abolition of slavery. again, they argue that the appren- ticeship system is calculated to make the negroes regard law as their foe, and thus it unfits them for freedom. they rea- son thus—the apprentice looks to the magistrate as his judge, his avenger, his protector; he knows nothing of either law or justice except as he sees them exemplified in the decisions of the magistrate. when, therefore, the magistrate sentences him to punishment, when he knows he was the injured party, he will become disgusted with the very name of justice, and esteem law his greatest enemy.* but we cannot close our remarks upon the apprenticeship system without noticing one good end which it has undesignedly accomplished, i. e., the illustration of the good disposition of the colored people. we firmly believe that if the friends of emanci- pation had wished to disprove all that has ever been said about the ferocity and revengefulness of the negroes, and at the same time to demonstrate that they possess, in a pre-eminent degree, those other qualities which render them the fit subjects of liberty * the neglect of the planters to use the apprenticeship as a pre- paration for freedom, warrants us in the conclusion, that they do not think any preparation necessary. but we are not confined to doubtful inferences on this point. they testify positively—and not only planters, but all other classes of men likewise—that the slaves of barbados were fit for entire freedom in , and that they might have been emancipated then with perfect safety. whatever may have been the sentiment of the barbadians relative to the ne- cessity of preparation before the experiment was made, it is clear that now they have no confidence either in the necessity or the practicability of preparatory schemes. barbados. and law, they could not have done it more triumphantly than it has been done by the apprenticeship. how this has been done, may be shown by pointing out several respects in which the ap- prenticeship has been calculated to try the negro character most severely, and to develop all that was fiery and rebellious in it. . the apprenticeship removed the strong arm of slavery, and substituted no adequate force. the arbitrary power of the mas- ter, which awed the slave into submission, was annihilated. the whip, which was held over the slave, and compelled a kind of subordination—brutal, indeed, but effectual—was abolished. here in the outset the reins were given to the long-oppressed, but now aspiring mass. no adequate force was substituted, be- cause it was the intent of the new system to govern by milder means. this was well, but what were the milder means which were to take the place of brute force t . was the stimulus of wages substituted? no! that was expressly denied. was the liberty of locomotion granted? no. was the privilege of gaining a personal interest in the soil ex- tended to them? no. were the immunities and rights of citi- zenship secured to them i no. was the poor favor allowed them of selecting their own business, or of choosing their em- ployer! not even this thus far, then, we see nothing of the milder measures of the apprenticeship. it has indeed opened the prison doors, and knocked off the prisoners' chain—but it still keeps them grinding there, as before, and refuses to let them come forth, except occasionally, and then only to be thrust back again. is it not thus directly calculated to encourage indo- lence and insubordination? . in the next place, this system introduces a third party, to whom the apprentice is encouraged to look for justicev redress, and counsel. thus he is led to regard his master as his enemy, and all confidence in him is for ever destroyed. but this is not the end of the difficulty. the apprentice carries up complaints against his master. 'if they gain a favorable hearing, he triumphs over him—if they are disregarded, he concludes that the magis- trate also is his enemy, and he goes away with a rankling grudge against his master. thus he is gradually led to assert his own cause, and he learns to contend with his master, to reply barbados. insolently, to dispute, quarrel, and—it is well that we cannot add, to fight. at least one thing is the result—a permanent state of alienation, contempt of authority, and hatred. all these are the fruits of the apprenticeship system. they are caused by trans- ferring the power of the master, while the relation continues the same. nor is this contempt for the master, this alienation and hatred, all the mischief. the unjust decisions of the magistrate, of which the apprentices have such abundant reasdns to com- plain, excite their abhorrence of him, and thus their confidence in the protection of law is weakened or destroyed. here, then, is contempt for the master, abhorrence of the magistrate, and mistrust of the law—the apprentice regarding all three as leagued together to rob him of his rights. what a combination of cir- cumstances to drive the apprentices to desperation and madness! what a marvel that the outraged negroes have been restrained from bloody rebellions! . another insurrectionary feature peculiar to the apprentice- ship is its making the apprentices free a portion of the time. one fourth of the time is given them every week—just enough to afford them a taste of the sweets of liberty, and render them dis- satisfied with their condition. then the manner in which this time is divided is calculated to irritate. after being a slave nine hours, the apprentice is made a freeman for the remainder of the day: early the next morning the halter is again put on, and he treads the wheel another day. thus the week wears away until saturday, which is an entire day of freedom. the negro goes out and works for his master, or any one else, as he pleases, and at night he receives his quarter of a dollar. this is some- thing like freedom, and he begins to have the feelings of a free- man—a lighter heart and more active limbs. he puts his money carefully away at night, and lays himself down to rest his toil- worn body. he awakes on sabbath morning, and is still free. he puts on his best clothes, goes to church, worships a free god, contemplates a free heaven, sees his free children about him and his wedded wife; and ere the night again returns, the conscious- ness that he is a slave is quite lost in the thoughts of liberty which fill his breast, and the associations of freedom which cluster around him. he sleeps again. monday morning he is barbados. startled from his dreams by the old "shell-blow" of slavery, and he arises to endure another week of toil, alternated by the same tantalizing mockeries of freedom. is not this applying the hot iron to the nerve? . but, lastly, the apprenticeship system, as if it would apply the match to this magazine of combustibles, holds out the re- ward of liberty to every apprentice who shall by any means pro- voke his master to punish him a second time. [note.—in a former part of this work—the report of antigua —we mentioned having received information respecting a num- ber of the apprenticeship islands, viz., dominica, st. christo- pher's, nevis, montserrat, anguilla, and tortola, from the wesleyan missionaries whom we providentially met with at the annual district meeting in antigua. we designed to give the statements of these men at some length in this connection, but we find that it would swell our report to too great a size. it only remains to say, therefore, in a word, that the same things are generally true of those colonies which have been detailed in the account of barbados. there is the same peaceableness, subordination, industry, and patient suffering on the part of the apprentices, the same inefficiency of the apprenticeship as a pre- paration for freedom, and the same conviction in the community that the people will, if at all affected by it, be less fit for eman- cipation in than they were in . a short call at st. christopher's confirmed these views in our minds, so far as that island is concerned. while in barbados, we had repeated interviews with gentle- men who were well acquainted with the adjacent islands, st. lucia, st vincent's, grenada, &c., one of whom was a proprie- tor of a sugar estate in st. vincent's; and they assured us that there was the same tranquillity reigning in those islands which we saw in barbados. sir evan m'gregor, who is the governor- general of the windward colonies, and of course thoroughly in- formed respecting their internal state, gave us the same assur- ances. prom mr. h., an american gentleman, a merchant of barbados, and formerly of trinidad, we gathered similar in- barbados. formation touching that large and (compared with barbados or antigua) semi-barbarous island. we learned enough from these authentic sources to satisfy ourselves that the various degrees of intelligence in the several islands makes very little difference in the actual results of aboli- tion; but that in all the colonies, conciliatory and equitable management has never failed to secure industry and tranquillity.] jamaica. chapter i. kings ton. having drawn out in detail the results of abolition, and the working of the apprenticeship system in barbados, we shall spare the reader a protracted account of jamaica; but the im- portance of that colony, and the fact that greater dissatisfaction on account of the abolition of slavery has prevailed there than in all the other colonies together, demand a careful statement of facts. on landing in jamaica, we pushed onward in our appropriate inquiries, scarcely stopping to cast a glance at the towering mountains, with their cloud-wreathed tops, and the valleys where sunshine and shade sleep side by side—at the frowning preci- pices, made more awful by the impenetrable forest-foliage which shrouds the abysses below, leaving the impression of an ocean depth—at the broad lawns and magnificent savannahs glowing in verdure and sunlight—at the princely estates and palace mansions—at the luxuriant cultivation, and the sublime solitude of primeval forests, where trees of every name, the ma- hogany, the boxwood, the rosewood, the cedar, the palm, the fern, the bamboo, the cocoa, the breadfruit, the mango, the almond, all grow in wild confusion, interwoven with a dense tangled undergrowth.* * it is less necessary for us to dwell long on jamaica, than it would otherwise be, since the english gentlemen, messrs. sturge and harvey, spent most of their time in that island, and will, doubtless, publish their investigations, which will, ere long, be accessible to jamaica. we were one month in jamaica. for about a week we re- mained in kingston,* and called on some of the principal gen- tlemen, both white and colored. we likewise visited the pub- lic schools, the house of correction, penitentiary, hospital, and other public institutions. we shall speak briefly of several in- dividuals whom we saw in kingston, and give some of their statements. the hon. dowel o'keily, the attorney-general, is an irish- man, and of one of the influential families. in his own country, he was a prominent politician, and a bold advocate of catholic emancipation. he is decidedly one of the ablest men in the island, distinguished for that simplicity of manners, and flow of natural benevolence, which are the characteristics of the irish- man. he received his present appointment from the english government about six years ago, and is, by virtue of his office, a member of the council. he declared that the apprenticeship was in no manner preparing the negroes for freedom, but was operating in a contrary way, especially in jamaica, where it had been made the instrument of greater cruelties in some cases, than slavery itself. mr. o'reily is entirely free from preju- dice; with all his family rank and official standing, he identifies himself with the colored people as far as his extensive profes- sional engagements will allow. having early learned this, we were surprised to find him so highly respected by the whites. in our subsequent excursions to the country, the letters of intro- duction with which he kindly furnished us, to planters and others, were uniformly received with avowals of the profoundest respect for him. it should be observed, that mr, o'reily's at- tachment to the cause of freedom in the colonies, is not a mere partizan feeling assumed in order to be in keeping with the our readers. we had the pleasure of meeting these intelligent, philanthropic and pious men in the west indies, and from the great length of time, and the superior facilities which they enjoyed over us, of gathering a mass of facts in jamaica, we feel assured that their report will be highly interesting and useful, as well among us as in great britain. * the chief town of the island, with about forty thousand in- habitants. jamaica. government under which he holds his office. the fact of his being a roman catholic must, of itself, acquit him of the sus- picion of any strong partiality for the english government on the other hand, his decided hostility to the apprenticeship—the favorite offspring of british legislation—demonstrates equally his sincerity and independence. we were introduced to william wemyss anderson, esq., an eminent attorney of kingston. mr. a. is a scotchman, and has resided in jamaica for more than six years. we found him the fearless advocate of negro emancipation. he exposed the corruptions and abominations of the apprenticeship without re- serve. mr. a. furnished us with a written statement of his views, respecting the etate of the island, the condition of the ap- prentices, &c. from which we here make a few extracts. " . a very material change for the better has taken place in the sentiments of the community since slavery was abolished. religion and education were formerly opposed as subversive of the security of property; now they are in the most direct man- ner encouraged as its best support. the value of all kinds of property has risen considerably, and a general sense of security appears to be rapidly pervading the public mind. i have not heard one man assert that it would be an advantage to return to slavery, even were it practicable; and i believe that the pub- lic is beginning to see that slave labor is not the cheapest. " . the prejudices against color are rapidly vanishing. i do not think there is a respectable man, i mean one who would be regarded as respectable on account of his good sense and weight of character, who would impugn another's conduct for associat- ing with persons of color. so far as my observation goes, those who would formerly have acted on these prejudices, will be ashamed to own that they had entertained them. the distinc- tion of superior acquirements still belongs to the whites, as a body; but that, and character, will shortly be the only distin- guishing mark recognized among us. " . the apprentices are improving, not, however, in conse- quence of the apprenticeship, hut in spite of it, and in consequence of the great act of abolition! " . i think the negroes might have been emancipated as jamaica. safely in , as in ; and had the emancipation then taken place, they would be found much further in advance in , than they can be after the expiration of the present period of apprenticeship through which all, both apprentices and masters, are laboring heavily. " . that the negroes will work if moderately compensated, no candid man can doubt. their endurance for the sake of a very little gain is quite amazing, and they are most desirous to procure for themselves and families as large a share as possible of the comforts and decencies of life. they appear peculiarly to reverence and desire intellectual attainments. they employ, occasionally, children who have been taught in the schools to teach them in their leisure time to read." " . think the partial modifications of slavery have been at- tended by so much improvement in all that constitutes the wel- fare and respectability of society, that i cannot doubt the in- crease of the benefit were a total abolition accomplished of every restriction that has arisen out of the former state of things." during our stay at kingston, we called on the american consul, to whom we had a letter from the consul at antigua. we found him an elderly gentleman, and a true hearted virgin- ian, both in his generosity and his prejudices in favor of slavery. the consul, colonel harrison, is a near relation of general w. h. harrison, of ohio. things, he said, were going ruinously in jamaica. the english government were mad for abolishing slavery. the negroes of jamaica were the most degraded and ignorant of all negroes he had ever seen. he had travelled in all our southern states, and the american negroes, even those of south carolina and georgia, were as much superior to the negroes of jamaica, as henry clay was superior to him. he said they were the most ungrateful, faithless set he ever saw; no confidence could be placed in them, and kindness was always requited by insult . he proceeded to relate a fact, from which it appeared that the ground on which his grave charges against the negro character rested, was the ill-conduct of one negro woman he had hired some time ago to assist his family. the town negroes, he said, were too lazy to work ; they loitered and lounged about on the side walks all day, jabbering with one jamaica. another, and keeping up an incessant noise; and they would not suffer a white man to order them in the least they were rear- ing their children in perfect idleness, and for his part he could not tell what would become of the rising population of blacks. their parents were too proud to let them work, and they sent them to school all the time. every afternoon, he said, the streets are thronged with the half-naked little black devils, just broke from the schools, and all singing some noisy tune learned in the infant schools; the burthen of'their songs seems to be, "o that will be joyful." these words, said he, are ringing in your ears wherever you go. how aggravating truly such words must be bursting cheerily from the lips of the little free songs- ters !" o that will be joyful, joyful, joyful."—and so they ring the changes day after day, ceaseless and untiring. a new song this, well befitting the times and the prospects, but provoking enough to oppressors. the consul denounced the special magistrates; they were an insolent set of fellows, they would fine a white man as quick as they would flog a nigger.* if a master called his apprentice "you scoundrel," or, "you huzzy," the magistrate would either fine him for it, or reprove him sharply in the presence of the apprentice. this, in the eyes of the veteran virginian, was intolerable. outrageous, not to allow a gentleman to call his servant what names he chooses! we were very much edified by the colonel's expose of jamaica manners. we must say, however, that his opinions had much less weight with us after we learned (as we did from the best authority) that he '.ad never been a half dozen miles into the country during a ten year's residence in kingston. we called on the rev. jonathan edmonson, the superinten- dent of the wesleyan missions in jamaica. mr. e. has been for many years laboring as a missionary in the west indies, first in barbados, then in st. vincent's, grenada, trinidad, and de- merara, and lastly in jamaica. he stated that the planters were doing comparatively nothing to prepare the negroes for freedom. "thtir whole object was to get as much sugar out of them as they possibly could." we received a call from the rev. m. wooldridge, one of the * we fear there is too little truth in this representation. jamaica. independent missionaries. he thinks the conduct of the plant- ers is tending to make the apprentices their bitter enemies. he mentioned one effect of the apprenticeship which had not been pointed out to us before. the system of appraisement, he said, was a premium upon all the bad qualities of the negroes and a tax upon all the good ones. when a person is to be appraised, his virtues and his vices are always inquired into, and they materially influence the estimate of his value. for example, the usual rate of appraisement is a dollar per week for the remainder of the term; but if the apprentice is particularly sober, honest, and industrious, more particulary if he be a pious man, he is valued at the rate of two or three dollars per week. it was consequently for the interest of the master, when an ap- prentice applied for an appraisement, to portray his virtues, while on the other hand there was an inducement for the apprentice to conceal or actually to renounce his good qualities, and foster the worst vices. some instances of this kind had fallen under his personal observation. we called on the rev. mr. gardiner, and on the rev. mr. tinson, two baptist missionaries in kingston. on sabbath we attended service at the church of which mr. g. is the pastor. it is a very large building, capable of seating two thousand per- sons. the great mass of the congregation were apprentices. at the time we were present, the chapel was well filled, and the broad surface of black faces was scarcely at all diversified with lighter colors. it was gratifyingto witness the neatness of dress, the sobriety of demeanor, ti^devotional aspect of counte- nance, the quiet and wakeful attention to the preacher which prevailed. they were mostly rural negroes from the estates adjacent to kingston. the baptists are the most numerous body of christians in the island. the number of their missionaries now in jamaica is sixteen, the number of chapels is thirty-one, and the number of members thirty-two thousand nine hundred and sixty. the increase of members during the year was three thousand three hundred and forty-four. at present the missionary field is mostly engrossed by the baptists and wesleyans. the moravians are the next most jamaica. numerous body. besides these, there are the clergy of the english church, with a bishop, and a few scotch clergymen. the baptist missionaries, as a body, have been most distinguish- ed for their opposition to slavery. their boldness in the midst of suffering and persecutions, their denunciations of oppression, though they did for a time arouse the wrath of oppressors, and cause their chapels to be torn down and themselves to be hunt- ed, imprisoned, and banished, did more probably than any other cause, to hasten the abolition of slavery. schools in kingston.—we visited the wolmer free school —the largest and oldest school in the island. the whole num- ber of scholars is five hundred. it is under the charge of me reid, a venerable scotchman, of scholarship and piety. ah colors are mingled in it promiscuously. we saw the infant school department examined by mr. r there were nearly one hundred and fifty children, of every hue, from the jettiest black to the fairest white; they were thoroughly intermingled, and the ready answers ran along the ranks from black to white, from white to brown, from brown to pale, with undistinguished vivacity and accuracy. we were afterwards conducted into the higher department, where lads and misses from nine to fifteen, weret instructed in the various branches of academic education. a class of lads, mostly colored,twere examined in arithmetic. they wrought several sumst in pounds, shillings and pence currency, with wonderful celerity. among other things which we witnessed in that school, we shall not soon forget having seen a curly headed negro lad of twelve, examining a class of white young ladies in scientific his- tory. some written statements and statistical tables were furnished us by mr. reid, which we subjoin. kingst*n, may th, . dear sib,—i delayed answering your queries in hopes of being able to give you an accurate list of the number of schools in kingston, and pupils under tuition, but have not been able completely to accomplish my intention. i shall now answer your queries in the order you propose them. st quest how jamaica. long have you been teaching in jamaica? ans. thirty-eight years in kingston. d q. how long have you been master of wolmer's free school? a. twenty-three years. d q. what is the number of colored children now in the school! a. four hundred and thirty. th q» was there any opposition to their admission at first? a. considerable opposition the first year, but none afterwards. th q. do they learn as readily as the white children a. as they are more regular in their attend- ance, they learn better. th q. are they as easily governed? a. much easier. th q, what proportion of the school are the children cf apprentices? a. fifty. th q. do their parents manifest a desire to have them educated? a. in general they do. th q. at what age do the children leave your school! a. generally between twelve and fourteen. th q. what employments do they chiefly engage in upon leaving you? a. the boys go to various mechanic trades, to counting-houses, attorney's offices, clerks to planting attorneys, and others be- come planters. the girls seamstresses, mantuamakers, and a considerable proportion tailoresses, in kingston and throughout jamaica, as situations offer. i am, dear sirs, yours respectfully, e. reid. the following table will show the average numbers of the respective classes, white and colored, who have attended wol- mer's free school in each year, from tp the present time. white colored totaf. children. children. average number in m ti m u m t' m u ti a . it it m u .- m it . m m m "■, m jamaica. white colored children. children. total average number m u it « u u u t u u u m it m m u u m m m ti u m with regard to the comparative intellect of white and colored children, mr. reid gives the following valuable statement: "for the last thirty-eight years i have been employed in this city in the tuition of children of all classes and colors, and have no hesitation in saying that the children of color are equal both in conduct and ability to the white. they have always carried off more than their proportion of prizes, and at one examination, out of seventy prizes awarded, sixty-four were obtained by children of color." mr. r. afterwards sent to us the table of the number of schools in kingston, alluded to in the foregoing communication. we insert it here, as it affords a view of the increase of schools and scholars since the abolition of slavery. . schools. scholars. wolmer's, national, gentlemen's private, ..... ladies' da sunday, - - total, jamaica . schools. scholars. wolmer's, national, gentlemen's private, - t - - - - ladies' do." sunday, total, . schools. scholars. wolmer's, national, alico, - baptist, - 'a jamaica union, ...... gentlemen's private, - - -, . - ladies' do sunday, by itinerant teachers and children, ... total, - . schools. scholars. wolmer's, national, mico, baptist, jamaica union, - gentlemen's private, ■ ladies' do sunday by itinerant teachers and children, ... total, we also visited the union school, which has been established for some years in kingston. all the children connected with it. jamaica. about one hundred and fifty, are, with two exceptions, black or colored. the school is conducted generally on the lancasteri- an plan. we examined several of the boys in arithmetic. we put a variety of questions to them, to be worked out on the slate, and the reasons of the process to be explained as they went along; all which they executed with great expertness. there was a jet black boy, whom we selected for a special trial. we commenced with the simple rules, and went through them one by one, together with the compound rules and reduction, to practice, propounding questions and examples in each of them, which wore entirely new to him, and to all of them he gave prompt and correct replies. he was only thirteen years old, and we can aver we never saw a boy of that age in any of our common schools, that exhibited a fuller and clearer knowledge of the science of numbers. in general, our opinion of this school was similar to that already expressed concerning the others. it is supported by the pupils, aided by six hundred dollars granted by the assembly. in connection with this subject, there is one fact of much in- terest. however strong and exclusive was the prejudice *f color a few years since in the schools of jamaica, we could not, during our stay in that island, learn of more than two or three places of education, and those private ones, from which colored children were excluded, and among the numerous schools in kingston, there is not one of this kind. we called -on several colored gentlemen of kingston, from whom we received much valuable information. the colored population art opposed to the apprenticeship, and all the influ - ence which they have, both in the colony and with the home government, (which is not small,) is exerted against it. they are a festering thorn in the sides of the planters, among whom they maintain a fearless espionage, exposing by pen and tongue their iniquitous proceedings. it is to be regretted that their influence in this respect is so sadly weakened by their holding apprentices themselves. we had repeated invitations to breakfast and dine with colored gentlemen, which we accepted as often as our engage- ments would permit. on such occasions we generally met a *ut jamaica. company of gentlemen and ladies of superior social and intel- lectual accomplishments. we must say, that it is a great self-denial to refrain from a description of some of the ani- mated, and we must add, splendid parties of colored people which we attended. the conversation on these occasions mostly turned on the political and civil disabilities under which the colored population formerly labored, and the various strug- gles by which they ultimately obtained their rights. the fol- lowing are a few items of their history. the colored people of jamaica, though very numerous, and to some extent wealthy and intelligent, were long kept by the white colonists in a state of abject political bondage. not only were offices withheld from them, and the right of suffrage denied, but they were not even allowed the privilege of an oath in court, in defence of their property or their persons. they might be violently assaulted, their limbs broken, their wives and daughters might be outraged before their eyes by villains having white skins; yet they had no legal redress unless another white man chanced to see the deed. it was not until , that this oppressive enactment was repealed, and the protection of an oath ex- tended to the colored people; nor was it then effected with- out a long struggle on their part. another law, equally worthy of a slaveholding legislature, prohibited any white man, however wealthy, bequeathing, or in any manner giving, his colored son or daughter more than £ currency, or six thousand dollars. the design of this law was to keep the colored people poor and dependent upon the whites. further to secure the same object, every effort, both legislative and private, was made to debar them from schools, and sink them in the lowest ignorance. their young men of talent were glad to get situations as clerks in the stores of white merchants. their young ladies of beauty and accomplishments were fortune-made if they got a place in the white man's harem. these were the highest stations to which the flower of their youth aspired. the rest sunk beneath the discouragements, and grovelled in vice and de- basement. if a colored person had any business with a white jamaica. gentleman, and should call at his house, "he must take off his hat, and wait at the door, and be as polite as a dog." these insults and oppressions the colored people in jamaica bore, until they could bear them no longer. by secret cor- respondence they formed a union throughout the island, for the purpose of resistance. this, however, was not effected for a long time, and while in process, the correspondence was detected, and the most vigorous means were used by the whites to crush the growing conspiracy—for such it was vir- tually. persuasions and intimidations were used privately, and when these failed, public persecutions were resorted to, under the form of judicial procedures. among the milder means, was the dismission of clerks, agents, &c., from the employ of white men. as soon as a merchant discovered that his clerk was implicated in the correspondence, he first threatened to discharge him unless he would promise to desert his brethren: if he could not extort this promise, he immediately put his threat in execution. edward jordon, esq., the talented editor of the watchman, then first clerk in the store of a mr. briden, was prominently concerned in the correspondence, and was summarily dismissed. white men drove their colored sons from their houses, and subjected them to every indignity and suffering, in order to deter them from prosecuting an enterprise which was seen by the terrified oppressors to be fraught with danger to themselves. then followed more violent measures. persons suspected of being the projectors of the disaffection, were dragged before the incensed judges, and after mock trials, were sentenced to imprisonment in the city jail. messrs. jordon and osborne, (after they had established the watchman paper,) were both imprisoned; the former twice, for five months each time. at the close of the second term of imprisonment, mr. jordon was tried for his life, on the charge of having published seditious matter in the watchman. the paragraph which was denominated ' seditious matter' was this— "now that the member for westmoreland (mr. beaumont), has come over to our side, we will, by a long pull, a strong pull, jamaica. s and a pull altogether, bring down the system by the run, knock off the fetters, and let the oppressed go free." on the day of mr. j.'s trial the court-room was thronged with colored men, who had armed themselves, and were determined, if the sentence of death was pronounced upon mr. jordon, to rescue him at whatever hazard. it is supposed that their pur- pose was conjectured by the judges—at any rate they saw fit to acquit mr. j. and give him his enlargement. the watch- man continued as fearless and seditious as ever, until the assem- bly were ultimately provoked to threaten some extreme meas- ure which should effectually silence the agitators. then mr. jordon issued a spirited circular, in which he stated the extent of the coalition among the colored people, and in a tone of defi- ance demanded the instant repeal of every restrictive law, the removal of every disability, and the extension of complete politi- cal equality; declaring, that if the demand were not complied with, the whole colored population would rise in arms, would proclaim freedom to their own slaves, instigate the slaves gen- erally to rebellion, and then shout war and wage it, until the streets of kingston should run blood. this bold piece of gene- ralship succeeded. the terrified legislators huddled toge- ther in their assembly-room, and swept away, at one blow, all restrictions, and gave the colored people entire enfran- chisement . these occurrences took place in ; since which time the colored class have been politically free, and have been marching forward with rapid step in every spe- cies of improvement, and are now on a higher footing than in any other colony. all offices are open to them; they are aldermen of the city, justices of the peace, inspectors of pub- lic institutions, trustees of schools, etc. there are at least ten colored special magistrates, natives of the island. there are four colored members of the assembly, including messrs. jordon and osborne. mr. jordon now sits in the same assembly, side by side, with the man who, a few years ago, ejected him dis- dainfully from his clerkship. he is a member of the assembly for the city of kingston, where not long since he was imprisoned and tried for his life. he is also alderman of the city, and one jamaica. of its local magistrates. he is now inspector of the same prison in which he was formerly immured as a pestilent fellow, and a mover of sedition. the secretary of the special magistrate department, richard hill, esq., is a colored gentleman, and is ono of the first men in the island,* for integrity, independence, superior abilities, and extensive acquirements. it has seldom been our happiness to meet with a man more illustrious for true nobility of soul, or in whose countenance there were deeper traces of intellectual and moral greatness. we are confident that no man can see him without being impressed with his rare combination of excel- lences, having said thus much respecting the political advancement of the colored people, it is proper to remark, that they have by no means evinced a determination to claim more than their share of office and influence. on the contrary, they stop very far short of what they are entitled to. having an extent of suf- frage but little less than the whites, they might fill one-third of the seats in the assembly, whereas they now return but four members out of forty-five. the same may be said of other offices, particularly those in the city of kingston, and the larger towns, where they are equal to, or more numerous, than the whites. it is a fact, that a portion of the colored people continue at this time to return white members to the assembly, and to vote for white aldermen and other city officers. the influential men among them have always urged them to take up white men un- less they could find competent men of their own color. as thoy remarked to us, if they were obliged to send an ass to the as- sembly, it was far better for them to send a white than a black one. in company with a friend, we visited the principal streets and places of business in kingston, for the purpose of seeing, for our- selves, the general employments of the people of color; and those who engage in the lowest offices, such as porters, water- * we learn from the jamaica papers, since our return to this country, that mr. hill has been elected a member of the as- sembly. -v jamaica. men, draymen, and servants of all grades, from him who flaunts in livery, to him who polishes shoes, are of course from this class. so with the fruiterers, fishmongers, and the almost in- numerable tribe of petty hucksters which swarm throughout the city, and is collected in a dense mass in its suburbs. the mar- ket, which is the largest and best in the west indies, is almost entirely supplied and attended by colored persons, mostly females. the great body of artisans is composed mostly of co- lored persons. there are two large furniture and cabinet manufactories in kingston, one owned by two colored men, and the other by a white man. the operatives, of which one contains eighty, and the other nearly as many, are all black and colored. a large number of them are what the british law terms apprentices, and are still bound in unremunerated servitude, though some of them for thrice seven years have been adepts in their trades, and not a few are earning their masters twenty or thirty dollars each month, clear of all expenses. some of these apprentices are hoary-headed and wrinkle-browed men, with their children and grand-children, apprentices also, around them, and who, after having used the plane and the chisel for half a century, with faithfulness for others, are now spending the few hours and the failing strength of old age in preparing to use the plane and chisel for themselves. the work on which they were engaged evinced no lack of mechanical skill and ingenuity, but on the contrary we were shown some of the most elegant specimens of mechanical skill which we ever saw. the rich woods of the west indies were put into almost every form and combination which taste could designate or luxury desire. the owners of these establishments informed us that their business had much increased within the last two years, and was still extending. neither of them had any fears for the results of complete emancipation, but both were laying their plans for the future as broadly and confidently as ever. in our walk we accidentally met a colored man, whom we had heard mentioned on several occasions as a superior archi- tect. from the conversation we had with him, then and sub- sequently, he appeared to possess a fine mechanical genius, and » jamaica. to have made acquirements which would be honorable in any man, but which were truly admirable in one who had been shut up all his life by the disabilities which in jamaica have, until recently, attached to color. he superintended the erection ot the wesleyan chapel in kingston, the largest building of the kind in the island, and esteemed by many as the most elegant. the plan was his own, and the work was executed under his own eye. this man is using his means and influence to encou- rage the study of his favorite art, and of the arts and sciences generally, among those of his own hue. one of the largest bookstores in the island is owned by two colored gentlemen, (messrs. jordon and osborne, already referred to.) connected with it is an extensive printing- office, from which a newspaper is issued twice a week. ano- ther paper, under the control of colored men, is published at spanishtown. these are the two principal liberal presses in jamaica, and are conducted with spirit and ability. their influence in the political ahd civil affairs of the island is very great they are the organs of the colored people, bond and free, and through them any violation of law or humanity is exposed to the public, and redress demanded, and generally obtained. in literary merit and correctness of moral senti- ment, they are not excelled by any press there, while some of their white contemporaries fall far below them in both. besides the workmen employed in these two offices, there is a large number of colored printers in the other printing-offices, of which there are several. we called at two large establishments for making jellies, comfits, pickles, and all the varieties of tropic preserves. in each of them thirty or more persons are constantly employed, and a capital of some thousands of dollars invested. several large rooms were occupied by boxes, jars, and canisters, with the apparatus necessary to the process, through which the fruit passes. we saw every species of fruits and vegetables which the island produces, some fresh from the trees and vines, and others ready to be transported to the four quarters of the globe, in almost every state which the invalid or epicure could desire. these articles, with the different preparations jamaica. of arrow-root and cassada, form a lucrative branch of trade, which is mostly in the hands of the colored people. we were introduced to a large number of colored merchants, dealers in dry goods, crockery and glass-ware, ironmongers, booksellers, druggists, grocers, and general importers, and were conducted by them through their stores—many of which were on an extensive scale, and managed apparently with much order and regularity. one of the largest commercial houses in kings- ton has a colored man as a partner, the other two being white. of a large auction and commission firm, the most active and leading partner is a colored man. besides these, there is hardly a respectable house among the white merchants, in which some important office, oftentimes the head clerkship, is not filled by a person of color. they are as much respected in business transactions, and their mercantile talents, their acquaintance with the generalities and details of commerce, and sagacity and judgment in making bargains, are as highly es- teemed by the white merchants, as though they wore an euro- pean hue. the commercial room is open to them, where they f resort unrestrainedly to ascertain the news; and a visitor may not unfrequently see sitting together at a table of newspa- pers, or conversing together in the parlance of trade, persons as dissimilar in complexion as white and black can make them. in the streets the same intercourse is seen. the general trade of the island is gradually and quietly pass- ing into the hands of the colored people. before emancipation, they seldom reached a higher grade in mercantile life than a clerkship, or, if they commenced business for themselves, they were shackled and confined in their operations by the over- grown and monopolizing establishments which slavery had built up. though the civil and political rights of one class of them were acknowledged three years previous, yet they found they could not, even if they desired it, disconnect themselves from the slaves. they could not transact business —form credits and agencies, and receive the confidence of the commercial public—like free men. strange or not, their fate was inseparably linked with that of the bondman; their interests were considered as involved with his. however honest they jamaica. might be, it was not safe to trust them; and any attempt to rise above a clerkship, to become the employer instead of the em- ployed, was regarded as a kind of insurrection, and strongly dis- approved and opposed. since emancipation, they have been un- shackling themselves from white domination in matters of trade, extending their connections, and becoming every day more and more independent they have formed credits with commercial houses abroad, and now import directly for themselves, at whole- sale prices, what they were formerly obliged to receive from white importers, or rather speculators, at such prices as they, in their tender mercies, saw fit to impose. trade is now equalizing itself among all classes. a spirit of competition is awakened, banks have been established, steam navigation introduced, railroads projected, old highways repaired and new ones opened. the descendants of the slaves are rapidly supplying the places which were formerly filled by whites from abroad. we had the pleasure of being present one day at the sitting of the police court of kingston. mr. jordon, the editor of the watchman, in his turn as a member of the common council, was presiding justice, with an alderman of the city, a black man, as his associate. at a table below them sat the superintendent of police, a white man, and two white attorneys, with their huge law books and green bags before them. the bar was sur- rounded by a motley assemblage of black, colored, and white faces, intermingled without any regard to hue in the order of superiority and precedence. there were about a dozen cases adjudged while we were present. the court was conducted with order and dignity, and the justices were treated with great respect and deference both by white and black. after the adjournment of the court, we had some conversation with the presiding justice. he informed us that the whites were not unfrequently brought before him for trial, and, in spite of his color, sometimes even our own countrymen. he men- tioned several instances of the latter, in some of which, american prejudice assumed very amusing and ludicrous forms. in one case, he was obliged to threaten the party, a captain from one of our southern ports, with imprisonment for contempt, before he jamaica. could induce him to behave himself with proper decorum. the captain, unaccustomed to obey injunctions from men of such a complexion, curled his lip in scorn, and showed a spirit of defi- ance, but on the approach of two police officers, whom the court had ordered to arrest him, he submitted himself. we were gratified with the spirit of good humor and pleasantry with which mr. j. described the astonishment and gaping curiosity which americans manifest on seeing colored men in offices of authority, particularly on the judicial bench, and their evident embarrassment and uneasiness whenever obliged to transact business with them as magistrates. he seemed to regard it as a subject well worthy of ridicule: and we remarked, in our in- tercourse with the colored people, that they were generally more disposed to make themselves merry with american sen- sitiveness on this point, than to bring serious complaints against it, though they feel deeply the wrongs which they have suffered from it, and speak of them occasionally with solemnity and earn- estness. still the feeling is so absurd and ludicrous in itself, and is exhibited in so many grotesque positions, even when oppres- sive, that the sufferer cannot help laughing at it. mr. jordon has held his present office since . he has had an exten- sive opportunity, both as a justice of the police court, and as a member of the jail committee, and in other official stations, to become well acquainted with the state of crime in the island at different periods. he informed us that the number of complaints brought before him had much diminished since , and he had no hesitation in saying, that crime had decreased throughout the island generally more than one-third. during one of our excursions into the country, we witnessed another instance of the amicability with which the different co- lors associated in the civil affairs of the island. it was a meet- ing of one of the parish vestries, a kind of local legislature, which possesses considerable power over its own territory.— there are fifteen members present, and nearly as many dif- ferent shades of complexion. there was the planter, of aristo- cratic blood, and at his side was a deep mulatto, born in the same parish a slave. there was the quadroon, and the unmitigated hue and unmodified features of the negro. they sat together jamaica. around a circular table, and conversed as freely as though they had been all of one color. there was no restraint, no uneasi- ness, as though the parties felt themselves out of place; no as- sumption nor disrespect, but all the proceedings manifested the most perfect harmony, confidence, and good feeling. at the same time there was a meeting of the parish commit- tee on roads, at which there was the same intermixture of colors, the same freedom and kindness of demeanor, and the same un- animity of action. thus it is with all the political and civil bo- dies in the island, from the house of assembly to committees on jails and houses of correction. into all of them the colored people are gradually making their way, and participating in public debates and public measures, and dividing with the whites legislative and judicial power, and in many cases they exhibit a superiority, and in all cases a respectability, of talents and attainments, and a courtesy and general propriety of conduct, which gain for them the respect of the intelligent and candid among their white associates. we visited the house of correction for the parish of st. an- drew's. the superintendent received us with the iron-hearted courtesy of a newgate turnkey. our company was evidently unwelcome; but as the friend who accompanied us was a man in authority, he was constrained to admit us. the first sound that greeted us was a piercing outcry from the tread-mill. on going to it, we saw a youth of about eighteen hanging in the air by a strap bound to his wrist, and dangling against the wheel in such a manner that every revolution of it scraped the body from the breast to the knees. he had fallen off, from weakness and fatigue, and was struggling and crying in the greatest dis- tress; while the strap, which extended to a pole above, and stretched his arm high above his head, held him fast the su- perintendent, in a harsh voice, ordered him to be lifted up, and his feet again placed on the wheel. but before he had taken five steps he again fell offj and was suspended as before. at the same instant a woman also fell offj and without a sigh or the motion of a muscle, for she was too much exhausted for either; but, with a shocking wildness of the eye, hung by her half-dislo- cated arms against the wheel. as the allotted time (fifteen 's --— "■-""- ■v■ jamaica. minutes) had expired, the persons on the wheel were released, and permitted to rest. the boy could hardly stand on the ground. he had a large ulcer on one of his feet, which was much swol- len and inflamed; and his legs and body were greatly bruised and peeled by the revolving of the wheel. the gentleman who was with us reproved the superintendent severely for his con- duct, and told him to remove the boy from the tread-mill gang, and see that proper care was taken of him. the poor woman who fell off seemed completely exhausted; she tottered to the wall near by, and took up a little babe which we had not ob- served before. it appeared to be not more than two or three months old, and the little thing stretched out its arms and wel- comed its mother. on inquiry we ascertained that this woman's offence wa absence from the field an hour after the required time (six o'clock) in the morning. besides the infant with her, she had two or three other children. whether the care of them was any excuse for her, we leave american mothers to judge. there were two other women on the tread-mill: one was sen- tenced there for stealing cane from her master's field; and the other, we believe, for running away. the superintendent, next day, took us to the solitary cells. they were dirty and badly ventilated, and unfit to keep beasts in. on opening the doors, such a stench rushed forth, that we could not remain. there was a poor woman in one of them, who appeared, as the light of day and the fresh air burst in up- on her, like a despairing maniac. we went through the other buildings, all of which were old and dirty; nay, worse, filthy in the extreme. the whole estab- lishment was a disgrace to the island. the prisoners were poor- ly clad,.and had the appearance of harsh usage. our suspicions of ill treatment were strengthened by noticing a large whip in the tread-mill, and sundry iron collars and handcuffs hanging about in the several rooms through which we passed. the number of inmates in this house at our visit was forty- eight, eighteen of whom were females. twenty of these were in the tread-mill, and in solitary confinement; the remainder were working on the public road at a little distance—many of jamaica. them in irons—iron collars about their necks, and chains pas - ing between, connecting them together two and two. chapter ii. tour to the country. wishing to accomplish the most that our limited time would allow, we separated at kingston; the one taking a north-west- erly route among the mountainous coffee districts of port royal and st. andrews, and the other going into the parish of st. tho- mas in the east st. thomas in the east is said to present the apprenticeship in its most favorable aspects. there is probably no other parish in the island which includes so many fine estates, or has so many liberal-minded planters.* a day's easy drive from kingston brought us to morant bay, where we spent two days, and called on several influential gentlemen, besides visiting the neighbor- ing estate of belvidere. one gentleman whom we met was thomas thomson, esq., the senior local magistrate of the par- ish, next in civil influence to the custos. his standing may be inferred from the circumstance, (not trifling in jamaica,) that the governor, during his tour of the island, spent a night at his house. we breakfasted with mr thomson; and at that time, and subsequently, he showed the utmost readiness in furnishingi us with information. he is a scotchman; has been in the island for thirty-eight years, and has served as a local magistrate for thirty-four. until very lately he has been a proprietor of estates; he informed us that he had sold out, but did not mention the reasons. we strongly suspected, from the drift of his conver- * we have the following testimony of sir lionel smith to the superiority of st. thomas in the east. it is taken from the royal gazette, (kingston,) may , . "his excellency has said, that in all his tour he was not more highly gratified with any par- iah than he was with st. thomas in the east." jamaica. eation, that he sold about the time of abolition, through alarm for the consequences. we early discovered that he was one of the old school tyrants, hostile to the change which had taken place, and dreadfully alarmed in view of that which was yet to come. although full of the prejudices of an old slave-holder, yet we found him a man of strong native sense and considera- ble intelligence. he declared it most unreservedly as his opin- ion, that the negroes would not work after —they were naturally so indolent, that they would prefer gaining a livelihood in some easier way than by digging cane holes. he had all the results of the emancipation of as clearly before his mind as though he saw them in prophetic vision; he knew the whole process. one portion of the negroes, too lazy to provide food by their own labor, will rob the provision grounds of the few who will remain at work. the latter will endure the wrong as long as they well can, and then they will procure arms and fire upon the marauders; this will give rise to incessant petty con- flicts between the lazy and the industrious, and a great destruc- tion of fife will ensue. others will die, in vast numbers, from starvation; among these will be the superannuated and the young, who cannot support themselves, and whom the planters will not be able to support. others numerous will perish from disease, chiefly for want of medical attendance, which it will be wholly out of their power to provide. such is the dismal picture drawn by a late slave-holder, of the consequences of removing the negroes from the tender mercies of oppressors. happily for all parties, mr. thomson is not very likely to establish his claim to the character of a prophet. we were not at all surprised to hear him wind up his prophecies against freedom with- a denun- ciation of slavery. he declared that slavery was a wretched system. man was naturally a tyrant. mr. t. said, he had one good thing to say of the negroes, viz. that they were an exceed- ingly temperate people. it was a very unusual thing to see one of them drunk. slavery, he said, was a system of horrid cruel- ties. he had lately read, in the history of jamaica, of a planter, in , having a slave's leg cut off; to keep him from running away. he said that dreadful cruelties were perpetrated until the close of slavery, and they were inseparable from slavery. jamaica. he also spoke of the fears which haunted the slave-holders. he never would live on an estate; and whenever he chanced to stay over night in the country, he always took care to secure the door by bolting and barricading it. at mr. thomson's we met andrew wright, esq., the pro- prietor of a sugar estate called green wall, situated some six miles from the bay. he is an intelligent gentleman, of an ami- able disposition; has on his estate one hundred and sixty ap- prentices. he described his people as being in a very peacea- ble state, and as industrious as he could wish. he said he had no trouble with them; and it was his opinion, that, where there is trouble, it must be owing to had management. he anticipated no difficulty after , and was confident that his people would not leave him. he believed that the negroes would not, to any great extent, abandon the cultivation of sugar after . mr. t. stated two facts respecting this enlightened planter, which amply account for the good conduct of his apprentices. one was, that he was an exceedingly kind and amiable man. he had never been known to have a falling out with any man in his life. another fact was, that mr. wright was the only resident sugar proprietor in all that region of country. he superintends his own estate, while the other large estates are generally left in the hands of unprincipled, mercenary men. we called on the wesleyan missionary at morant bay, rev. mr. crookes, who has been in jamaica fifteen years. mr. c. said, that in many respects there had been a great improvement since the abolition of slavery; but, said he, "i abominate the apprenticeship system. at best it is only improved slavery." the obstacles to religious efforts have been considerably dimin- ished, but the masters were not to be thanked for this; it was owing chiefly to the protection of british law. the apprentice- ship, mr. c. thought, could not be any material preparation for freedom. he was persuaded that it would have been far better policy to have granted entire emancipation at once. in company with mr. howell, an independent, and teacher of a school of eighty negro children in morant bay, we drove out to belvidere estate, which is situated about four miles from the bay, in a rich district, called the blue mountain valley. jamaica. , the belvidere is one of the finest estates in the valley. it con- tains two thousand acres, only four hundred of which are culti- vated in sugar; the most of it is woodland. this estate belongs to count freeman, an absentee proprietor. we took breakfast with the overseer, or manager, mr. briant. mr. b. stated, that there was not so much work done now as there was during slavery. thinks there is as much done for the length of time the apprentices are at work; but a day and a half every week is lost; neither are they called out as early in the morning, nor do they work as late at night. the apprentices work at night very cheerfully for money; but they will not work on saturday for the common wages—quarter of a dollar. on inquiry of mr. b. we ascer- tained that the reason the apprentices did not work on satur- days was, that they could make twice or three limes as much by cultivating their provision grounds, and carrying their produce to market. at night they cannot cultivate their grounds, then they work for their masters "very cheerfully." the manager stated, that there had been no disturbance with the people of belvidere since the change. they work well, and conduct themselves peaceably; and he had no fear but that the great body of the negroes would remain on the estate after , and labor as usual. this he thought would be the case on every estate where there is mild management. some indeed might leave even such estates to try their fortunes elsewhere; but they would soon discover that they could get no better treatment abroad, and they would then return to their old homes. while we were at belvidere mr. howell took us to see a new chapel, which the apprentices of that estate have erected since , by their own labor, and at their own expense. the house is thirty feet by forty, composed of the same materials of which the negro huts are built. we were told that the building of this chapel was first suggested by the apprentices; and as soon as permisison was obtained, they commenced the prepara- tions for its erection. we record this as a delightful sign of the limes. on our return to morant bay we visited the house of correc- tion, situated near the village. this is the only "institution," as a kingston paper gravely terms it, of the kind in the parish. jamaica. it is a email, ill-constructed establishment, horribly filthy, more like a receptacle for wild beasts than human beings. there is a tread-mill connected with it, made to accommodate fifteen per- sons at a time. alternate companies ascend the wheel every fifteen minutes. it was unoccupied when we went in, most of the prisoners being at work on the public roads. two or three, who happened to be near by, were called in by the keeper, and ordered to mount the wheel, to show us how it worked. it made our blood run cold as we thought of the dreadful suffering that inevitably ensues when the foot loses the step, and the body hangs against the revolving cylinder. leaving the house of correction, we proceeded to the village. in a small open square, in the centre of it, we saw a number of the unhappy inmates of the house of correction at work, under the direction, we are sorry to say, of our friend thomas thom- son, esq. they were chained two and two by heavy chains fas- tened to iron bands around their necks. on another occasion we saw the same gang at work in the yard attached to the in- dependent chapel. we received a visit, at our lodgings, from the special justice of this district, major baines. he was accompanied by mr. thomson, who came to introduce him as his friend. we were not left to this recommendation alone, suspicious as it was, to infer the character of this magistrate, for we were advertised previously at he was a "planter's man,"—unjust and cruel to the apprentices. major b. appeared to have been looking through his friend thomson's prophetic telescope. there was certainly a wonderful coincidence of vision—the same abandonment of la- bor, the same preying upon provision grounds, the same violence, bloodshed, and great loss of life among the negroes themselves! however, the special magistrate appeared to see a little further than the local magistrate, even to the end of the carnage, and to the re-establishment of industry, peace, and prosperity. the evil, he was confident, would soon cure itself. one remark of the special magistrate was worthy a prophet. when asked if he thought there would be any serious disaffec- tion produced among the prsedials, by the emancipation of the non-prsedials in , he said, he thought there would not be; jamaica. and assigned as the reason, that the preedials knew all about the arrangement, and did not expect to he free. that is, the field apprentices knew that the domestics were to be liberated two years sooner than they; and, without inquiring into the grounds or justice of the arrangement, they would promptly acquiesce in it. what a fine compliment to the patience and forbearance of the mass of the negroes. the majority see the minority eman- cipated two years before them, and that, too, upon the ground of an odious distinction, which makes the domestic more worthy than they who "bear the heat and burthen of the day," in the open field; and yet they submit patiently, because they are told that it is the pleasure of government that it should be so! the non-prccdials, too, have their noble traits, as well as the less favored agriculturalists. the special magistrate said, that he was then engaged in classifying the apprentices of the differ- ent estates in his district. the object of this classification was, to ascertain all those who were non-prosdials, that they might be recorded as the subjects of emancipation in . to his aston- ishment he found some of this class who expressed a wish to re- main apprentices until , refusing to accept freedom until with the whole body they could rise up and shout the jubilee of universal disenthralment. here is a nobility worthy to compare with the patience of the prsedials. in connection with the con- duct of the non-preedials, he mentioned the following instance of white brutality and negro magnanimity. a planter, whose negroes he was classifying, brought forward a woman whom he claimed as a prsedial. the woman declared that she was a non-prsedial; and on investigation it was clearly proved that she had always been a domestic, and consequently entitled to freedom in . after the planter's claim was set aside, the woman said, "now i will stay with massa, and be his 'prentice for de udder two year." shortly before we left the bay our landlady, a colored woman, introduced one of her neighbors, whose conversation afforded us a rare treat. she was a colored lady, of good appearance and lady-like manners. supposing, from her color, that she had been prompted by strong sympathy in our objects to seek an interview with us, we immediately introduced the subject of * jamaica. slavery ; stating, that as we had a vast number of slaves in our country, we had visited jamaica to see how the freed people behaved, with the hope that our countrymen might be encou- raged to adopt emancipation. "alack a day!" the tawny madam shook her head; and, with that peculiar creole whine so expressive of contempt, said, "can't say any thing for you, sir—they not doing no good now, sir—the negroes an't!"—i and on she went, abusing the apprentices and denouncing the abolition. no american white lady could speak more disparag- ingly of the negroes, than did this recreant descendant of the negro race. they did no work, they stole, were insolent, insub- ordinate, and what not. she concluded in the following elegiac strain, which did not fail to touch our sympathies. "i can't tell what will become of us after . our negroes will be taken away from us— we shall find no work to do ourselves—we shall all have to beg, and who shall we beg from? all will be beggars, and we must starve!" poor miss l. is one of that unfortunate class who have hither- to gained a meagre support from the stolen hire of a few slaves, and who, after entire emancipation, will be stripped of every thing. this is the class upon whom emancipation will fall most heavily; it will at once cast many out of a situation of ease, in- to the humiliating dilemma of laboring or begging to the latter of which alternatives miss l. seems inclined. let miss l. be comforted! it is better to beg than to steal. we proceeded from morant bay to bath, a distance of four- teen miles; where we put up at a neat cottage lodging-house, kept by miss p., a colored lady. bath is a picturesque little vil- lage, embowered in perpetual green, and lying at the foot of a mountain on one side, and on the other by the margin of a ram- bkng me river. it seems to have accumulated around it and within it, all the verdure and foliage of a tropical clime. having a letter of introduction, we called on the special magis- trate for that district, george willis, esq. as we entered his office an apprentice was led up in irons by a policeman; and at the same time another man rode up with a letter from the mas- ter of the apprentice, directing the magistrate to release him jamaica. instantly. the facts of this case, as mr. w. himself explained them to us, will illustrate the careless manner in which the ma- gistrates administer the law. the master had sent his appren- tice to a neighboring estate, where there had been some disturb- ance, to get his clothes, which had been left there. the over- seer of the estate finding an intruder on his property, had him handcuffed forthwith, notwithstanding his repeated declarations that his master had sent him. having handcuffed him, he or- dered him to be taken before the special magistrate, mr. w.. who had him confined in the station-house all night. mr. w., in pursuance of the direction received from the master, ordered the man to be released, but at the same time repeatedly de. clared to him, that the overseer was not to blame for arresting him. after this case was disposed of, mr. w. turned to us. he said he had a district of thirty miles in extent, including five thousand apprentices; these he visited thrice every month. he stated that there had been a gradual decrease of crime since he came to the district, which was early in . for example, in march, , there were but twenty-four persons punished; and in march, , there were as many punished in a single week. he explained this by saying that the apprentices had become better acquainted with the requirements of the law. the chief of- fence at present was absconding from labor. this magistrate gave us an account of an alarming rebellion which had lately occurred in his district, which we will venture to notice, since it is the only serious disturbance on the part of the negroes which has taken place in the island from the begin- ning of the apprenticeship. about two weeks before, the apprentices on thornton estate, amounting to about ninety, had refused to work, and fled in a body to the woods, where they still remained. their complaint, according to our informant, was, that their master had turned the cattle upon their provision grounds, and all their provisions were destroyed, so that they could not live. they, therefore, determined that they would not continue at work, seeing they would be obliged to starve. mr. w. stated, that he had visited the provision grounds, in company with two disinterested plant. jamaica. ers, and he could affirm that the apprentices had no just cause ofc*mplaint. it was true their fences had been broken down, and their provisions had been somewhat injured; but the fence could be very easily repaired, and there was an abundance *f yams left to furnish food for the whole gang for some time to come; those that were destroyed being chiefly young roots, which would not have come to maturity for several months. the se statements were the substance of a formal report which he had just prepared for the eye of sir lionel smith, and which he was kind enough to read to us. this was a fine report, truly, to come from a special justice. to say nothing of the short time in which the fence might be repaired, those were surely very dainty-mouthed cattle that would consume those roots only which were so small that several months would be requisite for their maturity. the report concluded with a recommendation to his excellency to take summary vengeance upon a few of the gangt as soon as they could be arrested, since they had set such an example to the surrounding apprentices. he could not see how order and subordination could be preserved in his district, unless such a punishment was inflicted as would be a warning to all evil doers. he further suggested the propriety of sending the maroons* after them, to hunt them out of their hiding places and bring them to justice. we chanced to obtain a different version of this affair, which, as it was confirmed by different persons in bath, both white and colored, who had no connection with each other, we cannot help thinking it the true one. the apprentices on thornton are what is termed a jobbing- gang; that is, they are hired out by their master to any planter who may want their sen'ices. jobbing is universally regarded by the negroes as the worst kind of service, for many reasons— principally because it often takes them many miles from their homes, and they are still required to supply themselves with food from their own provision grounds. they are allowed to re- * the maroons are free negroes, inhabiting the mountains of the interior, who were formerly hired by the authorities, or by planters, to hunt up runaway slaves and return them to their mas- ters. unfortunately our own country is not without its maroons. jamaica. turn home every friday evening or saturday, and stay till mon- day morning. the owner of the gang in question lately died— to whom, it is said, they were greatly attached—and they passed into the hands of a mr. jocken, the present overseer. jocken is a notoriously cruel man. it was scarcely a twelvemonth ago that he was fined one hundred pounds currency, and sentenced to imprisonment for three months in the kingston jail, for tying one of his apprentices to a dead ox, because the animal died while in the care of the apprentice. he also confined a woman in the same pen with a dead sheep, because she suffered the sheep to die. repeated acts of cruelty have caused jocken to be regard- ed as a monster in the community. from a knowledge of his character the apprentices of thornton had a strong prejudice against him. one of the earliest acts, after he went among them, was to break down their fences, and turn his cattle into their provision grounds. he then ordered them to go to a dis- tant estate to work. this they refused to do; and when he at- tempted to compel them to go, they left the estate in a body and went to the woods. this is what is called a state of open rebel- lion, and for this they were to be hunted like beasts, and to suf- fer such a terrible punishment as would deter all other appren- tices from taking a similar step. this jocken is the same wretch who wantonly handcuffed the apprentice, who went on to his estate by the direction of his master. mr. willis showed us a letter which he had received that morning from a planter in his district, who had just been trying an experiment in job work, (i. e., paying his people so much for a certain amount of work.) he had made a proposition to one of the head men on the estate, that he would give him a doub- loon an acre if he would get ten acres of cane land holed. the man employed a large number of apprentices, and accomplished the job on three successive saturdays. they worked at the rate of nearly one hundred holes per day for each man, whereas the usual day's work is only seventy-five holes. mr. w. bore testimony that the great body of the negroes in his district were very peaceable. there were but a few incor- rigible fellows, that did all the mischief. when any disturb. jamaica. ance took place on an estate, he could generally tell wno the individual offenders were. he did not think there would be any serious difficulty after . however, the result he thought would greatly depend on the conduct of the managers! we met in bath with the proprietor of a coffee-estate situated a few miles in the country. he gave a very favorable account of the people on his estate—stating that they were as peaceable and industrious as he could desire, that he had their confidence, and fully expected to retain it after entire emancipation. he anticipated no trouble whatever; and he felt assured, too, that if the planters would conduct in a proper manner, emancipation would be a blessing to the whole colony. we called on the wesleyan missionary, whom we found the decided friend and advocate of freedom. he scrupled not to declare his sentiments respecting the special magistrate, whom he declared to be a cruel and dishonest man. he seemed to take delight in flogging the apprentices. he had got a whip- ping machine made and erected in front of the episcopal church in the village of bath. it was a frame of a triangular shape, the base of which rested firmly on the ground, and having a perpendicular beam from the base to the apex or angle. to this beam the apprentice's body was lashed, with his face to- wards the machine, and his arms extended at right angles, and tied by the wrists. the missionary had witnessed the floggings at this machine repeatedly, as it stood but a few steps from his house. before we reached bath, the machine had been re- moved from its conspicuous place and concealed in the bushes, that (he governor might not see it when he visited the vi age. as this missionary had been for several years laboring in the island, and had enjoyed the best opportunities to become exten- sively acquainted with the negroes, we solicited from him a written answer to a number of inquiries. we make some ex- tracts from his communication. . have the facilities for missionary effort greatly increased since the abolition of slavery? the opportunities of the apprentices to attend the means of grace are greater than during absolute slavery. they have now jamaica. one day and a half every week to work for their support, leaving the sabbath free to worship god. . do you anticipate that these facilities will increase still more after entire freedom yes. the people will then have six days of their own to labor for their bread, and will be at liberty to go to the house of god every sabbath. under the present system, the magistrate often takes away the saturday as a punishment, and then they must either work on the sabbath or starve. . are the negroes likely to revenge by violence the wrongs which they have suffered, after they obtain their freedom? j never heard the idea suggested, nor should i have thought of it had you not made the inquiry. we called on mr. rogers, the teacher of a mico charity in- fant school in bath. mr. r, his wife and daughter, are all en- gaged in this work. they have a day school, and evening school three evenings in the week, and sabbath school twice each sabbath. the evening schools are for the benefit of the adult apprentices, who manifest the greatest eagerness to learn to read. after working all day, they will come several miles to school, and stay cheerfully till nine o'clock. mr. r. furnished us with a written communication, from which we extract the following. quest. "are the apprentices desirous of being instructed? ans. most assuredly they are; in proof of which i would observe that since our establishment in bath, the people not only attend the schools regularly, but if they obtain a leaf of a book with letters upon it, that is their constant companion. we have found mothers, with their sucking babes in their arms, standing night after night in their classes learning the alphabet . q. are the negroes grateful for attentions and favors? a. they are; i have met some who have been so much affected by acts of kindness, that they have burst into tears, ex- claiming, ' massa so kind—my heart full.' their affection to their teachers is very remarkable. on my return lately from kingston, after a temporary absence, the negroes flocked to our residence and surrounded the chaise, saying, i we glad to see jamaica. massa again; we glad to see school massa.' on my way through an estate some time ago, some of the children observed me, and in a transport of joy, cried, 'thank god, massa come again! bless god de saviour, massa come again!'" mr. b-, said he, casually met with an apprentice whose mas- ter had lately died. the man was in the habit of visiting his master's grave every saturday. he said to mr. r, " me go to massa grave, and de water come into me yeye; but me can't help it, massa, de water will come into me yeye." the wesleyan missionary told us, that two apprentices, an aged man and his daughter, a young woman, had been brought up by their master before the special magistrate, who sentenced them to several days' confinement in the house of correction at morant bay, and to dance the treadmill. when the sentence was passed, the daughter entreated that she might be allowed to do her father's part, as well as her own, on the treadmill, for he was too old to dance the wheel—it would kill him. from bath we went into the plantain garden river valley, one of the richest and most beautiful savannahs in the island. it is an extensive plain, from one to three miles wide, and about six miles long. the plantain garden river, a small stream, winds through the midst of the valley lengthwise, emptying into the sea. passing through the valley, we went a few miles south of it to call on alexander barclay, esq., to whom we had a letter of introduction. mr. barclay is a prominent member of the assembly, and an attorney for eight estates. he made him- self somewhat distinguished a few years ago by writing an octa- vo volume of five hundred pages in defence of the colonies, i. e., in defence of colonial slavery. it was a reply to stephen's mas- terly work against west india slavery, and was considered by the jamaicans a triumphant vindication of their "peculiar in- stitutions." we went several miles out of our route expressly to have an interview with so zealous and celebrated a champion of slavery. we were received with marked courtesy by mr. b., who constrained us to spend a day and night with him at his seat at fairfield. one of the first objects that met our eye in mr. b.'s dining hall, was a splendid piece of silver plate, which was presented to him by the planters of st. thomas in the east, jamaica. in consideration of his able defence of colonial slavery. we were favorably impressed with mr. b.'s intelligence, and some- what so with his present sentiments respecting slavery. we gathered from him that he had resisted with all his might the anti-slavery measures of the english government, and exerted every power to prevent the introduction of the apprenticeship system. after he saw that, slavery would inevitably be abol- ished, he drew up at length a plan of emancipation, accord- ing to which the condition of the slave was to be commuted into that of the old english villein—he was to be made an appendage to the soil instead of the "chattel personal" of the master, the whip was to be partially abolished, a modicum of wages was to be allowed the slave, and so on. there was to be no fixed period when this system would terminate, but it was to fade gradually and imperceptibly into entire free- dom. he presented a copy of his scheme to the then gov- ernor, the earl of mulgrave, requesting that it might be for- warded to the home government mr. b. said that the anti- slavery party in england had acted from the blind impulses of religious fanaticism, and had precipitated to its issue a work which required many years of silent preparation in order to its safe accomplishment. he intimated that the management of abolition ought to have been left with the colonists; they had been the long experienced managers of slavery, and they were the only men qualified to superintend its burial, and give it a decent interment. he did not think that the apprenticeship afforded any clue to the dark mystery of . apprenticeship was so inconsid- erably different from slavery, that it furnished no more satis- factory data for judging of the results of entire freedom, than slavery itself. neither would he consent to be comforted by the actual results of emancipation in antigua. taking leave of mr. barclay, we returned to the plantain garden river valley, and called at the golden grove—one *f the most splendid estates in that magnificent district. this is an estate of two thousand acres; it has five hundred ap- prentices and one hundred free children. the average annual crop is six hundred hogsheads of sugar. thomas mccomock, jamaica. esq., the attorney of this estate, is the custos, or chief ma- gistrate of the parish, and colonel of the parish militia. there is no man in all the parish of greater consequence, either in fact or in seeming self-estimation, than thomas mccornock, esq. he is a scotchman, as is also mr. barclay. the custos received us with as much freedom as the dignity of his numer- ous offices would admit of. the overseer (manager,) mr. dun- can, is an intelligent, active, business man, and on any other estate than golden grove, would doubtless be a person of con- siderable distinction. he conducted us through the numerous buildings, from the boiling-house to the pig-stye. the prin- cipal complaint of the overseer was, that he could not make the people work to any good purpose. they were not at all refractory or disobedient; there was no difficulty in getting them on to the field; but when they were there, they moved without any life or energy. they took no interest in their work, and he was obliged to be watching and scolding them all the time, or else they would do nothing. we had not gone many steps after this observation, before we met with a practical illustration of it. a number of the apprentices had been ordered that morning to cart away some dirt to a particular place. when we approached them, mr. d. found that one of the "wains" was standing idle. he inquired of the driver why he was keeping the team idle. the reply was, that there was nothing there for it to do—there were enough other wains to carry away all the dirt. "then," inquired the overseer, with an ill-concealed irritation, "why did you not go to some other work v the overseer then turned to us, and said, "you see, sir, what lazy dogs the apprentices are—this is the way they dot every day, if they are not closely watched." it was not long after this little incident, before the overseer remarked that the apprentices worked very well during their own time, when they were paid for it. when we went into the hospital, mr. d. directed our attention to one fact, which to him was very pro- voking. a great portion of the patients that come in during the week, unable to work, are in the habit of getting well on friday evening, so that they can go out on saturday and sun- day; but on monday morning they are sure to be sick again— jamaica. then they return to the hospital, and remain very poorly till friday evening, when they get well all at once, and ask permis- sion to go out the overseer saw into the trick; but he could find no medicine that could cure the negroes of that intermittent sickness. the antigua planters discovered the remedy for it, and doubtless mr. d. will make the grand discovery in . i on returning to the "great house," we found the custos sit- ting in state, ready to communicate any official information which might be called for. he expressed similar sentiments in the main, with those of mr. barclay. he feared for the conse- quences of complete emancipation; the negroes would to a great extent abandon the sugar cultivation and retire to the woods, there to live in idleness, planting merely yams enough to keep them alive, and in the process of time, retrograding into afri- can barbarism. the attorney did not see how it was possible to prevent this. when asked whether he expected that such would be the case with the negroes on golden grove, he replied that he did not think it would, except with a very few persons. his people had been so well treated, and had so many comfort , that they would not be at all likely to abandon the estate. [mark that!] whose are the people that will desert after ? not thomas mccornock's, esq.! they are too tcell situated. whose then will desert mr. jocken's, or in other words, those who are ill-treated, who are cruelly driven, whose fences are broken down, and whose provision grounds are exposed to the cattle. they, and they alone, will retire to the woods who can't get food any where else! the custos thought the apprentices were behaving very ill. on being asked if he had any trouble with his, he said, o no! his apprentices did quite well, and so did the apprentices gene- rally, in the plantain garden river valley. but in far-off pa- rishes, he heard that they were very refractory and trouble- some. the custos testified that the negroes were very easily man- aged he said he had often thought that he would rather have the charge of six hundred negroes, than of two hundred english sailors: he spoke also of the temperate habits of the negroes. he had been in the island twenty-two years, and he jamaica. had never seen a negro woman drunk on the estate. it was very seldom that the men got drunk. there were not more than ten men on golden grove, out of a population of five hun- dred, who were in the habit of occasionally getting intoxicated. he also remarked that the negroes were a remarkable people for their attention to the old and infirm among them; they sel- dom suffered them to want, if it was in their power to supply them. among other remarks of the custos, was this sweeping declaration—" no man in his senses can pretend to defend slavery!" after spending a day at golden grove, we proceeded to the adjacent estate of amity hall. on entering the residence of the manager, mr. kirkland, we were most gratefully surprised to find him engaged in family prayers. it was the first time and the last that we heard the voice of prayer in a jamaica plant- er's house. we were no less gratefully surprised to see a white lady, to whom we were introduced as mrs. kirkland, and several modest and lovely little children. it was the first and the last family circle that we were permitted to see among the planters of that licentious colony. the motley groups of colored children—of every age from tender infancy—which we found on other estates, revealed the state of domestic manners among the planters. mr. k. regarded the abolition of slavery as a great blessing to the colony; it was true that the apprenticeship was a wretch- edly bad system, but notwithstanding, things moved smoothly on his estate. he informed us that the negroes on amity hall had formerly borne the character of being the worst gang in the parish; and when he first came to the estate, he found that half the truth had not been told of them; but they had become re- markably peaceable and subordinate. it was his policy to give them every comfort that he possibly could. mr. k. made the same declaration which has been so often repeated in the course of this narrative, i. e., that if any of the estates were abandoned, it would be owing to the harsh treatment of the people. he knew many overseers and book-keepers who were cruel driving men, and he should not be surprised if they lost a part, or all of their laborers. he made one remark which we had not heard jamaica. before. there were some estates, he said, which would proba- bly be abandoned, for the same reason that they ought never to have been cultivated, because they require almost double labor; —such are the mountainous estates, and barren, worn-out pro- perties, which nothing but a system of forced labor could pos- sibly retain in cultivation. but the idea that the negroes gene- rally would leave their comfortable homes, and various privileges on the estates, and retire to the wild woods, he ridiculed as pre- posterous in the extreme. mr. k. declared repeatedly that he could not look forward to but with the most sanguine hopes; he confidently believed that the introduction of complete freedom would be the regeneration of the island. he alluded to the memorable declaration of lord belmore, (made memorable by the excitement which it caused among the colonists,) in his valedictory address to the assembly, on the eve of his departure for england.* "gentlemen," said he, "the resources of this noble island will never be fully developed until slavery is abol- ished!" for this manly avowal the assembly ignobly refused him the usual marks of respect and honor at his departure. mr. k. expected to see jamaica become a new world under the en- terprise and energies of freedom. there were a few disaffected planters, who would probably remain so, and leave the island after emancipation. it would be a blessing to the country if such men left it, for as long as they were disaffected, they were the enemies of its prosperity. mr. k. conducted us through the negro quarters, which are situated on the hill-side, nearly a mile from his residence. we went into several of the houses, which were of a better style somewhat than the huts in antigua and barbados—larger, better finished, and furnished. some few of them had verandahs or porches on one or more sides, after the west india fashion, closed in with jalousies. in each of the houses to which wc were admitted, there was one apartment fitted up in a very neat manner, with waxed floor, a good bedstead, and snow-white coverings, a few good chairs, a mahogany sideboard, ornamented with dishes, decanters, etc. * lord belmore left the government of jamaica a short time before the abolition act passed in parliament. * jamaica. from amity hall we drove to manchioneal, a small village ten miles north of the plantain garden river valley. we had a letter to the special magistrate for that district, r. chamber- lain, esq., a colored gentleman, and the first magistrate we found in the parish of st thomas in the east, who was faith- ful to the interests of the apprentices. he was a boarder at the pubhc house where we were directed for lodgings, and as we spent a few days in the village, we had opportunities of ob- taining much information from him, as well as of attending some of his courts. mr. c. had been only five months in the district of manchioneal, having been removed thither from a distant dis- trict. being a friend of the apprentices, he is hated and perse- cuted by the planters. he gave us a gloomy picture of the op- pressions and cruelties of the planters. their complaints brought before him are often of the most trivial kind ;—yet because he does not condemn the apprentices to receive a punishment which the most serious offences alone could justify him in inflicting, they revile and denounce him as unfit for his station. he represents the planters as not having the most dis- tant idea that it is the province of the special magistrate to se- cure justice to the apprentice; but they regard it as his sole duty to help them in getting from the laborers as much work as whips, and chains, and tread-mills can extort. his predecessor, in the manchioneal district, answered perfectly to the planters' beau ideal. he ordered a cat to be kept on every estate in his district, to be ready for use as he went around on his weekly visits. every week he inspected the cats, and when they be- came too much worn to do good execution, he condemned them, and ordered new ones to be made. mr. c. said the most frequent complaints made by the planters are for insolence. he gave a few specimens of what were re- garded by the planters as serious offences. an overseer will say to his apprentice, "work along there faster, you lazy vil- lain, or i'll strike you;" the apprentice will reply, "you can't strike me now," and for this he is taken before the magistrate on the complaint of insolence. an overseer, in passing the gang on the field, will hear them singing; he will order them, in a peremptory tone, to stop instantly, and if they continue singing, jamaica. they are complained of for insubordination. an apprentice has been confined to the hospital with disease,—when he gets able to walk, tired of the filthy sick house, he hobbles to his hut, where he may have the attentions of his wife until he gets well. that is called absconding from labor! where the magistrate does not happen to be an independent man, the complaint is sustained, and the poor invalid is sentenced to the tread-mill for absenting himself from work. it is easy to conjecture the dread- ful consequence. the apprentice, debilitated by sickness, dragged off twenty-five miles on foot to morant bay, mounted on the wheel, is unable to keep the step with the stronger ones, slips off and hangs by the wrists, and his flesh is mangled and torn by the wheel. the apprentices frequently called at our lodgings to complain to mr. c. of the hard treatment of their masters. among the numerous distressing cases which we witnessed, we shall never forget that of a poor little negro boy, of about twelve, who presented himself one afternoon before mr. c, with a complaint against his master for violently beating him. a gash was cut in his head, and the blood had flowed freely. he fled from his master, and came to mr. c. for refuge. he belonged to a. ross, esq., of mulatto run estate. we remembered that we had a letter of introduction to that planter, and we had designed visiting him, but after witnessing this scene, we resolved not to go near a monster who could inflict such a wound, with his own hand, upon a child. we were highly gratified with the kind and sympathizing manner in which mr. c. spoke with the un- fortunate beings who, in the extremity of their wrongs, ventured to his door. at the request of the magistrate we accompanied him, on one occasion, to the station-house, where he held a weekly court. we had there a good opportunity to observe the hostile feelings of the planters towards this faithful officer—" faithful among the faithless," (though we are glad that we cannot quite add, "only he.") a number of managers, overseers, and book-keepers assem- bled; some with complaints, and some to have their apprentices classified. they all set upon the magistrate like bloodhounds jamaica. upon a lone stag. they strove together with one accord to sub- due his independent spirit by taunts, jeers, insults, intimidations, and bullyings. he was obliged to threaten one of the overseers with arrest, on account of his abusive conduct. we were ac tually amazed at the intrepidity of the magistrate. we were convinced from what we saw that day, that only the most fear- less and conscientious men could be faithful magistrates in ja- maica. mr. c. assured us that he met with similar indignities every time he held liis courts, and on most of the estates that he visited. it was in his power to punish them severely, but he chose to use all possible forbearance, so as not to give the plant- ers any grounds of complaint. on a subsequent day we accompanied mr. c. in one of his estate visits. as it was late in the afternoon, he called at but one estate, the name of which was williamsfield. mr. gordon, the overseer of williamsfield, is among the fairest specimens of planters. he has naturally a generous disposition, which, like that of mr. kirkland, lias out-lived the witherings of sla- very. he informed us that his people worked as well under the ap- prenticeship system as ever they did during slavery; and he had every encouragement that they would do still better after they were completely free. he was satisfied that he should be able to conduct ins estate at much less expense after : lie thought that fifty men would do as much then as a hundred do now. we may add here a similar remark of mr. kirkland, that forty freemen would accomplish as much as eighty slaves. mr. gordon hires his people on saturdays, and he expressed his as- tonishment at the increased vigor with which they worked when they were to receive wages. he pointedly condemned the driving system which was resorted to by many of the planters. they foolishly endeavored to keep up the coercion of slavery, and they had the special magistrates incessantly flogging the ap- prentices. the planters also not unfrequently take away the provision grounds from their apprentices, and in every way op- press and harass them. in the course of the conversation, mr. g. accidentally struck upon a fresh vein of facts, respecting the slavery of book- jamaica. s keepers,* under the old system. the book-keepers, said mr. g., were the complete slaves of the overseers, who acted like des- pots on the estates. they were mostly young men from eng- land, and not unfrequently had considerable refinement; but ignorant of the treatment which book-keepers had to submit to, and allured by the prospect of becoming wealthy by plant- ership, they came to jamaica and entered as candidates. they soon discovered the cruel bondage in which they were involved. the overseers domineered over them and stormed at them as violently as though they were the most abject slaves. they were allowed no privileges such as their former habits impelled them to seek. if they played a flute in the hearing of the over- seer, they were commanded to be silent instantly. if they dared to put a gold ring on their finger, even that trifling pretension to gentility was detected and disallowed by the jealous overseer. (these things were specified by mr. g. himself.) they were seldom permitted to associate with the overseers as equals. the only thing which reconciled the book-keepers to this abject state, was the reflection that they might one day possibly be- come overseers themselves, and then they could exercise the same authority over others. in addition to this degradation, the book-keepers suffered great hardships. every morning (during slavery) they were obliged to be in the field before day; they had to be there as soon as the slaves, in order to call the roll, and mark absentees, if any. often mr. g. and the other gen- tleman had gone to the field when it was so dark that they could not see to call the roll, and the negroes have all lain down on their hoes, and slept till the light broke. sometimes there would be a thick dew on the ground, and the air was so cold and damp that they would be completely chilled. when they were shivering on the ground, the negroes would often lend thern their blankets, saying, "poor busha picaninny sent out here from england to die." .mr. gordon said that his constitution had * the book-keepers are subordinate overseers and drivers ; they are generally young white men—who, after serving a course of years in a sort of apprenticeship, are promoted to managers of estates. jamaica. been permanently injured by such exposure. many young men, he said, had doubtless been killed by it. during'crop- time, the book-keepers had to be up every night till twelve o'clock, and every other night all night, superintending the work in the boiling-house, and at the mill. they did not have rest even on the sabbath; they must have the mill put about (set to the wind so as to grind) by sunset every sabbath. often the mills were in the wind before four o'clock, on sabbath afternoon. they knew of slaves being flogged for not being on the spot by sunset, though it was known that they had been to meeting. mr. g. said that he had a young friend who came from england with him, and acted as book-keeper. his labors and exposures were so intolerable, that he had often said to mr. g., confidentially, that if the slaves should rise in rebellion, he would most cheerfidly join them! said mr. g, there was great rejoicing among the book-keepers in august, ! the abo- lition of slavery teas emancipation to the rook-keepers. no complaints were brought before mr. chamberlain. mr. gordon pleasantly remarked when we arrived, that he had some cases which he should have presented if the magistrate had come a little earlier, but he presumed he should forget them before his next visit. when we left williamsfield, mr. c. informed us that during five months there had been but two cases of complaint on that estate—and but a single instance of punishment. such are the results where there is a good man- ager and a good special magistrate. on sabbath we attended service in the baptist chapel, of which rev. mr. kingdon is pastor. the chapel, which is a part of mr. k.'s dwelling-house, is situated on the summit of a high mountain which overlooks the sea. as seen from the val- ley below, it appears to topple on the very brink of a frightful precipice. it is reached by a winding tedious road, too rugged to admit of a chaise, and in some places so steep as to try the activity of a horse. as we approached nearer, we observed the people climbing up in throngs by various footpaths, and halting in the thick woods which skirted the chapel, the men to put on their shoes, which they had carried in their hands up the mountain, and the women to draw on their white stockings and jamaica. shoes. on entering the place of worship, we found it well fill- ed with the apprentices, who came from many miles around in every direction. the services had commenced when we arrived. we heard an excellent sermon from the devoted and pious mis- sionary, mr. kingdon, whose praise is among all the good throughout the island, and who is eminently known as the ne- gro's friend. after the sermon, we were invited to make a few remarks; and the minister briefly stated to the congregation whence we had come, and what was the object of our visit. we cannot soon forget the scene which followed. we begun by expressing, in simple terms, the interest which we felt in the temporal and spiritual concerns of the people present, and scarcely had we uttered a sentence when the whole congrega- tion were filled with emotion. soon they burst into tears —some sobbed, others cried aloud; insomuch that for a time we were unable to proceed. we were, indeed, not a little astonished at so unusual a scene; it was a thing which we were by no means expecting to see. being at a loss to account for it, we inquired of mr. k. afterwards, who told us that it was occa- sioned by our expressions of sympathy and regard. they were so unaccustomed to hear such language from the lips of white people, that it fell upon them like rain upon the parched earth. the idea that one who was a stranger and a foreigner should feel an interest in their welfare, was to them, in such circum- stances, peculiarly affecting, and stirred the deep fountains of their hearts. after the services, the missionary, anxious to further our ob- jects, proposed that we should hold an interview with a number of the apprentices; and he accordingly invited fifteen of them into his study, and introduced them to us by name, stating also the estates to which they severally belonged. we had thus an opportunity of seeing the representatives of twelve different estates, men of trust on their respective estates, mostly constables and head boilers. for nearly two hours we conversed with these men, making inquiries on all points connected with slavery, the apprenticeship, and the expeeted emancipation. prom no interview, during our stay in the colonies, did we derive so much information respecting the real workings of the jamaica. apprenticeship; from none did we gain such an insight into the character and disposition of the negroes. the company was composed of intelligent and pious men ;—so manly and dignified were they in appearance, and so elevated in their sentiments, that we could with difficulty realize that they were slaves. they were wholly unreserved in their communications, though they deeply implicated their masters, the special magistrates, and others in authority. it is not improbable that they would have shrunk from some of the disclosures which they made, had they known that they would be published. nevertheless we feel assured that in making them public, we shall not betray the informants, concealing as we do their names and the estates to which they belong. with regard to the wrongs and hardships of the apprenticeship, much was said; we can only give a small part. their masters were often very harsh with them, more so than when they were slaves. they could not flog them, but they would scold them, and swear at them, and called them hard names, which hurt their feelings almost as much as it would if they were to flog them. they would not allow them as many privileges as they did formerly. sometimes they would take their provision grounds away, and sometimes they would go on their grounds and carry away provisions for their own use without paying for them, or so much as asking their leave. they had to bear this, for it was useless to complain—they could get no justice; there was no law in manchioneal. the special ma- gistrate would only hear the master, and would not allow the apprentices to say any thing for themselves.* the ma- gistrate would do just as the busha (master) said. if he say qog him, he flog him; if he say, send him to morant bay, (to the tread- mill,) de magistrate send him. if we happen to laugh before de busha, he complain to de magistrate, and we get licked. if we go to a friend's house, when we hungry, to get some- thing to eat, and happen to get lost in de woods between, we are called runaways, and are punished severely. our half fri- * we would observe, that they did not refer to mr. cham, berlain, but to another magistrate, whose name they mentioned. jamaica. day is taken away from us; we must give that time to bosha for a little saltfish, which was always allowed us during slave- ry. if we lay in bed after six o'clock, they take away our saturday too. if we lose a little time from work, they make us pay a great deal more time. they stated, and so did seve- ral of the missionaries, that the loss of the half friday was very serious to them, as it often rendered it impossible for them to get to meeting on sunday. the whole work of cul- tivating their grounds, preparing their produce for sale, carry- ing it to the distant market, (morant bay and, sometimes further,) and returning, all this was, by the loss of the friday afternoon, crowded into saturday, and it was often impossible for them to get back from market before sabbath morning; then they had to dress and go six or ten miles further to cha- pel, or stay away altogether, which, from weariness and world- ly cares, they would be strongly tempted to do. this they rep- resented as being a grievous thing to them. said one of the men, in a peculiarly solemn and earnest manner, while the tears stood in his eyes, "i declare to you, massa, if de lord spare we to be free, we be much more ' ligious—we be wise to many more tings; we be better christians; because den we have all de sunday for go to meeting. but now de' holy time taken up in work for we food." these words were deeply im- pressed upon us by the intense earnestness with which they were spoken. they revealed " the heart's own bitterness." there was also a lighting up of joy and hope in the counte- nance of that child of god, as he looked forward to the time when he might become wise to many more tings. they gave a heart-sickening account of the cruelties of the treadmill. they spoke of the apprentices having their wrists tied to the handboard, and said it was very common for them to fall and hang against the wheel. some who had been sent to the treadmill, had actually died from the injuries they there receiv- ed. they were often obliged to see their wives dragged off to morant bay, and tied to the treadmill, even when they were in a state of pregnancy. they suffered a great deal of misery from that; but they could not help it. sometimes it was a wonder to themselves how they could jamaica. endure all the provocations and sufferings of the apprentice- ship; it was only "by de mercy of god!" they were asked why they did not complain to the special magistrates. they replied, that it did no good, for the magis- trates would not take any notice of their complaints, besides, it made the masters treat them still worse. said one, " we go to de magistrate to complain, and den when we come back de busha do all him can to vex us. he wingle us, (teaze us,) and wingle us; de book-keeper curse us and treaten us ; de con- stable he scold us, and call hard names, and dey all strive to make we mad, so we say someting wrong, and den dey take we to the magistrate for insolence." such was the final consequence of complaining to the magistrate. we asked them why they did not complain, when they had a good ma- gistrate who would do them justice. their answer revealed a new fact they were afraid to complain to a magistrate, who they knew was their friend, because then- masters told them that the magistrate would soon be changed, and another would come who would flog them; and that for every time they dared to com- plain to the good magistrate, they would be flogged when the bad one came. they said their masters had explained it all to them long ago. we inquired of them particularly what course they intended to take when they should become free. we requested them to speak, not only with reference to themselves, but of the appren~ tices generally, as far as they knew their views. they said the apprentices expected to work on the estates, if they were allow- ed to do so. they had no intention of leaving work. nothing would cause them to leave their estates but bad treatment; if their masters were harsh, they would goto another estate, where they would get better treatment they would be obliged to work when they were free; even more than now, for then they would have no other dependence. one tried to prove to us by reasoning, that the people would work when they were free. said he, " in slavery time we work even wid de whip, now we work 'till better—what link we will do when we free? won't we work den, when we get paid?" he appealed to us so earnestly, that we could not help acknowledg- jamaica. ing we were fully convinced. however, in order to establish the point still more clearly, he stated some facts, such as the following: during slavery, it took six men to tend the coppers in boiling sugar, and it was thought that fewer could not possibly do the work: but now, since the boilers are paid for their extra time, the work is monopolized by three men. they would not have any help; they did all the work "dot dey might get all de fay." we sounded them thoroughly on their views of law and free- dom. we inquired whether they expected to be allowed to da as they pleased when they were free. on this subject they spoke very rationally. said one, "we could never live widout de law; (we use his very expressions) we must have some law when we free. in other countries, where dey are free, don't dey have law t wouldn't dey shoot one another if they did not have law v thus they reasoned about freedom. their chief complaint against the apprenticeship was, that it did not allow them justice. "there was no law now." they had been told by the governor, that there was the same law for all the island; but they knew better, for there was more justice done them in some districts than in others. some of their expressions indicated very strongly the cha- racteristic kindness of the negro. they would say, we work now as well as we can for the sake of peace; any thing for peace. don't want to be complained of to the magistrate; don't like to be called hard names—do any thing to keep peace. such ex- pressions were repeatedly made. we asked them what they thought of the domestics being emancipated in , while they had to remain apprentices two years longer they said, "it bad enough—but we know de law make it so, and for peace sake, we will be satisfy. but we murmur in we minds." we asked what they expected to do with the old and infirm, after freedom they said, "we will support dem—as how dey brought us up when we was pickaninny, and now we come trong, must care for dem." in such a spirit did these appren- tices discourse for two hours. they won greatly upon our sym- pathy and respect . the touching story of their wrongs, the artless unbosoming of their hopes, their forgiving spirit toward jamaica. their masters, their distinct views of their own rights, their amiable bearing under provocation, their just notions of law, and of a state of freedom—these things were well calculated to ex- cite our admiration for them, and their companions in suffering. having prayed with the company, and commended them to the grace of god, and the salvation of jesus christ, we shook hands with them individually, and separated from them, never more to rse them, until we meet at the bar of god. while one of us was prosecuting the foregoing inquiries in st. thomas in the east, the other was performing a horse-back tour among the mountains of st andrews and port royal. we had been invited by stephen bourne, esq., special magistrate for one of the rural districts in those parishes, to spend a week in bis family, and accopmany him in his official visits to the planta- tions embraced in his commission—an invitation we were very glad to accept, as it laid open to us at the same time three im- portant sources of information,—the magistrate, the planter, and the apprentice. the sun was just rising as we left kingston, and entered the high road. the air, which the day before had been painfully hot and stived, was cool and fresh, and from flowers and spice- trees, on which the dew still lay, went forth a thousand fragrant exhalations. our course for about six miles, lay over the broad, low plain, which spreads around kingston, westward to the high- lands of st. andrews, and southward beyond spanish-town. all along the road, and in various directions in the distance, were seen the residences—uncouthly termed, ■ pens'—of merchants and gentlemen of wealth, whose business frequently calls them to town. unlike barbados, the fields here were protected by walls and hedges, with broad gateways and avenues leading to the house. we soon began to meet here and there, at intervals, persons going to the market with fruits and provisions. the number continually increased, and at the end of an hour, they could be seen trudging over the fields, and along the by-paths and roads, on every hand. some had a couple of stunted don- keys yoked to a ricketty cart,—others had mules with pack-sad- dles—but the many loaded their own heads, instead of the don- jamaica. keys and mules. most of them were well dressed, and all civil and respectful in their conduct invigorated by the mountain air, and animated by the novelty and grandeur of the mountain scenery, through which we had passed, we arrived at 'grecian regale' in season for an early west indian breakfast, ( o'clock.) mr. bourne's district is entirely composed of coffee plantations, and embraces three thousand apprentices. the people on coffee plantations are not worked so hard as those employed on sugar estates; but they are more liable to suffer from insufficient food and clothing. after breakfast we accompanied mr. bourne on a visit to the plantations, but there were no complaints either from the master or apprentice, except on one. here mr. b. was hailed by a hoary-headed man, sitting at the side of his house. he said that he was lame and sick, and could not work, and complained that his master did not give him any food. all he had to eat was given him by a relative. as the master was not at home, mr. b. could not attend to the complaint at that time, but pro- mised to write the master about it in the course of the day. he informed us that the aged and disabled were very much neglect- ed under the apprenticeship. when the working days are over, the profit days are over, and how few in any country are willing to support an animal which is past labor if these complaints are numerous under the new system, when magistrates are all abroad to remedy them, what must it have been during slavery, when master and magistrate were the same! on one of the plantations wo called at the house of an emi- grant, of which some hundreds have been imported from differ- ent parts of europe, since emancipation. he had been in the island eighteen months, and was much dissatisfied with his situ- ation. the experiment of importing whites to jamaica as la- borers, has proved disastrous—an unfortunate speculation to all parties, and all parties wish them back again. we had some conversation with several apprentices, who call- ed on mr. bourne for advice and aid. they all thought the ap- prenticeship very hard, but still, on the whole, liked it better than slavery. they "were killed too bad,"—that was their expression—during slavery—were worked hard and terribly » jamaica. flogged. they were up ever bo early and late—went out in the mountains to work, when so cold busha would have to cover himself up on the ground. had little time to eat, or go to meet- ing. 'twas all slash, slash! now they couldn't be flogged, unless the magistrate said so. still the busha was very hard to them, and many of the apprentices run away to the woods, they are so badly used. the next plantation which we visited was dublin castle. it lies in a deep valley, quite enclosed by mountains. the present attorney has been in the island nine years, and is attorney for several other properties. in england he was a religious man, and intimately acquainted with the eccentric irving. for a while after he came out he preached to the slaves, but having taken a black concubine, and treating those under his charge oppressively, he soon obtained a bad character among the blacks, and his meetings were deserted. he is now a most passionate and wicked man, having cast off even the show of religion. mr. b. visited dublin castle a few weeks since, and spent two days in hearing complaints brought against the manager and book-keeper by the apprentices. he fined the manager for different acts of oppression, one hundred and eight dollars. the attorney was present during the whole time. near the close of the second day he requested permission to say a few words, which was granted. he raised his hands and eyes in the most agonized manner, as though passion was writhing within, and burst forth—« o, my god! my god! has it indeed come to this! am i to be arraigned in this way? is my conduct to be questioned by these people i is my authority to be destroyed by the interference of strangers o, my god v and he fell back into the arms of his book-keeper, and was carried out of the room in convulsions. the next morning we started on another excursion, for the purpose of attending the appraisement of an apprentice belong- ing to silver hill, a plantation about ten miles distant from gre- cian regale. we rode but a short distance in the town road, when we struck off into a narrow defile by a mule-path, and pushed into the very heart of the mountains. we felt somewhat timid at the commencement of our excur- jamaica. sion among these minor andes, but we gained confidence as we proceeded, and finding our horse sure-footed and quite familiar with mountain paths, we soon learned to gallop, without fear, along the highest cliffs, and through the most dangerous passes. we were once put in some jeopardy by a drove of mules, laden with coffee. we fortunately saw them, as they came round the point of a hill, at some distance, in season to secure ourselves in a little recess where the path widened. on they came, cheered by the loud cries of their drivers, and passed rapidly for- ward, one after another, with the headlong stupidity which ani- mals, claiming more wisdom than quadrupeds, not unfrequently manifest when they came up to us, however, they showed that they were not unaccustomed to such encounters, and, al- though the space between us and the brow of the precipice, was not three feet wide, they all contrived to sway their bodies and heavy sacks in such a manner as to pass safely except one. he, more stupid or more unlucky than the rest, struck us a full broad-side as he went by jolting us hard against the hill, and well-nigh jolting himself down the craggy descent into the abyss below. one leg hung a moment over the precipice, but the poor beast suddenly threw his whole weight forward, and by a desperate leap, obtained sure foothold in the path, and again trudged along with his coffee-bags. on our way we called at two plantations, but found no com- plaints. at one of them we had some conversation with the ovffrseer. he his on it one hundred and thirty apprentices, and produces annually thirty thousand pounds of coffee. he informed us that he was getting along well. his people are industrious and obedient, as much so, to say the least, as under the old sys- tem. the crop this year is not so great as usual, on account of the severe drought. his plantation was never better cultivated. besides the one hundred and thirty apprentices, there are forty free children, who are supported by their parents. none of them will work for hire, or in any way put themselves under his con- trol, as the parents fear there is some plot laid for making them apprentices, and through that process reducing them to slavery. he thinks this feeling will continue till the apprenticeship is en- jamaica. tirely broken up, and the people begin to feel assured of com- plete freedom, when it will disappear. we reached silver hill about noon. this plantation contains one hundred and ten apprentices, and is under the management of a colored man, who has had charge of it seven years. he in- formed us that it was under as good cultivation now as it was be- fore emancipation. his people are easily controlled. very much depends on the conduct of the overseer. if he is disposed to be just and kind, the apprentices are sure to behave well; if he is harsh and severe, and attempts to drive them, they will take no pains to please him, but on the contrary, will be sulky and obsti- nate. there were three overseers from other estates present. one of them had been an overseer for forty years, and he possessed the looks and feelings which we suppose a man who has been thus long in a school of despotism, must possess. he had a giant form, which seemed to be breaking down with luxury and sensualism. his ordinary voice was hoarse and gusty, and his smile diabolical. emancipation had swept away his power while it left the love of it ravaging in his heart. he could not speak of the new system with composure. his contempt and hatred of the negro was unadulterated. he spoke of the apprentices with great bitterness. they were excessively lazy and impudent, and were becoming more and more so every day. they did not do half the work now that they did before emancipation. it was the character of the negro never to work unless compelled. his people would not labor for him an hour in their own time, although he had offered to pay them for it. they have not the least gra- titude. they will leave him in the midst of his crop, and help others, because they can get a little more. they spend all their half fridays and their saturdays on other plantations where they receive forty cents a day. twenty-five cents is enough for them, and is as much as he will give. mr. b. requested the overseer to bring forward his complaints- he had only two. one was against a boy of ten, for stealing a gill of goat's milk. the charge was disproved. the other was against a boy of twelve, for neglecting the cattle, and permit- ting them to trespass on the lands of a neighbor. he was sen- jamaica. tenced to receive a good switching; that is, to be beaten with a small stick by the constable of the plantation. several apprentices then appeared and made a few trivial complaints against 'busha.' they were quickly adjusted. these were all the complaints that had accumulated in five weeks. the principal business which called mr. bourne to the plan- tation, as we have already remarked, was the appraisement of an apprentice. the appraisers were, himself and a local magis- trate. the apprentice was a native-born african, and was stolen from his country when a boy. he had always resided on this plantation, and had always been a faithful laborer. he was now the constable, or driver, as the office was called in slavery times, of the second gang. the overseer testified to his honesty and industry, and said he regretted much to have him leave. he was, as appeared by the plantation books, fifty-four years old, but was evidently above sixty. after examining several wit- nesses as to the old man's ability and general health, and mak- ing calculations by the rule of three, with the cold accuracy of a yankee horse-bargain, it was decided that his services were worth to the plantation forty-eight dollars a year; and for the remain- ing time of the apprenticeship, consequently, at that rate, one hundred and fifty-six dollars. one third of this was deducted as an allowance for the probabilities of death and sickness, leaving one hundred and four dollars as the price of his redemption. the old man objected strongly and earnestly to the price; he said it was too much; he had not money enough to pay it; and beg- ged them, with tears in his eyes, not to make him pay so much "for his old bones;" but they would not remit a cent. they could not. they were the stern ministers of the british eman- cipation law, the praises of which have been shouted through the earth! of the three overseers who were present, not one could bo called a respectable man. their countenances were the mirrors of all lustful and desperate passions. they were continually drinking rum and water, and one of them was half drunk. our next visit was to an elevated plantation called peter's rock. the path to it was, in one place, so steep, that we had to dismount and permit our horses to work their way up as they jamaica. could, while we followed on foot we then wound along among provision grounds and coffee fields, through forests where hardly a track was to be seen, and over hedges which the horses were obliged to leap, till we issued on the great path which leads from the plantation to kingston. peter's rock has one hundred apprentices, and is under the management, as mr. bourne informed us, of a very humane man. during the two years and a half of the apprenticeship there had been only six complaints. as we approached the plantation we saw the apprentices at the side of the road eating their break- fast they had been at work some distance from their houses, and could not spend time to go home. they saluted us with great civility, most of them rising and uncovering their heads. in ad- swer to our questions, they said they were getting along very well. they said their master was kind to them, and they ap- peared in fine spirits. the overseer met us as we rode up to the door, and received us very courteously. he had no complaints. he informed us that the plantation was as well cultivated as it had been for many years, and the people were perfectly obedient and indus- trious. from peter's rock we rode to " hall's prospect," a planta- tion on which there are sixty apprentices under the charge of a black overseer, who, two years ago, was a slave. it was five weeks since mr. b. had been there, and yet he had only one complaint, and that against a woman for being late at work on monday morning. the reason she gave for this was, that she went to an estate some miles distant to spend the sabbath with her husband. mr. bourne, by the aid of funds left in his hands by mr. sturge, is about to establish a school on this plantation. mr. b., at a previous visit, had informed the people of what he intended to do, and asked their co-operation. as soon as they saw him to- day, several of them immediately inquired about the school, when it would begin, &c. they showed the greatest eagerness and thankfulness. mr. b. told them he should send a teacher as soon as a house was prepared. he had beer, talking with their master (the attorney of the plantation) about fixing one, jamaica. who had offered them the old " lock-up house," if they would put it in order. there was a murmur among them at this an- nunciation. at length one of the men said, they did not want the school to be held in the "lock-up house." it was not a good place for their "pickaninnies" to go to. they had much rather have some other building, and would be glad to have it close to their houses. mr. b. told them, if they would put up a small house near their own he would furnish it with desks and benches. to this they all assented with great joy. on our way home we saw, as we did on various other occa- sions, many of the apprentices with hoes, baskets, &c., going to their provision grounds. we had some conversation with them as we rode along. they said they had been in the fields picking coffee since half past five o'clock. they were now going, as they always did after "horn-blow" in the afternoon (four o'clock) to their grounds, where they should stay till dark. some of their grounds were four, others six miles from home. they all liked the apprenticeship better than slavery. they were not flogged so much now, and had more time to themselves. but they should like freedom much better, and should be glad when it came. we met a brown young woman driving an ass laden with a great variety of articles. she said she had been to kingston (fifteen miles off) with a load of provisions, and had purchased some things to sell to the apprentices. we asked her what she did with her money. "give it to my husband," said she. "do you keep none for yourself?" she smiled and replied, "what for him for me." after we had passed mr. b. informed us that she had been an apprentice, but purchased her freedom a few months previous, and was now engaged as a kind of country merchant. she purchases provisions of the negroes, and carries them to king- ston, where she exchanges them for pins, needles, thread, dry goods, and such articles as the apprentices need, which she again exchanges for provisions and money. mr. bourne informed us that real estate is much higher than before emancipation. he mentioned one "pen" which was purchased for eighteen hundred dollars a few years since. the jamaica. owner had received nine hundred dollars as 'compensation' for freedom. it has lately been leased for seven years by the owner for nine hundred dollars per year. a gentleman who owns a plantation in mr. b.'s district, sohl parcels of land to the negroes, before emancipation, at five shil- lings per acre. he now obtains twenty-seven shillings per acre. the house in which mr. b. resides was rented, in , for one hundred and fifty dollars. mr. b. engaged it, on his arrival, for three years, at two hundred and forty dollars per year. his landlord informed him, a few days since, that on the expiration of his present lease he should raise the rent to three hundred and thirty dollars. mr. b. is acquainted with a gentleman of wealth, who has been endeavoring, for the last twelve months, to purchase an estate in this island. he has offered high prices, but has as yet been unable to obtain one. landholders have so much confi- dence in the value and security of real estate, that they do not wish to part with it. after our visit to silver hill, our attention was particularly turned to the condition of the negro grounds. most of them were very clean and flourishing. large plats of the onion, of cocoa, plantain, banana, yam, potatoe, and other tropic vegeta- bles, were scattered all around within five or six miles of a plan- tation. we were much pleased with the appearance of them during a ride on a friday. in the forenoon they had all been vacant; not a person was to be seen in them; but after one o'clock they began gradually to be occupied, till, at the end of an hour, wherever we went we saw men, women, and children laboring industriously in their little gardens. in some places the hills, to their very summits, were spotted with cultivation. till monday morning the apprentices were free, and they certainly manifested a strong disposition to spend that time in taking care of themselves. the testimony of the numerous apprentices with whom we conversed, was to the same effect as our observation. they all testified that they were paying as much attention to their grounds as they ever did, but that their provisions had been cut short by the drought. they had their land all prepared for a new crop, and were only waiting for rain to put in the seed. jamaica. mr. bourne corroborated their statement, and remarked, that he never found the least difficulty in procuring laborers. could he have the possession of the largest plantation in the island to- day, he had no doubt that, within a week, he could procure free laborers enough to cultivate every acre. on one occasion, while among the mountains, we were im- pressed on a jury to sit in inquest on the body of a negro woman found dead on the high road. she was, as appeared in evidence, on her return from the house of correction, at half way tree, where she had been sentenced for fourteen days, and had been put on the tread-mill. she had complained to some of her ac- quaintances of harsh treatment there, and said they had killed her; and that if she ever lived to reach home she should tell all her massa's negroes never to cross the threshold of half way tree, as it would kill them. the evidence, however, was not clear that she died in consequence of such treatment; and the jury, accordingly, decided that she came to her death by some cause unknown to them. nine of the jury were overseers; and if they, collected toge- ther indiscriminately on this occasion, were a specimen of those who have charge of the apprentices in this island, they must be most degraded and brutal men. they appeared more under the influence of low passions, more degraded by sensuality, and but little more intelligent than the negroes themselves. instead of possessing irresponsible power over their fellows, they ought themselves to be under the power of the most strict and ener- getic laws. our visits to the plantations, and inquiries on this point, confirmed this opinion. they are the ' feeulum' of euro- pean society—ignorant, passionate, licentious. we do them no injustice when we say this, nor when we further add, that the apprentices suffer in a hundred ways which the law cannot reach, gross insults and oppression from their excessive rapacious- ness and lust. what must it have been during slavery t we had some conversation with cheny hamilton, esq., one of the special magistrates for port royal. he is a colored man, and has held his office about eighteen months. there are three thousand apprentices in his district, which embraces sugar and coflee estates. the complaints are few and of a very trivial na- s jamaica. ture; they mostly originate with the planters. most of the cases brought before him are for petty theft and absence from work. in his district cultivation was never better. the negroes are willing to work during their own time. his father-in-law is clear- ing up some mountain land for a coffee plantation, by the labor of apprentices from neighboring estates. the seasons since eman- cipation have been bad. the blacks cultivate their own grounds on their half fridays and saturdays, unless they can obtain em- ployment from others. nothing is doing by the planters for the education of the appren- tices; their only object is to get as much work out of them as possible. the blacks, so far as he has had opportunity to observe, are in every respect as quiet and industrious as they were before free- dom. he said if we would compare the character of the com- plaints brought by the overseers and apprentices against each other, we should see for ourselves which party was the most peaceable and law abiding. to these views we may here add those of another gentle- man, with whom we had considerable conversation about the same time. he is a proprietor and local magistrate, and was represented to us as a kind and humane man. mr. bourne stat- ed to us that he had not had six cases of complaint on his plant- ation for the last twelve months. we give his most important statements in the following brief items: . he has had charge of estates in jamaica since . at one time he had twelve hundred negroes under his control. he now owns a coffee plantation, on which there are one hundred and ten apprentices, and is also attorney for several others, the owners of which reside out of the island. . his plantation is well cultivated and clean, and his people are as industrious and civil as they ever were. he employs them during their own time, and always finds them willing to work for him, unless their own grounds require their attendance cultivation generally, through the island, it as good as it ever was. many of the planters, at the commencement of the ap- prenticeship, reduced the quantity of land cultivated; he did not do so, but on the contrary is extending his plantation. jamaica. . the crops this year are not so good as usual. this is no fault of the apprentices, but is owing to the bad season. . the conduct of the apprentices depends very much on the conduct of those who have charge of them. if you find a plan- tation on which the overseer is kind and does common justice to the laborer, you will find things going on well—if otherwise the reverse. those estates and plantations on which the pro- prietor himself resides, are most peaceable and prosperous. . real estate is more valuable than before emancipation. property is more secure, and capitalists are more ready to in- vest their funds. . the result of is as yet doubtful. for his part, he has no fears. he doubts not he can cultivate his plantation as easi- ly after that period as before. he is confident he can do it cheaper. he thinks it not only likely, but certain, that many of the plantations on which the people have been ill used, while slaves and apprentices, will be abandoned by the present laborers, and that they will never be worked until overseers are put over them who, instead of doing all they can to harass them, will soothe and conciliate them. the apprenticeship has done much harm instead of good in the way of preparing the blacks to work after . a few days after our return from the mountains, we rode to spanishtown, which is about twelve miles east of kingston. spanishtown is the seat of government, containing the various buildings for the residence of the governor, the meeting of the legislature, the session of the courts, and rooms for the several officers of the crown. they are all strong and massive struct- ures, but display little architectural magnificence or beauty. we spent nearly a day with richard hill, esq., the secreta- ry of the special magistrates' department, of whom we have al- ready spoken. he is a colored gentleman, and in every re- spect the noblest man, white or black, whom we met in the west indies. he is highly intelligent, and of fine moral feel- ings. his manners are free and unassuming, and his language and conversation fluent and well chosen. ho is intimately ac- quainted with english and french authors, and has studied thoroughly the history and character of the people with whom jamaica. the tie of color has connected him. he travelled two years in hayti, and his letters, written in a flowing and luxuriant style, as a son of the tropics should write, giving an account of his ob- servations and inquiries in that interesting island, were publish- ed extensively in england, and have been copied into the anti- slavery journals in this country. his journal will be given to the public as soon as his official duties will permit him to prepare it. he is at the head of the special magistrates, (of which there are sixty in the island,) and all the correspondence between them and the governor is carried on through him. the station he holds is a very important one, and the business connected with it is of a character and an extent that, were he not a man of su- perior abilities, he could not sustain. he is highly respected by the government in the island, and at home, and possesses the esteem of his fellow-citizens of all colore. he associates with persons of the highest rank, dining and attending parties at the government-house with all the aristocracy of jamaica. we had the pleasure of spending an evening with him at the solicit- or-general's. though an african sun has burnt a deep tinge on him, he is truly one of nature's noblemen. his demeanor is such, so dignified, yet bland and amiable, that no one can help respecting him. he spoke in the warmest terms of lord sligo,* the prcde- * when lord sligo visited the united states in the summer of , he spoke with great respect of mr. hill to elizur wright, esq., corresponding secretary of the american anti-slavery so- ciety. mr. wright has furnished us with the following statement: —" just before his lordship left this city for england, he bore testi- mony to us substantially as follows:—v when i went to jamaica, mr. hill was a special magistrate. in a certain case he refused to comply with my directions, differing from me in his interpreta- tion of the law. i informed him that his continued non-compli- ance must result in his removal from office. he replied that his mind was made up as to the law, and he would not violate his rea- son to save his bread. being satisfied of the correctness of my own interpretation, i was obliged, of course, to remove him; but i was so forcibly struck with his manly independence, that i applied to the government for power to employ him as my secretary, .■ jamaica. cesser of sir lionel smith, who was driven from the island by the machinations of the planters and the enemies of the blacks. lord sligo was remarkable for his statistical accuracy. re- ports were made to him by the special magistrates every week. no act of injustice or oppression could escape his indefatigable inquiries. he was accessible, and lent an open ear to the low- est person in the island. the planters left no means untried to remove him, and unhappily succeeded. the following items contain the principal information receiv- ed from mr. hill: . the apprenticeship is a most vicious system, full of blun- ders and absurdities, and directly calculated to set master and slave at war. . the complaints against the apprentices are decreasing every month, except, perhaps, complaints against mothers for ab- sence from work, which he thinks are increasing. the appren- ticeship law makes no provision for the free children, and on most of the plantations and estates no allowance is given them, but they are thrown entirely for support on their parents, who are obliged to work the most and best part of their time for their masters unrewarded. the nurseries are broken up, and fre- quently the mothers are obliged to work in the fields with their infants at their backs, or else to leave them at some distance un- der the shade of a hedge or tree. every year is making their condition worse and worse. the number of children is increas- ing, and yet the mothers are required, after their youngest child has attained the age of a few weeks, to be at work for the same number of hours as the men. very little time is given them to take care of their household. when they are tardy they are brought before the magistrate. which was granted. and having had him as an inmate of my family for several months, i can most cordially bear my testimony to his trustworthiness, ability, and gentlemanly deportment." lord sligo also added, that mr. hill was treated in his family in all respects as if he had not been colored, and that with no gentle- man in the west indies was he, in social life, on terms of more in- timate friendship." * s jamaica. a woman was brought before mr. hill a few days before we were there, charged with not being in the field till one hour after the rest of the gang. she had twins, and appeared before him with a child hanging on each arm. what an eloquent defence! he dismissed the complaint. he mentioned another case, of a woman whose master re- aided in spanishtown, but who was hired out by him to some person in the country. her child became sick, but her employer refused any assistance. with it in her arms, she entreated aid of her master. the monster drove her and her dying little one into the street at night, and she sought shelter with mr. hill, where her child expired before morning. for such horrid cruelty as this, the apprenticeship law provides no remedy. the wo- man had no claim for the support of her child, on the man who was receiving the wages of her daily toil. that child was not worth a farthing to him, because it was no longer his chattel; and while the law gives him power to rob the mother, it has no compulsion to make him support the child. . the complaints are generally of the most trivial and frivol- ous nature. they are mostly against mothers for neglect of duty, and vague charges of insolence. there is no provision in the law to prevent the master from using abusive language to the apprentice ; any insult short of a blow, he is free to commit; but the slightest word of incivility, a look, smile, or grin, is punished in the apprentice, even though it were provoked. . there is still much flogging by the overseers. last week a girl came to mr. h. terribly scarred and "slashed," and com- plained that her master had beaten her. it appeared that this was the seventh offence, for neither of which she could obtain a hearing from the special magistrate in her district. while mr. h. was relating to me this fact, a girl came in with a little babe in her arms. he called my attention to a large bruise near her eye. he said her master knocked her down a few days since, and made that wound by kicking her. frequently when complaints of insolence are made, on inves- tigation, it was found that the offence was the result of a quarrel commenced by the master, during which he either cuffed or kicked the offender. jamaica. the special magistrates also frequently resort to flogging. many of them, as has been mentioned already, have been con- nected with the army or navy, where corporal punishment is practised, and flogging is not only in consonance with their feel- ings and habits, but is a punishment more briefly inflicted, and more grateful to the planters, as it does not deprive them of the aprentice's time. . mr. h. says that the apprentices who have purchased their freedom behave well. he has not known one of them to be brought before the police. . many of the special magistrates require much looking after. their salaries are not sufficient to support them inde- pendently. some of them leave their homes on monday morn- ing, and make the whole circuit of their district before returning, living and lodging mean while, free of expense, with the planters. if they are not inclined to listen to the complaints of the ap. prentices, they soon find that the apprentices are not inclined to make complaints to them, and that they consequently have much more leisure time, and get through their district much easier. of the sixty magistrates in jamaica, but few can be said to dis- charge their duties faithfully. the governor is often required to interfere. a few weeks since he discharged two magistrates for putting iron collars on two women, in direct violation of the law, and tfien sending him false reports. . the negro grounds are often at a great distance, five or six miles, ano. some of them fifteen miles, from the plantation. of course much time, which would otherwise be spent in culti- vating them, is necessarily consumed in going to them and re- turning. yet for all that, and though in many cases the planters have withdrawn the watchmen who used to protect them, and have left them entirely exposed to thieves and cattle, they are generally well cultivated—on the whole, better than during slavery. when there is inattention to them, it is caused either by some planters hiring them during their own time, or because their master permits his cattle to trespass on them, and the peo- ple feel an insecurity. when you find a kind planter, in whom the apprentices have confidence, there you will find beautiful gardens. in not a few instances, where the overseer is particu- jamaica. larly harsh and cruel, the negroes have thrown up their old grounds, and taken new ones on other plantations, where the overseer is better liked, or gone into the depths of the mountain forests, where no human foot has been before them, and there cleared up small plats. this was also done to some extent during slavery. many of the people, against whom the planters are declaiming as lazy and worthless, have rich grounds, of which those planters little dream. . there is no feeling of insecurity, either of life or property. one may travel through the whole island without the least fear of violence. if there is any danger, it is from the emigrants, who have been guilty of several outrages. so far from the planters fearing violence from the apprentices, when an assault or theft is committed, they refer it, almost as a matter of course, to some one else. a few weeks ago one of the island mails was robbed. as soon as it became known, it was at once said, "some of those villanous emigrants did it," and so indeed it proved. people in the country, in the midst of the mountains, where the whites are few and isolated, sleep with their doors and win- dows open, without a thought of being molested. in the towns there are no watchmen, and but a small police, and yet the streets are quiet and property safe. . the apprentices understand the great provisions of the new system, such as the number of hours they must work for their master, and that their masters have no right to flog them, &c.; but its details are inexplicable mysteries. the masters have done much injury by deceiving them on points of which they were ignorant. . the apprentices, almost to a man, are ready to work for wages during their own time. when the overseer is severe to- wards them, they prefer working on other plantations, even for less wages, as is very natural. . almost all the evils of the apprenticeship arise from the obstinacy and oppressive conduct of the overseers. they the constantly taking advantage of the defects of the system, which are many; and while they demand, to the last grain's weight, "the pound of flesh," they are utterly unwilling to yield the re- jamaica. quirements which the law makes of them. where you find an overseer endeavoring in every way to over-reach the apprentices, taking away the privileges which they enjoyed during slavery, and exacting from them the utmost minute and mite of labor, there you will find abundant complaints both against the master and the apprentice. and the reverse. the cruel overseers are complaining of idleness, insubordination, and ruin, while the kind master is moving on peaceably and prosperously. . the domestic apprentices have either one day, or fifty cents cash, each week, as an allowance for food and clothing. this is quite insufficient. many of the females seem obliged to resort to theft or to prostitution to obtain a support. two girls were brought before mr. hill while we were with him, charged with neglect of duty and night-walking. one of them said her allowance was too small, and she must get food in some other way or starve. . the apprentices on many plantations have been deprived of several privileges which they enjoyed under the old system. nurseries have been abolished, water-carriers have been taken away, keeping stock is restricted, if not entirely forbidden, watchmen are no longer provided to guard the negro grounds, &c.—petty aggressions in our eyes, perhaps, but severe to them. another instance is still more hard. by the custom of slavery, women who had reared up seven children were permitted to "sit down," as it was termed; that is, were not obliged to go into the field to work. now no such distinction is made, but all are driven into the field. . one reason why the crops were smaller in and than in former years was, that the planters in the preceding sea- sons, either fearful that the negroes would not take off the crops after emancipation, and acting on their baseless predictions in- stead of facts, or determined to make the results of emancipa- tion appear as disastrous as possible, neglected to put in the usual amount of cane, and to clean the coffee fields. as they refused to sow, of course they could not reap. . the complaints against the apprentices generally are be- coming fewer every week; but the complaints against the mas- ters are increasing both in number and severity. one reason jamaica. of this is, that the apprentices, on the one hand, are becoming better acquainted with the new system, and therefore better able to avoid a violation of its provisions, and are also learning' that they camot violate these provisions with impunity; and, on the other hand, they are gaining courage to complain against their masters, to whom they have hitherto been subjected by a fear created by the whips and dungeons, and nameless tortures of slavery. another reason is, that the masters, as the term of the apprenticeship shortens, and the end of their authority approaches nearer, are pressing their poor victims harder and harder, deter, mined to extort from them all they can, before complete eman- cipation rescues them for ever from their grasp. while we were in conversation with mr. hill, mr. ramsay, one of the special magistrates for this parish, called in. he is a native of jamaica, and has been educated under all the influ- ences of west india society, but has held fast his integrity, and is considered the firm friend of the apprentices. he confirmed every fact and opinion which mr. hill had given. he was even stronger than mr. h. in his expressions of disapprobation of the apprenticeship. the day which we spent with mr. hill was one of those on which he holds a special justice's court. there were only three cases of complaint brought before him. the first was brought by a woman attended by her husband, against her servant girl, for "impertinence and insubordination." she took the oath and commenced her testimony with an abun- dance of vague charges. "she is the most insolent girl i ever saw. she'll do nothing that she is told to do—she never thinks of minding what is said to her—she is sulky and saucy," etc. mr. h. told her she must be specific—he could not convict the girl on such general charges—some particular acts must be proved. she became specific. her charges were as follows: . on the previous thursday the defendant was plaiting a shirt. the complainant went up to her and asked her why she did not plait it as she ought, and not hold it in her hand as she did. defendant replied, that it was easier, and she preferred that way to the other. the complainant remonstrated, but de- jamaica. mr. hill dismissed the complaint by giving some good advice to both parties, much to the annoyance of the mistress. the second complaint was brought by a man against a ser- vant girl, for disobedience of orders, and insolence. it appears that she was ordered, at ten o'clock at night, to do some work. she was just leaving the house to call on some friends, as she said, and refused. on being told by her mistress that she only wanted to go out for bad purposes, she replied that " it was no matter—the allowance they gave her was not sufficient to sup- port her, and if they would not give her more, she must get a living any way she could, so she did not steal." she was sen- tenced to the house of correction for one week. the third case was a complaint against a boy for taking every alternate friday and saturday, instead of every saturday, for allowance. he was ordered to take every saturday, or to re- ceive in lieu of it half a dollar. mr. hill said these were a fair specimen of the character of the complaints that came before him. we were much pleased with the manner in which he presided in his court, the ease, dignity and impartiality which he exhibited, and the respect which was shown him by all parties. in company with mr. hill, we called on rev. mr. phillips, the baptist missionary, stationed at spanishtown. mr. p. has been in the island thirteen years. he regards the apprentice- ship as a great amelioration of the old system of slavery, but as coming far short of the full privileges and rights of freedom, and of what it was expected to be. it is beneficial to the missiona- ries, as it gives them access to the plantations, while before, in many instances, they were entirely excluded from them, and in all cases were much shackled in their operations. mr. p. has enlarged his chapel within the last fifteen months, so that it admits several hundreds more than formerly. but it is now too small. the apprentices are much more anxious to receive religious instruction, and much more open to conviction, than when slaves. he finds a great difference now on different plantations. where severity is used, as it still is on many es- tates, and the new system is moulded as nearly as possible on the old, the minds of the apprentices are apparently closed jamaica. against all impressions,—but where they are treated with kindness, they are warm in their affection, and solicitous to be taught. in connection with his church, mr. p. has charge of a large school. the number present, when we visited it, was about two hundred. there was, to say the least, as much manifesta- tion of intellect and sprightliness as we ever saw in white pupils of the same age. most of the children were slaves previous to , and their parents are still apprentices. several were pointed out to us who were not yet free, and attend only by per- mission, sometimes purchased, of their master. the greater part live from three to five miles distant. mr. p. says he finds no lack of interest among the apprentices about education. he can find scholars for as many schools as he can establish, if he keeps himself unconnected with the planters. the apprentices are opposed to all schools established by, or in any way allied to their masters. mr. p. says the planters are doing nothing to prepare the ap- prentices for freedom in . they do not regard the appren- ticeship as intermediate time for preparation, but as part of the compensation. every day is counted, not as worth so much for education and moral instruction, but as worth so much for dig- ging cane-holes, and clearing coffee fields. mr. p.'s church escaped destruction during the persecution of the baptists. the wives and connections of many of the colored soldiers had taken refuge in it, and had given out word that they would defend it even against their own husbands and brothers, who in turn informed their officers that if ordered to destroy it they should refuse at all peril. jamaica. chapteh iii results of abolition. the actual working of the apprenticeship in jamaica, was the specific object of our investigations in that island. that it had not operated so happily as in barbados, and in most of the other colonies, was admitted by all parties. as to the degree of its failure, we were satisfied it was not so great as had been represented. there has been nothing of an insurrection- ary character since the abolition of slavery. the affair on thornton's estate, of which an account is given in the preceding chapter, is the most serious disturbance which has occurred dur- ing the apprenticeship. the fear of insurrection is as effectually dead in jamaica as in barbados—so long as the apprenticeship lasts. there has been no increase of crime. the character of the negro population has been gradually improving in morals and intelligence. marriage has increased, the sabbath is more generally observed, and religious worship is better attended. again, the apprentices of jamaica have not manifested any pe- culiar defiance of law. the most illiberal magistrates testified that the people respected the law, when they understood it. as it respects the industry of the apprentices, there are different opinions among the planters themselves. some admitted that they were as industrious as before, and did as much work in proportion to the time they were employed. others complained that they lacked the power to compel industry, and that hence there was a falling off of work. the prominent evils complained of in jamaica are, absconding from work, and insolence to mas- ters. from the statements in the preceding chapter, it may be inferred that many things are called by these names, and se- verely punished, which are really innocent or unavoidable; how- ever, it would not be wonderful if there were numerous in- stances of both. insolence is the legitimate fruit of the appren- ticeship, which holds out to the apprentice, that he possesses the rights of a man, and still authorizes the master to treat him as though he were little better than a dog. the result must often be, that the apprentice will repay insult with insolence. jamaica. this will continue to exist until either the former system of ab- solute force is restored, or a system of free compensated labor, with its powerful checks and balances on both parties, is substi- tuted. the prevalence and causes of the other offence—ab- sconding from labor—will be noticed hereafter. the atrocities which are practised by the masters and magis- trates, are appalling enough. it is probable that the actual con- dition of the negroes in jamaica, is but little, if any better than it was during slavery. the amount of punishment inflicted by the special magistrates, cannot fall much short of that usually perpetrated by the drivers. in addition to this, the appren- tices are robbed of the time allowed them by law, at the will of the magistrate, who often deprives them of it on the slight- est complaint of the overseer. the situation of the free chil- dren* is often very deplorable. the master feels none of that interest in them which he formerly felt in the children that were his property, and consequently makes no provision for them. they are thrown entirely upon their parents, who are unable to take proper care of them from the almost constant demands which the master makes upon their time. the condition of pregnant women, and nureing mothers, is decidedly worse than it was during slavery. the privileges which the planter felt it for his interest to grant these formerly, for the sake of their chil. dren, are now withheld. the former are exposed to the incle- mencies of the weather, and the hardships of toil—the latter are cruelly dragged away from their infants, that the master may not lose the smallest portion of time,—and both are liable at any moment to be incarcerated in the dungeon, or strung up on the treadwheel. in consequence of the cruelties which are prac- tised, the apprentices are in a disaffected state throughout the island. in assigning the causes of the ill-working of the apprentice- ship in jamaica, we would say in the commencement, that nearly all of them are embodied in the intrinsic defects of the system itself. these defects have been exposed in a former * all children under six years of age at the time of abolition, were made entirely free. jamaica. chapter, and we need not repeat them here. the reason why the system has not produced as much mischief in all the colo- nies as it has in jamaica, is, that the local circumstances in the other islands were not so adapted to develop its legitimate results. it is not without the most careful investigation of facts, that we have allowed ourselves to entertain the views which we are now about to express, respecting the conduct of the plant- ers and special justices—for it is to them that we must ascribe the evils which exist in jamaica. we cheerfully accede to them all of palliation which may be found in the provocations incident to the wretched system of apprenticeship. the causes of the difficulties rest chiefly with the planters. they were originally implicated, and by their wily schemes they soon involved the special magistrates. the jamaica planters, as a body, always violently opposed the abolition of slavery. unlike the planters in most of the colonies, they che. rished their hostility after the act of abolition. it would seem that they had agreed with one accord, never to become recon- ciled to the measures of the english government, and had sworn eternal hostility to every scheme of emancipation. whe- ther this resulted most from love for slavery or hatred of english interference, it is difficult to determine. if we were to believe the planters themselves, who are of the opposi- tion, we should conclude that they were far from being in fa- vor of slavery—that they were "as much opposed to slavery as any one can be."* notwithstanding this avowal, the tena- '* it seems to be the order of the day, with the opposition party in jamaica, to disclaim all friendship with slavery. we noticed several instances of this in the island papers, which have been most hostile to abolition. we quote the following sample from the royal gazette, (kingston) for may , . the editor, in an article respecting cuba, says: "in writing this, one chief object is to arouse the attention of our own fellow-subjects, in this colony, to the situation—the dan- gerous situation—in which they stand, and to implore them to lend all their energies to avert the ruin that is likely to visit them, should america get the domination of cuba. jamaica. city with which the planters cling to the remnant of their power, shows an affection for it, of the strength of which they are not probably themselves aware. when public men have endeavored to be faithful and upright, they have uniformly been abused, and even persecuted by the planters. the following facts will show that the latter have not scrupled to resort to the most dishonest and unmanly intrigues to effect the removal or to circumvent the influence of such men. neglect, ridicule, vulgar abuse, slander, threats, intimidation, misrepresentation, and legal prosecutions, have been the mild- est weapons employed against those who in the discharge of their sworn duties dared to befriend the oppressed. the shameful treatment of the late governor, lord sligo, il- lustrates this. his lordship was appointed to the government about the period of abolition. being himself a proprietor of es- tates in the island, and formerly chairman of the west india body, he was received at first with the greatest cordiality; but it was soon perceived that he was disposed to secure justice to the apprentices. from the accounts we received we have been led to entertain an exalted opinion of his integrity and friend- ship for the poor. it was his custom (unprecedented in the west indies) to give a patient hearing to the poorest negro who might carry his grievances to the government-house. after hearing the complaint, he would despatch an order to the special magistrate of the district in which the complainant lived, direct- ing him to inquire into the case. by this means he kept the magistrates employed, and secured redress to the apprentices in many cases where they would otherwise have been neglected. the governor soon rendered himself exceedingly obnoxious to the planters, and they began to manoeuvre for his removal; which, in a short time, was effected by a most flagitious proced- ure. the home government, disposed to humor their unruly co. lony, sent them a governor in whom they are not likely to find "the negroes of this and of all the british w. i. colonies have been 'emancipated.' cuba on the other hand is still a slave coun- try. (lei not our readers imagine for one moment that we advo- cate the continuance of slavery,") &c. .,,... * jamaica. any fault . the present governor, sir lionel smith, is the an- tipode of his predecessor in every worthy respect. when the apprentices come to him with their complaints, he sends them back unheard, with curses on their heads. a distinguished gen- tleman in the colony remarked of him, that he was a heartiest military chieftain, who ruled without regard to mercy. of course the planters are full of his praise. his late tour of the island was a triumphal procession, amid the sycophantic greetings of op- pressors. several special magistrates have been suspended because of the faithful discharge of their duties. among these was dr. palmer, an independent and courageous man. repeated com- plaints were urged against him by the planters, until, finally, sir lionel smith appointed a commission to inquire into the grounds of the difficulty. "this commission consisted of two local magistrates, both of them planters or managers of estates, and two stipendiary ma- gistrates; the bias of one of whom, at least, was believed to be against dr. palmer. at the conclusion of their inquiry they summed up their report by saying, that dr. palmer had admin- istered the abolition law in the spirit of the english abolition act; and in his administration of the law he had adapted it more to the comprehension of freemen than to the understandings of apprenticed laborers. not only did sir lionel smith suspend dr. palmer on this report, but the colonial office at home have dismissed him from his situation." the following facts respecting the persecution of special jus- tice bourne illustrate the same thing. "a book-keeper of the name of maclean, on the estate of the rev. m. hamilton, an irish clergyman, committed a brutal as- sault upon an old african. the attorney on the property re- fused to hear the complaint of the negro, who went to stephen bourne, a special magistrate. when maclean was brought before him he did not deny the fact; but said, as the old man was not a christian, his oath could not be taken!" the magistrate not being able to ascertain the amount of injury inflicted upon the negro, (whose head was dreadfully cut,) but feeling that it was a case which required a greater penalty than three pounds ster- jamaica. ling! the amount of punishment to which he was limited by the local acts, detained maclean, and afterwards committed him to jail, and wrote the next day to the chief justice upon the subject. he was discharged as soon as a doctor's certificate was procured of the state of the wounded man, and bail was given for his appearance at the assizes. maclean's trial came on at the assizes, and he was found guilty by a jamaica jury: he was severely reprimanded for his inhuman conduct, and fined thirty pounds. the poor apprentice, however, got no remuneration for the severe injury inflicted upon him, and the special justice was prosecuted for false imprisonment, dragged from court to court, represented as an oppressor and a tyrant, subjected to four hundred pounds expenses in defending himself, and actually had judgment given against him for one hundred and fifty pounds damages. "thus have the planters succeeded in pulling down every magistrate who ventures to do more than fine them three pounds sterling for any act of cruelty of which they may be guilty. on the other hand, there were two magistrates who were lately dismissed, :hrough, i believe, the representation of lord sligo, for flagrant violations of the law in inflicting punishment; and in order to evince their sympathy for those men, the planters gave them a farewell dinner, and had actually set on foot a sub- scription, as a tribute of gratitude for their "■ impartial" conduct in administering the laws, as special justices. thus were two men, notoriously guilty of violations of law and humanity, pub- licly encouraged and protected, while stephen bourne, who, according to the testimony of the present and late attorney- general, had acted not only justly but legally, was suffering every species of persecution and indignity for so doing." probably nothing could demonstrate the meanness of the arti- fices to which the planters resort to get rid of troublesome magis- trates better than the following fact when the present governor, in making his tour of the island, came into st. thomas in the east, some of the planters of man- chioneal district hired a negro constable on one of the estates to go to the governor and complain to him that mr. chamberlain encouraged the apprentices to be disorderly and idle. the negro jamaica. went accordingly; but, like another balaam, he prophesied"- against his employers. he stated to the governor, that the ap- prentices on the estate where he lived were lazy and wouldn't do right; but he declared that it was not mr. c.'s fault, for that he was not allowed to come on the estate! having given such an unfavorable description of the mass of planters, it is but just to add, that there are a few honorable exceptions. there are some attorneys and overseers, who, if they dared to face the allied powers of oppression, would act a noble part. but they are trammelled by an overpowering pub- lic sentiment, and are induced to fall in very much with the pre- vailing practices. one of this class, an attorney of considerable influence, declined giving us his views in writing, stating that his situation and the state of public sentiment must be his apo- logy. an overseer, who was disposed to manifest the most lib- eral bearing towards his apprentices, and who had directions from the absentee proprietor to that effect, was yet effectually prevented by his attorney; who, having several other estates under his charge, was fearful of losing them, if he did not main- tain the same severe discipline on all. the special magistrates are also deeply implicated in causing the difficulties existing under the apprenticeship. they are in- cessantly exposed to multiplied and powerful temptations. the persecution which they are sure to incur by a faithful discharge of their duties, has already been noticed. it would require men of unusual sternness of principle to face so fierce afl array. in- stead of being independent of the planters, their situation is, in every respect, totally the reverse. instead of having a central office, or station-house, to hold their courts at, as is the case in barbados, they are required to visit each estate in their dis- tricts. they have a circuit from forty to sixty miles to compass every fortnight, or, in some cases, three times every month. on these tours they are absolutely dependent upon the hospitality of the planters. none but men of the "sterner stuff" could escape (to use the negro's phrase) being poisoned by massa's turtle soup. the character of the men who are acting as magis- trates is thus described by a colonial magistrate of high standing and experience. jamaica. "the special magistracy department is filled with the most worthless men, both domestic and imported. it was a neces- sary qualification of the former to possess no property; hence the most worthless vagabonds on the island were appointed. the latter were worn-out officers and dissipated rakes, whom the english government sent off here in order to get rid of them." as a specimen of the latter kind, this gentleman mentioned one (special justice light) who died lately from excessive dissipa- tion. he was constantly drunk; and the only way in which he could be got to do any business was to take him on to an estate in the evening, so that he might sleep off his intoxication, and then the business was brought before him early the next morn- ing, before he had time to get to his cups. it is well known that many of the special magistrates are to- tally unprincipled men, monsters of cruelty, lust, and despotism. as a result of natural character in many cases, and of depend- ence upon planters in many more, the great mass of the special justices are a disgrace to their office, and to the government which commissioned them. out of sixty, the number of special justices in jamaica, there are not more than fifteen, or twenty at farthest, who are not the merest tools of the attorneys and overseers. their servility was graphically hit off by the appren- tice. "ifbusha say, flog 'em, he flog 'em ; if busha say, send them to the tread-mill, he send 'em." if an apprentice laughr or sings, and the busha represents it to the magistrate as inso- lence, he feels it his duly to make an example of the offender! the following fact will illustrate the injustice of the magis- trates. it was stated in writing by a missionary. we conceal all names, in compliance with the request of the writer. "an apprentice belonging to , in the , was sent to the tread-mill by special justice g. he was ordered to go out and count the sheep, as he was able to count higher than some of the field people, although a house servant from his youth—i may say childhood. instead of bringing in the tally cut upon a piece of board, as usual, he wrote the number eighty upon a piece of pa- per. when the overseer saw it, he would scarcely believe that any of his people could write, and ordered a piece of coal to be brought and made him write it over again: the next day he jamaica. turned him into the field; but, unable to perform the task (to hoe and weed one hundred coffee roots daily) with those who had been accustomed to field work all their lives, he was tried for neglect of duty, and sentenced to fourteen days on the tread- mill!" we quote the following heart-rending account from the tele- graph, (spanishtown,) april , . it is from a baptist missionary. "i see something is doing in england to shorten the appren- ticeship system. pray god it may soon follow its predecessor, slavery; for it is indeed slavery under a less disgusting name. business lately (december ) called me to rodney hall; and while i was there, a poor old negro was brought in for punish- ment i heard the fearful vociferation 'twenty stripes.' 'very well; here, , put this man down.' i felt as i cannot de- scribe; yet i thought, as the supervisor was disposed to be civil, my presence might tend to make the punishment less severe than it usually is—but i was disappointed. i inquired into the crime for which such an old man could be so severely punished, and heard various accounts. i wrote to the magistrate who sen- tenced him to receive it; and after many days i got the follow- ing reply. « 'logan castle, jan. , . "' sir—in answer to your note of the th instant, i beg leave to state, that , an apprentice belonging to , was brought before me by mr. , his late overseer, charged upon oath with continual neglect of duty and disobedience of or- ders as cattle-man, and also for stealing milk—was convicted, and sentenced to receive twenty stripes. so far from the pun- ishment of the offender being severe, he was not ordered one half the number of stripes provided for such cases by the aboli- tion act—if he received more than that number, or if those were inflicted with undue severity, i shall feel happy in making every inquiry amongst the authorities at rodney hall institution. "' i remain, sir, yours, truly, «t. w. jones, s. m. « ' rev. j. clarke, &c. &c'" jamaica. from mr. clarke's reply, we make the following extract: "jericho, january , . "sir—i beg to acknowledge the receipt of your letter of the th instant. "respecting the punishment of , still adhere to the opinion i before expressed, that for an old man of about sixty years of age, the punishment was severe. to see a venerable old man tied as if to be broken on the wheel, and cut to the bone by the lash of an athletic driver—writhing and yelling under the most exquisite torture, were certainly circumstances sufficiently strong to touch the heart of any one possessed of the smallest degree of common humanity. the usual preparations being made, the old man quietly stripped off his upper garments, and lay down upon the board—he was then tied by his legs, middle, above the elbows, and at each wrist. mr. then called out to the driver, 'i hope you will do your duty—he is not sent here for nothing.'—at the first lash the skin parted up; and at the third, the blood began to flow; ere the driver had given ten, the cat was covered with gore; and he stopped to change it for a dry one, which appeared to me somewhat longer than the first. when the poor tortured creature had received sixteen, his vio- lent struggles enabled him to get one of his hands loose, which he put instantly to his back—the driver stopped to retie him, and then proceeded to give the remaining four. the struggles of the poor old man from the first lash bespoke the most extreme tor- ture; and his cries were to me most distressing. ioh! oh! mercy! mercy! mercy! oh! massa! massa! dat enough— enough! oh, enough! o, massa, have pity! o, massa! massa! dat enough—enough! oh! never do de like again—only pity me—forgive me dis once ! oh! pity! mercy! mercy! oh! oh! were the cries he perpetually uttered. i shall remember them while i live; and would not for ten thousand worlds have been the cause of producing them. it was some minutes after he was loosed ere he could rise to his feet, and as he attempted to rise, he continued calling out, 'my back! oh! my back! my back is broken.' a long time he remained half-doubled, the blood flowing round his body; 'i serve my master,' said the aged sufferer,iat jamaica. all times; get no saturday, no sunday; yet this is de way dem use me.'" with such planters and such magistrates to play into their hands, is it to be wondered at that the apprentices do badly enough has been said, we think, to satisfy any candid person as to the causes of the evils in jamaica. if any thing further were needed, we might speak of the peculiar facilities which these men have for perpetrating acts of cruelty and injustice. the major part of the island is exceedingly mountainous, and a large portion of the sugar estates, and most of the coffee plantations are among the mountains. these estates are scattered over a wide extent of country, and separated by dense forests and moun- tains, which conceal each plantation from the public view almost as effectually as though it were the only property on the island. the only mode of access to many of the estates in the mountain- ous districts, is by mule paths winding about, amid fastnesses, precipices, and frightful solitudes. in those lone retirements, on the mountain top, or in the deep glen by the side of the rocky rivers, the traveller occasionally meets with an estate. strang- ers but rarely intrude upon those little domains. they are left to the solitary sway of the overseers dwelling amid their "gangs," and undisturbed, save by the weekly visitations of the special magistrates. while the traveller is struck with the facilities for the perpetration of those enormities which must have existed there during slavery; he is painfully impressed also with the numerous opportunities which are still afforded for oppressing the apprentices, particularly where the special magistrates are not honest men.* * from the nature of the case, it must be impossible to know how much actual flogging is perpetrated by the overseers. we might safely conjecture that there must be a vast deal of it that never comes to the light. such is the decided belief of many of the first men in the island. the planters, say they, flog their ap. prentices, and then to prevent their complaining to the magistrate, threaten them with severe punishment, or bribe them to silence by giving them a few shillings. the attorney-general mentioned an instance of the latter policy. a planter got angry with one of his head men, who was a constable, and knocked him down. jamaica. in view of the local situation of jamaica—the violent character of its planters—and the inevitable dependency of the magistrates, it is very manifest that immediate emancipation was imperatively demanded there. in no other colony did the negroes require to be more entirely released from the tyranny of the overseers, or more tlwroughly shielded by the power of equal law. this is a princi- ple which must hold good always—that where slavery has heen most rigorous and absolute, there emancipation needs to he most unqualified; and where the sway of the master has been most despotic, cruel, and long continued, there the protection of law should be most speedily extended and most impartially ap. plied,"* the man started off to complain to the special magistrate. the master called him back, and told him he need not go to the mag- istrate—that he was constable, and had a right to fine him him- self. "well, massa," said the negro, "i fine you five shillings on de spot." the master was glad to get off with that—the magis- trate would probably have fined him je currency. * since the above was written we have seen a copy of a mes- sage sent by sir lionel smith, to the house of assembly of jamaica, on the d november, , in which a statement of the depriva- tions of the apprentices, is officially laid before the house. we make the following extract'from it, which contains, to use his ex- cellency's language, "the principal causes, as has been found by the records of the special magistrates, of complaints among th apprentices; and of consequent collisions between the planters and magistrates." "prudent and humane planters have already adopted what is recommended, and their properties present the good working of this system in peace and industry, without the resorting to the au- thority of the special magistrates; but there are other properties where neither the law of the apprenticeship nor the usages of slavery have been found sufficient to guard the rights of the ap. prentices. "first, the magistrates' reports show that on some estates the apprentices have been deprived of cooks and water-carriers while at work in the field—thus, the time allowed for breakfast, instead of being a period of rest, is one of continued labor, as they have to seek for fuel and to cook. the depriving them of water- jamaica. t we heard frequent complaints in jamaica respecting the fall- mg off of the crops since abolition. in order that the reader may know the extent of the failure in the aggregate island crops, we have inserted in the appendix a table showing the "exports for fifty-three years, ending st december, , condensed from the journals of the house." by the disaffected planters, the diminished crops were hailed as " an evident token of perdition." they had forefold that abo- lition would be the ruin of cultivation, they had maintained that sugar, coffee, rum, &c., could not be produced extensively with- out the whip of slavery, and now they exultingly point to the short crops and say, "see the results of abolition!" we say exult- ingly, for a portion of the planters do really seem to rejoice in any indication of ruin. having staked their reputation as prophets carriers is still more injurious, as the workmen are not allowed to quit their rows to obtain it. both these privations are detrimental to the planter's work. second, a law seems wanting to supply the estates' hospitals with sufficient attendants on the sick apprentices, as well as for the supply of proper food, as they cannot depend on their own grounds, whilst unable to leave the hospitals. the first clause of the abolition law has not been found strong enough to secure these necessary attentions to the sick. third in regard to jobbers, more exposed to hardsips than any class. a law is greatly required allowing them the distance they may have to walk to their work, at the rate of three miles an hour, and for com- pelling the parties hiring them to supply them with salt food and meal; their grounds are often so many miles distant, it is impossi- sible for them to supply themselves. hence constant complaints and irregularities. fourth, that mothers of six children and upwards, pregnant women, and the aged of both sexes, jvould be greatly benefited by a law enforcing the kind treatment which they received in slavery, but which is now considered optional, or is altogether avoided on many properties. fifth, nothing would tend more to affect general contentment, and repress the evils of comparative treatment, than the issue of fish as a right by law. it was an indulgence in slavery seldom denied, but on many properties is now withheld, or given for extra labor instead of wages. sixth, his excellency during the last sessions had the honor to address a message to the house for a stronger defi- jamaica. against their credit as colonists and their interests as men, they seem happy in the establishment of the former, even though it be by the sacrifice of the latter. said an intelligent gentleman in st. thomas in the east, "the planters have set their hearts upon ruin, and they will be sorely disappointed if it should not come. hearing so much said concerning the diminution of the crops, we spared no pains to ascertain the true causes. we satisfied ourselves that the causes were mainly two. first. the prevailing impression that the negroes would not work well after the abolition of slavery, led many planters to throw a part of their land out of cultivation, in . this is a fact which was published by lord sligo,in an official account which he gave shortly before leaving jamaica, of the working of the apprentice- ship. the overseer of belvidere estate declared that he knew nition of working time. the clause of the act in aid expressed that it was the intention of the legislature to regulate ' uniformity' of labor, but in practice there is still a great diversity of system. the legal adviser of the crown considers the clause active and binding; the special magistrate cannot, therefore, adjudicate on disputes of labor under the eight hour system, and the consequen- ces have been continual complaints and bickerings between the magistrates and managers, and discontent among the apprentices by comparison of the advantages which one system presents over the other. seventh, if your honorable house would adopt some equit- able fixed principle for the value of apprentices desirous of pur- chasing their discharge, either by ascertained rates of weekly labor, or by fixed sums according to their trade or occupation, which should not be exceeded, and allowing the deduction of one third from the extreme value for the contingencies of maintenance, cloth- lncr, medical aid, risk of life, and health, it would greatly tend to set at rest one cause of constant disappointment. in proportion as the term of apprenticeship draws to a close, the demands for the sale op services have greatly increased. it is in the hope that the honorable house will be disposed to enforce a more general system of equal treatment, that his excellency now circumstan- tially represents what have been the most common causes of com plaint among the apprentices, and why the island is subject to the reproach that the negroes, in some respects, are now in a worse condition than they were in slavery." jamaica. of many cases in which part of the land usually planted in canes was thrown up, owing to the general expectation that much less work would be done after abolition. he also mentions one attor- ney who ordered all the estates under his charge to be thrown out of cultivation in , so confident was he that the negroes would not work. the name of this attorney was white. mr. gordon, of williarasfield, stated, that the quantity of land planted in cane, in , was considerably less than the usual amount: on some estates it was less by twenty, and on others by forty acres. now if such were the fact in the parish of st. thomas in the east, where greater confidence was felt probably than in any other parish, we have a clue by which we may conjecture (if in- deed we were left to conjecture) to what extent the cultivation was diminished in the island generally. this of itself would sat- isfactorily account for the falling off in the crops—which at most is not above one third. nor would this explain the decrease in ' only, for it is well known among sugar planters that a neglect of planting, either total or partial, for one year, will affect the crops for two or three successive years. the other cause of short crops has been the diminished amount of time for labor. one fourth of the time now belongs to the laborers, and they often prefer to employ it in culti- vating their provision grounds and carrying their produce to market. thus the estate cultivation is necessarily impeded. this cause operates very extensively, particularly on two classes of estates: those which lie convenient to market places, where the apprentices have strong inducements to cultivate then- grounds, and those (more numerous still) which have harsh over- seers, to whom the apprentices are averse to hire their time— in which cases they will choose to work for neighboring planters who are better men. we should not omit to add here, that owing to a singular fact, the falling off of the crops appears greater than it really has been. we learn from the most cred- ible sources that the size of the hogsheads had been considerably enlarged since abolition. formerly they contained, on an ave- rage, eighteen hundred weight, now they vary from a ton to twenty-two hundred! as the crops are estimated by the num. ber of hogsheads, this will make a material difference. there jamaica. were two reasons for enlarging in the hogeneads—one was, to lessen the amount of certain port charges in exportation, which were made by the hogshead; the other, and perhaps the princi- pal, was to create some foundation in appearance for the com- plaint that the crops had failed because of abolition. while we feel fully warranted in stating these as the chief causes of the diminished crops, we are at the same time dis- posed to admit that the apprenticeship is in itself exceedingly ill calculated either to encourage or to compel industry. we must confess that we have no special zeal to vindicate this system from its full share of blame; but we are rather inclined to award to it every jot and tittle of the dishonored instrumentality which it has had in working mischief to the colony. however, in all candor, we must say, that we can scarcely check the risings of exultation when we perceive that this party-fangled measure— this offspring of old slavery in her dying throes, which was ex- pressly designed as a compensation to the proprietor, has actual- ly diminished his annual returns by one third! so may it ever be with legislation which is based on iniquity and rob- bery! but the subject which excites the deepest interest in jamaica is the probable consequences of entire emancipatiannn . the most common opinion among the prognosticators of evil is, that the emancipated negroes-will abandon the cultivation of all the staple products, retire to the woods, and live in a state of semi- barbarism; and as a consequence, the splendid sugar and coffee estates must be "thrown up," and the beautiful and fertile island of jamaica become a waste howling wilderness. i the reasons for this opinion consist in part of naked assump- tions, and in part of inferences from supposed facts. the as- sumed reasons are such as these. the negroes will not cultivate the cane without the whip. how is this known? simply be- cause they never have, to any great extent, in jamaica. such, it has been shown, was the opinion formerly in barbados, but it nas been forever exploded there by experiment. again, the negroes are naturally improvident, and will never have enough foresight to work steadily. what is the evidence of natural improvidence in the negroes? barely this—their carelessness * jamaica. in a state of slavery. but that furnishes no ground at all for judging of natural character, or of the developments of character under a totally different system. if it testifies anything, it is only this, that the natural disposition of the negroes is not al- always proof against the degenerating influences of slavery. again, the actual wants of the negroes are very few and easily supplied, and they will undoubtedly prefer going into the woods where they can live almost without labor, to toiling in the hot cane fields or climbing the coffee mountains. but they who urge this, lose sight of the fact that the negroes are considerably civilized, and that, like other civilized people, they will seek for more than a supply for the necessities of the rudest state of na- ture. their wants are already many, even in the degraded condition of slaves; it is probable that they will be satisfied with fewer of tine, comforts and luxuries of civilized life, when they are elevated to the sphere, and feel the self-respect and dignity of freemen? but let us notice some of the reasons which profess to be founded on fact. they may all be resolved into two, the laziness of the negroes, and their tendency to barbarism. . they now refuse to work on saturdays, even for wages. on this we remark: ( .) it is true only to a partial extent. the apprentices on many estates—whether a majority or not it is impossible to say —do work for their masters on saturdays, when their services are called for. ( .) they often refuse to work on the estates, because they can earn three or four times as much by cultivating their pro- vision grounds and carrying their produce to market . the or- dinary day's wages on an estate is a quarter of a dollar, and where the apprentices are conveniently situated to market, they can make from seventy-five cents to a dollar a day with their provisions. ( .) the overseers are often such overbearing and detestable men, that the apprentices doubtless feel it a great relief to be freed from their command on saturday, after submitting to it compulsorily for five days of the week. . another feet from which the laziness of the negroes is in- ferred, is their neglecting their provision grounds. it is said jamaica. that they have fallen off greatly in their attention to their grounds, since % the abolition of slavery. this fact does not comport very well with the complaint, that the apprentices cul- tivate their provision grounds to the neglect of the estates. but both assertions may be true under opposite circumstances. on those estates which are situated near the market, provisions will be cultivated; on those which are remote from the market, provisions will of course be partially neglected, and it will be more profitable to the apprentices to work on the estates at a quarter of a dollar per day, raising only enough provisions for their own use. but we ascertained another circumstance which throws light on this point the negroes expect, after emancipation, to lose their provision grounds; many expect certainly to be turned off by their masters, and many, who have harsh masters, intend to leave and seek homes on other estates, and all feel a great un- certainty about their situation after ; and consequently they can have but little encouragement to vigorous and extended cul- tivation of their grounds. besides this, there are very many cases in which the apprentices of one estate cultivate provision grounds on another estate, where the manager is a man in whom they have more confidence than they have in their own "busha." they, of course, in such cases, abandon their former grounds, and consequently are charged with neglecting them through laziness. . another alleged fact is, that actually less work is done now than was done during slavery. the argument founded on this fact is this: there is less work done under the apprenticeship than was done during slavery; therefore, no work at all will be done after entire freedom! but the apprenticeship allows one fourth less time for labor than slavery did, and presents no inducement, either compulsory or persuasive, to continued industry. will it be replied, that emancipation will take away all the time from labor, and offer no encouragement but to idleness .* how is it now? do the apprentices work better or worse during their own time when they are paid) better, unquestionably. what does this prove? that freedom will supply both the time and the induce- ment to the most vigorous industry. the other reason for believing that the negroes will abandon estate-labor after entire emancipation, is their strong tendency to jamaica. barbarism! and what are the facts in proof of this we know but one. we heard it said repeatedly, that the apprentices were not willing to have their free children educated—that they had per- tinaciously declined every offer of the bushas to educate their children; and this, it was alleged, evinced a determination, on the part of the negroes, to perpetuate ignorance and barbarism among their posterity. we heard from no less than four persons of distinction, in st. thomas in the east, the following curious fact . it was stated each time, for the double purpose of proving that the apprentices did not wish to have their children learn to work, and that they were opposed to their receiving education. a company of the first gentlemen of that parish, consisting of the rector of the parish, the custos, the special magistrate, an attor- ney, and member of the assembly, etc, had mustered in impos- ing array, and proceeded to one of the large estates in the plan- tain garden river valley; and there, having called the appren- tices together, made the following proposals to them respecting their free children, the rector acting as spokesman. the attor- ney would provide a teacher for the estate, and would give the children four hours' instruction daily, if the parents would bind them to work four hours every day: the attorney further offered to pay for all medical attendance the children should require.— the apprentices, after due deliberation among themselves, unan- imously declined this proposition. it was repeatedly urged upon them, and the advantages it promised were held up to .them ; but they persisted in declining it wholly. this was a great marvel to the planters; and they could not account for it in any other way than by supposing that the apprentices were opposed both to labor and education, and were determined that their free children should grow up in ignorance and indolence! now the true reason why the apprentices rejected this proposal was, be. cause it came from the planters, in whom they have no confi- dence. they suspected that some evil scheme was hid under the fair pretence of benevolence: the design of the planters, as they firmly believed, was to get their free children bound to them, so that they might continue to keep them in a species of appren- ticeship. this was stated to us as the real ground of the rejec- jamaica. tion, by several missionaries, who gave the best evidence that it was so; viz., that at the same time that the apprentices declined the offer, they would send their free children six or eight miles to a school taught by a missionary. we inquired particularly of some of the apprentices, to whom this offer was made, why they did not accept it. they said that they could not trust their mas- ters; the whole design of it was to get them to give up their children; and if they should give them up but for a single month, it would be the same as acknowledging that they (the parents) were not able to take care of them themselves. the busha would then send word to the governor that the people had given up their children, not being able to support them, and the go- vernor would have the children bound to the busha, "and then," said they, " we might whistle for our children!" in this manner the apprentices, the parents, reasoned. they professed the greatest anxiety to have their children educated, but they said they could have no confidence in the honest intentions of their busha. the views given above, touching the results of the entire emancipation in , are not unanimously entertained, even among the planters, and they are far from prevailing, to any great extent, among other classes of the community. the mis- sionaries, as a body, a portion of the special magistrates, and most of the intelligent, free colored people, anticipate glorious consequences; they hail the approach of , as a deliverance from the oppressions of the apprenticeship, and its train of disaf- fections, complaints, and incessant disputes. they say they have nothing to fear—nor has the island any thing to fear, but every thing to hope, from entire emancipation. we subjoin a specimen of the reasoning of a minority of the planters. they represent the idea that the negroes will abandon the estates and retire to the woods, as wild and ab- surd in the extreme. they say the negroes have a great regard for the comforts which they enjoy on the estates: they are strongly attached to their houses and little furniture, and their provision grounds. these are as much to them as the < great house' and the estate are to their master. besides, .they have very strong local attachments, and these would bind them jamaica. to the properties. these planters also argue, from the great wil- lingness of the apprentices now to work for money, duringt their own time, that they will not be likely to relinquish labor when they are to get wages for the whole time. there was no doubt much truth in the remark of a planter in st thomas in the east, that if any estates were abandoned by the negroes after , it would be those which had harsh managers, and those which are so mountainous and inaccessible, or barren, that they ought to be abandoned. it was the declaration of a. planter, that entire emancipation would regenerate the island of jamaica. ■ we now submit to the candid examination of the american, especially the christian public, the results of our inquiries in an- tigua, barbados, and jamaica. the deficiency of the narrative in ability and interest, we are sure, is neither the fault of the subject nor of the materials. could we have thrown into vivid forms a few only of the numberless incidents of rare beauty which thronged our path—could we have imparted to our pages that freshness and glow which invested the institutions of free- dom, just bursting into bloom over the late wastes of slavery— could we, in fine, have carried our readers amid the scenes which we witnessed, and the sounds which we heard, and the things which we handled, we should not doubt the power and permanence of the impression produced. it is due to the cause, and to the society under whose commission we acted, frankly to state, that we were not selected on account of any peculiar qua- lifications for the work. as both of us were invalids, and com- pelled to fly from the rigors of an american winter, it was be- lieved that we might combine the improvement of health with the prosecution of important investigations, while abler men could thus be retained in the field at home; but we found that the un- expected abundance of materials required the strongest health and powers of endurance. we regret to add, that the continued ill health of both of us, since our return, so serious, in the case of one, as to deprive him almost wholly of participation in the preparation of the work, has necessarily delayed its appearance, and rendered its execution more imperfect we lay no claim to literary merit; to present a simple narra- jamaica. tive of facts has been our sole aim. we have not given the re- mits of our personal observations merely, or chiefly, nor have we made a record of private impressions or idle speculations. well authenticated facts, accompanied with the testimony, verbal and documentary, of public men, planters, and other responsible indi- viduals, make up the body of the volume, as almost every page will show. that no statements, if erroneous, might escape de-, tection and exposure, we have, in nearly every case, given the names of our authorities. by so doing we may have subjected ourselves to the censure of those respected gentlemen with whose names we have taken such liberty. we are assured, however, that their interest in the cause of freedom will quite reconcile them to what otherwise might be an unpleasant personal pub- licity. commending our narrative to the blessing of the god of truth, and the redeemer of the oppressed, we send it forth to do its part, however humble, toward the removal of slavery from our beloved. but guilty country. appendix. we have in our possession a number of official documents from gentlemen, officers of the government, and variously con- nected with its administration, in the different islands which we visited; some of these—such as could not be conveniently in- corporated into the body of the work—we insert in the form of an appendix. to insert them all would unduly increase the size of the present volume. those not embodied in this appendix will be published in the periodicals of the american anti-slavery society. official communication fkom e. b. lyon, esq., special magistrate. jamaica, hillingd*n, near falm*uth, trelawney, may , . to j. h. kimball, eeq. and j. a. thome, esq. dear sirs—of the operation of the apprenticeship system in this district, from the slight opportunity have had of observing the conduct of managers and apprentices, i could only speak conjecturally, and my opinions, wanting the authority of experi- ence, would be of little service to you; i shall therefore confine the remarks have to make, to the operation of the system in the district from which i have lately removed. commenced my duties in august, ; and from the pau- city of special magistrates at that eventful era, i had the super- intendence of a most extensive district, comprising nearly one half of the populous parish of st. thomas in the east, and the whole of the parish of st david, embracing an apprentice popu- appendix. they could not procure their provisions or prepare themselves for it. the deprivation of the half of friday was, therefore, a serious hardship to them; and this, coupled to the previous assurance of their masters, and special justice everard, that they were entitled to it, made them to suspect a fraud was about being practised on them, which, if they did not resist, would lead to the destruction of the remaining few privileges they possessed. the resistance was very general, but without violence; whole gangs leaving the fields on the afternoon of friday; refusing to take any other afternoon, and sometimes leaving the estates for two or three days together they fortunately had confidence in me—and i succeeded in restoring order, and all would have been well—but the managers, no longer alarmed by the fear of rebellion or violence, began a system of retalliation and revenge, by withdrawing cooks, water-carriers, and nurses from the field, by refusing medicine and admittance to the hospital to the ap- prentice children; and by compelling old and infirm people, who had been allowed to withdraw from labor, and mothers of six children, who were exempt by the slave law from hard labor, to come out and work in the field. all this had a natural tendency to create irritation, and did do so; though, to the great credit of the people, in many instances, they submitted with the most extraordinary patience, to evils which were the more onerous, because inflicted under the affected sanction of a law, whose ad- vent, as the herald of liberty, they had expected would have been attended with a train of blessings. i effected a change in this miserable state of things; and mutual contract for labor, in crop and out of it, were made on twenty-five estates in my district, before, i believe, any arrangement had been made in other parts of the island between the managers and the apprentices; so that from being in a more unsettled state than others, we were soon happily in a more prosperous one, and so continued. no peasantry, in the most favored country on the globe, can have been more irreproachable in morals and conduct than the majority of apprentices in that district since the beginning of . i have, month after month, in my despatches to the go- vernor, had to record instances of excess of labor, compared with the quantity performed during slavery, in some kinds of appendix. work; and while i have with pleasure reported the improving condition, habits, manners, and the industry which characterised the labors of the peasantry, i have not been an indifferent or un- interested witness of the improvement in the condition of many estates, the result of the judicious application of labor, and of the confidence in the future and sanguine expectations of the propri- etors, evinced in the enlargements of the works, and expensive and permanent repair of the buildings on various estates, and in the high prices given for properties and land since the appren- ticeship system, which would scarcely have commanded a pur- chaser, at any price, during the existence of slavery. i have invariably found the apprentices willing to work for an equitable hire; and on all the sugar estates, and several of the coffee plantations, in the district i speak of, they worked a con- siderable portion of their own time during crop, about the works, for money, or an equivalent in herrings, sugar, etc., to so great a degree, that less than the time allotted to them during slavery was left for appropriation to the cultivation of their grounds, and for marketing, as the majority, very much to their credit, scrupu- lously avoided working on the sabbath day. in no community in the world is crime less prevalent. at the quarter sessions, in january last, for the precinct of st. thomas in the east, and st. david, which contains an apprentice popu- lation of about thirty thousand, there was only one apprentice tried. and the offences that have, in general, for the last eight- een months, been brought before me on estates, have been of the most trivial description; such as an individual occasionally turning out late, or some one, of an irritable temper, answering impatiently, or for some trifling act of disobedience; in fact, the majority of apprentices on estates have been untainted with of- fence, and have steadily and quietly performed their duty and re- spected the law. the apprentices of st. thomas in the east, i do not hesitate to say, are much superior in manners and morals to those who inhabit the towns. during the first six or eight months, while the planters were in doubt how far the endurance of their laborers might be taxed, the utmost deference and respect was paid by them to the spe- cial magistrates; their suggestions or recommendations were appendix. from the obligations of the apprenticeship by purchase, instead of being located, and laboring for hire upon the estate to which they were attached, and forming a nucleus around which others would have gathered and settled themselves, they have been principally driven to find other homes, and, in the majority of in- stances, have purchased land, and become settlers on their own account if complete emancipation had taken place in , there would have been no more excitement, and no more trouble to allay it, than that which was the consequence of the introduc- tion of the present system of coerced and uncompensated la- bor. the relations of society would have been fixed upon a permanent basis, and the two orders would not have been placed in that situation of jealousy and suspicion which their present anomalous condition has been the baneful means of creating. * i am convinced there never was any serious alarm about the consequences of immediate emancipation among those who were acquainted with the peasantry of jamaica. the fears of the mor- bidly humane were purposely excited to increase the amount of compensation, or to lengthen the duration of the apprenticeship; and the daily ridiculous and unfaithful statements that are made by the vitiated portion of the jamaica press, of the indolence of the apprentices, their disinclination to work in their own time, and the great increase of crime, are purposely and insidiously put forward to prevent the fact of the industry, and decorum, and deference to the law, of the people, and the prosperous con- dition of the estates, appearing in too prominent a light, lest the friends of humanity, and the advocates for the equal rights of men, should be encouraged to agitate for the destruction of a system which, in its general operation, has retained many of the worst features of slavery, perpetuated many gross infringements of the social and domestic rights of the working classes; and which, instead of working out the benevolent intention of the imperial legislature, by aiding and encouraging the expansion of mtellect, and supplying motives for the permanent good con- duct of the apprentices, in its termination, has, i fear, retarded the rapidity with which civilization would have advanced, and appendix. sown the seeds of a feeling more bitter than that which slavery, with all its abominations, had engendered. i am, dear sirs, your very faithful servant, edmund b. lyon, special justice. extract from a communication which we received from wm. wemryss anderson, esq., of kingston, jamaica. the staples of the island must be cultivated after as now, because if not, the negroes could not obtain the comforts or luxuries, of which they are undoubtedly very desirous, from culti- vation of their grounds. the fruits and roots neceseary for the public markets are already supplied in profusion at tolerably market prices; if the supply were greatly increased, the prices could not be remunerative. there is no way in which they can be so readily as by labor for wages, obtain money, and therefore i hold that there must ever be an adequate supply of labor in the market the negroes are in my opinion very acute in their preceptions of right and wrong, justice and injustice, and appreciate fully the benefits of equitable legislation, and would unreservedly submit to it where they felt confidence in the purity of its administration. there is not the slightest likelihood of rebellion on the part of the negroes after , unless some unrighteous attempts be made to keep up the helotism of the class by enactments of par- tial laws. they could have no interest in rebellion, they could gain nothing by it; and might lose every thing; nor do i think they dream of such a thing. they are ardently attached to the british government, and would be so to the colonial government, were it to indicate by its enactments any purposes of kindness or protection towards them. hitherto the scope of its legislation has been, in reference to them, almost exclusively coercive; cer- tainly there have been no enactments of a tendency to conciliate their good will or attachment the negroes are much desirous of education and religious in- struction ; no one who has attended to the matter can gainsay that. formerly marriage was unknown amongst them; they were in fact only regarded by their masters, and i fear by them- appendix. selves too, as so many brutes for labor, and for increase. now they seek the benefits of the social institution of marriage and its train of hallowed relationships: concubinage is becoming quite disreputable : many are seeking to repair their conduct by marriage to their former partners, and no one in any rank of life would be hardy enough to express disapprobation of those who have done or may do so. wm. vvemryss anderson. kingston, jamaica, th april, . the following communication is the monthly report for march, , of major j. b. colthurst, special justice for district a., rural division, barbados. the general conduct of the apprentices since my last report has been excellent, considering that greater demands have been made upon their labor at this moment to save perhaps the finest crop of canes ever grown in the island. upon the large estates generally the best feeling exists, because they are in three cases out of four conducted by either the pro- prietors themselves, or attorneys and managers of sense and consideration. here all things go on well; the people are well provided and comfortable, and therefore the best possible under- standing prevails. the apprentices in my district perform iheirwork most willing- ly, whenever the immediate manager is a man of sense and humanity. if this is not the case, the effect is soon seen, and complaints begin to be made. misunderstandings are usually confined to the smaller estates, particularly in the neighborhood of bridgetown, where the lots are very small, and the apprentice population of a less rural description, and more or less also cor- rupted by daily intercourse with the town. the working hours most generally in use in my district are as follows: on most estates, the apprentices work from six to nine, breakfast; from ten to one, dinner—rest; from three to six, work. it is almost the constant practice of the apprentices, particularly appendix. the praedials or rural portion, to work in their own time for money wages, at the rate of a quarter dollar a day. they sometimes work also during those periods in their little gardens round their negro houses ard which they most generally enjoy without charge, or in the land they obtain in lieu of allowance, they seem always well pleased to be fully employed at fret la- bor, and work, when so employed, exceedingly well. i know a small estate, worked exclusively on this system. it is in excel- lent order, and the proprietor tells me his profits are greater than they would be under the apprenticeship. he is a sensible and correct man, and i therefore rely upon his information. during the hurry always attendant on the saving of the crop, the ap- prentices are generally hired in their own time upon their respec- tive estates at the above rate, and which they seldom refuse. no hesitation generally occurs in this or any other matter, whenever the employer discharges his duty by them in a steady and con- siderate manner. the attendance at church throughout my district is most re- spectable; but the accommodation, either in this respect or as regards schools, is by no means adequate to the wants of the people. the apprentices conduct themselves during divine ser- vice in the most correct manner, and it is most gratifying to per- ceive, that only very little exertion, indeed, would be required to render them excellent members of society. this fact is fully proved by the orderly situation of a few estates in my district, that have had the opportunity of receiving some moral and reli- gious instruction. there are sixty-four estates in my district over twenty-five acres. upon four of those plantations where the apprentices have been thus taught, there are a great number of married couples (which may be considered a fair test) than upon the remaining sixty. i scarcely ever had a complaint from these four estates, and they are generally reported to be in a most orderly state. in the memory of the oldest inhabitant, the island has never produced a finer crop of canes than that now in the course of manufacture. all other crops are luxuriant and the plantations in a high state of agricultural cleanliness. the season has been very favorable. appe: selves too, as so many brutes they seek the benefits of tin' it train of hallowed rela; quite disreputable : man; marriage to their former i > would be hardy enough i have done or may do so. kingst*n, jamaica, - the following conn. , of major j. k. rural division, u:n''. the general ou. . has been excili. in. made upon their .... crop of canes en. upon the lariie .. they are in thre t prietors theni.i .. consideration, i. provided and c > standing prev .. . the appro .. ly, whenever humanity. . complaints iv confined to '... of bridgetov. population o." rupted by d the wo:'' follows: o"v breakfast; f- ■■ work. it is almost v _j=. — ^ : - jte .... --v ' t . appendix. , under the head of general inquiry, i beg leave to offer a few remarks. i have now great pleasure in having it in my power to state, that a manifest change for the better has taken place gradually in my district within the last few months. asperities seem to be giving away to calm discussion, and the laws are better understood and obeyed. it is said in other colonies as well as here, that there has been, and still continues to be, a great want of natural affection among the negro parents with their children, and that great mortality among the free children has occurred in consequence. this opinion, i understand, has been lately expressed in confident terms by the legislature of st. vincent's, which has been fully and satisfactorily contradicted by the reports of the special justices to the lieutenant-governor. the same assertion has been made by individuals to myself. as regards barbados, i have spared no pains to discover whether such statements were facts, and i now am happy to say, that not a single instance of unnatural con- duct on the part of the negro parents to their children has come to my knowledge—far, perhaps too far, the contrary is the case; over indulgence and petting them seems in my judgment to be the only matter the parents can be, with any justic.e, accused of. they exhibit their fondness in a thousand ways. contrasting the actual conduct of the negro parents with the assertions of the planters, it is impossible not to infer that some bitterness is felt by the latter on the score of their lost authority. when this is the case, reaction is the natural consequence, and thus misun- derstandings and complaints ensue. the like assertions are made with respect to the disinclination of the parents to send their children to school. this certainly does exist to a certain extent, particularly to schools where the under classes of whites are taught, who often treat the negro children in a most impe- rious and hostile manner. as some proof that no decided objec- tion exists in the negro to educate his children, a vast number of the apprentices of my district send ihem to school, and take pride in paying a bit a week each for them—a quarter dollar entrance and a quarter dollar for each vacation. those schools are al- most always conducted by a black man and his married wife. however, they are well attended, but are very few in number. appendix. imports of provisions. flour. corn meal. y'rs. | bbls. , , , | , j bbls. bush. bbls. bread and biscuits. oats & corn. v'rs. hds. bbls. i bbls. kegs. | bags. bags. | qrs. u i & | ia% it it ii " ii imports of cattle. cattle, etc. horses. mules. . ia . - - return of exports—sugar. hhds. trcs. bbls. , . , . , - , - , valuations of apprentices in jamaica. "from the st of august, , to st of may, , apprentices purchased their freedom by valuation, and paid £ , . from st may, , to st nov. in the same year, appendix. apprentices purchased themselves, and paid £ , —mak- ing, in all, £ , —a prodigious sum to be furnished by the negroes in two years. from the above statement it appears that the desire to be free is daily becoming more general and more intense, and that the price of liberty remains the same, although the term of apprenticeship is decreasing. the amount paid by the apprentices is a proof of the extent of the exertions and sac- rifices they are willing to make for freedom, which can scarcely be appreciated by those who are acquainted with the disadvan- tages of their previous condition. the negroes frequently raise the money by loans to purchase their freedom, and they are scrupulous in repaying money lent them for that purpose." the above is extracted from the "west indies in ," an english work by messrs. sturge and harvey, page , appen- dix. we insert the following tabular view of the crops in jamaica for a series of years preceding .—as the table and " re- marks" appended were first published in the st. jago gazette, a decided "pro-slavery" paper, we insert, in connection with them the remarks of the jamaica watchman, published at kingston, and an article on the present condition of slavery, from the telegraph, published at spanishtown, the seat of the colonial ffovf'rnment. i vethv th uoiioniistp —isnsny * utu (j lufbb jv awn ouuo uoqmotj onp v 'oi . ■t . t i t b^ .s. t . tt . iv , . i b t . :: b* * bt■ e i tei *i qtt m ■tsw/ i , i ivtt ||t h i bi !| v ; t ti | vi it * flii*h cl *s ! to ifit t t immdim i i w if w iic i t v ? bt p w p o * t .t i v htiniv i ib « b ■t.i '*h iv t b rc? i % p o b i i b ■ ii w i svn ■b s- p r> fi i.vw *i p fcd ( ■km i nr p o v m .v ■ v it cr ir ix tis ii*' itv .■'r tit t> to ttj &- tiej tt tib!i■ p- o ) tv t t t t i i*t . h i! i * k| i* t.! t i ?^ l f- s ci t^!|it i. a tii tt i i?- . iit i ltui ? i t t 'n b i i t it bb* *i £ ttvti t iv i i tt sx tt i* t vvvons n i- t i £ i t wfi i ii i ti i *i i tvti i b w i is itx tt tr afi a i tq i it b i *t ii i t ui i ti i ti i w t ti t t t r . a> p « s i t i it v v stwjj sip jo sjmurwf sip mojj psidos— *i stsquitotg ?sxb suipus sxvsfi gg jo/ vsimuvf jo putr[si tiff wojitf si,hodxa do nhfu.au ivuanat) v appendix. © co to ao as co cft co © co t^ao to co as © hos is a *h extreme drought. mr. canning's resol i tions relat've to si; very. severe drought i ' , the previon o no" - si if s year. s ,- dcoa ioa tcoiioolc tococ j o ■ aot--toootoaoi--gotf<os©u'sqo co — •i* eo m ao d ao^t t~asti<cicoaoior-cd ■ hostooiocnoin^nt-tiia i t-i ao tol "© tocmaoaotoacoi'^toaocjoi as oi i-<t—otr-w iot}<.-.m t- irs u oo -rf< ^«on(n^ -co o aot-cotocicor-occx , to as >n in t- ao *<# ^f t- l> tl ^ lt ^ (m (o os o t- hoio(m(m oi oi os oi -^ -'oicoos hwh ct hh(mctc^c^cng^m si s g oooortcon ct lo -h (c 'j h w) oi^co o^o i— © © 'to" to irt tct io co" to* *o >o i-h to oi as --# ct o ooi^io-^ ^ g cj t"» o co oi-<# os cs t~- *<* f- ift eo lo i—i lfj -rj* os i— otcd"^ co *tf ao co r» t- t-h ot - hhtd so i—l p t-co rj< i—t t o c l t- os dot r- to htool o t^ co i-h cm co ^ (o co os ioowhhmol cct t- co ac o co r- aihqsiocoot- t- ao -* u . i- os os os oi io os o wxgc t-no! oi as - < h co h to os •- < tf oo i en ooi > t** os • in os soi to ^ os t- os to co co oi co o co ioctoh ol ^ cd h to lo n o -^ co "^ os i—i of to ao i- t- ^t h oi co -* co ii oi co t- h , •"' ~ '",' — ct^r tocdi—i ^h © t- co oi ™ "*• -" ~" rh ^-^-* m ^ © i-tofh*—~"i—t i—t"of hh i—i ^h i—i"h i—i co iocs ct — to tt< co -* i—t coifcfttfhhor-^fhcmhtft)'oiaou:io^ hxcik-otocihiocooi^pjtf<(mt-a)ocictohciqoei "twmiot^hoi ©.os os l> go co i-^tti os t- as os os j^h" of wtof i—ti—t i—tof co" vr" ^in-*t co'co t$**& *ri m us o«^<c- o ■* ( .-. o ; i-h co nccmcjo^'t'nctn-f^otto'^oiaiti'oclictdod! 'ioo'#^tdii,joi«icto^hhc)'*oooto«ciosu:oooad 'hct ^h oi ^h oi ^ mcthhlgaoowicth hctb.r»^c h ci i—i "j os oir-as cs tj<tj< t}i to ^ o n« t- co os * co osci - t*^oiohoiiqtort^ih(oh go (- co os os i-l lo, tj< itj -^ h ct oi oi •*# ^-icofhottocoosow i—to»cococor-o*ojr--odr-to ._ ..... . „ .-. _.. ._. _ - .... oionhtowokonqo'i'^ i—looiooiocooscoosott'to co c h oj t os co i i go co • os os t os f* t- tj< ^ i—n to <-t i- os © ^i *o io co rt lo lo to o: -f to as i>- o ooo coco o as oo as h to t- i- ,sft ic ^ ot co t i—i as e - oo ci co as - as i~- as © iowt-o t- to © io -^ i— to m •* © ^ cogoc" - © o i i- ^ i—icmoi—iffjhi—ihh ^-i^h^hht-i^i^hcoctcoos ol ct ct oi oi co oi h-t l>-«—i i—i os a: ti co co to oo to to to as io to -h oi oo oi '—< © © © i^ i-o ui ro © o in co ao ©nasi—©©ioas-*—' ao©cotf<os-^toooi-^oicoi—i-^ooaoto^torhoscoco oi^oj i-hoo^-*co©coto^j<as t^os^it^asco^oo t^c'i,'^.a:lirtq i^.clet ^.°.oi "^ ^ as of co* oo"i—roi"co oi" ^t co"-^t co" of i-o'r-r©*'co io to" ao'io"(^r^io"^to"to co"'* oi co*©"to*c,r r- os as t o ic •+ © to x -f i.o r- to no u: ^ -* oi ci l- '— oo to © t}i t* m oi © -*# i- io t- oxt-mcjeohtfl':or-i—'nto o^t-t-«^cjiioijir-'(jio^ojoi>iotrtc > btgiflt - to^io ^ow#ww»;ciroi^ct^aswmt^ooht^ c^co*«co"oi"co"co"mo? of of os"oto«" of co os t>. t-. -rt zo to © io i— as io -f oi -# ©'mco'oost-h©-*iooocooscot*io©©t- *- ©©r-u, oi-icooioseou, }toi* ot*co^coostocoiocixoicoos £»a^os co qo ^^g^^ ,"^^.^, , co ^ co^t-^t^h to^co io *^^t fh t- © as co xoo t- fh'fh hhxof os" l>©" t-"os"©"oo"©"©"cros" cc t*^* of t^" * t^ "o" "^ ^ io* h ©" ©" of ©* h -i,vj^toi>goc^©hosco^^tot-ooa ©hoico"*irjtor-ooas©i—ioicoxf't-' t£> oooooohhhhhhhhhhi iwcicictotctct(mctnnrtrtccefjeo xfoooooooooooooooooogoooooooooooooooooooooqoooooqoooooto appendix. the following are the remarks of the editor of the jamaica watchman, on the foregoing, in his paper of april , :— a general return of exports from the island for fifty-three years, ending the st december last, and purporting to be ex- tracted from the journals of the assembly, has been published, and as usual, the decrease in the crops of the respective years has been attributed to the resolutions passed by the british house of commons in , and the abolition of slavery in . it is remarkable that in preparing this table, a mani- fest disposition is evinced to account for the falling-off of the crops in certain years anterior, and subsequent to the passing of mr. canning's memorable resolutions, whilst opposite to the years and , is written "seasons favorable." in , the sugar crop fell off , hhds. compared with the previous year, and we are told in reference to this circumstance, that there was a storm in october, . this remark is evidently made to account for the decrease, and perhaps the storm at the close of the previous year was the cause of it. but it is astonishing, and the circumstance is worthy of notice, that whilst the sugar crop fell off nearly , hhds. the coffee crop increased nearly six millions of pounds. we should have supposed that the coffee trees would have suffered more from the effects of a storm, than the canes. however, the effect was as we have stated it, whatever might have been the cause. in , the largest coffee crop was made. again, in , there was a decrease in the sugar crop compared with the year immediately preceding it of nearly , hhds. and here we have the storm of october, , assigned as a reason. the coffee crop in this instance also fell off nearly ten millions of pounds. in , the sugar crop was reduced , hhds., and the coffee crop increased three millions of pounds. the reason now assigned is an "extreme drought." the cele- brated resolutions relative to slavery now appear to begin to exercise their baneful influence on the seasons and the sou of our island. in the year in which they were passed, , , hogsheads of sugar were made, and twenty millions of pounds of coffee gathered. came, and the crop, instead of being reduced, was increased from nearly , hogsheads appendix. to upwards of , hogsheads. the coffee crop was also greater by seven millions of pounds. in , they fell off to , hogsheads and twenty-one millions. in , the sugar crop rather exceeded that of , but the coffee crop was seven millions less. in , from causes not known to us, for none were assigned, there was a difference of , hhds. of sugar, and an increase of five millions of pounds of coffee. , , and , were pretty nearly alike in sugar and coffee crops, and about equal to . the crops of fell off from to , hogsheads of sugar, and from to millions of pounds of coffee. no reason is assigned for this reduction. it was during the continuance of the driving system, and therefore no blame can attach to the managers. in , the crop rose to , hogsheads of sugar, and nearly twenty millions of pounds of coffee. but comes, and with it, fresh troubles for the planters. in that ill-fated year, there was a decrease of , hogsheads of sugar, and of ten millions of pounds of coffee. its sugar crop was the smallest made, with the exception of that of , since , and its coffee crop since that of . but if this determination be alarming, what must be that of succeed- ing years? can we be blamed, if, in a strain truly lachrymal, we allude to the deductions which have annually been made from the miserable return which gave to the unfortunate proprietors of estates; what boots it to tell us that we have fingered thousands of pounds sterling, in the shape of com- pensation: and what consolation is it to know, that a hogshead of sugar will now bring thirty pounds, which, a short time ago, was only worth twelve. let any unprejudiced individual look at the return now before us, and say whether our prospects are not deplorably dull and obscure. if we take the four years im- mediately preceding the passing of mr. canning's resolutions, say , , , and , we will find the average to be , hogsheads, and if from this we even deduct one-fourth for the time now lost, there will be an average crop of , hhds., being , hogsheads more than the average of , , , and ; and no one will deny that this falling off of one-tenth, (supposing that the hogsheads made during the last four years are not larger than those of to ) is nearly, tf not * appendix. gages, and the tender mercies of english mortgagees before the st of august, , arrives. and ought these parties not to be thankful unquestionably they ought. ingratitude, we are are told, is as the sin of witchcraft, and although the table of exports exhibits our fair island as hastening to a state of ruin; and the despatch tells us, that " by the united influence of mock philanthropy, religious cant, and humbug," a reformed parliament was forced "to precipitate the slavery spoliation act, under the specious pretext of promoting the industry and im- proving the condition of the manumitted slaves;" still we main- tain, and the reasonable will agree with us, that we are much better off now than we have been for a long time, and that ja- maica's brightest and happiest days have not yet dawned. let the croakers remember the remarkable words of the tory lord, belmore, the planter's friend, and be silent—" the resources of this fine island will never be fully developed until slavery ceases." the happiness and prosperity of the inhabitants of jamaica are not contingent, nor need they be, upon the number of hogsheads of sugar annually exported from her shores. to the foregoing we add the remarks of the editor of the "spanishtown telegraph," on the present state of the colony, made in his paper of may , :— "when it was understood that the island of jamaica and the other british west indian colonies were to undergo the blessed transition from slavery to freedom, it was the hourly cry of the pro-slavery party and press, that the ruin of jamaica would, as a natural consequence, follow liberty. commerce, said they, will cease; hordes of barbarians will come upon us and drive us from our own properties; agriculture will be completely paralyzed, and jamaica, in the space of a few short months, will be seen buried in ashes—irretrievably ruined. such were the awful predictions of an unjust, illiberal faction! such the first fruits that were to follow the incomparable blessings of liberty! the staple productions of the island, it was vainly surmised, could never be cultivated without the name of slavery; rebel- lions, massacres, starvation, rapine, and bloodshed, danced through the columns of the liberty-hating papers, in mazes of metaphorical confusion. in short, the name of freedom was, appendix. according to their assertions, directly calculated to overthrow our beautiful island, and involve it in one mass of ruin, une- qualled in the annals of history! but what has been the result? all their fearful forebodings and horrible predictions have been entirely disproved, and instead of liberty proving a curse, she has, on the contrary, unfolded her banners, and, ere long, is likely to reign triumphant in our land. banks, steam compa- nies, railroads, charity schools, etc., seem all to have remained dormant until the time arrived when jamaica was to be en- veloped in smoke! no man thought of hazarding his capital in an extensive banking establishment until jamaica's ruin, by the introduction of freedom, had been accomplished! no person was found possessed of sufficient energy to speak of navigation companies in jamaica's brightest days of slavery: but now that ruin stares every one in the face—now that we have no longer the power to treat our peasantry as we please, they have taken it into their heads to establish so excellent an undertaking. railroads were not dreamt of until darling slavery had, (in a great measure) departed, and now, when we thought of throw- ing up our estates, and flying from the dangers of emancipation, the best projects are being set on foot, and what is worst, are likely to succeed. this is the way that our jamaica folks, no doubt, reason with themselves. but the reasons for the delay which have taken place in the establishment of all these valua- ble undertakings, are too evident to require elucidation. we behold the despatch and chronicle, asserting the ruin of our island; the overthrow of all order and society; and with the knowledge of all this, they speak of the profits likely to result from steam navigation, banking establishments, and railroads! what, in the name of conscience, can be the use of steam ves- sels, when jamaica's ruin is so fast approaching? what are the planters and merchants to ship in steamers, when the ap- prentices will not work, and there is nothing doing? how is the bank expected to advance money to the planters, when their total destruction has been accomplished by the abolition of sla- very what, in the name of reason, can be the use of rail- roads, when commerce and agriculture have been nipped in the bud, by that baneful weed, freedom! let the unjust appendix. panderers of discord, the haters of liberty, answer. let them consider what has all this time retarded the development of jamaica's resources, and they will find that it was slavery; yes, it was its very name which prevented the idea of undertakings such as are being brought about. had it not been for the in- troduction of freedom in our land; had the cruel monster, sla- very, not partially disappeared, when would we have seen banks, steamers, or railroads no man thought of hazarding his capital in the days of slavery, but now that a new era has burst upon us, a complete change has taken possession of the hearts of all just men, and they think of improving the blessing of freedom by the introduction of other things which must ever prove beneficial to the country. "the vast improvements that are every day being effected in this island, and throughout the other colonies, stamp the assertions of the pro-slavery party as the vilest falsehoods. they glory in the introduction of banks, steam vessels, and railroads, with the knowledge (as they would have us behove) that the island is fast verging into destruction. they speak of the utility and success of railroads, when, according to their showing, there is no produce to be sent to market, when agriculture has been paralyzed, and jamaica swept to destruction." the following copious extracts from a speech of lord brougham, on the workings of the apprenticeship, and on the immediate emancipation substituted therefor in antigua and the bermudas, are specially commended to the notice of the reader. the speech was delivered in the house of lords, feb. , . we take it from the published report of the speech in the lon- don times, of feb. : i now must approach that subject which has some time ex- cited almost universal anxiety. allow me, however, first to remind your lordships—because that goes to the root of the evil —allow me first to remind you of the anxiety that existed pre- vious to the emancipation act, which was passed in january, , coming into operation in august, . my lords, there was much to apprehend from the character of the masters of the slaves. i know the nature of man. * * * i know that appendix. s emancipation would be one of riot and debauchery, and that even the lives of the planters would be endangered. so far from this proving the case, the whole of the negro population kept it as a most sacred festival, and in this light i am convinced it will ever be viewed. * * * in one island, where the bounty of nature seems to provoke the appetite to indulgence, and to scatter with a profuse hand all the means of excitement, i state the fact when i say not one drunken negro was found during the whole of the day. no less than , slaves were liber- ated in that one day, and their peaceful festivity was disturbed only on one estate, in one parish, by an irregularity which three or four persons sufficed to put down. well, my lords, baffled in their expectations that the first of august would prove a day of disturbance—baffled also in the expectation that no voluntary labor would be done—we were then told by the "practical men," to look forward to a later period. we have done so, and what have we seen t why, that from the time voluntary labor began, there was no want of men to work for hire, and that there was no difficulty in getting those who, as apprentices, had to give the planters certain hours of work, to extend, upon emergency, their period of labor, by hiring out their services for wages to strangers. i have the au- thority of my noble friend behind me (the marquis of sligo,) who very particularly inquired into the matter, when i state, that on nine estates out of ten there was no difficulty in obtain- ing as much work as the owners had occasion for, on the pay- ment of wages. how does all this contrast with the predictions of the "practical men?" "oh," said they, in , "it is idle talking; the cart-whip must be used—without that stimu- lant no negro will work—the nature of the negro is idle and in- dolent, and without the thought of the cart-whip is before his eyes he falls asleep—put the cart-whip aside, and no labor will be done." has this proved the case? no, my lords, it has not; and while every abundance of voluntary labor has been found, in no one instance has the stimulus of the cartwhip been found wanting. the apprentices work well without the whip, and wages have been found quite as good a stimulus as the scourge, even to negro industry. "oh, but," it is said, "this appendix. may do in cotton planting and cotton picking, and indigo mak- ing; but the cane will cease to grow, the operation of hoeing will be known no more, boiling will cease to be practised, and sugar-making will terminate entirely." many, i know, were appalled by these reasonings, and the hopes of many were dis- sipated by these confident predictions of these so-deemed expe- rienced men. but how stands the case now! my lords, let these experienced men come forth with their experience.. i will plant mine against it, and you will find he will talk no more of his experience when i tell him—tell him, too, without fear of contradiction—tha* during the year which followed the first of august, , twice as much sugar per hour, and of a better quality as compared with the preceding years, was stored throughout the sugar districts; and that one man, a large plant- er, has expressly avowed, that with twenty freemen he could do more work than with a hundred slaves, or fifty indentured apprentices. (hear, hear.) but antigua !—what has happened there? there has not been even the system of indentured apprentices. in antigua and the bermudas, as would have been the case at montserrat if the upper house had not thrown out the bill which was prepared by the planters themselves, there had been no preparatory step. in antigua and the ber- mudas, since the first of august, , not a slave or inden- tured apprentice was to be found. well, had idleness reigned there—had indolence supplanted work—had there been any de- ficiency of crop? no. on the contrary, there had been an increase, and not a diminution of crop. (hear.) but, then, it was said that quiet could not be expected after slavery in its most complete and abject form had so long reigned paramount, and that any sudden emancipation must endanger the peace of the islands. the experience of the first of august at once scattered to the winds that most fallacious prophecy. then it was said, only wait till christmas, for that is a period when, by all who have any practical knowledge of the negro character, a rebellion on their part is most to be apprehended. we did wait for this dreaded christmas ; and what was the result i will go for it to antigua, for it is the strongest case, there being there no indentured apprentices—no preparatory state—no transition— ari'endix. foohsh race. i do not ask you to adopt as your own the expe- rience of others; you have as much as you can desire of your own, and by no other test do i wish or desire to be judged. but i think my task may be said to be done. i think i have proved my case, for i have shown that the negro can work without the stimulant of the whip; i have shown that he can labor for hire, without any other motive than that of industry to inspire him. i have demonstrated that all over the west indies, even when fatigued with working the allotted hours for the profit of his master, he can work again for wages for him who chooses to hire him, and has wherewithal to pay him; i have also most distinctly shown that the experience of antigua and the bermu- das is demonstrative to show, that without any state of prepa- ration, without any indenture of apprenticeship at all, he is fit to be intrusted with his freedom, and will work voluntarily as a free laborer for hire. but i have also demonstrated from the same experience, and by reference to the same state of facts, that a more quiet, inoffensive, peaceable, innocent people, is not to be found on the face of this earth than the negro—not in their own unhappy country, but after they have been removed from it, and enslaved in your christian land, made the victim of the barbarizing demon of civilized powers, and has all this charac- ter, if it were possible to corrupt it, and his feelings, if it were possible to pervert them, attempted to be corrupted and pervert- ed by christian and civilized men, and that in this state, with all incentives to misdemeanor poured around him, and all the temptation to misconduct which the arts and artifices and ex- amples of civilized man can give, hovering over him—that after this transition is made from slavery to apprenticeship, and from slavery to absolute freedom, a negro's spirit has been found to rival the unbroken tranquillity of the caribbean seas. (cheers.) this was not the state of things we expected, my lords; and in proof that it was not so, i have but to refer you to the statute- book itself. on what ground did you enact the intermediate state of indentured apprenticeship, and on what arguments did you justify if! you felt and acknowledged that the negro had a right to be free, and that you had no right to detain him in bondage. every one admitted this, but in the prevailing igno- appendix. ranee of their character, it was apprehended that they could not be made free at once, and that time was requisite to train the negro to receive the boon it was intended bestowing upon him. this was the delusion which prevailed, and which was stated in the preamble of the statute—the same delusion which had made the men on one side state, and the other to believe, that it was necessary to pay the slave.owners for the loss it was sup- posed they would sustain. but it was found to be a baseless fear, and the only result of the phantom conjured up, was a payment of twenty millions to the conjurors. (hear, and a laugh.) now, i maintain that had we known what we now know of the character of the negroes, neither would this com- pensation have been given to the slave-owners, nor we have been guilty of proposing to keep the negro in slavery five years after we were decided that he had a right to his freedom. the noble and learned lord here proceeded to contend, that up to the present time the slave-owners, so far from being sufferers, had been gainers by the abolition of slavery and the enactment of the system of apprenticeship, and that consequently up to the present moment nothing had occurred to entitle them to a claim upon the compensation allotted by parliament. the slave-own- ers might be said to have pocketed the seven millions without having the least claim to them, and therefore, in considering the proposition he was about to make, parliament should bear in mind that the slave proprietors were, if anything, the debtors to the nation. the money had, in fact, been paid to them by mis- take, and, were the transaction one between man and man, an action for its recovery might lie. but the slave-owners alleged that if the apprenticeship were now done away, there would be a loss, and that to meet that loss they had a right to the money. for argument's sake he would suppose this to be true, and that there would be loss; but would it not be fair that the money should be lodged in the hands of a third party, with authority to pay back at the expiration of the two years whatever rateable sum the master could prove himself to have lost? his firm be- lief was, that no loss could arise; but, desirous to meet the planter at every point, he should have no objection to make appendix. terms with him. let him, then, pay the money into court, as it were, and at the end of two years he should he fully indemni- fied for any loss he might prove. he called upon their lordships to look to antigua and the bermudas for proof that the free ne- gro worked well, and that no loss was occasioned to the plant- ers or their property by the granting of emancipation. but it was said that there was a difference between the cases of anti- gua and other colonies, such as jamaica, and it was urged that while the negroes of the former, from the smallness and barren- ness of the place, would be forced into work, that in the latter they would run away, and take refuge in the woods. now, he asked, why should the negro run away from his work, on being made free, more than during the continuance of his apprentice- ship why, again, should it be supposed that on the first of august, , the emancipated negroes should have less inclina- tion to betake themselves to the woods than in if there was a risk of the slaves running to the woods in , that risk would be increased and not diminished during the intermediate period up to , by the treatment they were receiving from their masters, and the deferring of their hopes. my lords, (continued the noble lord,) i have now to say a few words upon the treatment which the slaves have received during the past three years of their apprenticeship, and which, it is al- leged, during the next two years is to make them fitted for ab- solute emancipation. my lords, i am prepared to show that in most respects the treatment the slaves have received since is no better, and in many others more unjust and worse than it ever was in the time of absolute slavery. it is true that the use of the cart-whip as a stimulus to labor has been abolished. this, i admit, is a great and most satisfactory improvement; but, in every other particular, the state of the slave, i am prepared to show, is not improved, and, in many respects, it is materially worse. first, with regard to the article of food, will compare the jamaica prison allowance with that allotted to the appren- ticed negroes in other colonies. in the jamaica prison the al- lowance of rice is pints a week to each person. i have no return of the allowance to the indentured apprentice in jamaica, but i believe it is little over this; but in barbados and the lee- appendix. ward islands, it is much under. in barbados, instead of receiv- ing the jamaica prison allowance of pints a week, the ap- prenticed negro received but pints; while in the leeward islands he had but pints. in the crown colonies, before , the slave received pints of rice : now the apprentice gets but ; so that in the material article, food, no improvement in the condition of the negro was observable. then, with regard to time, it is obviously of the utmost importance that the appren- tice should have at least two holidays and a half a week—the sabbath for religious worship and instruction, the saturday to attend the markets, and half of friday to work in his own gar- den. the act of emancipation specified hours a week as the period the apprentice was to work for his master, but the mas- ter so contrived matters as in most instances to make the hours the law allotted him, run into the apprentice's half of friday, and even in some cases into the saturday. the planter invariably counted the time from the moment that the slave commented his work; and as it often occurs that his residence was on the border of the estate, he may have to walk five or six miles to get to the place he has to work. this was a point which he was sure their lordships would agree with him in thinking required alteration. the next topic to which i shall advert, relates to the admin- istration of justice; and this large and important subject i can- not pass over without a word to remind your lordships how little safe it is, how little deserving the name of just, or any thing like just, that where you have two classes you should separate them into conflicting parties, until they become so exasperated in their resentment as scarcely to regard each other as brethren of the same species; and that you should place all the adminis- tration of justice in the hands of one dominant class, whose prin- ciples, whose passions, whose interests, are all likely to be pre- ferred by the judges when they presume to sit where you have placed them on the judgment seat. the chief and puisne judges are raised to their situations from amongst the class which in- cludes the white men and planters. but, worse than that, the jurors are taken from the same privileged bodies; jurors, who are to assess civil damages in actions for injuries done to the » appendix. case of the negro, and which condemns offences slightly visited, if visited at all, with punishment, when committed by other men, to the sentence that for his obdurate nature none can be too se- vere. (hear, hear.) as if we had any one to blame but-our- selves—as if we had any right to visit on him that character if it were obdurate, those habits if they were insubordinate, that dishonest disposition if it did corrupt his character, all of which i deny, and which experience proves to be contrary to the fact and truth; but even if these statements were all truth instead of being foully slanderous and absolutely false, we, of all men, have ourselves to blame, ourselves to tax, and ourselves to punish, at least for the self-abasement, for we have been the very causes of corrupting the negro character. (cheers.) if some capricious despot, in his career of ordinary tyranny, were to tax his imagination to produce something more mon- strous and unnatural than himself, and were to place a dove amongst vultures, or engraft a thorn on the olive tree, much as we should marvel at the caprice, we should be still more as- tounded at the expectation, which exceeds even a tyrant's pro- verbial unreasonableness, that he should gather grapes from the thorn, or that the dove should be habituated to a thirst for blood. yet that is the caprice, that is the unreasonable, the foul, the gross, the monstrous, the outrageous, incredible injustice of which we are hourly guilty towards the whole unhappy race of negroes. (cheers.) my lords, we fill up the measure of injustice by severely executing laws badly conceived in a still more atrocious and crnel spirit. the whole punishments smell of blood. (hear, hear.) if the treadmill stop in consequence of the languid limbs and exhausted frames of the victims, within a minute the lash resounds through the building—if the stones which they are set to break be not broken by limbs scarred, and marred, and whaled, they are summoned by thee rack of the whip to their toilsome task! i myself have heard, within the last three hours, from a person who was an eyewitness of the appalling and disgusting fact, that a leper was introduced amongst the negroes; and in pausing let me remark, that in private houses or hospitals, no more care has been taken to se- parate those who are stricken with infections diseases from the appendix. sound portiod, any more than to furnish food to those in prison who are compelled, from the unheard of, the paltry, the misera- ble disposition to treat with cruelty the victims of a prison, to go out and gather their own food,—a thing which i believe even the tyrant of siberia does not commit. yet in that prison, where blood flows profusely, and the limbs of those human beings are subjected to perpetual torture, the frightful, the nauseous, the disgusting—except that all other feelings are lost in pity towards the victim and indignation against the oppressor—sight was presented of a leper, scarred from the eruptions of disease on his legs and previous mistreatment, whaled again and again, and his blood again made to flow from the jailer's lash. i have told your lordships how bills have been thrown out for murdering the negroes. but a man had a bill presented for this offence: a petition was preferred, and by a white man. yes, a white man who had dared, under feelings of excited indignation, to com. plain to the regularly constituted authorities, instead of receiving for his gallant conduct the thanks of the community, had a bill found which was presentedagainsthim as a nuisance. i have, within the last two hours, amid the new mass of papers laid be- before your lordships within the last forty-eight hours, culled a sample which, i believe, represents the whole odious mass. eleven females have been flogged, starved, lashed, attached to the treadmill, and compelled to work until nature could no longer endure their sufferings. at the moment when the wretched victims were about to fall off-—when they could no longer bring down the mechanism and continue the movement, they were suspended by their arms, and at each revolution of the wheel received new wounds on their members, until, in the language of that law so grossly outraged in their persons, they "languished and died." ask you if a crime of this murderous nature went unvisited, and if no inquiry was made respecting its circumstances? the forms of justice were observed; the hand- maid was present, but the sacred mistress was far away. .a coroner's inquest was called; for the laws decreed that no such injuries should take place without having an inquiry instituted. eleven inquisitions were held, eleven inquiries were made, eleven verdicts were returned. for murder? manslaughter appendix. misconduct? no; out that they died "by the visitation of god." a lie—a perjury—a blasphemy! the visitation of god! yes, for of the visitations of the divine being by which the in- scrutable purposes of his will are mysteriously worked out, one of the most mysterious is the power which, from time to time, is allowed by him to be exercised by the wicked for the torment of the innocent. (cheers.) but of those visitations prescribed by divine providence, there is one yet more inscrutable, for which it is still more difficult to affix a reason, and that is, when heaven rolls down on this earth the judgment, not of scorpions, or the plague of pestilence, or famine, or war—but incompara- bly the worse plague, the worser judgment, of the injustice of judges who become betrayers of the law—perjured, wicked men, who abuse the law which they are sworn to adminis- ter, in order to gratify their own foul passions, to take the part of the wrong-doer against his victim, and to forswear them- selves on god's gospel, in order that justice may not be done. * * * my lords, i entirely concur in what was formerly said by mr. burke, and afterwards repeated by mr. canning, that while the making of laws was confined to the owners of slaves, nothing they did was ever found real or effectual. and when, perchance, any thing was accomplished, it had not, as mr. burke said, "an executive principle." but, when they find you determined to do your duty, it is proved, by the example which they have given in passing the apprenticeship amend- ment act, that they will even outstrip you to prevent your in- terference with them. * * * place the negroes on the same footing with other men, and give them the uncontrolled power over their time and labor, and it will become the interest of the planter, as well as the rest of the community, to treat the negro well, for their comfort and happiness depend on his industry and good behavior. it is a consequence perfectly clear, notwith- standing former distinctions, notwithstanding the difference of color and the variety of race in that population, the negro and the west indian will, in a very few generations—when the clank of his chain is no longer heard, when the oppression of the master can vex no more, when equal rights are enjoyed by all, and all have a common interest in the general prosperity—be appendix. impressed with a sense of their having an equal share in the promotion of the public welfare; nay, that social improvement, the progress of knowledge, civility, and even refinement itself, will proceed as rapidly and diffuse itself as universally in the islands of the western ocean as in any part of her majesty's dominions. * * * i see no danger in the immediate emancipation of the negro; i see no possible injury in terminating the apprenticeship (which we now have found should never have been adopted,) and in causing it to cease for slaves previous to august, , at that date, as those subsequent to that date must in that case be ex- empt. * * * i regard the freedom of the negro as accom- plished and sure. why! because it is his right—because he has shown himself fit for it—because a pretext or a shadow of a pretext can no longer be devised for withholding that right from its possessor. i know that all men now take a part in the question, and that they will no longer bear to be imposed upon now they are well informed. my reliance is firm and unflinch- ing upon the great change which i have witnessed—the educa- tion of the people unfettered by party or by sect—from the be- ginning of its progress, i may say from the hour of its birth. yes; it was not for a humble man like me to assist at royal births with the illustrious prince who condescended to grace the pageant of this opening session, or the great captain and states- man in whose presence i now am proud to speak. but with that illustrious prince, and with the father of the q,ueen, i as- sisted at that other birth, more conspicuous still. with them, and with the lord of the house of russel, i watched over its cradle—i marked its growth—i rejoiced in its strength—i witnessed its maturity—i have been spared to see it ascend the very height of supreme power—directing the councils of the state—accelerating every great improvement—uniting itself with every good work—propping honorable and uieful institu- tions—extirpating abuses in all our institutions—passing the bounds of our dominion, and in (he new world, as in the old, proclaiming that freedom is the birthright of man—that distinc- tion of color gives no title to oppression—that the chains now loosened must be struck off, and even the marks they have left appendix. effaced by the same eternal law of our nature which makes na- tions the masters of their own destiny, and which in europe has caused every tyrant's throne to quake. but they need feel no alarm at the progress of right who defend a limited monarchy and support their popular institutions—who place their chiefest pride, not in ruling over slaves, be they white or he they black —not in protecting the oppressor, but in wearing a constitutional crown, in holding the sword of justice with the hand of mercy, in being the first citizen of a country whose air is too pure for slavery to breathe, and on whose shores, if the captive's foot but touch, his fetters of themselves fall off. (cheers.) to the re- sistless progress of this great principle i look with a confidence which nothing can shake; it makes all improvement certain— it makes all change safe which it produces; for none can be brought about, unless all has been accomplished in a cautious and salutary spirit. so now the fulness of time is come ; for our duty being at length discharged to the african captive, i have demonstrated to you that every thing is ordered—every previous step taken—all safe, by experience shown to be safe, for the long-desired consummation. the time has come—the trial has been made—the hour is striking: you have no longer a pretext for hesitation, or faltering, or delay. the slave has shown, by four years' blameless behavior and devotion, un- surpassed by any english peasant, to the pursuits of peace- ful industry, that he is as fit for his freedom as any lord whom i now address. i demand his rights—i demand his liberty without stint, in the name of justice and of law—in the name of reason—in the name of god, who has given you no right to work injustice. i demand that your brother be no longer trampled upon as your slave. (hear, hear.) i make my appeal to the commons, who represent the free people of england; and i require at their hands the performance tf that condition for which they paid so enormous a price—mav. condi- tion which all their constituents are in breathless anxiety to see fulfilled! i appeal to this house—the hereditary judges of the first tribunal in the world—to you i appeal for justice. patrons of all the arts that humanize mankind, under your protection i place humanity herself! to the merciful sovereign of a free appendix. people call aloud for mercy to the hundreds of thousands m whose behalf, half a million of their christian sisters have cried aloud, that their cry may not have risen in vain. but first i turn my eye to the throne of all justice, and devoutly humblmg myself before him who is of purer eyes than to behold any longer such vast iniquities—i implore that the curse over our heads of unjust oppression be averted from us—that your hearts may be turned to mercy—and that over all the earth his will may at length be done! index. apprenticeship, ill working of, , . "modified slavery, . "no preparation for freedom, . "operation of, . "opinion of, in antigua, . "barbadoes, , , . "jamaica, , . "system, . "tendency to exasperate slaves, . "testimony concerning, . "vexatious, , . v' vicious, . "working of, in barbadoes, . "" demerara, . "" jamaica, . "windward islands, . apprentices, interview with, . "liberated, . "morals of, , . "trials of, , . "valuation of, in jamaica, . "willing to work, , . apprentice's work compared with slaves, . aptness of negroes, . arbitrary power dies hard, . archdeacon of antigua, . ""barbadoes, . aristocracy of antigua, . armstrong, h. . arrival at antigua, . ashby, colonel, . assembly, member of, , . "speaker of, . associations, missionary, . athill, mr. . atrocities by magistrates, . ""masters, . attachment to home, . attendance on church, , , , . attorney general of jamaica, august, first of, , . b. bad feeling between slaveholders and apprentices, . baijer, samuel o. . baines, major, . banks, rev. mr. . baptist chapel, service in, . baptist missionaries, . baptist missionary, at spanish town, . baptists in jamaica, . barbadoes, as it is, . "as it was, . "bishop of, . . 'v custom-house returns, . "exports of, . "imports of, . barber in bridgetown, . barbuda, . barclay, alexander, . barnard, samuel . barrow, colonel, . bath, . bazaar at antigua, . beast of burden, .' bell, dr. . belle estate, , . bell not tolled for colored persons, . "belly 'blige 'em to work," . belmore, lord, . belvidere estate, . benefits of abolition, , . benevolent institutions of an. tigua, . bible society, . bible society anniversary, . bishop of barbadoes, . blackness and blood, . black soldiers, . black teacher, , . blessings of abolition, . blind colored man, . blood and blackness, . blue mountain valley, . boatman, conversation with, . boiling house, . index. demerara, apprenticeship in, . denominations, statistics of, . design of the apprenticeship, . desire for instruction, . despot in convulsions, . diminished crops, . dinner at mr. harris', . ""the governor's, . dinner party at lear's, . dinner with a company of plan- ters, . disabilities of colored people, , . discussion, effect of, , . discussions preceding emanci- pation, . dispositionof colored people, : distinction between serving and being property, . distinction of color a bar to communion, . distressed females friend's so- v ciety, . district a, station house, . district meeting, wesleyan at . antigua, . disturbances, reason of, . division of gangs, . docility of the negroes, . domestic apprentices, . dominica, , . donations, religious, . donovan's estate, . downie, captain, drax hall, . dress in antigua, . driver and overseer, . drought in antigua, , , ; , . dublin castle estate, . duncan, mr. . dungeons in antigua, . ""barbadoes, . e. economy of the negroes, i , edgecombe estate, . editor of new times, . edmonson, rev. jonathan, . education in antigua, , . ""barbadoes. . ""jamaica, , , . ""of apprentices, . "queries on, . ""results of, . ""statistics of, . edwards, colonel, , . eldridge, r. b. . elliot, rev. edward, . emancipated, condition of, , . "more trust-worthy than slaves, , "slave, history of , . "slaves, . emancipation changed the planter's views, . "discussion of restrained masters from cruelties, . "elevated slaves, . u enlivened business, , . "hostility to, . "immediate, . "motives of, in antigua, . "raised the price of real estate, , . "weakened prejudice a- gainst color, , , . emigrants from europe, . "to jamaica, employments of the colored people, . encounter with mules, . english delegation, . english harbor, . english steamer, . enrolment of colored militia, . episcopal church, service at . . * index. episcopal clergymen, interview with . episcopalians, . equitable hire of apprentices, . escape of slaves from french islands, . established church, . estate hospital, . estate on fire, . estates visited, . evils of apprenticeship through overseers, . examination at parham, . "" willoughby bay, , . 'v of parochial school, . "" sabbath school, . v* "the consequences of emancipation, . expectations in regard to , and , , , . expense of apprenticeship com- pared with slavery, . ""free labor compared with slave labor, , . explanation of terms, xiv. exports of jamaica for years, , . extravagance in dress, . ferguson dr., . fidler rev. mr., . field females, . filial affection in a negro girl, . fines upon the planters, . fire in the canes, . first of august, vii., , . fitch's creek estate, , . flogging, , . flogging machine, . forbearance of negroes, . forten, james . four and a half per cent tax, . fraser rev. edward, . "mrs., . free children, , . free church, . freedom in antigua, . free labor least expensive, . freeman count, . freemen more easily managed than slaves, . free villages, . frey's estate, . friendly societies, . friendly society, anniversary of, . freight of american vessels, . facts concerning apprentice- ship, . » slavery, . fair of st. johns', . fairfield, . favey mr., . fear of rebellion, . feeding in barbadoes, . feeling intense of the negroes, . females' friend society, . females in the field, . females, punishment of, , . female travelling merchant, . fences wanting in antigua, . g. galloway mr., . gangs, division of, . "in chains, , . gardiner rev. mr., . garling b., . general results of emancipation, . geography of antigua, . gilbert, rev. n., . girl sold by her mother, . girl's own book by mrs. child, . girls sold for licentiousness, gittens, rev. mr., . index. gnashings of pro-slavery, . golden grove estate, . good disposition of colored peo. pie, . good, mr., viii. gordon mr., . governor of antigua, . ""note to kimball and thome, . "barbadoes, . "poisoned by turtle soup, . grace bay, . "grandfather jacob," . gratitude of the negroes, . great ignorance before emanci- pation, . "grecian regale," . green castle estate, . green wall estate, . grenada, . grounds of negroes, . guadaloupe, . guarda costas, . "gubner poisoned," . h. half way tree, , hall's prospect estate, . hamilton, captain, . "" testimony of . hamilton, cheney, . hamilton, rev. mr., . harrison, colonel, . harris, thomas, . harvey and sturge, messrs. harvey, rev. bennet, . harvey's estate, . hatley, mr.. , . hayes, w. r. ix. head, the beast of burden, . heroism of colored women, . higginbothom, ralph, , . ""testimony of, . hill, richard, . hinkston, samuel, . hire of apprentices, . history of an emancipated slave, , . holberton, rev. robert, . holidays at christmas, . "in antigua, . home, attachment of negroes to, . home, rev. mr., . "horse," . horseford, paul, . horton estate, . hospitality of antigua, . hostility between master and apprentice, .' hostility to emancipation, . house of correction, andrews st., . ""morant bay, . howell, james, . howell, rev.mr. of jamaica, . h. rev. mr. colored preacher, . hurricane in antigua, . hymn sung at the anniversary in antigua, . i. ignorance before emancipation, . immediate abolition, safety of, . immediate emancipation, re- sults of, vi., . ""toast to, . immense change in the slaves' condition, , . immoralities, . imports and exports of barba- does, , . improvement since emancipa- tion, , . increase of crime not known, . indolence of apprentices, . index. indolence of whites, . industry of apprentices, , . "of emancipated slaves, . "of negroes, . inefficiency of whites, . infanticide, . infant schools in the country, . influence of missionaries over negroes, . injustice of compensation to slaveholders, . injustice of magistrates, . inquest of the coroner, , . inscription on a rock, . insolence, . insolence of negroes diminished, . instruction, desire for, . insubordination, . insurrection in barbadoes in , . insurrections not feared in an- tigua, . ""barba- does, . « 'jamai- ca, . intelligence of blacks . ""compared with that of whites, . intemperance in antigua, . intense fueling of negroes, . intermixture, , , , , , , . internal improvements, . interview with american consul at antigua, . » "at jamaica, . "attorney general of ja- maica, . "episcopal clergymen, . "governor of antigua, . ""grandfather jacob," . "justice hamilton, . "member of assembly, , . interview with missionaries, . ** planters, . "speaker of assembly, . "superintendent of wes- leyan mission, . introduction, iii. '* to second edition, vii. invitation by the governor of antigua, . j. jamaica, x., . jamaica, emigrants to, . jamaica prison, . jamaica, scenery of, . jamaica watchman, . "" comments of, . jarvis, colonel, . jarvis estate, . jobbing gang, . jobs, . jocken, mr., . jones, mr., . jones, rev. mr., , . jones, t. watkins, . jordon, edward, . trial of, . jury of inquest, .. jury on the body of a negro wo- man, . justice bourne persecuted, . justice palmer suspended, . justice's court, . justice's office, . juvenile association, . kimball, resolution concerning, . "death of, v. kingdon, rev. mr., . kingston, . kingston police court, . kingston schools, . kirkland, mr., . index. labor, free and slave, . lachrymal forebodings, . lavicount's estate, . law obeyed, . law, respect for, . laying corner stone of wesley- an chapel, . lear's estate, . legislature of antigua, . letter to a special magistrate, . license to marry, . licentiousness, , "daughters sold for, . light-house, . "limbos," . local magistrate, . lock-up house at st. john's, . lord belmore's prophecy, . lord's day, reverence for, , . lord sligo's administration, . lucia, st., . lyon, e. b., . lyon's estate, . m. machine for flogging, . machinery, labor-saving . magistrates, atrocities of, . character of, , , . "injustice of, . "partiality of, for slave- holders, . "provisions respecting, . "sympathy with mas. ters, . "views of, . management of negroes, easy, . managers, testimony of, . manchioneal, . mansion on the kock, . market in kingston, . "st. john's, . market people, . markets on sunday, . maroons, . marriage, , . marriage increased, , . marriage of free colored people, . marshall, mr., . martinique, . masters, atrocities of, . master's power over the appren- tice, , . masters restrained from cruel- tics, . mccornock, thomas, . mcgregor, sir evan j. m., . meal daily society, . meeting of wesleyan missiona- ries, . megass, . member of assembly, , . members of assembly, colored, . merchants, colored, at kingston, . merchants, testimony of, . message of sir lionel smith, . methodists persecuted by slave- holders, . mico charity infant school, . "middle wall of partition," . millar's estate, . « sabbath at, . missionaries, baptist, . "influence over negroes, . _" interviews with wes- leyan, . "resolutions of , . "views of, , . "wesleyan, . missionary associations, . "society, wesleyan, . mob, pro-slavery, in barbadoes, . index. modified slavery, . mohne, mr. and mrs., . montscrrat, . morality, . morals, improvement of, g , - . morant bay, . moravian chapel, service at, . "missionaries, testimony of, . "missionary, . tt mission at barbadoes, . moravians, . moravian " speaking," . "station at cedar hall, . "" grace bay, . « " newfield, . morrish, rev. mr., . mother sold her daughter, . mount wilton estate, . mulatto run estate, . mules, encounter with . mule travelling . murder of a planter, , . musgrave, dr., . n. negro girl, affection of? . negro grounds, . negro patriarch, . negro quarters, . negroes, aptness to learn, . "confiding and docile, . » economy of, , , . "forbearance of, . "intense feeling of, . "provision grounds of, . nevis, . newby, mr., . new englander, . newfield, moravian station at, . "visit to, . newspaper at kingston, . new times, editor of, . noble trait in the apprentices, . no man in his senses can defend slavery, . nugent, nicholas, , , . obstacles to free labor in anti- gua, . offences reported at the police stations, . official communication from justice colthurst, . "lyon, . "w. anderson, of jamaica, . official cruelty, . official returns of exports, bar- bados, . "" imports, . old school tyrant, . opinions in antigua in regard to emancipation, . opinions of the united states, . opposition to slavery in jamai- ca, . i. >opressor punished, . u'reily, dowel, . osborne, mr., . overseers, . overseers, character of, , . packer, rev. mr., , . palmer, justice, suspended, . paper walls, . parham, examination at, . parish vestry, . parliament, brougham's speech in, . parochial school, st. john, ex- amination of, . parry, archdeacon, . partiality of special magistrates, . party at colliton estate, . index. ' party at harris's, . "lear's, . "prescod's, . "the governor's, . "thome's, . passage to barbadoes, . patriarch, negro, . paul's st., curate of, . peaceableness of negro tillages, . "of the change from slavery to freedom, . "the negro character, . pecuniary considerations favor abolition, . perjury at trials of apprentices, . persecution of colored people, . "of methodists by slaveholders, . "of special justice bourne, . persons, security of by abolition, . peter's rock estate, . philip's st., rector of, , . phillips, rev. mr., . physician, testimony of, . pigeot, mr., . plantain garden river valley, . planter, death bed of, . planters, company of, . "cruelty of, , . planter, severe, . planters fined, . "in barbadoes, . "interviews with, . "testimony of, , . "views of, , plough, . poisoning a governor by turtle soup, . police court, . "of antigua, , "officers, testimony of, . police court of kingston, . reports, , . "rural, superin- tendent of, . policy of colored people respect- ing prejudice, . political condition of the eman- cipated, . political considerations for aboli- tion, . poor white families, . population, colored, . port royal, . practical operation of appren- ticeship, . prejudice, . prejudice against color, . prejudice against color weaken- ed, , , . "prejudice bell," . prejudice in the churches, . prejudice in the "limbos," , . prejudice vincible, , preparation for freedom unne- cessary, . presbyterians, scotch, . picscod, mr., , . pretended sickness, . principal of mico charity school, testimony of, . printing office at kingston, . prison in jamaica, . promiscuous sitting in church, , . property, security of, by aboli- tion, . prophecy of lord belmorc, proprietor of green wall estate, . proprietor of mount wilton, "testimony of, . pro-slavery gnashings, . pro-slavery pretences, . providence of the emancipated, , . provision grounds of negroes, . index. scotland, james, letter from, . •scotland, j. jun., . scotland's estate, . security of persons, . "' property, . "restored, . "seditious matter," . self-emancipation, . self-respect, . selling daughters, . service at baptist chapel, . "episcopal church, , . "moravian chapel, , "wesleyan chapel, , . serving and property, distinc- tion between, . shands, s., . shiel, mr., . shrewsbury, rev. mr., . sick-house, . sickness, pretended, . silver hill, . slave-drivers gain by the aboli- tion of slavery, . slaveholders, compensation to, unjust, . slaveholders persecuted metho- dists, . slave labor dearer than free, . slavery abolished by christians. . slavery, facts concerning, . slaves, traffic in, . slaves, treatment of, meliorated by discussion, . sligo lord, , . sligo lord, and mr. hill, . sligo lord, and mr. wright, . smith, sir lionel, . social equality, , . social intercourse, . "" with missiona- ries, . societies, benevolent, . "friendly, . society among colored people, . "bible in antigua, , . '' for the promotion of christian knowledge, . "missionary, wesley- an, . soldiers, black, . solicitor-general of barbados, . songs sung in the schools, . spanishtown, . spanishtown telegraph, com- ments of, . speaker of assembly, interview with, . "speaking," moravian, . special justice's court, . special magistrates , . "" testimony of, . speech in british parliament, by brougham, . st. andrew's house of correc- tion, . statements by justice ramsay, . by mr. reid, . station-house, a, . statistics of antigua, . "bible society, . "denominations, . "education, . st. christopher's, . st. lucia, . stock-keepers, . st. paul's, curate of, . st. philip's, rector of, , . st. thomas in the east, . sturge and harvey, messrs. . st. vincent's, . subordination, . sugar crop of antigua, . "of barbados, . sugar cultivation hard for the slave, . sugar mu , . sunday markets, . index. supermtendent of police, . '' rural police, testimony of, . ' wesleyan mis- sion. barbados, . ii u n jamaica, . superintendent's report, . suspension of faithful magis- trates, . sympathy of magistrates with 'slave-drivers, . t. tables by mr. reid, . tabular view of crops in jamai- ca, , . task-work, . tax of four-and-a-half percent., . teacher, black, , . teachers, , . tee.totallers, . telegraph, remarks of the, . temperance anniversary, . "in antigua, . of negroes, . societies, , . terror, reign of, , . testimony concerning slavery and apprenticeship, . ""the mission of thome & kimball, . "of american consul, . "of clergymen, , . » of governors, , . "of magistrates, . "of managers, , s, . "of missionaries, , . "of mr. cranstoun, . "of physicians, . of police officers, . testimony of superintendent »f rural police, . theft, decrease of, . thibou jarvis's estate, . thomas, mr., . thome and kimball's mission, testimony concerning, . thome, resolution respecting. . thompson, george, bust of, . thomson, thomas, . thome, mr., , . thornton estate, . thwaites, charles, . thwaites' answers to inquiries on education, - tinson, rev. mr., . toast to immediate emancipa- tion, . tortola, . tour through st. thomas in the east, . "to port royal, . "st . andrews, . "to the country, . "to the windward, . trade increased by emancipa- tion, , . traffic in slaves, . tranquillity at holidays, . transition from slavery to free- dom, , . treadmill, . treatment of slaves meliorated by discussion, . trials of apprentices, , . ""perjury at, . trinidad, . trust-worthiness of negroes, , . b u. umbrella offered to a negro by a planter, . index union school, . unwilling witness, . vagrancy, . valuations of apprentices in ja- maica, . value of an apprentice, . vessels, american, . vestry of a parish, . vexations of apprenticeship, , . viciousness of apprenticeship, . view of crops in jamaica, , . views of colored people, . "of magistrates, . "of missionaries, . "of planters, . villa estate, . vincible, prejudice, , . visitation of god, . visit to millar's estate, . "to plantations, . "to the archdeacon of bar. bados, . "to the governor of anti- gua, . "to the governor of barba- dos, . voluntary labor, . w. wages, , . wages, the stimulus of labor, . walton, rev. mr., . ward, sir henry, . watchman, jamaica, . ""remarks of the, . "watch night," st of july, , . • watkins, mr., . weatherhill estate, . weekly court of special magis- trates, . wesleyan chapel, antigua, . "" bridgetown, . ."" corner-stone of, laid, . "" new, . "" service at, . district meeting, . "missionaries, inter- view with, . "missionary society, . ""testimony of, . "mission, superintend- ent of, barbados, . "" superintendent of, jamaica, . wesleyans in antigua, . "in barbados, . "in jamaica, . whip banished, . whipping-machine, . whipping-post, . white emigrants to jamaica, . white families, . white lady, ." whites, indolence of, . "inefficiency of, . wickham, richard s., . wilberforce, opinion of, , . williamsfield estate, . willis, george, . willoughby bay, examination at, . windward islands, . "tour to the, . wolmer free school, . women abandon the field, . "condition of, , . "flogging of, . wooldridge, rev. mr., ini.sx. working of the apprenticeship working of the apprenticeship in barbados, . in the windward islands, . in dcmarara, . wright, andrew, - "" "wright, elizur, interview with in jamaica, . lord sligo, . the new you pubuc library k» befeumcb depaktmevt jk -i«»» *l it x ..tt s$& w"s. it"?'. *?■. *j» *fr=jta the new york public library reference department this book is under no circumstances to be taken from the building > ^.^gw^ nypl research libraries le the new york public library astor, lenox and tilden foundations sydney howard gay collection presented by martin gay and mrs. wm. g. willcox onnex ~ the new york genius of universurilemancipation. alho edited by b. lÚndy-published in washington and baltimorc-$ . per ann. astor, lenox and “we hold these truths to be self-evident that all men are tree tendowed by their creator with certain inalienable rights; that among these are life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness." --deblaration independence, u.s. edial arations no. . vol. ii. third series. max, . [whole number . vol. xii. syn the twelfth volume. is, of itself, sufficient remuneration to every another period has arrived, when it may not one concerned, for every dollar that has yet be improper for the editor of this work to hold been expended in its publication. it would be a moment's familiar chat with his friends and silly afiectation to deny that i am pleased with patrons:—but it must, indeed, be brief,—as sub- this evidence. however, i claim very little jects of public importance claim the narrow of the merit of its usefulness. to my amiable space to which the genius is at present con sister editor, and others who have lent their aid, fined. must be ascribed a great proportion thereof. well-it will be asked: what is the prospect? in conclusion, i will observe, that, expecting answer, much better than formerly, as respects to leave home, fora few months, i have engaged the ultimate success of our exertious; but, little a friend to superintend the publication of difference with regard to the severity of toil and the work, during my absence, in whom i re- privation. pose full confidence relative to his ability and many cat laborers have already entered disposition to rewuer it instructive, and enter: the field of reformation, and others begin to see taining. its readers have frequently been in- that a glorious harvest of happiness and fame | debted to his pen for important suggestions and await those who signalize themselves therein.-- || information ; and his zeal in the good cause is prejudice and delusion are beginning to trem- steady and unwavering. isha ) still, while absent, ble on the lofty pinnacle of power, and the contribute much to its pages.; and my female whispers of reason and justice are becoming assistant, whose beautiful effusipjx have łpitherto vocal in the balls of the learned and the influ- | adorned and enriched the indjes. repository," ertial. the doctrine of hereditary property in will continue ipeslipplytier depa! spiunt as usual. human flesh and blood, is about to be exploded our friends are, therefore, caracstby solicited to among the honest devotees of republicanism,- | lend us their aid in collecting and dissemi- as that of the divine right of kings, and the in- | nating, through the medium of this work, such fallibility of prélates, has in the modèrn schools facts and information as may be interesting o of aristocracy and the temples of christendom. the public, relative to the subject before us. active exertion and steady perseve- b. lundy. rance is all that is requisite for the promo- tion of our sacred cause. these will as surely || editor, to superintend the publication of this having coosented, at the request of the command success, in this important undertaking, periodical, during the few months he expects as that they ever have done it upon other occa- to be absent, (if i should find in myself qualifi- sions. no reformation, in any quarter of the cations for the performance of duties so new, globe, since the beginning of time, was ever and for which i feel myself so unprepared,) founded on a more legitimate basis; and it may i think it best to apprize our readers, that they | also be affirmed that none was ever more sus- may not hope to have their first course so high- cupable of certain progression, were the proper ly seasoned, nor their desert so neatly served up, means employed. as they have been wont to find it in the genius. as respects my own humble labors--they are i not to cease just yet; ſer humble as they are, || from sufiering until his return, this disposition still, if its monthly fare serves but to keep them i am vain enough to think that, while provi- of my time may not be amiss. i crave their dence favors ine with the means, it will be the forbearance with inexperience, and other disa- best to continue them. but, perhaps, i may be jus-bilities. a. gilbert. tihable in saying to the patrons of this work, that it is calculated to do some good. indeed district of columbia. i may triumphantly point to one paragraph in memorial to congress. the present number, for the proof. in the la or friday evening, the th inst. the aboli- dies' department, (page ,) will be found a tion society of washington met, pursuant to ad- short article, from which it appears that, through journment, and adopted the following memo. its influence, six human beings haverial to the congress of the united states. three been liberated from hereditary bondage. this" thousand copies were ordered to be printed, for genius of universal emancipation. fiat justitia ruat cælum. englishi mode of proceeding. distribution; and the editors of newspapers, gen- of our future prosperity measurabiy depends on erally, are requested to give it at least one iuser- the abolition of that system. this is not a mere tion. it will be circulated in each of the seve- hypothesis. founded on an imaginary basis; but we have the light of experience, derived from ral states; and the friends of the cause, else the practical operation of known causes, to where, are urgently requested to forward simi- | guide us in forming this conclusion, lar memorials or petitions to congress, at its we deem it unnecessary to adduce facts or arguments, at this time, to prove the correctness next session. of the opinion here advanced; for we think as the advocates of emancipation, in the dis- it must, in general, be obvious to reflect- trict of columbia, are now about renewing ing minds. and we believe it will be per- fectly practicable to eradicate the growing evil their appeal to the constituted authorities of the of slavery within this district, at no very dis- nation, in behalf of republican consistency, tant period, in a manger consistent with the universal philanthropy, and the sacred rights of safety and welfare of all concerned. your inemorialists, therefore, respectfully sug- man--nay they not hope for aid from every gest to your honorable body the propriety of corner of this extended empire? may they | adopting measures, at as early a day as inay be not confidently rely on the prompt and speedy | convenient, for the accomplishment of this ob- adoption of measures to sound the clarion of ject. trusting to your wisdom for devising an efficient plan of proceeding, we shall not justice through the national halls, with the presume, at present, to point out a detailed sys- deep-toned reverberation of millions of sove- tem of operations. we beg leave, however, to reign voices, drowning the shrill echoes of premise, that it would be proper to name a pe- riod, after which all children, born in the dis- political strife with the thundering mandates of trict of columbia, shall be free, at a suitable justice and patriotis:n? ge. seriously: we hope that the genuine philan- your honorable body may duly consider the im- your memorialists conclude, in the hope that thropists of this nation will now arouse, as the portance of the subject here presented to your lion from his jair, and pour into the congres | view, and be enabled, through the favor of di- sional chambers the language of firm, unyield- vine providence, to provide a safe and effectual ing remonstrance pgainst the further toleration remedy for the evil to which we have alluded. and your memorialists, as in duty bound, of the crued systetii of oppression in the will ever pray, &c. district:of.columbia. : nothing can possibly prevent our itstinale, succes, the prayers of the people of the djatrict are properly seconded by those whoelect the best of the national the annexed paragraph will shew something legislature. *: the members or that body will of the modus operandi of “petitioning” in great obey the voice of them constituents, in the case britain. it is by such means that the represco - before us, when trit voice is fairly expressed ; talive is made acquainted with the will of his con- and they will hasten to obey it, when they findstituents in a civil ray. it is a kind of “argu- (and this we hope they soon will do) that it is ment” that is irrefutable, and powerfully influ- in accordance with the wishes of the greatential-especially when a distant or proximate mass of intelligent, virtuous, reflecting citi- || hope of votes is in prospeet let the advocates of zens, who are the most particularly interested. emancipation reflect on this. we shall not dwell upon this subject now, as a london paper, noticing the flood of peti- we shall frequently have occasion to refer to it lions poured into the house of commonsinine- diately before the debate on the reform biil, in future numbers of this work. says—the scene on saturday at the house of memorial. commons was, perhaps, the most remarkable to the senate and house of representatives of petitioning. on friday, as well as on saturday that ever characterized the history of the right of the united states, in congress assembled : morning, hackney coaches, porters, and footnsen the memorial of the undersigned, citizens of were arriving with bundles of petitions; and the the district of columbia, respectfully sheweth: ante-rooms, the vote-otlice, &c, were literally that your memorialists, in commou with a crammed with thein. there was scarcely a large portion of the people of this union, view spare room, closet, or corner, near or about the the existence of slavery as one of the greatest lobby, that was not occupied with bundles of re- evils that afilict our country; but more especial- torm petitions. when the house assemblou the ly, do we consider its continuance in this dis- seats were so covered with bundles that, in many trict, under the immediate jurisdiétion of the instances, the menibers found it difficult to find general government, as inconsistent with sitting room for themselves. it is the fashionoi those principles of republicanism, set forth in the house, that the speaker should call the names the excellent constitution which we have adopt- l of those who have signed the “speaker's ed as the great magna charta of our civil rights || paper" as having petitions to present; and he and privileges. does so in regular succession; but on this occa- comparing those sections of our country in sion many meinbers waited five hours without which slavery is tolerated, with those where it their names having been called, while others re- is not permitted to exist, we are strongly im- | tired, after the exhaustion of so many hours, pressed with the belief, that, both in a pecunia- without presenting the petitions with which they ary and moral point of view, the advancement were intrusted. uurów urotiviesti fiat justitia ruat cælum. the florida pamphlet. tion." says : health in these classes, is owing to their being unaccustomed to a hot cliinate. but as many “a treatise on the patriarchal, or co-opera- years have elapsed since the first white people tive system of society, as it exists in some gov settled among the southern swamps, and their ernments, and colonies in america, and in the descendants have not improved either in looks or longevity, it becomes evident that people of white united states, under the name of slavery, with complexions are unfitted by nature for that situa- its necessities and advantages. by t. kingsley, an inhabitant of florida.” this tract contains according to the author's shewing, the whites sixteen quarto pages, and it is unusual to find in are out of place in the south ; and in page , he a work of this size so many accords and discords; || seems to anticipate, that ultimately, no trace of sympathies, and antipathies, as the intelligent, them will be found there, only in a state of benevolent, reader must experience in perusing | mixture. one would think it would be no very the work now under review. many of the pleasant prospect to southern slave-holders to author's facts, and more of his reasonings, prove contemplate their posterity, gradually supplant. cogently the opposite of that which he professes ed by what they deem an inferior race. it is to establish ; namely, that slavery may be so their business—they can avert it. does not ex- regulated, as to increase the sum of human hap-ercise, suited to circumstances, always promote piness. it is, however, difficult to ascertain || health? are there not emigrants from europe, whether this is his position—or whether he is particularly from ireland, who even at the time not serving up milk, to stomachs, illy prepared they are becoming acclimated, labor hard, and to bear solid nourishment. the readers of the enjoy better health than those who merely su- genius shall have some of his paragraphs, | perintend the operations which they perform? accompanied with 'suck thoughts as suggest do new orleans, and other southern ports, af- themselves while copying. in the preface he || ford no examples ? are they rare? he next says: “ the idea of slavery, when associated with “some of our northern neighbors, living in a cruelty and injustice, is revolting to every phil. || state of health and affluence, and not being aware anthropic mind; but when that idea is associated that this prosperous state, in mai.y instances, with justice, and benevolence, slavery, common- | proceeds indirectly from southern slave labor, ly so called, easily amalgamates with the ordina- and without duly investigating; and comparing ry conditions of life.” the hardships, and homiliation of the lower con- the association between slavery and cruelty, || comfortable staic of the soldiern negroes, have dition of their white populatin' with the more may be weak in many cases--but how it can be denounced the patriarchal state of subordination broken between the ideas of slavery, and injus- | of the latter, bailed sidvery: 'as the most abject tice, is extremely difficult to conceive. and miserable of all possible grades of human ex- istence. now it appears to me, that no one state those, however, if any such there be, who can be perfectly free froi these evils; but that can elevate their conceptions to this point, will all must experience some modifications of depen- find no difficulty with this paragraph, or that dence. the negro under the management of a which succeeds it ; except being “ of the com- just, conscientious, aud humane master ; (of which description it will certainly be allowed mon class of whites, denominated free,” they that there are some) who provides for the phisi- might repine a little at their degradation below i cal wants of his servants, his wife and children, the condition of a black slave:---that they are in health, sickness and old age, for no other con- sideration than the equitable one of competent more corrupt ; less productive ; and yield less | labor, when in health,will surely enjoy a happier support and benefit to the state than the slayes, and more enviable state of existence than the may be true--and the intelligent philanthropist poor white nian, burdeped with a family, who erceives the cause of their worthlessness, and ligious and moral tyranny. has to contend with cold and hunger, besides re- degradation, in the existence of that slavery, “ moreover, the free white man, with the which our author praises. in page , is the fol-greatest economy and industry, usually con- sunies nearly the whole product of his labor; lay- lowing : ing by but little, even upon the most favorable “ many, from a superficial view of things, sup- circumstances, but with a smaller stock of pru. pose that the aversion, to labor observable in the dence and exertion, which more commonly south, among the working classes of whites, || happens, he not only consumes all his earnings, proceeds froin natural indisposition but a near but is compelled by cold, hunger, and want of er view, and better acquaintance with facts, will | employment or ill health, to apply to the public show, that the radical cause is the want of health, for charity. whereas, the negro by his own la- which produces an apathy or aversion to work, bor, discreetly restrained under the co-operative and frequently a relaxation, or want of natural or patriarchial system, not only furnishes clotha exciteinent in the powers of life, which seek ar ing, implements of husbandry,and provision, but tificial stimulants; as we see frequent instances creates a large export surplus to meet contingen- of the strongest, soberest and most industrious cies ; thus increasing the comfort and capital of inechanics coming from the north, becoming, the establishment,of which he considers himself after a few years hard labor, weak and idle, and an integral part. finally, falling a sacrifice to the abuse of ardent “ in short, the greatest value of agriculcural spirits. some are of opinion, that the want of ll produce for export, and nearly all the springs of gentus of universal emancipation. fiat justitia buat cælum. national and individual "prosperity, flow from mind, well knows that the stimulus of this fal. slave labor, as is fairly demonstrated by our an- lacious, and deceptive hope, will effect what nual account of exports. it could not reasona- bly be expected otherwise. the labor of the coercion never did, and never can. where, af. negro, under the wholesome restraint of an intel- ter all, is the manly, generous mind, that does ligent direction, is like a constant stream; that of not revolt at the idea of such cruel duplicity? the white man is economically measured out by his urgent necessities, or dissipated by his expen- the latter part of the paragraph is a noble contriv. ses. besides, climate enables the one to furnish || ance!-have always on hand a sufficient number articles of greater value; while the white man's of free, to assist in keeping the slaves subordinate: labor is usually applied to raise cheap articles of food for the mere subsistenee of himself and fam- this is rendered still more practicable, by hav- ily." ing this caste mixed. a northern citizen, who has travelled to the the remainder of the pamphlet will be noti- south, should always be permitted to smile|ced in our next number. when he hears a comparison made between the intellectual peasantry of his section,and the an- philanthropic example. imated matter called a slave, even if the system such is the heading, under which the editor which has him for a part of its machinery,should of the african repository introduces a commu- be known by the handsomely sounding epithet, nication, from which the following is extracted. “patriarchal.”—and so tenacious is he of the we rejoice to have it in our power to aid in dif- habits of his own district, that he would scarcely fusing such information. the name of dr. be brought to think it a favor, to labor during | silas hamilton stands enrolled among the health, or ability to furnish means, with which genuine philanthropists of the age. why was another may, if he pleases, make his days of not the name of his equally worthy lady also sickness or old age comfortable. this is a spe- || mentioned? cies of logic.not taught in northern schools, “ ten or twelve years ago, dr. silas hamil. he could nát; therefore, be expected to under-ton, of mississippi, purchased in the state of maryland, pine thousand dollars worth of slaves, stand it. he is instructed to believe it is as and employed them for some years on his plan- much his duty, and shere need be no doubt but tation in the neighbourhood of natchez. he had he feels.it as niuch' his interest, to provide for not owned them long before he felt it his duty his own comfort as the owner does in the case to manumit them, but how to accomplish this consistently with the interests of the commuvi. of the slave. after giving the brazilian system ty, and the happiness of the slave, was a difficult of slavery: a:abcidedo preferent in page , is matier. as the best means of effecting his be- the following paragraphe nevolent designs, he offered them to the ameri. can colonization society, to be transported to “ the door or liberty is oper to every slave liberia. but they were obliged to refuse them who can find means of purchasing himself. it is for the want of sufficient funds to bear the ex. true; few have the means, but hope creates a spir- | pense of their transportation. in dr. hamil- it of economy, industry, and emulation to obtain ton brought them to cincinnati, and there eman- merit by good behavior, which has a general and cipated them, in number. in he paid beneficial effect. slaves are also allowed to them a visit, and saw painful reason to fear that hold some kinds of property, under limitation-- || he had conferred upon them a very equivocal such as stock. but the grand chain of security benefit. by which the slaves are held in subordination, is but his feelings and the feelings of his amia- the free people of color, whose persons, proper- | ble wife had become so much interested in their ties, and rights are protected by law; which ena behalf, and in behalf of their unfortunate race, bles them to acquire and hold property in their || that they determined to devote the remainder own name, and allows the free children of quar- | of their lives and fortune to the improvement of teroons by a white man, to be white by law. their condition. to this end, they purposed by his link, they become identified with the purchasing land in illinois, and establishing a whites on one side, and with the slaves by de- || labor school to rear up young slaves and qualify scent on the other; a connexion which perfectly them for usefulness in liberia, by giving them cements the three casts of which the whole instructions in letters, agriculture, and the me- nation is composed; and each being perfectly chanic arts, as far as practicable on the plan pur- contented with its permanent,lawful privileges, sued by the illustrious fellenberg of hoffwy? the jealousy, which might otherwise arise from in switzerland. dr. h. informed the writer that cast or difference of complexion or condition, || he could without difficulty procure gratuitously is totally extinguished, and no one feels an in- any number of young slaves, say or , in terest in disturbing that with which every one is mississippi and louisiana, from inasters who satisfied.” would esteem it a privilege to make so good a if they cannot get into the hall of freedom, provision for them without expense to them- selves. it is not that the door is shut against the n—if last summer i received a letter from dr. h. they should fail to enter,one good thing is effec- communicating the afflicting intelligence of the ted—the sight of the door makes them indus- | death of his wife, who had been his faithful cora- trious, and economical—so that if the slaves are panion and counseller for upwards of thirty years. this calamity seemed to have severed not benefitted, it is easy to perceive who is.- alınost the orly tie that bound him to this world. he who understands the structure of the human he, however, said that he had not abandoned his genius of universal emancipation. fiat justitia ruat cælum. eri project. he had purchased a tract of land near eousness. jesuitism was never more subtle- the junction of the illinois and mississippi rivers, || papal domination never more exclusive. the was erecting his buildings, and had with hi.. a gospel of peace and mercy preached by him who dou portion of his emancipated slaves. i have not advocates the popish doctrine, that “ ignorance since heard from him, but think it of importance || is the mother of devotion !” who would seques- to communicate even thus much to the public, trate the bible from the eyes of his fellow men! both for the sake of the example, and that dr. who holds that knowledge is the enemy of re- an hamilton may receive from an enlightened | ligion! who denies the efficacy of instruction in a community that encouragement and co-ope- lifting up a degraded population ! who would ration which may be necessary to make his phi- || make men brutes, in order to make them better lanthropic efforts extensively useful. christians! who desires to stop free inquiry, by making the clergy in allible guides to heaven! detestable d+ctrines. now, what folly and impiety is all this ! our the editor of the “southern religious tele- amazement is without bounds our senses almost doubt their evidence. how could the rev. mr graph” still maintains his opinion relative to converse (whom we have considered a pious the impropriety of teaching slaves to read or man and an able editor) endite such detestable write! speaking of the strictures upon his sentiments? he has inflicted a severe blow upon sentiments, from the editor of the boston “lib- his own denomination-upon the christian re- ligion-and upon the cause of emancipation.-- crator," he says: may the lord forgive him, and open his eyes to “weregret that he should oppose the only prac- || the sinfulness of his conduct! let him not ticable means of raising the black man from a preach popish debasement and subserviency gervile state.—the condition of the blacks in the under a presbyterian garb; for, hy so doing, he northern states,—we speak of a fact with dishonors the one, and compliments the other.- which we have been well acquainted—is proof | besides, is it not mockery to preach repentance that it is morally impossible to deliver them and faith in our lord jesus christ to the perse- = from improvident and servile habits and feel cuted blacks, and at the same time to deny them ings, in a community of white people.—and the right and ability to " search the scriptures” surely it requires no argument to show, that for themselves? they have an ihålienable right plain oral instruction is the most direct way to to freedom; their ignorance should be enlight- give thein the knowledge of the gospel." ened; instruction will not. injure their morals these sentiments are not entertained by the or usefulness, nor endanger. the safety of the peo- ple. members of the colonization society in gene 'if the free colored. prople were. generally ral ; but it is to be feared that too many embrace taught to read,' says mr.converse," it migtet be them. and the only proper plan of proceed- an inducement to them to remain in this coun- ing with such men-men so blind or corrupt - try. . we woult offer them no such induce- ment. here is die clovon foot of colonization- is to expose them promptly, and denounce their || here the spirit that is huhting down the free conduct in the plainest terms. they interpose | colored population in every state. show them the greatest clog to the wheel of reform--they make their situations uncomfortable-give them no mercy-deprive them of ail knowledge place the heaviest incubus on the bosom of no chance to rise in the scale of being, among humanity-they point the deadliest shaft to the ourselves—and then send them to africa as mis- heart of philanthropy-in short, they are the sionaries, to save souls, and to evangelize the continent!! what hypocrisy ! most inveterate foes of justice and equity. with all the influence of their "holy office, truly, christian proceedings. e arising from the respect accorded to their sacer- it is pleasant and cheering to turn from so viotal functions, they trample, with iron heel, || disgusting a subject as that upon which the pre- the rights of their fellow men, and anathema- ceding article is founded, and review the truly ed tize their brethren, in bonds. it is in vain they | christian efforts of some, who are laudably exer- attempt, by words, to disclaim the odious tyran- ting themselves to enlighten the minds and me- ny of soul, while their acts speak, with trum liorate the condition of the unfortunate colored pet tongues, the oppression they exercise. people in our slave-holding states. i will now take leave of this reverend gen. the “ eleventh annual report,” of the me- tleman, after quoting another short article from thodist missionary society, enumerates, among the “liberator,” in which he is, deservedly, || others, the following missions:- is handled without mittens. “ mission to the slaves of st. johns, pon pon instruction of the blacks.-in our and cambache. last number we promised to animadvé rt upon “ mission to the slaves on the santee river. ; some outrageous doctrines maintained by the “ mission to the slaves on the savannah river. s editor of the richmond religious telegraph, " mission to the slaves on little river. affecting the temporal and eternal welfare “the missions to the people of color,” says of the free black and slave population of bishop soule,“have been successful beyond our virginia. we have since received another most sanguine expectations at their commence. number of the telegraph, in which we find the ment. the good effects which have been produced arguments reiterated and at greater length. our | have been attested by masters whose servants limits will not permit us to pour out the indig are embraced in the several stations. and by a d nation which is swelling in our bosom let it number of those gentleman a very liberal en- be remembered that their author is a presbyte- } couragement and support have been given to rian clergyman-a proſessed" minister of right. ! those missions." ex genius of universal emancipation. report of the committee. fiat justitia ruat cælum. colored free produce society. a report being presented by the correspon- the circumstance of a society having been ding committee, on motion it was read & adopted. a communication was handed in by one of organized some months since in philadelphia, our white friends :-- which was also read. under the above title, has been mentioned be the meeting was then addressed, by mr. lun- | fore in this work. the following is the pream- | dy; he stated, many important things, for our ble to their constitution. we should be glad | gentleman, with some very salutary remarks. encouragement; he was followed by another to insert the articles themselves, but have not it was, on motion, resolved, that this society room to spare at present. appropriate ten dollars, to be added to the pre- mium offered for rice, raised by free labor. this association may be considered as auxilia on motion, resolved, that the thauks of this ry to the pennsylvania free produce society, meeting be given to those white friends, who have honored us with their presence and ad- the proceedings of which have been heretofore vice. james cornish, secretary. noticed. “ whereas, the constitution of the united states expressly declares, that “all men are born the comunittee to whom was referred the pre- free and equal," but in consequence of the su- paration of a report, relative to the proceedings :perior wealth and influence of the white popu- l of the colored free produce society, respect- lation, they have deemed themselves justifiable fully stale : that they have had the subject in establishing and pursuing the notorious prac- | under consideration, and cannot regard ii in tice of holding their colored brethren, who are any other light than that of the deepest interest the children of the same almighty parent, and to us--because it looks forward to the anribila- possesed of the same feelings with themselves, tion of a practice, which has long been regarded mental and physical, in the niost abjeci servitudie by some of the most enlightened nations in eu- and oppression-trafficking in their flesh, sepa. hope, as piratical, unjust, and anti-christiani, in rating parent from child, husband from wife, iis operations---because it deprives man of those and brother from sister, without any regard to privileges which are inseparable from his con- those social, arů domes!ic enjoyments, which i stitutional habits, for no other reason than the they themselves' profess to esteem so highly: unalterable color of his skin. and, whereas, it is well ascertained, thai seif your committee has the satisfaction to ob- interest will induce individuals to perform acts serve, that since the formation of this society, for which reason and hinanity have long been the demand and consumption of the articles of appealed to iu vairx: and as every individual who | free produce have exceeded the nuost sanguine uses the produce of slav's labaș encourages the expectations of its friends; and as an evidence slave-holitèr, -bécoines also a participator in his of this, we learn, by a statement of mr. james wickednessamad rivets miecha of the oppressed l. pierce, a gentleman who is extensively more firmly:: and, whereas the substituting engaged in the sale of articles of free produce, of the produce oj-freemen for that of slaves, is a that the sales within the last months have sure method of lessening the value of slave-la-been between five and six thousand dollars. - bor and destroying the gains of the hardened and so warmly have some of the members of this oppressor, and will, therefore, induce him, soon society entered into the spirit of the undertaking, er or later, to restore to the oppressed those that from to lbs of free sugar have been inalienable rights, of which they have been so purchased at a time for family consumption.-- cruelly and unjustly deprived: and, moreo- and one of them has commenced the sale of ver, as it particularly becomes us, who are more free cottun articles, upon a small scale. closely allied to the sons of africa, to use our your committee would further mention, influence to change their present degraded con- that they have had repeated interviews with diton, and restore them to the rank which na- the members of the white free produce socie- ture and nature's god designed they should oc ty, from which they have derived much satis- cupy: therefore, we, whose nanies are here- | faction and inforination. unto subscribed, agree to form ourselves into an your committee humbly hope that they have association, to be called the “ colored free pro- fulfilled the duty assigned thein-and, there. å uce society of pennsylvania,” that we may the fore beg to be discharged. joore easily obtain and impart such information, frederick a. hinton. connected with this subject, as may promote robt. purvis. the objects above stated : and for the further- ance of these views we adopt for ourgovernment the following constitution.” mexico, in . the annexed proceedings of a meeting of we have before us a valuable paper, relating this association, are inserted at the request of the to the population, resources, and political condi- officers thereof. tion of mexico, in . the writer is, evident- a stated meeting of the colored, free pro- || ly, well acquainted with the subject upon which duce society, was held in philadelphia, on the he treats. we very much regret that our limits evening of the th of april, . the meet are too narrow to review it at present. this, ing was honored hy the presence of several of together with the ample details in ward's“mex- our white friends, who are members of a simi-lico in ,” (for which we are indebted to the laginstitution. the house being organized, business commenced by calling the roll, after politeness of a friend in liverpool,) will enable which the quarterly contributions were taken up. us to present our readers, shortly, with an inter- the minutes of the preceeding meeting were then read by the secretary; and the minutes of esting view of the prospects of our colored sis- the corresponding commitee were read by their ter republic. the tone of public sentiment, secreiary there, relative to the system of slavery, and the genius of universal emancipation. fiat justitia ruat cælum. . has received its r . p. a. . manner in which the indians have been treated revolution in brazil! by our government; the jealousy, manifest this is the tenor of a report from st. salvador. among them,of our designs upon texas,&c.&c. it is stated that rio janeiro and bahia have been will furnish important items of information, and, | completely revolutionized. is so sure as this no doubt, be calculated to attract the notice of|| proves true, slavery readers generally. the subject, last mentioned, death-blow in the brazilian empire. is one of peculiar importance, and claims the attention of every individual of this nation. emancipation in kentucky. the society, proposed to be organized among more slaves emancipated. the slaveholders of kentucky, will, no doubt, an interesting suit has just terniinated in the soon go into operation. forty-eight gentle- circuitcourt, at the city of washington. a fam men have already sent in their names, with the ily of slaves, (five or six in number) belonging view of becoming members. they have been to a person of the name of dell, a resident of published in the “western luminary,” as fol- georgetown,was removed, some years since, to jows: the state of virginia, and within a certain william r. hynes, bardstown. length of time brought back again to the dis- samuel k. snead, jeflerson county. j. m. c. irvin, fayette county. trict of columbia. after their return they were r. j. breckenridge: sold to judge duvall. but on account of their a. j. alexander, woodford county. having been removed, az aforesaid, contrary to charles alexander, j. r. alexander, the laws of virginia and maryland,--they peti- james mccail, rockcastle county. tioned for their freedom. a suit was ertered, john wallace, fayette county. and has been long pending. it terminated on norman porter, lexington. the th inst., in the complete emancipation of thos. t. skillman, george clarke, fayette county. the slaves. thus another triumph has been gain- james blythe, lexington. ed for the cause of humanity and justice. a george w. anderson, fayette county. rapid change has lately taken place in public james g. mckinney, lexington. james h. allen, fayette county. opinion within the district of columbia. this, james mcdowell, wę trust, will soon be more openly manifest. j. s. berryman, the hateful form of slavery is becoming more thomas cleland, mercer county. john green, lincoln county. and more disgusting to the people, as they view robt. a. lapsley, caldwell county. it in its various shapes, and reflect upon its cor john l. yauus, lincoln county. rupting tendency. let the advocates of eman michael g. youce, danville. p. g. rice, cipation persevere in their praise-worthy efforts, john c. young, and certain success a waits them, at no very dis rowland charubers, cedar grove. tant period. geo. m. chambers, john c. richardson, fayette county. william e. ashmore, versailles. trial for kidnapping. samuel wingfield, the two persons thatwere charged with attempt- sam'l v. marshall, woodford county. rubt. mofiett, ing to kidnap the colored man who made hises- c. p. bacon, frankfort. cape from the gurret window ofa story house, a hugh foster, fayette county. short time since, were prosecuted, and lately j. t. edgar, frankfort.. j.c. harrison, fayette county. acquitted, simply because he was over the age rev. robert stuart of years when emancipated, and, of course, dr. louis marshal, woodford county. his liberation was illegal!!! the court, how (ol. john steele, ever, held one of them to bail, and remanded dr. c. wallace, mr.james c.todd, fayettte county. the other to prison, (as he could not obtain it,) mr. william armstrong, mercer county. to take their trial for an assault and breach of the mr. david weller, hardin county. peace. this suit is yet pending. kev. j. d. paxton, danville. samuel warren, lincoln county. john h. bell, fayette county. daniel yeiser, danville. tie insurrection in martinique. warrick miller, louisville. it is stated that colored persons have been to shew of what religious profession they are, executed,on a charge of being concerned in the who have so nobly embarked in this righteous late insurrection in martinique. cause, the luminury remarks : had our washington been ght by “in reply to a correspondent in illinois, who the british slave-holders, he too would have | desires to know what presbyterians are doing in been hung! this cause, we remark, that the first projector of - -l ، مادر مادر به دي fiat justitia ruat cælum. this emancipation scheme, as published in seve tons of shipping, and more than twenty thou- ral of our last numbers, is a prysbyterian; and | sand seamen, diffusing immense wealth among that so far as we are informed presbyterians gene- || her people, and contributing millions to the pub- rally have taken a prominent part in promoting | lie revenue. those benevolent schemes whose object is the “ that the existence of slavery and of proper- amelioration of the condition of our colored | ty in, or connected with, and depending upon population." slaves in the west indies, having been thus created by great britain for her own object and benefit, and having been recognizd and guaran- convention in the west indies. teed by repeated acts of parliament and decis- the very circumstance of a convention havions of the highest law authorities, any attempt ing been called, as mentioned below, (it is but a to injure or destroy property, so sanctioned, is prelude to “ conventions” of an opposite nature) || justice, unless full and complete indemnification a gross violation of every principle of law and naay be considered the most unequivocal evi- for all losses which may be sustained, by any dence that the holy work of emancipation is changes in such property, shall have been progressing in the british colonies. heaven previously provided at the expense of the na- tion in general. speed it to a glorious consummation! but the “ that the inhabitants ot the west indies have, ascertained fact, that the free colored people, in by their efforts to improve the condition of the most of the west-indian islands, particularly slave, already raised him far above his original in the english, french, and danish, have been of comparative comfort--have invested him with state of barbarism-have placed him in possession admitted, by their respective governments, to privileges aud immunities, and are gradually pro- equal privileges with the whites, speaks to usceeding to qualify him for a larger participation in the language of burning shame and awful in the advantages of civilized life.” menace! what will become of our slave-sys- awful calculation!! tem, and ourselves, when power concentrates in reader! pray thee, ponder the following: - the hands of the colored race, on the islands and the main ; when order shall be fairly establish-slavery, in our own country, is a branch of this horrible system. what, alas! will be the ed among them; and when retribution shall be mailed with intelligent valor,and accoutred with fate of the nations who have thus sorely oppres- sed and despoiled the natives of unfortunate the vengeance of ages!! afriea?-what the woful result, on the st of march, a meeting was held at “when the malison rolls from eternity's breath, barbadoes, for the purpose of petitioning the king and both houses of the british parliament, to use the language of the great jefferson, well and her batile-song breathes of defiance and death!'' that his majesty would be graciously pleased to exert his royal authority in order to avert the may we “tremble for our country, when we 'destruction with which the british colonies are reflect that god is just, and that his justice can- threatened, by the measures now in progress with not sleep forever.” reference to the question of colonial slavery. deputies were present from barbadoes, antigua, it would be easy to prove, says humboldt, demerara and esequibo, dominica, grenada, ne- that the whole archipelago of the west indies, vis, st. christopher, st. vincent, tobago, and which now comprise scarcely , , negroes the virgin islands. various resolutions were and mulattoes, (free and slaves,) received from passed by the meeting, setting forth that the co to , nearly five millions of af- jonies are now, and have been for some time ricans. in these revolting calculations on the past, laboring under multiplied difficulties and consumption of the human species, we have not embarrassments, and included the number of unfortunate slaves who “that they protest most solemnly against any have perished in the passage, or been thrown into spoliation of, or interference with their property, the sea as damaged merchandize. which they hold by a right as sacred as the pub- lic creditor has claim on the national funds the it will be seen, by the following notice, that highest or lowest subject in the united kingdom, the premium for rice, produced by free labor, his lands, his mansion, or his cottage-orany cor has been doubled. where are the philanthro. porate body their chartered rights. “ that this right of property has been sanction- || pists of north carolina? where, friends, where? ed by various acts of parliament, encouraging a premium for ric . their ancestors to embark their capital, their in the sum of twenty dollars will be dustry, and their fortunes, in the settlement of | given as a premium, over and above the market lands, on the express condition of cultivating | price, for five casks of fresh rice, of a good them by the labor of slaves imported into these quality, raised by free labor, and deliverd in colonies by british subjects. that the conse- philadelphia, to charles peirce, before the quences of this traffic are not now to be charged ist of september next. ( .) against the character of the w. india colonist, the gentleman, above named, is well known whose principal share in the transaction has as a very respectable grocer, in philadelphia, been that of civilizing and bringing to order who has for several years past, made it a particu- and comparative comfort, persons brought into lar business to keep articles in his line that are the colonies in a state of barbarism. exclusively the production of free labour. • that out of the settlement and cultivation the premium, together with the market price, of the west india colonies has arisen a com will be promptly paid, on the delivery of the mercial intercourse, amply supplying the moth- rice, accompanied by proper reference and vou. er country with colonial produce, giving em chers from some respectable person who is known ployment to upwards of four hundred thousand" in philadelphia. ventus on universal emancipation. fiat justitia ruat cælum. ladies' repository. philanthropic and literary. one! and would to heaven we might see a crowd of our talented country-women rallied round the same standard, carrying light and conviction to every heart! principally conducted by a lady. as a specimen. our cause. let our readers peruse and reflect upon the the commencement of a fresh volume!-'tis following advertisement. it is selected only a fit theme for a paragraph-and it may be a fit an individual sample from the many, occasion for examining into our own feelings which disgrace our southern newspapers. it with respect to the cause in which we are en- sketches the outlines of a scene of very frequent gaged. have our eighteen month's experience occurrence, and may enable those who are not in the field of emancipation cooled our zeal and familiar with such things to form some idea of wearied us with our task? or has it been, rather, the sufferings endured by their countrywomen. a stimulus to our ardor, and incentive to renewed “valuable negroes.” exertions? it should have been so, from the na “an excellent female servant, thirty-four ture of the subject, and it has. we are engaged years of age, with her two children, the one in combatting one of the darkest crimes that four years old, and the other turned of twelve months, will be sold low for cash. the whole ever disgraced humanity-in pleading for a will be sold together, or separately, to portion of our own sex, who are shut out by suit purchasers.” american despotism, not only from their privi and this is slavery-american slavery! - legęs as women, but even from their common these are the deeds of a christian land! and will est rights as human beings. it is meet, there the pious and the gentle, the enlightened and fore, that our detestation should increase with the benevolent, hear of them with the unmoved our knowledge of the subject—that a familiarity brow of self-satisfied apathy? mothers! which with the features of slavery should only render one among you will not lay down the paper their appearance more horrible—and that every with a murmur of execration against the brute hour of reflection upon the subject should aug- who could so wantonly trifle with the holy ment our sorrow for the prevailing indifference chords of maternal tenderness! will you not to the situation of its victims. we thank god snatch up the prattler by your side, to hide that he has given us the means of publicly de- amid his clustering curls the burning tears of claring our sentiments, and endeavoring to your sympathy and indignation? will you not awaken our country-women from the strange clasp him to your bosom in the emotion of your stupor of their apathy. our voice may be long || startled love, as though some hand were sud- unheeded; our entreaties may be regarded with denly stretched out to rifle you too, of your careless contempt, or retorted with light ridicule.heart's brightness? oh, if your heart is indeed but we will not be discouraged—we will still so touched, then pause a moment in that mood hold on our way—again and again we will re- of softness, and, with your intant still upon new our importunities and repeat our warnings your knee, give up your thoughts to serious re- --again and again we will present the subjectflection. let the consciousness come with its before them, until we succeed in attracting their | solemn and undeniable truth upon your heart, attention. while we have the power to lift up that you have been through the greater part of our voice in behalf of our miserable sisters, we life, and probably are still at this moment, a shall not cease to do so. while we behold one | supporter of this guilty system, and an accom- portion of our sex, regarded only as pecuniary | plice in its enormous cruelties. if you have wealth, and the others flitting thoughtlessly || never lifted up your voice against it, if its pro- through life, unaffected by the sufferings of those || ducts are in your house and on your table, oppressed ones, we will not remit our efforts to || ministering to the gratification of your vanity excite their sympathy, dwelling on the dark and your luxury, if you have never pleaded tale of the african's accumulated wrongs. well with those around you, to combine their efforts are not so miserably selfish that we can sit with yours, in resisting the demoniac influence down unconcerned in the guilty enjoyment of of oppression, then be assured that you have our own better lot, while their moans are fallen far short of your duty, and that the taint ringing in our ears, and their tears and their of crime is upon you. remember that the voice blood sprinkled upon the very hem of our gar- of your sister's agony “crieth out against you," ment. no! in their degradation, we are de- || from the prison cell and the market place, where graded--with their sufferings, we are afflicted- her degradation and her tears have been wit- with their stripes, we are wounded; and for nessed by men and angels, while you' made no their miserable fate, we entreat the cominisera- | effort to rescue her from her lot of darkness. tion of our mutual sisters. our cause is a noble and when you kneel at eventide, with your genius of universal emancipation. fiat justitia ruat cælum. fond hand laid upon the tresses of your sinless has recorded a bill of emancipation of all child, let the fearful thought start up amidst slaves at her death; and also has made a will, your prayers that that hand is stained with a perty, of every description; which will is also bequeathing to them two thirds of all her pro- dark blot of infamy and oppression. think recorded. would to god that all who hold when your heart is lifted up to beseech a bless-them would do likewise!” then would their light break forth out of obscurity, and their ing from a just and righteous, as well as most darkness would become as the noon-day.” merciful deity, how you have neglected to al you will understand that, when i left the leviate the misery of your fellow creatures; and, territory, i deposited the genius of universal while you shrink from the merited pang of self-emancipation with the above named mary dixon, who is an aged widow. she had six reproach, let its present endurance teach you slaves. no longer to deserve it. picture to yourself what would be the agony of your feelings, was another interesting case your infant about to he severed from your we learn that an aged widow lady, of the arms, forever, to suil” the convenience of some name of greenfield, who has resided several cruel barbarian. think how youwouldrend the air years in the city of philadelphia, and who had with your cries, were that fair young girl who emancipated a large number of slaves in louis- is now by your side, with her dancing steps of liana, has recently visited that section of country, joy, and the soft music of her affectionate voice, i for the express purpose of taking them to hayti, borne into your arms a bleeding victim to the || in order to prevent the new law, enacted there, savage anger of some unfeeling monster-and | from reducing them again to slavery. this while you dash away the tear that has gathered truly benevolent lady is said to be upwards of to your eye at the bare imagination of such a seventy years of age! tell us no more of the circunstance, breathe a high resolve that you patriotism of "grecian or roman matrons”. will, from this time henceforward, aid, to the american female philanthropy will soon out- utmost of your power, in abolishing a system | shine them all. those deeds of transcendant which gives birth to such atrocities. virtue, which we already have the pleasure of recording, will embellish the pages of history, more female philanthropy. and excite to emulation an admiring posterity. it is with the greatest pleasure that we lay the interesting extract appended to this article progress of the concern. before our readers. though we may even sub the following has been communicated, for ject ourselves to the charge of egotism, we can insertion, by a female friend, in philadelphia. not consent to withhold such valuable infor- | it is an extract of a letter from an acquaintance, mation from them. how happy must this good in boston, whose opportunities for procuring {ady now feel, in the moments of retirement information relative to the subject, and whose and reflection! all the wealth of the indies, | zeal in the good cause, are unquestionable. we and the aggregate fame of the mightiest heroes, thank our friend for her communication ; and · would never, never, bring to the mind of their we hope she will remember us, when she may possessor that blissful peace—that heavenly feli- || have any thing further that will be interesting city--which arises from the pure consciousness to the advocates of african emancipation, what. of having performed such noble and virtuous ever may be the particular matter to which it acts. a blessing must ever attend the comple- | relates : tion of a work so holy in its design and just in “i am sure it will animate your heart to its nature. and the influence that it will have learn, that there is a growing uneasiness among upon the community, will be both salutary and regard to the use of articles raised by slave la- many persons in this city-male and female--in extensive. bor, and a desire to procure those which are the parapraph is extracted from a letter lately the products of free lahor. we expect, very received at the office of the genius of universal soon, to get up a free produce society; and if we succeed, (or, indeed, whether we succeed or emancipation, from the rev. jesse haile, of )- | not,) we wish to have a free goods store in linois, formerly of arkansas territory. boston. i was agreeably surprised to rereive a visit, a few days since, from an individual in an i have received a letter from mr. rees | obscure village in new hampshire, who wish- alexander, of arkansas, a gentleman of high led to know where these free goods could be ob- respectability, in which he says: “i must not tained, and said that a society would be immedi- forget to tell you that the papers (genius of ately formed in his village, if they could be u. e.) you left with mother dixon”. (her || purchased in boston. you see, therefore, that naine is mary) "has had a most powerful infiu- the good work is progressing. the little “leav- ence. they have converted her from slavery. en," begun in philadelphia, i trust will soon she has recently emancipated all her slaves. leaven all the free states." she employed the best attorney in the territory to attend to the business for her, in order that the writer of the above, we learn, has or- there might be no future advantage taken.--shell stered a number of articles in the free produce genius of universal emancipation. fiat justitia ruat cælum. line, from philadelphia, and also made many en-factured, and most of the goods disposed of. to quiries relative to the subject generally. our addition to those mentioned in the report of last sisters, who have embarked in this noble under- canton flannel, fourteen of sheering, sixty-three month, liave been received eleven pieces of taking, should feel encouraged to per severe in of shirting, some finer, bleached, and some dimi- their philanthropic labors. their reward will ty, the increased inquiry, the multiplied demand, be sure and glorious. and the ready sale of our goods, are stimulating causes to persevere in the course we have a kidnapper frightened! hitherto adopted. nathan huut, jr. having the following is an extract of a recent letter been addressed by our corresponding committee, to procure a large supply of the last year's from an esteemed female friend, in north caro- lina, to the editors of the genius of universal cowoh of free coiton, we are in duily avvicipa- emancipation. she will please accept our “do good and communicate,” is a gentle yet thanks for her interesting communication. the impressive command; simple in its expression, anecdote is particularly instructive and amusing. bility to accomplish what we ardently wish — but extensive in its import. we feel much ina- "the inland slave trade was never, perhaps, and we know that our feeble efforts are carried on with more industry than it now is, | like the “small dust in the balance” towards the through this part of the state. they go the great cause of negro emancipation; still we main road, through our plautation, handcuffed, i believe our thus meeting together has not been by dozens, there have been some acts of || altogether in vain, but has iended to strengthen cruelty committed, within a few miles of this and encourage each other persevere in the place, that would increase the darkness of your good cause, measuring the inconveniences to black list. i frequently intended giving you which we are subjected, and the sacrifice of an account thereof, but was hindered, until the fine clothing, by the sufferings our fellow-crea- transactions got out of date.* one laughable cures have endured for the procuring of such. instance of kidnapping lately occurred at chap we believe considerations of this kind would el hill. a gambier stole a child in the evening enhance the value of a coarse article, and even from its mother, who had just been set free. direct our choice thereto. he rode all night, and got within a half mile of tous even social intercourse may be made our house at sunrise. it is supposed he then the vehicle for promoting good actions, by ex- first discovered that the child (three years old) | citing desires for using our utmost efforis to hud six toes on one foot. he put it down, and free our brethren and sisters in bondage. ran away from it !!” first month (jauuary) , . report of the committee for third female association for the manufac- month (march) . ture and use of free cotton. although little has transpired since the date the several reports, received a short time of our last report, we think proper to invite your attention to some subjects relative to our since, from the secretary of this association, | affairs. the last lot of cotton has been worked are inserted below. we are gratified to learn up, and that expected from north carolina not that our female friends in philadelphia are en- having arrived, there is necessarily a suspension in the manufacture of goods at present. we couraged to persevere in their laudable under- have observed in a daily paper an advertisement taking. the fruits of their labors must not bt of of a lot of st. domingo cotton, said to be of looked for at the time of budding,—but they | a quality nearly equal to the sea island. as will appear in perfection, at a proper season, if the duty arising from importation increases the price, perhaps three cents per pound above that the regular operations of philanthropic exertion of the same article raised on the continent, it be not inpeded. offers no inducement to thomas craig to pur. the committee have been cautious at a stated meeting of the female association chase it. of philadelphia for the manufacture and use in holding out encouragement to him to buy it, of free cotion, held d mo. (march) th, , apprehending they were not warranted in en- it was agreed to call a special neeting on the gaging to take all the goods made from it, lest evening of the th of ih month, (april,) for there should not be a sufficient demand for the the purpose of giving information to such | articles ordered at the advanced prices. friends, attending the yearly meeting, whose six hundred and fifty-four yards of muslin interest in the abolition cause would induce have been sent to thomas lindley, who has them to give attendance thereto. accordingly, i promised to use exertion to have it printed, ac- a considerable number convened, and the - cording to patterns selected, in the course of a lowing reports were read: few weeks. the same quantity, of a coarser kind, has been sent to jeremiah harrocks, to be colored and glazed. the committee having discharged the trust committed, during the last year, as exhibited meeting, hield th (april) by the monthly reports, inform the association: , . that the thirty bales of cotton have been manu- the purchasing committee having been in- *no, no, sister; such things do not get "out || formed that a small lot of st. domingo cotton, of date” soon. it is “never too late to do good" || and two bales of south carolina cotton, prepared --never too late to expose such wickedness.-- | by free persons, were to be be sold, they com- let the people know the extent of the evils of municated the intelligence to thomas craig, slavery, that they may be convinced of the ne who has proposed to purchase and commence cessity of exerting themselves to counteract the manufacturing of them. them. a letter was read, from nathan hunt, jr. to second annual report. report presented special to the month genius of universal emancipation. fiat justitia ruat cælum. a merchant in this city, stating that, owing to elizabeth baker, martha holcombe, maria the general and protracted drought last summer, potts, hannah alexander. the cotton crops on the up!ands are very short, after transacting some further business, the and in that section of the country a considerable | meeting adjourned sine die. diminution is sustained. discouraging as this judith james, president, may appear, he has nevertheless persevered in laetitia rowley, secretary. his inquiries, and believes he will obtain twenty- five or thirty bales of free cotton, and intends for the genius of universal emancipation. embracing the earliest opportunity of shipping thein to philadelphia. o tell me not i shall forget. an interesting communication is received oh! tell me not i shall forget, from our correspondents, the members of the amid the scenes of nature's reign, female anti-slavery society of birmingham, the cheeks with bitter tear-drops wet, west broin wich, wednesbury, and walsall, in the hearts whose every throb is pain. great britain, containing much valuable informa- tion, relating to the inportant subject in which the wood-bird's merry notes may ring, we are engaged. among other matters, the exulting 'neath the free blue sky; secretary states that, with one exception only, but louder still the breezes bring she knows of no ladies' society in england that the echo of a sister's cry. has not resolved to reject the rise of west india sugar, because it is the great staple and support the forest brook may sparkle fair, of british slavery in their colonies. when we consider the advantages we pos- and win my heart to love its sheen; but still it shows me mirror'd' there sess, and coutrast them with the miseries of the the image of a distant scene. poor slaves, a train of serious reflection takes possession of our minds. our sympathies are excited on account of their sufferings, and our the verdant sod around my feet, feelings revolt at the degration to which they the treasure of its flowers may spread, are subjected. here then let us inquire of our- and close ernbowering branches ineet, selves, whether we participate in this which in fresh'uing coolness o'er my head. we so much regret. yes, our very garments and our tables assure us of the fact. but we yet not for these, oh! not for these, deem it unnecessary to reiterate the miseries can i forget the afric's woe, attendant on slavery. these have been too the sighs that float on every breeze, frequent for mernory to lose sight of. the the streaming tears that ceaseless flow. practical lesson is now before us; let us be dili- gent to learn it, and endeavor to provide our- no! though the loveliness of ear:h, selves with such articles as are the produce of hath touch'd my spirit like a spell, free labor,-thereby lessening the demand for and sooth'd me back to joy and mirth, goods manufactured by slaves:—then, and not when darkness else had round it fell. till then, shall we be provided with an argument against the slave owner, and an insurmountable barrier to his most plausible reasonings. though not the simplest bud that droops beneath its weight of morning dew, when light the orient zephyr stoops colored females' free produce to trifle with its petals blue. society. we have been obligingly furnished with the though not a breeze that stirs the grove, or wing that cleaves the summer air, following proceedings of a late meeting of this but hath a link upon my love, association, and cheerfully insert lhem-partly or strikes some chord of feeling there. to shew the interest which they take in this concern, and partly to inform our white friends yet think not they can lull my heart, to carelessness of human woe ; of the regular manner in which they transact or bid the bitter tears that start their business. for afric's wrongs no longer flow. gertrude. ata meeting of the colored female free pro- duce society of pennsylvania, held in bethel church on the evening of january , – for the genius of universal emancipation. mrs. judith james was called to the chair, and ilome. mrs. laetitia rowley appointed secretary. home! that dearest spot upon this earth! that after reading the constitution, the nomina- | gathering-place of the hearts best affections!--it ting committee reported; and, on motion, it was is the pole-star of the heart to which it turns with unanimously received. the meeting then pro. true and deviating gaze, amidst all its wan- ceeded to an election of officers, by ballot, as derings. the bark hut of the desert dweller is required by the constitution. as dear to him, as the costly palaces of crowned on counting the votes in the presence of the kings, to their proud inhabitants; it is invested judges, the following persons were declared with the same sacred charm, the same sweet duly elected for the year . spell, and is, perhaps, even better loved for iis mrs. judith james, president. very humility. to the negro slave his home is mrs. susannah cork, vice-president. peculiarly dear. the scenes of his childhood mrs. hester burr, treasurer. have a thousand links upon his heart, which are mrs. laetitia rowley, secretary. soon lost or forgotten by those to whom the committee of correspondence.--priscilla whole world is but a broader dwelling. every wilkins, rebecca hutchins, mary benjamin, tree, every stone, is associated with some cher- sarah white, pleasant lloyd, lydia lecompt, ll ished remembrance. the ashes of his buried genius of universal emancipation, $ dan fiat justitia ruat cælum. friends lie close within its precints, and he clings for the genius of universal emancipation. to that buried dust with a tenacity of affection, (f and but. that is unknown to those yho lay their dead to moulder away far from them, in the appointed if they were gifted with supernatural power; these little words seem, sometimes, almost as places of graves. sickness, sufferings, pay even death itself is frequently more preferable to the form a bulwark apparently impenetrable to for diminutive as they are, they frequently slave, thar. to part from the spot to which he the attacks of reason and argument. they has given, what is truly to him, the consecrated are cousins german, and usually act in con- of home. yet, alas ! how often is he se- cert; but we have succeded for once in vered at the command of tyrannical caprice,not only from the scenes which he has so long lov- forming them into opposition with each other, and ask the attention of our readers to the result, ed, but from all those for whose sake they were so in the following dialogue: dear, to him. his children are scaterted over if-i was convinced that my efforts in the the face of the earth ; his wife has been torn from him,and co:veyed he knews not whither; | interests of emancipation, i should not hesitate manner you speak of, could really advance the and yet, he is still required to toil on, amidst his heart's ruin, as though his sinews were but | slavery is entirely true. it is a barbarous system, to engage in it. what you say respecting the acting levers of a mere machine, unknowing of and a disgrace to our country. any other exciting principle than the control of but-you will not suffer yourself to be con. their director. vinced. gertrude. you can easily make the trial. the use of free produce is a very ready, as well as feminine method of avowing your sentiments, for the genius of univerzal emancipation. and making the experiment. if-the community at large would adopt that what is a slave, mother? plan, i too, should be willing to unite with it. at present it would subject me to much incon- what is a slave, mother? i heard you say venience, and many deprivations, without pro- that word with a sorrowful voice one day; ducing any effect on the condition of the slaves, and it came again to my thoughts last night, besides exposing me to the imputations of affect- as i laid awake in the broad moon-light; ing singularity methinks i have heard a story told, but-you are a portion of that community, of some poor men who are bought and sold, and you do not, and cannot know, what effect, and driven abroad with stripes to toil your example and influence may have upon the the live-long day on a stranger's soil, conduct of others. for the least, allow me to is this true, mother? assure you, that you will soon learn to regard your inconveniences and privations, as very may children as young as i be sold, trifling. and torn away from their mothers hold- if-every one were to follow your advice, from home-from all they have loved & known, | i fear the situation of the slaves would be ren- to dwell in the great wide world alone, dered more painful than at present; and thus we far, far away in some distant place, should injure those whom we meant to serve.-- where they never may see their parents face? for their masters being unable to dispose of the ah! how i should weep to be torn from you. produce of their ground, could no longer main- tell me dear mother, can this be true ? tain them in tolerable comfort. alas, yes my child. but-they could cinancipate them, and allow them to maintain themselves with the wages of does the master love the slave child well, their hired labor. and they would do so; for that he takes away in his house to dwell? that would at once remove the bar to their does he teach him all that he ought to know, prosperity. this would occasion no violent and wipe his tears when they sometimes flow- convulsion, and the negroes generally would and watch beside him in sickness and pain, still labor for a time on the plantations to which till health comes back to his cheek again they had been accustomed, and pass quietly and and kneel each night by his side to pray, gradually from a state of degraded ignorance, that god will keep iim through life’s rough way? | to that of a virtuous, refined, and intelligent alas, no, my child. people. if-your picture could ever be realized, it ah, then must the tales i have heard true, would be a happy thing for your country; and of the cruel things that the masters do ; if i were actually a slave holder, i think i should that the poor slaves often must creep to bed, not long remain so. as i have no slaves in my on their scaiter'd straw, but scantily fed; possession, i consider myself justifiable in taking be sometimes loaded with heavy chains; no part in the matter. and flogged till their blood the keen lash stains; but-are you quite certain that you are not while none will care for their bitter cry, virtually a slave holder? i confess that i con- or soothe their hearts when their grief is high! | sider you such. the planter is merely your it is so, my child. agent, or a more active partner in a speculation of which you virtually reap the benefit. the and is it not, mother, a sinful things system of slavery derives its very existence the bosoms of others with pain to wring- froin the consumers of its products, and how to bid them go labor and delve the soil, they can imagine themselves exempt from the and seize the reward of their weary toil- responsibility of its guilt, i am at a loss to com- for men to tear men from their homes away prehend. the two classes are indivisibly con and sell them for gold like a lawful nected with each other, and if the conduct of oh surely the land where such deeds are done, one is criminal, that of the other must necessari. must be a most savage and wicked one ! ly be the same. you tell me that you cannot it is this, my child. encounter the trouble and inconvenience of margaret. doing any thing further than occasionally iq- prey ? gentus of universal emancipanon. ik fiat justitia ruat cælum. the olio. name. dulging in a pathetic lamentation over the suf for the genius of universal emancipation. ferings of the poor slaves; and the miscalled owner of a hundred of his fellow creatures, washington city prison. whom he claims the right to shoot, or scourge, or fetier, at his sovereign pleasure, while he thou dark and drear and melancholy pile ! descants eloquently on the happiness of his who seemest, like a guilty penitent, slaves, and the distress, the danger, and the in- to brood o'er horrors in thy bosom spent, justice that would be attendant (as he is pleased until the sun-beams that around thee smile, to tell you) upon their emancipation, will re- and the glad breath of heaver, have become peat over as feelingly as yourself, the set a hatred and a mockery to thy gloom--. porases of regret for the existence of the system; stern fabrick! i'll commune with the awhile! ani you both, by doing nothing to remove the and from thy hollow echoes, and the gale evil, zive the saine evidence of your sincerity. that moans round thy dark cells, win back the tale do not think i am the apologist of the slave holder, with his vaporing professions, and cow- of thy past history. give thy stones a tongue ardly injustice, his boasted magnanimity, and and bid them answer me; and let the sighs heartless despoiiam; neither will i seek to pal- that round thy walls so heavily arise, be vocal, and declare from whence they sprung; liate the awonaviy conduct of those who look oa and behold their sister writing beneath her and by what passion of intense despair-- stripes, and subjected to every degree of indig. what aching throb of life-consnming care nily, without breathing one entreaty for his from the torn heart of anguish, they were fürbearance, without making one effort to con- wrung. vince him of his turpitude, or to rescue his vic- tim froin her state of deep abasement. receptacle of guilt !--hath guilt alone ela. stain'd with its falling tears thy foot-wora floor, when the harsh echo of the closing door hath died upon the ear, and ſinging from his form upon the earth, thy chiling gloom seem'd to the wretch the sentence of his notices communications--selections. doom- say bear’st thou witness to no heart-wrung to readers and correspondents. groan, “a subscriber,” who politely furnished the bursting from sinless bosoms, whom the hand information, a short time since, of another case of tyrant powers hath sever'd from the band of “ yankee slave trading,” should have ac of the earth's holiest and dearest things, companied his coinmunication with his proper and thrust amidst thy darkness ? speak! editors cannot, consistently, shoulder declare the responsibility of anonymous correspondents, if only the rude felon's curse and prayer, in all cases. without personal knowledge, or mix'd with wild wail and wilder laughter rings proper vouchers, they may sometimes thereby within thuse dreary walls ?-or if there be risk too much. no spirits fainting there with agony, · clarkson” should have had an introduction that not from their own crimes, but foul op. to our readers this month, but is reluctantly pression, springs! crowded out for the present. when we become more popular, we shall hold our levees more ha! am i answered ?-in that startling cry, frequently, and in larger rooms. bursting from some wild breast with anguish many communications are yet on hand, riven, which we cannot insert without neglecting and rising up to register in heaven matters of an important character, that demand its blighting tale of outrage--the reply speedy attention. we thank our friends for was heard distinctly terrible. it sprung their favors--shall still be glad to receive them from a sad household group, who wildly ciung and when the subjects upon which they treat together, in frantic agony, are of immediate interest, will endeavor to till they were torn by savage hands apart, attend to them without delay. from arnis, from twining arms, and heart several articles are in type, which must lay froin heart, over for the next number--among ihem a re never to ineet again! what had they done view of an address from the colored people of thou tool of avarice and tyrauny ! new york, on the subject of african coloni that they should thus be given o’er to thee, zation. and thy guiit haunted cells--sister, sire and son, mother and babe, all partners in one crime western weekly review. as dreadful as the fate that through all time this is the title of a paper, recently establish - || clings to them with a grasp they may not shun: ed at franklin, tennessee. it is under the edi- torial direction of thwinas hoge, jr. esq. a no! let the tale be spoken, though it burn young lawyer, wh' was for several years, con the cheek with shame to breath it-let it go nected in business with the editor of the cenius forth on the winds, that the wide globe may of universal einancipation. possessed of' fine know talents and a cultivated intellect--to which is our vileness, and the rudest savage turn aide:) a huinane public spirit, that utterly abhor's and point with trembling finger to the spot the system of oppression--he will, no doubt, whereon thou standest; that all men may blot present the public with a truly valuable miscel- || our name with its deserved taunt, and spurn jany. success attend him. may his patronage our vaunting laws of justice with the heel be equivalent to his merit, and his usefulness of low contumely ; that every peel co-extensive with his superior worth and the of triumph, may be answer'd with a shout honest aspirations of his generous and philanthro of biting mockery, and our starry flag, pic mind. our glorious banner ! may,dishonor’d, drag genius of universal emancipation. fiat justitia ruat cælum. e. m. c. . its proud folds in the dust, or only fiout ly entreat benevolent individuals and editors, the gales of heaven, to be a broader mark who are sufficiently enlightened to discern the for scorn to spit at--oh, thou depot dark ! great importance of the institution, to afford it where souls and human limbs, are mieted out, their support now, while it is by far the most needed, and will be the most efectual.” in fiendish traffic--no! those weeping ones have done no evil-but their brother's hand. free coloured persons in north car- hath rudely burst the sac ed household band, | olina.- a law, passed by the legislature of and given, with heart more flinty than thy stones north carolina at their last session, which re- his victims to thy keeping, an'l thy chains, lates to free colored persons, and is to go into till he hath sold them! they wil'sin whose operation in may inst. subjects vessels bring- veins ing one or more of this description of persons to blood like his own is coursing, and whose moans forty days quarantine; and in case of infrioge- are torn from hearts as deathless as his own! inent of the law, the captain is liable to a heavy and there thou stand st!-where freedom's tine.- southern paper. altar stone is darken’d by thy shadows—and the cry from the liberator. that thrills so fearfully upon the air, sonnet to with its wild tale of anguish and despair, dlends with the peans that are swelling high friend of mankind! for thee i rondly cherish to do her homage! i have sometimes felt, th’exuberance of a brother's glowing love; as i could hate my country, for her guilt- and never in my memory shall perish l'util in biiter tears the mood went by. thy name or worth--so.time shall truly prove! thy spirit is more gentle than a dove, yet hath an angel's energy and scope; its flight is towering as the heaven above, african education society. and with the outstretch'd earth doth bravely we regret that our limits are too narrow to cope. insert the address. recently published by the thou standest on an eminence, so high, managers of this institution. the philanthropist all nations congregate around its base; will rejoice at any and every attempt to raise there, with a kindling soul and piercing eye, the colored race from the cruel debasement to the wrongs and sufierings of thy kind dost which. prejudice aud power have reduced them. trace: the following brief extracts, from the “ameri-. thy country is the world--thou know'st no can spectator,” is all we have room for, just other- now, in relation to this subject.- v. e. and every man, in every clime, thy brother! g- "the american spectator is connected with the african education society. the society are responsible for conducting the editorial de william roby, a mulatto, was committed to partment; and in return they are allowed a boston jail, on wednesday, for having stabbed space in each paper, not exceeding two columns, a young woman of color, named maria leonard, and they are to receive the amount of ball a in the back, and beat and stamped upon ber so dollar yearly on each subscriber to the specta- that her life is despaired of. jealousy was tje tor. they have thus a common interest with cause of this horrid act--which proves that ro- the proprietor in iis circulation anil success.-- by is a human being, in despite of his skin, for those, therefore, who aid the paper, will at the brutes are never jealous, and do not abuse the same time be aiding the society. the spec- li“ suſter sex.”-ið. tator is needed, noi only as the organ of the society, buí us the means of promoting its we justify no war. the victories of liberty pecuniary interests. its general character, i should be bloodless, and effected solely by spi- however, will remain untered; and with re- ritual weapous. if we deemed it pleasing in gard to this, we refer our readers to its past the sight of god to kill tyrants, we would im numbers, and to the prospecins which we pab- | mediately put ourselves at the head of a black lish to-day. the colonization and education | army at the south, and scatter devastation and societies are not connected, and the funds of death on every side; but we are reminded that one will not be idsed by the other." vengeance belongs to god-aud that it is cur “we publish to-day the amount of money and duty to retuin good for evil, and to pray for stadiscriptions received in more than a year by those who despitefully use and persecute us.-- we therefore do not think it “would be expe- the african education society. from this it will be evident, that unless there should be a dient to call public meetings, in order to raise considerable advance in public liberality, the subscriptions for ile use of the poles.” let our society, though it will not probably become charities be extended to our southern slaves-let us achieve their liberation.- . extinct, nius! continue to make etioris, and stek expedients for a bare existence, wbile il ought to be making eminent citizens of africa, able liburla sugar.--- we have heen presented and ready to enlighten and renovate its misera with a specimen on sugar made at the colony of ble communities; and to be accomplishing on a liberia in africa, a consignment of several saclis large svale, whieh ulone can be economical and of which recently arrived in this city by way of etlicient, the great and important design for new-orleans. it surpasses, in whiteness, the which it was organized. the lustitution will best white havana, and is not interior in the be supported by the labor of the pupils, as far as is richness of its flavor. it is kept for sale at the consisient with its main design; but this, we store of . fairchild & co., merchants of this repeat, and we hope it will not be forgotten, | city. will, by the purchase of tools and materials, ne this is a most interesting fact in the history of cessarily and greaily auginent its first expendi- colonization. we have no doubt, should the tures. we, therefore, respecifully and carnest liberians turn their attention to the manufar- genius of universal emancipation. fiat justitia ruat cælum. of the ture of sugar, that they would find a ready mar- five dollars remitted to the editor, in current ket for all they could produce, as hundreds and money of the united states. thousands would prefer sugar made by the hands all letters and communications, intended for of freemen, even at a higher price, to that which this office, must be addressed (free of expense) had been mingled with the tears of the slave. to benjamin lundy, washington, d. c. cincinnati journal. may, . authorized agents. it has recently been decided by the court of amos gilbert-- washington, d. c. ( office at appeals of s. carolina, that a free person of color côr. e.and th-sts, near the pet-office.) is not a competent witness, even in a suit be wijam. r. jones- no. , market-street, tween persons of his own cast; nor can book en baltimore, maryland. tries, made by a colored clerk, be supported by abner m. plummer-newmarket, do. proof of his hand writing!! samuel brown- winchester, virginia. johnathan taylor, jr.-purcell's store, do. effects of slavery in virginia.--in rich'd mendenhall-jamestown, n.c. this state contained one fifth of the politi- thos. moore, p. m.-newgarden, do. cal power of the union, was twice as large as thos. lundy--huntsville, snrry co. do. new-york, and one-third larger than pennsyl- m. long, p. m.-long's mills, do. vania. the opposite of this is her present situ j. newlin, p. m ---lindley's store, do. ation. she must now rank below ohio, a state b. swaim, esq.-new-salem, do. that was not in existence when she was in the rev. h. m'milllan--- chesterville, s. c. zenith of her prosperity. samuel holliman— wrightsboro', ga. thos. doan-newmarket, jef". co. tenn. jas. jones, p.m.unitia, blount co. do. prospectus elijah embree, p. m.-pactolus, do. william bryant-nashville, do. genius of universal emancipation. william mack--columbia, do. vol. xii. james askins--fayetteville, do. the object and character of this work are rev. jesse haile springfield, illinois, well known. it has been published nearly ten rev.john f.crow, p. m.-hanover, la. smith & bulla- centreville, do. years, and circulates in all the states of this union,in canada, the west indies, europe,and rev. m. jamieson-mountsterling, ky. africa. it is exclusively devoted to the subject joseph lormer-mount- washinglon, do. of the abolition of slavery, or the american joseph b. chapman-waynesville, ohio. continent and islands. dr. joseph stanton-springborough, do. within a few years, the proprietor has trav- william lewis-harrisville, do. elled much, and had to depend somewhat upon a. baer, jr.- osnaburg, stark co. do. the assistance of others to conduct the work. william p. richards, wilmington, del. he pledges himself, however, that the publica, joseph sharpless-no. , n. th street, tion shall not cease, but with the cessation of philadelphia, penn. his natural life, provided, the public patronage, joseph cassey-no. s. th street, do. do. or the labor of his own hands, will furnish the dr. e. michener-london grove, do. means of issuing a single sheet per annum.“ dr. b. fussell-kennett square, do. he further pledges himself, that the great fun- joel wierman-york springs, adams co.do. damental principles, hitherto advocated in this lindley coates--gap p. . lan. co. do. work, shall be steadily maintained. the course jehu lewis—bethlehem, wash. co. do. to be pursued, hereafter, will not materially vary richard lundy-mountholly, n.j. from that which he marked out in the beginning. benjamin acton-salem, do. the corrupt sources of the horrible evil of james willsori, jr.-alamouchy p. o. sus. slavery shall be traced; this fatal gangrene up- sex county, do. on the body politic shall be probed; and the mahlon day-no. pearl-st. n. y. crty. healing balsam will be applied when the putrid john lockwood-poughkeepsie, . y. mass is removed. every possible investigation james adams—albany, do. will be made as to the state of the slave-system, charles marriott-hudson, do. and what is doing relative to its perpetuation or abijah purinton-troy, do. abolition, particularly, in the various parts of thomas shotwell-marengo, do. the united states and the west indies. every john i. wells & son--hartford, conn. exertion will also be made to show what can be r. t. robinson-herrisburg, vt. done, with propriety and safety, towaras eradi- william lloyd garrison, boston, mass. cating this enormous and increasing evil from samuel rodman, jr.-new-bedford. do. the american soil. rev. n. paul-l don c. h. upper canada. james cropper-liverpool, england. terms of subscription. william b. bowler-port au prince, hayti. the work will, henceforth, be issued month john b. salgues-aux cayes, do: ly. it will be neatly printed, on fine paper, jacob w. prout-monrovia, africa. and folded in the octavo form, each number making sixteen large pages. the price of subscription will be one dollar the postage of the genius of universal eman. per anuum, always to be paid in advance. cipation is now the same as that of weekly subscribers who do not particulary specify newspapers. one cent and a half, for each pa- the time they wish to receive the work, or no per, is the highest that can be legally charged tify the editor of a desire to discontinue it be- || within the united states. if the distance be fore the expiration of each current year, will be || less than one hundred miles, but one cene considered as engaged for the next succeeding || can be demanded. post-masters will please one, and their bills will be forwarded accor attend to this notice. the post-office in jingly. washington forwards the paper under this regu- agents will be entitled to six copies for every"lation. postage. genius of universal emancipation. edited by b. lundy--published in washington and baltimore--$ . per ann. “we hold these truths to be self-evident: that all men are created equal, and endowed by their creator with certain inalienable rights; that among these are life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness.”---declaration independence, u.s. no. . vol. ii. third series.) ju ne, . [whole number . vol. xii. an editor's predicament. aid the cause of emancipation, and who fail not we often hear from persons professing to ab- to attempt the execution. it is only those who hor slavery, that those who are exertiug thein- profess an abhorrence of slavery, yet do nothing selves to effect its abolition, “do not work it -and those who admit the "abstract question” right.---- it is highly probable that there has not unequivocally, yet hold on to the save tena- yet been a plan devised by ingenuity, or acted ciously, whose foot our shoe will fit. we upon by benevolence, the object of which was can therefore say to all the friends of the right- to restore their natural rights to all men, and eous cause—slaveholders or non-slaveholders, secure them in the possession, which has not (for we well know that there are, with both, been met with, “you will never abolish slavery ! those who long for universal enfranchisement,) by such means.” to the sanguine, and ardent, let each, in the way he believes best adapted to the sentiment is revolting--the effect is chill- secure the end, contribute to promote the great ing. toʻthe experienced, and reflecting, it is and good work; and though the roads you take but another evidence, that nothing short of un- may, in the beginning, diverge at considerable remitting perseverance, can accomplish the angles, and may be all, more or less circuitous, righteous work-and such can say “come broth- the travellers in them, being guided by the same er” to every one who evinces an honest desire compass, with the same attractions will ar- to aid in advancing it. aware that the varieties || rive at the same point at last. with universal of human thought and feeling, can neither be equal rights for the polar star, and justice the coerced, or reasoned, into uniformity, they per- unerring needle, ultimately the vessel of free. ceive how this variety may be made as useful dom must land in a safe port, where the tem- in the moral, as diversity of forms, are beautiful pests of tyranny shall serve but to purify the in the material world. atmosphere, and prevent the unhealthful calms of morbid apathy. anchored in such moorings we are not discouraged, therefore, when —there she must continue to ride in safety for some reproach us with timidity, and an undue regard for the feelings of the oppressor-nor when others censure us, for the harshness of our denunciations against him: while diver- sity of temperament prevails amongst human we have received a pamphlet, containing an beings these things must be-editors know that | address to the public, issued by a committee ; they are. scarcely a week passes away which representing a large proportion of the colored does not bring to our ears,both praise and blame people of new-york, in answer to an address noris this all-occasionally they are both meted from the african colonization society. our out to us, for the same course. this being our pre- readers have had the promise of a specimen of dicament, and not knowing to whom to apply their argument upon this subject; and the fol- for better direction, than that which we our-lowing extracts, from the address in question, selves, after some experience, and much inves- will give a tolerably good idea of the ground tigation, honestly, and firmly believe to be right, they take in opposing the doctrines and meas- we find most peace in pursuing undeviatingly ures of that institution. that course which is marked out to us from the we like to see a discussion of this important existing state of things .. subject. if the african colonization system is we wish it to be distinctly understood, that founded upon a proper basis ; if it is calculated our reprehensions apply not to any—to what essentially to aid the cause of emancipation, ever extent they may be slave-holders—who this will furnish occasions to produce every are making arrangements, in accordance with || variety of argument in proof of it. their own conscientious views, for the extinc- an article from the pen of a colored man in tion of a system which they feel is wrong: nei- favor of colonization, recently appeared in the ther do our commendations embrace any, how-|| american spectator. we have been requested ever they may be associated, but such as exer to insert it; and shall probably give it a place in cise their minds, in devising the best means to our next pumber. ever. anti-colonization. genius of universal emancipation. fiat justitia ruat cælum. we race. “una- $ b le “in protesting against the sentiments and topic, and we say with the same writer, the declarations to our prejudice with which the blacks had a long and glorious day: and after above noticed “ address” and “resolutions" what they have been and done, it argues not so abound, we are well aware of the power and much a mistaken theory, as sheer ignorance of influence we have attempted to resist. the the most notorious historical facts, to pretend gentlemen named as officers of the “ coloniza- that they are naturally inferior to the whites. tion society” are men of high standing, their “ there does exist in the united states a pre- dictum is law in morals with our community; judice against us, but is it unconquerable: is it but we, who feel the effect of their proscrip- not in the power of these gentlemen to subdue țion, indulge the hope of an impartial hearing. it? if their object is to benefit us, why not bet- “we believe many of those gentlemen are our ter our condition here? what keeps us down friends, and we hope they all mean well; we but the want of wealth? why do we not accumy. care not how inany colonization societies they | late wealth ? simply because we are not en- form to send slaves from the south to a place couraged. if we wish to give our boys a clas- where they may enjoy freedom; and if they can sical education, they are refused admission into “ drain the ocean with a bucket,” may send your colleges. if we consume our means in “ with their own consent,” the increasing free giving them a mercantile education, you will colored population: but we solemnly protest not employ them as clerks; if they are taught against that christian philanthropy which in ac-navigation, you will not employ them as cap. knowledging our wrongs commits a greater by tains. if we make them mechanics, you will vilifying us. the conscientious man would not not encourage them, nor will white mechanics kill the animal, but cried “ mad dog," and the work in the same shop with them. and with rabble despatched him. these gentlemen ac all these disabilities, like a mill-stone about us, knowledge the anomaly of that political ethicks because cannot point out our states- which makes a distinction between man and men, and lawyers, we are called an inferior man, when its foundation is “ that all men are horn equal," and possess in common “ finally, we hope that those who have so lienable rights,” and to justify the withholding | eloquently pleaded the cause of the indian, will of these “ rights” would proclaim to foreigners at least endeavor to preserve consistence in that we are « a distinct and inferior race," with their conduct. they put no faith in georgia, out religion or morals, and implying that our although she declares that the indians, shall not condition cannot be improved here because there be removed but “ with their own consent.”- exists an unconquerable prejudice in the whites can they blame us if we attach the same credit towards us. we absolutely deny these positions, to the declaration, that they mean to colonize and we call upon the learned author of the “ad us, “only with our consent?” dress” for the indications of distinction between us and other men. there are different colors * alexander h. everitt. esq. vide his work among all species of animated creation. a dif- entitled america, or a general survey, &c. &c. ference of color is not a difference of species. || pp. . . our structure and organization are the same, and not distinct from other men; and in what re- colonization society. spects are we inferior? our political condition we admit renders us less respectable, but does in the african repository for february, may it prove us an inferior part of the human fami- be found the proceedings of the colonization ly? ipferior indeed we are as to the means | society in january last. there is no juconsid- which we possess of becoming wealthy and learned men, and it would argue well for the erable display of eloquence and feeling in their cause of justice, humanity, and true religion, if | deliberations. our space does not permit us to the reverend gentlemen whose names are found go into detail; we will not, however, resist the at the bottom of president duer's address, in- stead of showing their benevolence by laboring desire to extract a resolution offered by the to move us some miles off, were to engage hon. mr. frelinghuysen, of new jersey. actively in the furtherance of plans for the im- “ resolved, that in the opinion of this meet. provement of our moral and political conditioning the slave trade is not to be suppresed, with. in the country of our birth. it is too late now out more united and vigorous exertions on the to brand with inferiority any one of the races of part of the several governments of christendom, mankind. we ask for proof. time was when and that both humanity and religion, invoke it was thought impossible to civilize the red all conscientious and enlightened statesmen to yet our own country presents a practi- | consider ar d adopt more effectual measures, for cal refutation of the vain assertion in the cher. || putting down forever this abominable traffic.” okees, among whom intelligence and refinement are seen in somewhat fairer proportions than we can most heartily respond to the senti. are exhibited by some of their white neighbors. i ment of this resolution; and we remain to be, in the language of a writer of expanded views as we have ever been, of opinion, that though and truly noble sentiments, "the blacks must be regarded as the real authors of most of the arts all means may “work together for good,” the and sciences which give the whites at present most effectual, for “putting down the traffic" the advantages over them. while greece and abroad, is to put it down at home. rome were yet barbarous, we find the light of learning and improvement emanating from this, the preacher who says, "do as i say-not as by supposition, degraded and accursed continent i do,” may be praised for his uit; but he, who of africa, out of the midst of this very wool- shews in his practice, that he believes his own ly-haired, flat-nosed, thick lipped, coal black race, which some persons are tempted to station precepts, gives proof of wisdom—he makes pros. at a pretty low intermediate po between mer elytes. the permission of the domestic, and and monkeys."* it is needless to dwell on this interdiction of the foreign slave trade, is ob- c v man. genius of universal emancipation. fiat justitia ruat cælum. served by friends and foes—and the failure in whites , the latter, as in the case of the moral teacher, | free natives of mix'd blood , free blacks may be more dependant on a want of consisten- , , , cy, than many are aware. black slaves , , slaves of mixed blood , , , danish and british colonies. indians , the circumstance of the danish government having decreed that the free colored inhabitants , , of st. croix shall henceforth be placed upon a we add the following remarks upon this sub- par with the whites is noticed, approvingly, inject from the “eclectic review,” as appended to dr. walsh's statement: many of the papers in the united states. it is, certainly a subject of gratification to philanthro-increasing in a proportion frightful beyond “the importation of slaves, which has been pists. but why is the fact not more generally comparison, under the new order of things, made. known, that the british government has must also have swelled the aggregate population, adopted similar measures in its unchartered col- has been proportionally dreadful. during the unless we suppose that the waste of human life onies? the anti-slavery monthly reporter, last ten years, according to the returns furnish- for november, , now lying before us, states ed by dr. walsh, upwards of , slaves en. that, by sundry orders in council the free blacks | latterly risen from , ' to between and tered the port of rio alone; the imports having of trinidad st.lucia,and the cape of good hope, || , a-year. the number imported into ba- have been admitted to all the rights and privi- hia, is not given. in , we know that it jeges of white citizens, and it is believed, that amounted to , of whom were re-expor- ted to rio de janeiro and rio grande ; and the similar regulations have been made in demerara, || number imported into bahía during the first berbice, mauritius, and the other colonies, sub- || half of , exhibited a similar proportion.- ject to the immediate government of the crown. supposing this to be the average number for the a lesson, this, for our «republican” statesmen! ten years, and making the necessary deduction for re-exportation to rio, we shall have to add from to , slaves to the above estimate, british west-india population. if, then, the previous slave population of brazil has not decreased in the same proportion, their the following table shows the relative pro- total numbers must now considerably exceed portion of the whites, slaves, and free blacks in two millions; say , , , the british west india, which will be read with interest : our own views. chartered col. whites. slaves. free blacks. having given in our last,extracts from the pro- bermuda, , , bahamas, ceedings of the free produce societies, we feel , , . jamaica, , , , induced to throw some thoughts, which have virgin isles, , suggested themselves, before our readers. st.christopher's , , , why do any say that abstinence from the nevis, , , antigua, , , , products of slave-labor can effect nothing ? mont-serra, , surely, they do not reflect; for in the first place, dominica, , , is it not something to the individual, to know barbadoes, , , , st. vincent's, that he has washed his hands of the guilt of op. , , * , grenada, , , pression ? that which is done intelligently and tobago, , , conscientiously makes a better man; and as men crown colonies. become consistently better, their influence is st. lucia, , , , trinidad, , , , extended-others observe the advantages they honduras, , , have from a rigid compliance with the requisi- demerara, , , , tions of duty, and it is impossible but that they berbice, , , c. good hope, , , . should desire those advantages for themselves mauritius, , , , -this desire very naturally will lead them, as it led those, to whose condition they aspire- total, , , , for the peace here spoken of, is only to be had on the common terms-namely: to ascertain population of brazil. intrinsic right and conform to it.-all truths the reader is referred to walsh's “ notes on are facts, or directly deduced from them. the brazil,” for an exceedingly interesting state- || sentiment just expressed, that the example of ment of the population, &c. of that country. the virtuous, though silent and often unper- from this it appears that the number, (divided ceived, is nevertheless operative, is a well at- into different castes,) in , stood as fol. tested fact. to whose mind it was first sugges- lows: ted, that the consumer of the products of slaver > genius of universal emancipation. fiat justitia ruat column. jabor was accessary to oppression, is not see nis inference : known: it is known, however, that but “from all these facts it follows, that under a few years have elapsed since it claimed just and prudent system of management, negroes the attention of some isolated individuals, property, and easily governed; that they are not are a safe, permanent, productive and growing who, however highly they ranked in other naturally desirous of change, but are sober, dis. respects, had the lustre of their greatness creet, honest and obliging; are less troublesome, obscured in the vision of their admirers, by this the ordinary class of corrupted whites of similar and possess a much better mural character than speck of innovation-this mist of enthusiastic, it condition. for the truth of this observation, may be fanatic eccentricity.—now, hundreds appeal to every slave holder in the south, who bear the same testimony, and thousands have has had an opportunity of witnessing the cou- duct of white laborers who come annually to it under serious consideration. if twenty years seek work from the north, whether the cominon ago, the example of a corscientious man con- | plantation negroes do not conduct themselves vinced his neighbor in a year--the two, each much better and are of a more respectable moral character." his man in the next, and so on, in a geometric he then adds : series whose annual ratio of progression, is two (and this it is believed existing associations will their women and children, and to domestic life, “ their strong attachment to their homes, to establish, up to this time) how long would it are likewise great securities for their good be. take to convince every one whose pecuniary haviour; which, with a fair and equitable allow- interests are not opposed ? ance of clothes and provisions, kind treatment when sick, and fair words when well, will, in letit not be inferred that there is any implied | most cases, insure good behaviour, ovedience and indifference to other modes of arresting the attachment. under these circumstances they enormous evil of slavery; the distinct object of will, without grumbling, and with very little corporeal punishment, perform a great deal of this article is to defend abstinence in those who valuable labor in a year, and with profit and prastice it, and to recommend the propriety of satisfaction to the owner, who if prudent, will it to the consideration of others. soon find himself in easy circumstances, and feel happy in experiencing the attachment, con fidence, and good will of a grateful and happy more of the florida pamphlet. people. our laws to regulate siaves are entirely founded on terror. it would be worth while to in our last we commenced a hasty review of try the experiment of a sinail mixture of reward this tract. considering the imperfections of with the punishment-such as allowing them that hurried attempt, together with the want of the free use of sunday, as a market day and ju- bilee, which i have observed had a good effect space in our little work, we should be glad if in all foreign countries, also in louisiana. the the pamphlet itself, could fall into the hands of laws of the souihern staies are exlusively com every reader of the the “genius.” we will structed for the protection of whites, and vexa. make some further extracts. tious tyranny over the persons and properties of every colored person, whose oath can in no after treating briefly of the causes, and the case be admitted as evidence against a white per- progress of the haytien revolution, the author | son. policy and self-preservation require, to render the co-operative system beneficial, that slaves must be kept under wholesome and just “the fall, and final extinction of its colonial restraint, which must always create some degree power, and its subsequent re-establishment un of resistance more or less to patriarchal auth- der a free and independent governinent of ae-ority; to counterbalance which, the interest and groes in our vicinity, furnishes, in a variety of co-operation of the free colored people, is abso- incidents which took place during its whole lutely necessary, when the white population is course, abundant examples of situation, occur- ! scanty.” rences, and facts, from which we may establish “ the policy generally pursued by our own cousequences that would apply to almost every | slave holding state governments with regard to possible situation in which we could imagine free colored people, and that pursued by foreign, slaves of a similar class to our own to be placed.”ll colonial and other slave holding governmeuts , he then proceeds to state, that during the is directly opposite. in the latter, the free co. conflict between the contending parties, lored people have found it their interest uni. versally and decidedly to place themselves in the “ the slaves were armed by their masters, scale of the whites, or in opposition to the and protected themselves and families while they | slaves. a slave who saves my life by rescuing made abundant crops of coffee. in short, when i it from assassins at the risk of his own; or who we come to consider the massacres and blood- saves the lives and properties of a whole com- shed necessarily attending such a horrid revolu. munity by informing against conspirators, must tion, where a vast pumber of slaves were forced still remain a slave! and what a dreadful feeling into a state of licentious anarchy, and led on of general resentment must orginate from such by partizans blinded by revolutionary fury, who a source of injustice! no wonder (with such gave no quarter on either side, it is astonishing | laws) at the universal antipathy and detestation that the slaves now liberated, should bave so against slavery, thus identified with tyranny and soon returned to a peaceable and quiet state of the most oppressive cruelty.” domestic order, and again, admitted whites to re- side peaceably among them, and enjoy all the in page he asks—and as we think, from a pre-eminence that condition could give.” well reasoned conviction of human wants-a says: genius of universal emancipation. fiat justitia ruat cælum. . case. just, and generous sense of human rights: “is || would at least laugh at our absurd indiscretion.” there any thing worthy of acceptance, that can the author wishes inducements held out to be offered to a slave, but freedom?” the slaves, to become serviceable to their own- if readers can admit, for a while that power | ers and encourages the owners to ieward them and right are not synonims, they will find || for it. he also thinks it hard that law should something worthy their attention, in what fol- || prevent an owner from liberating a deserying lows-it states so me very important facts; shows | slave; he, moreover proposes, that free colored the writer to be a close observer—an accurate, people be put on an equal footing with whites. and cogent reasoner—and his tacit predictions, || after all this, he says : may one day, be verefied, albiet they do not “it appears that, to raise the value of south- purport to emanate from any thing supernatu ern plantation property, to its just scale of pur- ral. chase value, according to the rate of interest yielded by its neat average return of crops, to “ a very common argument against free co- bear an equal proportion with the value and re- lored people's testimony being admitted as evi- turns of real properiy in the north, which is the dence in all cases is, that their moral character is not generally so respectable. the force of all principal object of this treatise, it may be com- sidered necessary testimony must be measured by its respectabili- ist. to put all fear of danger, either to per- ty; therefore of unequal value. but that the inoral character of free colored people generally, || at rest. or property, from insurrection of the slaves, is inferior to thai of the same condition of whites, . to destroy all doubt of the permanent i think cannot be proved. on the contrary, | durability of such property, in case of war or all unprejudiced people who have had an oppor- || in asion. tunity of knowing, and have paid attention to the d. to extinguish that general, foreign or subject, will say that the very opposite is the || porthern prejudice, against holding slave pro- even if it were not so, what a reflection on our policy and justice, to outlaw them for || perty, which commonly arises from their mis- taken view of our policy and laws, to regulate complexion, which they cannot help, and de- slaves and free colored people.” prive them of the means of acquiring moral im. provement, by driving them to seek shelter to his first proposition, we would say, it must among the slaves! few, i think will deny that be effected by arrangements, having for their color and condition, if properly considered, are two very separate qualities. "but the fact is, object, the gradual,jbut entire emancipation, that in almost every instance, our legislators, of every slave. his views, if carried into oper- for want oi due consideration, have mistaken || ation, have, whether he perceives it or not, a the shadow for the substance, and confounded | certain tendency to that end; and hence, we together two very different things, thereby sub- stantiating, by law, a dangerous and inconve. think, his second and third, are superfluous, in rient antipathy, which can have no better foun- remote prospective calculation. but if they dation than prejudice. it is much to be regret must needs be-in relation to the second, it is our ted that those who enact laws to regulate slaves, decided opinion, it must be effected by reducing and tree people of color, are often obliged to con- sult popularity, rather than policy, and their own slaves to still more brutish ignorance : nothing good sense. else, can ensure a permanent property in hu- “some of our state laws, in defiance of our man beings. the end proposed to be attained national treaties, condemn to indiscriminate im- in the third, can be done by simply destroying prisonment in the common jail, every class of free colored persons, who inay arrive within in the human mind, all distinction between vir- their limits, without reference to sex, cause, or tue and vice: by banishing all correct reas- condition; and to be sold as slaves where ihey | oning, and feeling, from the head and heart. have not the means of paying the penalties an- nexed to the crime of arriving within the juris- diction of the law. what must be the final con- sequence of such infatuation? an infatuation ar we have just finished an attentive perusal of raying itself in open and avowed hostility against the address presented to this society by its board twelve millions of people, now composing the of managers. emanating from such a source, colored population of this quarter of the world. hayti, alone, in the full career of wealth, free and holding out the views it contains, it cannot dom, and juvenile independence, with equal, if be considered in any other light, than that of an not superior, advantages of climate, soil and sit- uation, to any equal portion of territory in the important document; and, from the position we world, and evidently destined by nature, at no occupy, one, that inight well be expected to very distant period, if not to command, at least elicit our remarks. we cannot yeild our un- to share the commerce of the surrounding qualified approbation, though we discern no ocean; and, without being over-peopled, com- fortably to accommodale” tweive inillions of principle, in it, which we disown. it appears to inhabitants. be a specimen of those frequent cases in which “a war of color would, in our situation, of justice and philanthropy are impeded in their all wars be the most dangerous; therefore the operations by a temporizing policy, which pre- least advisable, because we naturally ana una vents honest minds from distinguishing how voidably (under our present policy) contain within us the materials of our own dissolution; far their motives are influenced by legal and nine-tenths of all our present white friends || opinion, and popular custom. t african education society. ! genius of universal emancipation. fiat justitia ruat cælum. the society have it in contemplation to in we well know of the prevailing sentiment, struct the colored race, by uniting industry that it is not safe to furnish slaves with instruc- and science:-a plan much spoken of in these | tion;" and we assuredly believe, that if proper. days—and one, we will hazard the opinion, | instructions were given, to a proper extent, this which is approved by every reflecting lover of || alone would remove every vestige of the curse his species, who has examined it. they say: of slavery from the earth: this is the same as “it is the design of the society, not, in the that on some future millenial day,no man would manner of a day school, to take charge of the claim the undignified epithet--master. but youth entrusted to them, for a few hours daily; || this would be effected without any violence, or and then dismiss them, to dissipate among idle and vicious companions, the slight impressions - what may be even more dreaded by some,-- made upon them, and thus to blast, every night || any loss. the development of the faculties and morning, the germs of sober and industrious and cultivation of good feeling in the case of habits; but to train them up entirely, as far as practicable, from early childhood; to make con- the despised, oppressed children of africa, stant and untiring inroads on their wrong hab- would, though almost imperceptibly, yet cer- its and propensities; to subject them to a steady, tainly, banish slavery from the land. mild, and salutary discipline; to exercise tow- ards them a kind and parental care, guarding to the inestimable reward of his own ap. against the approach of every insidious and || proving conscience, we add the willing meed hurtful influence; to give them an intimate of our thanks to the “slaveholder who has of- practical acquaintance with agriculture, or some one of the mechanic arts, most likely to fered the gratuitous use of a farm, for the ac- be useful in africa;* to instruct them thorough- || commodation of an educational establishment.” ty in all the branches of a common school edu- would to heaven, that more would, according cation; to endow them with industrious, active, and manly habits; and to inspire them with vir- to their ability, “do likewise.” tuous, generous, and honorable sentiments: in the board of managers state the fact, that fine, to form their whole character, and render it, as far as possible, such as will qualify them to liberty has been given to more slaves, in pro. become t pioneers in the renovation of africa.” i portion to the white population in the south, the next two paragraphs we do not like than in the north. they offer as a reason why quite so well-they shew a little of that spirit the work of emancipation has not progressed, of compromise, the necessity of which should the intuitive discovery that “freedom, in itself always be matter of regret in a country like | alone, without some redeeming concomitant, is ours, where the people have but to unite in not a practical blessing” to a people grossly willing that it shall be so, to secure all the ignorant, and, of course, lacking incentives to rights and immunities of every individual in the industry, economy, and morality; and hence land. may it not be questioned "vhether this they argue that it was proper to “arrest the temporising or compromising manner (we hope progress of emancipation.” we shall not be understood to use those words we agree with them under existing circum- in an offensive or censorious sense) has often stances--and as they seem to have united with been efficient in promoting works of righteous- | full purpose of heart, to change those circum- ness? could not the great and the good, of the stances, we bid the intelligent friends of human north and the south, agree to merge every | rights god speed, in their rational, just, benevo. consideration in the simple one of justice? is | lent enterprise. there not virtue sufficient in the community to after giving their reasons why it was proper bear the truth? must men be humored, and to arrest the desire to emancipate, they add- have their prejudices respected, while they are “still, without doubt, the same desire, once being lured into correct practice, without per: so manifest, yet exists, and even with augment. ceiving wbither they are going? if such ne- ed power: and there is every reason to believe, that when present impediments shall be remov- cessity exists (and we can no more than say, ed, and the manumission of the slave will im- we had hoped it did not) let us endeavor to prove his condition, it will arise to far more obviate it by honest dealing, when and where than its former activity. the call then is most no interest, real or imagined, is supposed to be emphatic to release this heaven-born desire from its prison house, and let it again proceed endangered, and no passion likely to be ex with its work of beneficence--a work which by cited. every other instrument may be attempted in vain. it is certain that to improve the condi- *what pity, but it would suit as well to subtion of liberated slaves, it is necessary to ele- stitute "in africa,” with the words to them. vate their moral and intellectual character. the and agaio: instead of “become pioneers in last hope then, of the colored race, is embraced the renovation of africa,” to say-become in the design of this society. useful citizens, wherever their lot may be cast. “improvement in the progress from barbar- with the proposed alterations, we could not de- || ism, is so gradual from year to year, and from vise a paragraph better suited to what we con age to age, that its advance, at any one moment, ceive to be the wants of this people. like the motion of the sun, is imperceptible;- genius of universal emancipation. fiat justitia ruat cælum. of this paper, ifr yet by comparison in its different stages, we can speak from experience, discern the iminense disparity between the and actual experiment. for nearly twenty glimmering dawn and the bright and glorious meridian. the yeomanry of this country stand years, he filled the station of teacher. five of up in all the consciousness of superiority, and those years he assisted in teaching a sunday feel as if the high distinction with which they school, and two winters, a night school—both are favored, were an attribute of their nature, or . the direct gift of the deity: forgetful that their exclusively for colored persons, and into which own ancestors, but a few ages ago, were in a both sexes, and all ages, were admitted. he state of barbarism that would have hardly hon-well remembers the closing minute of proceed- ored an african origin; and that the race has emerged from such a condition only by the ings made by the little education society, each slow process of moral and intellectual improve- of whose members, was, in turn, a teacher. it ment. hence the immense power of education is was, that“five months of close observation, has underrated entirely: and the colored race, just | induced the conclusion, that there is no pecu- brought from a savage country,and placed in sight of advantages which they cannot enjoy, are re liar inaptitude, or incapacity, in the descen- garded, to a great extent, as incapable of a simi- || dants of africa." there was not a dissenting lar advancement. this prejudice, founded in voice. the first instance on grounds almost wholly gratuitous, and contrary to general principles, the same inequalities which the writer of must soon give way entirely to facts, which this article, has met with in white students, are already apparent, and which are now in a rapid course of further developement." have been observed to prevail among this peo- the last paragraph evinces a knowledge of ple. the progress, and means of intellectual devel reference could be made to cases of extraor- opement, affording ample proof that the managers dinary proficiency; but truth cannot be estab- are no ordinary observers, or commonplace lished by producing remarkable individual facts, reasoners; and the whole is seasoned with a to prove general propositions ; nor is such a liberality of sentiment which needs but to be course needed here-cases of intelligence diffused through the ramifications of society, to | among these long neglected ones, are multiply. make our country really and truly, what it is ing; eyes are opening to see them; and to cap nominally, a republic, whose advantages the climax of this good promise, tongues are are dealt out by even-handed justice ;-whose loosening, to make the acknowledgment. citizens know no dependance, but that which bind: man to inan by participation of a common the following, from the “ norristown her. nature, and reciprocity of equal benefits. ald," may have emanated from a mind under the operation of poetical influence; but those for the genius of universal emancipation. prejudice yielding to facts. who can see in it nothing but poetry, are ig. mr. lundy : norant of thousands of facts, with which they having long believed that we do great injus- ought to make themselves acquainted ; nor are tice to the colored population, by overlooking the talents, and virtues to be found among then they less ignorant of the intellectual structure, ---and believing too, from much observation, and of that which gives impetus to human affec- that this tends to discouragement, i hope you tions. will permit me to inform your readers (to many of whom, i know it will be gratifying) that i at- tended a meeting of their free produce associa- # tion held in philadelphia,last month. though the meeting was very large, and its proceedings “heaven bless thee, and shower down all its long, great order was observed. the officers || blessings on thee and thine!” said the slave. were respectable, and the members attentive. i had presented him with his liberty. his joy i had reason to believe they had reflected on was too great for utterance,--and nature be- the object of their association, and that as they | ing over-powered, he sunk senseless on the evinced considerable independence, their opera- || ground. tions were the result of conviction. they did he recovered. not manifest a desire for much speaking--but gratitude glistened in his eye, while fortitude endeavored to restrain the when necessary, a clear, dispassionate, unembar- erie rassed, exhibition of their views, enabled themed me. tender passion. he bowed his head, and thank- to transact their business intelligently, and to all appearance harmoniously. he had a wife in africa. often did he speak if a people so circumstanced, can do these of her and as often would the uplifted eye el things,what might we notexpect were we willing seem to call heaven to witness the purity of his to share with them, those advantages, which we love. so highly prize for ourselves, and only withhold i gave him money. take it, said i, it will ed from them, through prejudice ?- namely, a carry thee to thy native home. common participation in all benefils—and an fixed in astonishment, he gazed upon me. intercourse, regulated solely on the principle of he endeavored to speak, but could not. relative merit. g. our correspondent "g” is right. facts are it was enough. i was amply paid, and felt a more exquisite sensation than if the indies had all we can rely upon. one of the conductors ! been added to my estate. tm the slave. a fragment. * * re he genius of universal emancipation. fiat justitia ruat cælum. have proven that they are legally freemen.- the cry of fire echoed through the house- || we do not perceive any difference in principle: my daughter was in imminent danger. the slave, whom i had freed, impelled by gratitude, -as the law is here, a colored person is arrest- rushed through the flames-rescued her from ed on the affirmative supposition that he is a danger-brought her safe to my arms—and dis-slave-different from all other cases in law, appeared. montgomery minstrel. april- . be has virtually to prove a negative—by proving that he a freeman (which is a favorable omen. obliged to do, maugre all want of facilities) he it affords us no small pleasure, truly, to ob- disproves the charge alleged against him. one serve the justice and liberality of some half doz- || word more: having failed to do this,-or suc. en northern editors, who notice the appearance ceeded in doing it, no matter which,,he is of the “african sentinel, and journal of liber- | positively put up at sale to defray the expenses ty.” from what we have seen of this publica- | that are made to accrue from this kind of inves- tion, we think their commendations evince dis- || tigation; and without the interposition of some cernment; and they go to confirm our opinion friends of humanity, his doom is interminable of the editor's merit. slavery. thus, a colored man, from a state we augur, that ere very long, there will be where all are free; not knowing that it is other- more john g. stewarts—and a more gene- wise elsewhere, leaves his home in pursuit of ral willingness to appreciate them. let but the pleasure or business; comes to, or would pass views held out by the african education so- through, washington, the metropolis of the ciety, which are noticed in this number, be car- only true republic on earth—the civil officer, ried into extensive, practical operation, and under the auspices of law, seizes him, and the wonder that descendants of africa should throws him into prison; he is advertised, in order to discover whether he has an owner, or possess genius and talents will cease. it was once rather to conform to the letter of the law;-if, a question can any good thing come out of in the mean time, he can, in his close confine. nazareth ?” it has since been a question, ment, devise and execute some plan by which whether the new continent could produce ge- he can establish his claim to liberty-or if no nius and talent to compare with the old? these, and scores of others, have long since had affir- owner appears in a given time--in either case, law considers him free. if now, he has inoney mative answers ; and whether a dark skin is an impediment in the acquisition of respectable have been incurred, he will be permitted to go; to pay prison fees, and other expenses which proficiency in knowledge,or attainment of high | if not, he will be sold on account of those ex- degrees of virtue, is now in successful experi- | penses, and may be bought by a man who is by ment. a little time may be necessary to re- profession a dealer in human stock; he sends move the scepticism of the prejudiced-be it so him to some southern market,—and thus, he ---nothing should be required of the candid, who, with a prospect of returning in a few but that conviction, which results from their days, left his cirele of friends,—perhaps a wife own kpowledge of facts. and family,—is by them never heard of more. district of columbia. this is a plain, unvarnished matter of fact state. can it obtain credence? true it is, that in ment, of what may be done here, with, the the united states telegraph, besides rewards sanction of law;—it may be, it is a true picture offered for the apprehension of human beings of one, or more, of the cases just adduced. charged with no crime but the desire to inhale will only state facts: if others want comments the pure air of freedom, and procure such com. they must make them. forts as their own industry will supply ;-be- des these, there are five notices from the "our jail." keeper of the prison, for the marshall, of per “there were recently committed to our jail, sons placed in his safe keeping, for the (sup- as slaves, two colored persons who have posed) enormity of having desired to enjoy the proved their freedom, but have, for the last three weeks, been unjustly detained in prison benefits of their own exertions, and to have on account of their inability to pay the fees of come here, from some other place, with such the jailor. that a fellow creature should be intention! one of the five is so obstinate as to committed to a loathsome prison on a pretence refuse telling who is his owner. may be the majority of the citizens of this district; but we of slavery is deeply regretted by a large poor fellow is so unfortunate as never to have owe this state of things to the states, by whose had such a thing; he may always have been representatives the laws under which we live, are made, and over whom we have no control. “his own, or god almighty's negro”—but re- the remedy is therefore in their hands. but spectable persons, it is said, have offered to tes- as these individuals have been detained in defi- tify that another is free by law-and two others llance of law, we say to their oppressor, let we genius of universal emancipation. fiat justitia ruat cælum. cannot do for ourselves. them go free, or we will speak out in a sub as they ought to have done, that they were less sequent number."-american spectator. meritorious than others, who'were not under sino- ilar restraints, and yet did nothing to encourage we hope that one part of the above will || slavery-many of them would have been found claim particular attention, and we cannot then || among the doers of good; but contenting them- doubt, but that it will excite efficient sympathy; selves with the knowledge, that neither they --namely, that to whatever extent the feelings || ter, they concluded with great truth, but with nor their society had part or lot in the mat- the citizens in this district may be outraged equal indifference, that if other societies would by the operation of existing laws, they have no do as they had done, the evil would be at an means of remedy within their power. every end. such persons have been a dead weight, retarding the progress of the righteons cause, thing that can be effected for their relief, must more than spirited opposition could have done. be done by congress, composed of members truth will always be found, and generally en:- living more or less remote from the trying braced, where all its advocates and opponents are alive-it is the sleepers, the dreamers, who scene-whose eyes not met by sights, and whose would rather say, they see . han be at the trou- ears not assailed by sounds, familiar to us, may, ble to search aſier it,--who ihrow obscurity and deadness, around it. but, secondly, the pecu- and must, take less interest in our concerns, liarities of the society, and those of others (for than they would were they identified with us. others have their peculiarities) who were hear- could the citizens of this district, adequately ty friends in the cause, were thought to be in- represent their situation, there is no question compatible: hence those who could have sym- but their fellow citizens throughoit the union, | and; thirdly, those without the pale of the so- pathised, and co-operated, were kept asunder. by instructing their members of congress, di- ciety, who were in character like the supine rectly, and in-directly through their respective within it, were ready enough to pronounce it a legislatures, would do that for us, which we quaker affair, and no concern of theirs. this is an error, which stands in abundant need of cor- rection. what has been said, may do it in part; as it shows that only a portion of the society pennsylvania sentiments. of friends are more than nominal, abolitionists.” the lancaster examiner contains an address, after assuming, that it was the natural, in- read to a meeting convened for petitioning herent, love of liberty, which inspired the sages congress, relative to slavery in this district, || and heroes of the american revolution, he adds: from which we shall make some extracts. it say not then, that the advocacy of human commences with rights is a quaker concern, or that others have “sectarian opinion and party feeling have al- left those rights for this people to protect. it is true, the discrepancy between the words of the ways been adverse to co-operation between men who, in the absence of them, would have declaration, and the practice of some who sign- strengthened each other's hands in causes pro- ed it, is singularly striking. it is true, too, that motive of the honor and the happiness of human to fight for political liberty in the battle field, kind. such a case is the one before us; slavery is one of those anamalies, which are no where and withhold personal liberty in the corn field, in the united states." to be found but in our own species: nor is it to be the writer shews how, from a small begin- | accounted for, on any other principle than that ning, among the friends or quakers, it became of ignorance; for surely no man, were he to re- extended throughout the whole association, un- flect, could think personal slavery a less evil than politcal— nor could any virtuous, consis. til the liberation of their slaves, was an indis- tent man, practise that on another, which he pensible condition, for continuance in, or re would resist, if attempted on himself. but, für ception into, membership. so it is yet. he want of due reliection, it is done." then says- he shews the inefficiency of profession, “two errors have grown out of this fact: first, without practice; of the influence of example because the society of friends have incorporat- | in the case of men in high station; and names ed their protest into their constitution of church government, it has been inferred, that all the some of the "departed great," with a delicacy communion were convinced of the evil and ac which evinces great respect for their memory: tive in its ertinction; and secondly, because no while at the same time he concedes, that their other religious association had done the saine practice in this matter, was a palpable derelic- thing, no individuals among them were equally interested in the abolition of this unjust and tion of principle. he thus apologizes for them: cruel practice. these errors have had a mis “these are all incongruities in the buman chievous tendency in several respects;- first, || character, which nothing can regulate but the jukewarm quakers, by virture of this article in acquisition of just knowledge and the cultiva - their constitutions, have ranked themselves tion of right feelings. these men were all in among the opponents of slavery; and in conse- || principle opposed to slavery: they erred in part, quence of their connection with those whose in detail. they permitted expediency (a word hearts and heads were engaged in the good which would never have been wanted, if hones- cause, identified themselves with it, without ||ty had prevailed in the world) to supersede jus- having ever put hand to it, or exercised their tice; and in palliation of the unrighteous substi- thoughts and feelings about it—this has been tution, they pleaded necessity. none of these unreasoned, sectarian admission-often perhaps, | men were quakers and they were opposed to but unwilling submission. had they reflected, || slavery; though it must remain matter of regret genius of universal emancipation. * fiat justitia ruat cælum. with those wbo respect their memories, that they you know that our right to hold our slaves suffered an imagined interest, or the influence is a question which we will not permit you to of a popular usage, to allure them into a mode of | dispute-we will not discuss it with you;-we reasoning, which they rejected ou all other sub. esteem them our property, and, excepting those jects;-to beguile them into a practice in dia cases where our compassionate or benevolent metric opposition with their fundamental prin- | feelings prevent, do with them as with our ciples.” other property, make the most of them we can: la the address, it is again argued, that quakers hence, as a matter of pecuniary interest merely, we should prefer an investiture of our capital have not been the burthen bearers; for that, in any thing which might be more productive. franklin, rush, peters, and other names, if, therefore, we could dispose of them on such well kouwn in the scientific, moral, and religious | terms, and under such arrangements as would better our situation, we should most certainly world, have been prominent in asserting uni- | prefer it: for be assured, that, even with habit versal rights, for near half a century. it is in our favor, there is that in an owner's condi- stated, that, even in the south, “teachers of tion, which is far from enviable. religion, generally, go as far in the reprobation stock, could be so disposed as to yield a greater northern people tell us, that the same capital of slavery, as comports with their popularity." abundance of necessaries, conveniences, and the essayist again adverts to the obstacles even luxuries, than results to us from the pre- interposed by sectarism and party politics, and sent disposition. it may be so; and i incline to their opinion froin my own observations on in anticipation of the good effects which would the state of society, there and here. but, what- result from a mutual understanding on this ever may be its advantages, we cannot now realize them. we of the south, like men every great question, he says where, are creatures of habit. practical in- “now if these understood each other, they | dustry is not a part of our habits. northern would soon perceive that there is nothing in the people tell us we are sufferers on this account: way of their hearty co-operation—that their be it so-still it is our habit. we are not merely opinions, and their feelings, on this great repub, unwilling, but unable, to minister to our own lican question, are in perfect accordance and wants, with our own hands;-manual labor we harmony. they would find that they have the cannot perform. what can then be done for us, same sense of justice, the same hatred of oppres- || the adults of the present generation, including sion, and the same sympathy for the oppressed. both masters and slaves? (for il' you consider they would agree, too, in the means to effect us destitute of solicitude on their account, you the end-namely, to contend for the rights of do us injustice.) i answer, nothing. their man on the principles set forth in the declara. want of intelligence renders them as dependent tion of independence, without any curtailment on us for superintendence, as we are on theni or compromise; and to pronounce without fear for physical exertion. it may be indeed, that or favor, that a departure from this broad improvements might be made in the relatioa ground-under whatever specious name it may between us, but we cannot be separated: hence cloak itself-is odious tyranny in disguise. a union of energy is greately needed, to supply it never been amongst us,—with our present ex- we are opposed to the abolition of slavery.* had all that variety of character necessary to bring perience, we should reject it, if offered to us. the subject appropriately before the thousands, this being so, whatever degree of interest we who are thorough republicans in principle, and not deficient in correct feeling, but who have may feel in posterity, and to whatever extent we hold ourselves bound to make arrangements not had this matter before them-many indeed, || for its benefit-proportionately shall we approve who have scarcely heard of it. were these awa- of your labors, so far as they are directed only kened (and awakened they would be by such co to devise preventives of its perpetuation.- operation, and the holy flame of liberty kindled | though we are not, as i have already said, will. in every breast, its light, would render this ing, or able, to labor ourselves—and our slaves moral turpitude visible to every eye; and its are utterly incapable of providing for their own heat, consume the last vestiges of tyrandy in wants, and entirely unfit to be left to their own our beloved country.” direction;--it does not follow that the circum- stances around us might not be so changed that a correspondence. neither of these would be the case on some fu- mr. lundy:- i see your paper occasionally, || ture day, not very far distant. when those and though resident in a slave holding district, who occupy our place, after we of this genera- i am entirely favorable to what i conceive to tion are gone, shall discover that moderate la- be the only reasonable, attainable object you bor promotes health and cheerfulness, and that can have in view;which is, to prevent, rather there is no degradation in it, they will also than abolish slavery: if you contemplate more have observed that there are no bonds which than this, you cannot expect support from those can connect human beings together, and secure who entertain similar views with myself. for them safety and quiet, in the absence of virtue. the purpose of throwing before you some sug- this will suggest to them, not only the utility, gestions, i will assume that this is all you aim | but the necessity, of elevating the intellectual at;--taking this assumption for granted, i be- and moral character of the colored race. what- jieve you are not understood, by slaveholders in general. *you will understand me to mean the virtu- ous, reflecting part of southern community.- *this is very moderate, indeed. if more we have among us, as there are every where, could not be said on the part of those alluded men who pursue what they conceive to be their to, (which, however, we are assured, cản, in interest, regardless of other consequences--and many cases,) we should have thought it would enthusiasts who would absorb every thing in spare their feelings to omit this.--edit. their hobby philanthropy. genius of universal lmascipatiox. fiat justitia ruat calum. ? a excuse us. ever disposition may be made of them in that | mamer-observation proves that it does do so. day, they will be prepared for it. we would query, however, whether it is not al. and though, as i have also said, we are not disposed to forego or rights of property in this ways at the expense of an impaired sense of ri. people, seeing we raised them at our own cost, || gid justice? or bought them with our own money-yet we we are acquainted with the facts by whichi are, i trust, not sufficiently inconsistent to claim as ours, that which does not exist: you the northern people would explain their advan- would, therefore, probably find more to unite | tages over those of the south; and they are ad- with you, and certainly, a much smaller num mitted by us, as of full force ;-we also know ber to oppose you, if your object embraced of the mutual dependence between the two nothing further than the assignment of some suitable period, after which no slave should be conditions in the south. we do not blare ein born; or, rather, if, according to my assump- || ther of the classes with it. but we feel an anxie- tion, not the abolition, but the prevention of slavery, be your aim, i cannot but think your ty, amounting to various degrees of impatience, cause would be promoted by having it distinct that the better sort of those who have the pow- ly understood. er, do not act in concert, for the contrivance having thus prennised, i leave you to make and adoption of measures to relieve both classes your own decision. froin suffering which must ever be endured. while two such conditions exist together; and the writer of the foregoing letter has ex- for the procurement of enjoy nients which can pressed no wish respecting the disposition to be never be attained in society, only in proportion made of it;--and, as it will afford us an oppor- as it approximates to that equality of advanta- tunity of exhibiting our views, by way of com- ges for which men are evidently fitted, and must ment, in a condensed and explicit manner, we have been intended. have taken the liberty of inserting it, suppress- should this number meet the eye of our ing only that part which would lead to knowledge of the writer. we think he will correspondent, (which we design it shall,) he will perceive, in the extracts fro:n the a. e. in the first place, then, though we will not society, and the accompanying remarks, that intrude any discussion upon him, at this time, we have great expectations from the elevation of character that must result from right instruc- respecting the rights of property in human be- tions—it is, indeed, every thing, in our estiina- ings, feeling, in ourselves, extreme repugnance || tion. it need not, therefore, surprise our cor- to such discussions—yet we must be permitted to deny, in toto, the existence of any such respondent, or readers, that we think, it one generation of human beings, including all rights. we know that the laws of our country || grades and colors, were to be rightly educated, give a power to one human being to exercise taught just knowledge, and habituated to good uuliinited control ayer another. we must, feeling—that generation would rid itself of without a change of sentiment, which it is im- slavery, without opposition, and almost without possible to anticipate, continue to assert, that an exertion—it would naturally cease, as do all this is an entire dereliction from moral and re- effects, with the operation of their causes. publican principle; though, as we have repeat- in conclusion, we ask nothing more, we de- edly said, we are far from considering all who | sire nothing more, than, in our correspondent's avail themselves of it equally reprehensible. own words, "the assigninent of a suitable peri- we know not how to be more explicit, than by saying that our censures are applicable to the ad' od, after which no slave shall be born." on the day that this good deterinination shall be vocates of slavery, rather than the staveholder. formed by our fellow citizens, we may cease now, though our correspondent has not in- from our humble, though laborious exertions." formed us whether he is of the latter class, we think it is a plain inference, that he belongs not readers will have their own opinions, and to the former : there is, therefore, less at issue feelings when they read the following from between us than might at first be supposed;- the “eclectic observer.” and although he candidly confesses, that, as a the compiler of yesterday, contains the fol. pecuniary affair, they would turn their slaves jowing advertisement: “a negro girl for sale, years old.-en- to the most profitable account, yet we would not | quire of 'h' at this office." rely much on the benevolent, compassionate we are always disposed to condemn the prac- feeling he hints at, not merely in his case, but tice of advertising slaves in any case; but we must certainly censure, in the severest manner, in a great majority of those who hold slaves.- | the principle that could induce an editor, for we are in the habit of attributing to virtuous | the consideration of one dollar only, to make slaveholders, the praise worthy qualities of oth- | hinself the tool of some one willing to indulge in the abominable traffic of souls, and yet asham- er men ; indeed their situation is calculated to ed of the disyrace. did the editors of the com- timulate to interesting feeling in an especial || piler ever think of this : genius of universal emancipation. principally conducted by a lady. fiat justitia ruat cælum. ing the applications of that name, to excuse her own indolence. we consider it far more un- philanthropic and literary. becoming to her character to behold the suffer- ings of her fellow creatures, with an unmoved brow, and without an effort to alleviate them, female esertions. than to press forward, as far into the political the argument that slavery, as a political con- portion of the subject as she possibly can, in ad- cern, should belong solely to men, in discussion, vocating the cause of emancipation. she can- and the measures to be taken for its suppression, not, at least in this question, go far beyond the futile as it is, may, perhaps, be sufficient, when || barrier which the customs of society have combined with the suggestions of selfishness placed as a limit to her interference. but she , and indolence, to lull again into apathy the can fall far short of her duty to her creator and minds of some, over whom conviction had so her fellow creatures, by neglecting to preserve far done its proper work, as to arouse them into | uncontaminate the moral atınosphere by which reflection and inquiry. those who desire to be || she is surrounded, or not endeavoring to res- convinced will readily seize on any argument | tore it to purity, when it has become corrupted which accords with their wishes, and which | by the breath of man's evil passions. was she they may use in defence of a course of conduct | endowed with her keen sensativeness to human that appears to others, as well as to their own wretchedness, only that it might prey upon her consciousness of doubtful rectitude. this, how- heart, without leading her to minister to the ever, is not capable of being made a rea- sorrows with which she sympathizes? if it sonable objection. the completion of the || would be improper for her to mingle in the glorious act of abolition must, indeed, be turmoil of public life, it would be also unnatu- a political or legislative measure; and that por- l ral for her to see her sister plunged into a gulf tion of the good work, woman will very freely of darkness and misery, and not spring forward she resign into the hands of her brethren. to her succour—to hear with unmelting heart seeks only to be exempted from partaking in the cries of suffering infancy, and to listen with the guilt of slavery, to awaken in others the a stcadfast cheek and lip, to the screams and same feelings that agitate her own heart, and to prayers of her tortured fellow creature, writh- diffuse, throughout the community, a know- ling beneath a system of inhuman tyranny, be- ledge and a detestation of the miserable sys cause these things are sanctioned by the unright- tem which has been so long fostered in the ho- | cous statutes of her country. such conduct as som of their country. if one of the southern | this would, indeed, be unwomanly, and though planters was in possession of a slave whom he many of our countrywomen have been, for a had longcruelly punished with heavy fetters, till time misled, by misrepresentation, habit and flesh and skin had grown around them, so as prejudice, into a toleration of the enormities of to render them extremely difficult to loosen, slavery, or a carelessness respecting it, we be- and his wiſe, or mother, or daughter, or sister, | lieve the time will come when they will join, unable longer to endure the sight of so much as with one voice, in protesting against it, and misery, should, by the importunity of entreaty, || in pleading for the emancipation of its victims. prevail upon him to release the wretched being, disgraceful would she be acting an unfeminine part, be- after having declared that active exertion cause the assistance of a smith might be re- in the cause of abolition does not involve wo- quired to unfasten the long worn badges of op- man in any course of conduct unsuited to the pression? yet the business of a smith is entire-delicacy of her character, we will briefly men- ly masculine ! and the fear of acting improper. tion some prevailing usages, which, though they ly would be just as well grounded in this in- seem to have been partly mentioned by those to stance as it is with regard to the system of sla whom the abovementioned objection appears in very. the two cases are exactly similar, ex- its most alarming colors, appear to us much cept that the one relates only to individuals, more disgraceful to the character of the sex. if and the other to millions of our fellow crea- woman is in danger of stepping beyond her tures, oppressors and oppressed. proper sphere, when she rushes forward to sus- we do not consider that an interference in tain the head of her sister, and to moisten her state affairs is calculated to render woman ei. | lips with the cool waters of consolation and ther better or happier; therefore we should be || sympathy, how much more does she abandon the last to urge her to adopt such a course of the proper attributes of her nature when she conduct. but neither would we behold her, becomes a cruel and mercenary tyrant, assumes weakly renouncing undoubted privileges and the claim of ownership over her brethren and duty from the mere terror of a name, or wrest. " sisters, and the right to task, to scourge, and to genius of universal emancipation. fiat justitia ruat cælum. sell them, at her pleasure---when she tears the faced by the weight of his intolerable bondage, infant from the arms of its mother, (perhaps and himself converted into a mere chattel, an even while her own babes are standing by her article of pecuuiary traffic. they know that side,) and gives it into the hands of a stranger, their own sex is exempt from neither the tyrau- for a recompense of gold? how infinitely | ny nor the servitude. the name of woman more unwomanly does it appear for a female to which, among christian men (for what is there insert her name in the public prints, as an in- i like our religion to refine and elevate human tended buyer or seller of human beings, sympathies?) should be a talismanic shield of than to attach her signature to the constitution protection from contempt and injury, is power- of a society which has for its sole object the less as an unmeaning sound to rescue the female promotion of their happiness and welfare, and slave from the depth of her degradation and a desire to escape from a participation in the misery, or to save her heart from one pang of guilt of their bondage! is it less suited to the hopeless bereavement. they know that the woman's retreating gentleness and delicacy of strong appeal of maternal azony, shrieked forth character, to exert herself to remove the polu amid burning tears, is vain to restore to her lov- tion of criine from the bosom of her family, and ing arms, the young boy whom ruffian violence of her country than to be driven out by the has sundered from them forever. they know horsewhip to incessant toil in the open fields that those who grew up, beside one hearth- not to provide a sustenance, in her widowhood, stone, into blooming youth, are scattered reck- for her helpless family, but to minister to the lessly abroad, to forget all the holy ties of love grasping luxury of a heartless tyrant, who and relationship, while the mother who watch- claims her bones and sinews as a portion of his ed with fond yearnings over their early years, lawful wealth. it matters not to us how wide- sinks to her solitary grave without one eye to ly the two classes may be separated from each drop a tear of fillial affection upon her dying other-we care not for the factitious distinc- forehead-all this they know, and yet are satis- tions of society-those who oppress, those who fied, day after day, to revel on in their own suffer, and those who neglect to relieve their dreams of happiness, without bestowing, at sufferings, are alike our country-women, and best, more than a momentary thought of com- whatever may be the rank in society of the passion on those whose fate is so widely ditler- two former classes, the latter must necessarily ent from their own. would it could it be participate in the shame of the one, and the thus, if they would search narrowly into their guilt of oppressing the other. hearts, and listen earnerily for the still prompt- ings of conscience, with the resolution to abide self examination. steadily by its dictates? if they would reficci, we have frequently expressed the opinion that those who suffer such foul wrong, are their that the indifference manifested by so many of || brethren and sisters, not only by the link of one our sex towards the advancement of the cause common nature, but children of the same land, of abolition, is less the result of an unfeeling | united by the bonds of national fraternity, both temper, than the want of a proper examination with their oppressors, and they who are part- into the subject of slavery, and of their own ners with him in the benefit of his injustice? duty and ability to aid in its extinction. oh if they would, even if it were only for a the early acquired knowledge of its existence | few moments, sit seriously down to meditate has rendered the idea so familiar to their minds, on these things, with the book of the christian that it is associated with none of the images of laws spread open before them, or their hearts horror and indignation by which it would oth- i turned inward to seek for the guidance of di- erwise be accompanied. they have become in- vine light, surely they would feel that the slave fected with the carelessness of those around was indeed their brother, and that it was fsweet, them, and if the voice of natural compassion, | for his heavenly father's sake, to love even him, roused by some tiagrant instance of oppression and to strive to rescue him from the depth of should waken their slumbering consciences his debasement. to the suspicion that they are not altogether guiltless of their brother's bonds, the indiffer- associations. ence and apathy of their friends, scarcely less how often are we mortified in contrasting fatal in its effects than open opposition, soon the active and zealous philanthropy of the la- withers the transient sympathy, and they sink | dies of great britain, with the supineness of back into their idle repose, satisfied, because our own white country women. the one en- others are so, that the slave should wear away ter upon their task of benevolence, with a lof- his life in mental darkness and physical wretch-ty and enthusiastic devotion to its interests, that edaess--his iminortal nature crushed and de- | kindles in the hearts af all around them, a por- genius of universal emancipation. e . fiat justitia ruat cælum. tion of their own spirit, while the others come for- | sex,be prevailed upon to lend their influence,and ward slowly and unwillingly upon the scene of the talents which god has given them, to the ad- labor,and suffer their attentions to be drawn aside vancement of this cause? they cannot find a by any chimera that attracts their fancy. now more noble and important theme, or a field let us entreat them to consider the advantages where their labors will be more richly reward- that may result from associations among them. ed to them, by consciousness of well doing.– selves, to promote the cause of emancipation, will they not liſt up their voices to arouse their and of the duty that renders it incumbent upon country-women, to the appalling conviction them to do so. that their exertions can effect that a million of their number are sunk down much, has been fully proved, and loiterers as by barbarous oppression into a state of the low- they are, we believe the time will come when est degradation, ignorance, and wretched- a generous emotion of sympathy, will warm al ness? will not “nora" and "estella" endeav- most every bosom, and almost every hand be or to touch the heart by the harrowing tale of pledged to active exertion in this good work. now real suffering, rather than the plaintive notes of we will not insult them, by affecting to believe pensive tenderness? our sisters of baltimore, that they do not now generally wish for the ex- too-have they sunk back into the sleep of le- tinction of slavery,but why will they so long de-thargy, from which they were once half lay to put those wishes in!o action? their awakened? do they of north carolina, again brethren call upon them for their assistance in slumber? and have ohio and indiana, forgotten purifying their native land from the dark stain the high spirit that was kindling in their bosoms ? of ignominy and guilt, that defaces her; their we call upon them all to awaken !--to look at sisters are daily perishing amid the unmittiga- the spectacle that is before them! we point ted borrors of their lot, with the darkness of them to their insulted sex—to their sisters, sold their dying hours, relieved by no hope of bet-at public auction ; driven out with the horse- ter days for the young beings who inherit their whip to the labors of the field; scourged--fet- lot of chains and bitterness-soul after soul, || tered—and almost denied even the privilege of emancipated by death from its double fetters, worshipping their creator! and this, we reite- springs up to give in the tale of its earthly rate is slavery ! this is the slavery of the united wrongs before the throne of the most high ;– states! this is the slavery for which they are all in and yet, with infatuated tardiness they still idle their measure accountable at the bar of heaven! away the passing moments unimproved, regard- for the genius of universal emancipation. less that those sufferings, and those wrongs are fostered and perpetuated by their inhumanity. || the sun hath set in glory-and a told let them not tell us of the other evils that of burnished purple lies upon the sky, claim their attention and benevolence-of the || yet thrilling vividly around tħe heart. like the rich thought of some just parted joy poverty and the ignorance and the wretchedness, the year's first sunset;— tis most beautiful! which they behold every where around them;— would it might be an augury of good there is no evil existing in our land that can be to the fair land it shines on. but, alas! what may we hope of blessing for the head compared with the system of slavery-it com- of unrepenting guilt;-or, for the hand bines every grade of misery and darkness, and -red with the stain of murder, full of wrong they are called upon by every thing that is dear, | and foul oppression-shamelessly stretched out to scatter to the winds the solemn oaths and holy to them as women and christians, to of broken treaty bands. the red man looks unite their efforts and their influence in eradi- || across his fathers lands, and thinks how once cating it from our land. unity and co-opera- they fed the white browed stranger, when he tion will give strength to their hands, firmness | with his weak hand to their low forrest hut, to their purposes, and render their labors more and they could well have crushed him. now interesting to themselves, as well as more use he seeks ful to the cause of abolition. there must cer- from the poor wasted remnant of their sons, to rend their last few acres,-sacred spots tainly be a very great fault existent in the edu- where the dead lie unsepulcred!--and drive cation of females, when they prefer assem the newly blestones from their scarce found joys bling themselves together for the gratification of home and social love to be again sad houseless wanderous! of display and vanity, or the uneasy excite- years go circling by ment of fashion and gaity, rather than for the with all their rolling suns and changing scenes, noble purpose of alleviating the condition of! in regular progression, and the slave helpless wretchedness. will not the patriotic that brings him no reward. another year!--- still bends his aching forehead to the toil women of new england come forward and and still the christian loads his brother's neck engage in this work of mercy? will not mrs. with the vile weight of fetters--tasks his arm ligourney, the friend of thegreek and the indian and goads his sinews to their daily toil, with the keen lash, or, in the market place, ---od mrs. child, the spirited monitor of her ll bids bim be numbered with the brute and sold! ! tavilight thoughts. came genius of universal emancipation. fiat justitia ruat cælum. ti . love h. f. g. der ok al another year! and shall that too go by that he my portion may allot, and hold and find his wrongs uncared for? shall he still in bondage still the trembling, helpless slave? groan 'neath his lot till life at last goes out, or will that dearer ransom, paid for all, and win no sympathy? oh ye who love a saviour's blood, impress me with the seal your maker's image, even in the slave, of everlasting freedom from my thrall- shake from your hearts all thoughts of selfishness, and wash nie white-and this crush'd spirit and with tears, prayers,and every energy, heal? stretched to its firmest purpose, in his cause, cease not to plead, to struggle, to persuade, then, will i meekly bear these lingering pains, 'till ye have won him back his longſlost rights, and suffer scorn, and be by, man opprest, or your own hearts are slumbering in death. if at the grave i may put off my chains, agnes. and thou wilt take me where the weary rest. newburyport. the olio. from the liberator: the child's evening hymn. it is not worth while to be mincing and nice, or ambiguous in our expression. we never do father, while the day-light dies, justice to a human being until we acknowledge hear our grateful voices rise: his equal rights, and feel that the acknowl. for the blessings that we share, edgement means what it says. to repeat that for thy kindness and thy care, “of one flesh, god made all the nations of the for the joy that fills our breast, earth,” is easily done, and the assertion is intrin for the love that makes us hlest, sically true—but it does not ensure practical we thank thee, father. results. if god be no respector of persons—if he encourages the approaches to his altar of the for an earthly father's arm, ebon son of africa, upon equal terms with shielding us from wrong and harm; for a motler's watchful cares, his white children, and they refuse a full, and mingled with her inany prayers; equal participation in the facilities for thus ap- proaching, we scarcely need wonder that they for the happy kindred band, excuse themselves for taking rights which they midst whose peaceful links we stand, we bless thee, father. profess to esteem, comparatively, of little value. but there is no end of the contradictions, ab yet, while ’neath the evening skies, surdities, and cruelties involved in, and emana thus we bid our thanks arise, ting from, the prejudice of color-it is, of all father! still we think of those, prejudices, the most unreasoned. we heard a who are bow'd with many woes; respectable colored man advance this sentiment whom no earthly parents' arm in the audience of hundreds; he said the slight can protect from wrong and harm; est consideration would establish in any mind the poor slaves, father. by intuition, that there could not possibly be inerit or demerit in the different shades--as no ah! while we are richly blest, one had any agency in producing,or even choos- they are wretched and distrest ! ing, his own-he hence arrived at the unavoid- outcasts in there native land, able conclusion, that those who permitted this crush'd beneath oppression's hand, prejudice to influence their actions, had a con- scarcely knowing even thee, troversy--not with man--but with-god al mighty lord of earth and sea ! mighty.-g. u.e. oh, save them, father! from the liberatos. tonch the finty hearts, that long the black at church. have remorseless done them wrong; god, is thy throne accessible to me-- ope the eyes, that long have been me, of the ethiop skin? may i draw near blind to every guilty scene; that the slave-a slave no more-- thy sacred shrine, and humbly bend the knee while thy white worshippers are kneeling grateful thanks to thee may pour, here? and bless thee, father! may i approach celestial purity, and not ofiend thee with my sable face? when two human beings meet together, of this company of saints, so fair to see, what cousequence is the color of their skins behold! already, shrink from the disgrace! their mutual pleasure and satisfaction in conver- sation? if their minds be congenial, can the and in thine earthly courts i'll gladly bow behind my fellow-worms, and be denied pleasure of conversing with each other be eith- er increased or diminished by the fact that one communion with them, will my lord allow is black and the other white or yellow? the that i may come and touch his bleeding side. i conversation of toussaint louverture, in that blest fount have i an equal claim was that of a gentleman and a philosopher, al- to bathe, with all who wear the stain of sin? though his skin was as black as jet: and where or, is salvation by another name was the white man, in the days of toussaint, than thine? or, must the ethiop change his of liberal and unbiassed inind, who could not skin? listen with delight to his conversation? he moved in no circle that did not reap instruction thou art our maker--and i fain would know from his lips. he possesed genius, science, and if thou hast different seats prepared above, eloquence; and there are thousands of his color to which the master and the servant go who would display as much of these as he did, to sing the praise of thine eternal love. if not depressed by the galling yoke of slavery, there, will my buyer urge the price of gold the misfortune of ignorance, or the equally which here, for this unconely clay, he gave, malign force of pride and prejudice on the part of the whites.--ifrican sentinel. e. m. c. i e genius of universal emancipation. of the fiat justitia ruat cælum. no bye-paths lead further from the right || money of the united states. road, than soine of those which, at the beginning, all letters and communications, intended for appear to lie almost parallel with it.—dillwyn. this office, must be addressed (free of expense) benjamin lundy, washington, d. c. a premium for rice. may, . the sum of twenty dollars will be authorized agents. given as a premium, over and above the market amos gilbert-washington, d. c. ( office at price, for five casks of fresh rice, of a good cor. e.and th-sts, near the post-office.) quality, raised by free lavor, and deliverd in william. r. jones-no. , market-street, philadelpbia, to charles peirÇe, before the baltimore, maryland. ist of september next. ( .) abner m. plummer-newmarket, do. the gentleman, above named, is well known samuel brown, winchester, virginia. as a very respectable grocer, in philadelphia, johnathan taylor, jr.-purcell's store, do. who has for several years past, made it a particu rich'd mendenhall-jamestown, n.c. lar business to keep articles in his line that are thos. moore, p. m.-newgarden, do. exclusively the production of free labour. thos. lundy-huntsville, surry co. do. the preinium, together with the market price, m. long, p. m.-long's mills, do. will be promptly paid, on the delivery of the j. newlin, p. m - lindley's store, do. rice, accompanied by proper reference and vou b. swaim, esq.-new-salem, do. chers from some respectable person who is known rev. h. m'millan- chesterville, s. c. in philadelphia. samuel holliman— wrightsboro', ga. thos. doan-newmarket, jeff. co. tenn. , prospectus jas. jones, p.m.- unitia, blount co. do. elijah embree, p. m.-pactolus, do. william bryant-nashville, do. genius of universal emancipation. william mack-- columbia, do. vol. xii. james askins--fayetteville, do. the object and character of this work are rev. jesse haile-springfield, nlinois, * well known. it has been published nearly ten rev.john f.crow, p. m.-hanover, la. years, and circulates in all the states of this smith & bulla- centreville, do. union,in canada, the west indies, europe,and rev. m. jamieson-mountsterling, ky; africa. it is exclusively devoted to the subject joseph lormer--mount- washington, do. of the abolition of slavery, on the american joseph b. chapman-- waynesville, ohio. continent and islands. dr. joseph stanton-- springborough, do. within a few years, the proprietor has trav william lewis--harrisville, do. elled much. and had to depend somewhat upon a. baer, jr.-- osnaburg, stark co. do. the assistance of others to conduct the work. william p. richards--- wilmington, del. he pledges himself, however, that the publica joseph sharpless,-—no. , n. th street, tion shall not cease, but with the cessation of philadelphia, penn. his natural life, provided, the public patronage, joseph cassey-no. s. th street, do. do. or the labor of his own hands, will furnish the dr. e. michener-londongrove, do. means of issuing a single sheet per annum. dr. b. fussell-kennett square, do. he further pledges himself, that the great fun joel wierman--york springs, adams co.do. damental principles, hitherto advocated in this lindley coates-gap p, . lan. co. do. work, shall be steadily maintained. the course jehu lewis-bethlehem, wash. co. do. to be pursued,hereafter, will not materially vary richard lundy-mountholly, n.j. from that which he marked out in the beginning. benjamin acton-salem, do". the corrupt sources of the horrible evil of james willson, jr.-alamouchy p. . sus. slavery sball be traced; this fatal gangrene up sex county, do. on the body politic shall be probed; and the mahlon day-n . pearl-st. n. y. crty. healing balsain will be applied when the putrid john lockwood-poughkeepsie, m. y. mass is removed. every possible investigation james adams--albany, do. will be made as to the state of the slave-system, charles marriott-hudson, do. and what is doing relative to its perpetuation or abijah purinton—troy, do. abolition, particularly, in the various parts of thomas shotwell-marengo, do. the united states and the west indies. every john i. wells & son— hartford, conn. exertion will also be made to show what can be r. t. robinson--ferrisburg, vt. done, with propriety and safety, towards eradi william lloyd garrison-boston, mass. cating this enormous and increasing vevil from samuel rodman, jr.-new-bedford. do. the american soil. rev. n. paul-london c. h. upper canada. terms of subscription james cropper-liverpool, england. the work will, henceforth, be issued month- william b. bowler-port au prince, hayti. ly. it will be neatly printed, on fine paper, john b. salgues-aux cayes, do. and folded in the octavo form, each number jacob w. prout-monrovia, africa. making sixteen large pages. the price of subscription will be one dollar per anuum, always to be paid in advauče. the postage of the genius of universal eman- subscribers who do not particulary specify cipation is now the same as that of weekly the time they wish to receive the work, or no newspapers. one cent and a half, for each pa- tify the editor of a desire to discontinue it be- per, is the highest that can be legally charged fore the expiration of each current year, will be within the united states. if the distance be considered as engaged for the next succeeding | less than one hundred miles, but one cent one, and their bills will be forwafded accor can be demanded. post-masters will please dingly. attend to this notice. the post-office in agents will be entitled to six copies for every washington forwards the paper under this regu- witve dollars remitted to the editor, in currentlldation. postage. genius of universal emancipation. edited by b. lundy-published in washington and baltimore-$ . per ann. “we hold these truths to be self-evident: that all men are created equal, and endowed by their creator with certain inalienable rights; that among these are life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness." --declaration independence, u.s. no. . vol. ii. third series. july, . . [whole number . vol. xii. another change! and raiment,” por to pay for materials and la- the patrons of the genius of universal | bor in the prosecution of his business! the emancipation will recollect it was announced, | amount due this establishment is now large, and at the commencement of the present volume, much wanted; but it is mortifying in the ex- that a gentleman had engaged to assist in con- treme to be under the necessity of thus public- ducting it, for the space of a few months, while || ly adverting to the subject. to those who will the editor expected to be from home. after a reflect, for a moment, surely the hint should prief trial, he concluded that he could not re- be sufficient. ig current bank paper, in any 'concile himself to the state of things at wash - || part of the union, may be forwarded, by mail, ington, and has since retired from the editorial at the risk of the editor-the postage being paid. management of the work. several fruitless efforts having been hereto- (the fourth of july." fore made to procure the requisite assistance, as aforesaid, the editor now takes upon him- the fifty-fifth anniversary!-and here we self , again, the whole responsibility of the pub-are, as deeply sunken in hypocrisy and crime lication. the ladies' department, however, as ever!! what will the neighboring nations, will still be principally under the direction of what will posterity think of us? what, indeed, the amiable and powerful female writer, whose shall we think of ourselves, when we reflect, for charming literary effusions and cogent argu: a moment ? ments have hitherto given it so much interest; fifty-five times, we have vaingloriously among readers of every class and denomination. paraded before the world, with our ostentatious it has long been the ardent desire of the ed-display of liberal and virtuous professions- itor to devote a portion of his time to other taunting foreign nations for their despotic regu- matters, connected with the great and impor-| lations, while we were, ourselves, far more des- tant subject of african emancipation:—but he potic than many of them-indulging in bachan- regrets—exceedingly regrets-to find, that no alian carousals, and chanting pæns to “liber. other man can occupy the editorial desk of ty,” while we bold, with iron gripe, a large such an establishment, for any considerable portion of our fellow men in the most out- length of time, in the southern portion of our || rageous, unredeemable bondage country. is this a libel upon their courage, or known on earth !!! y their philanthropy? let them prove it! one but we will not dwell upon this scandalous, there is however who will laboř ucceasingly in criminal topic. in the language of the great the sacred cause, alone or otherwise, with what ef- modern irish patriot, daniel o'connell, we say fect he may, though persecution, with fiery eye, of the american, who unblushingly advocates shall stalk on the one hand, and apathy, with the horrible system of african slavery--nay, chilling scowl, sit frowning on the other.---fidus even him who boasts of our freedom and equal- et audar. ity, without raising his voice against this abo- minable practice: “before god and man, we patronage of this work, &c. arraigo him as a hypocrite.” with the light of it is cheering to perceive that, in many parts the present age--with the knowledge (perfectly of the union, an increasing disposition is mapi- within his reach) of the means by which this fested to aid in circulating this work, among the monstrous system of oppression may be annihi- friends of our cause. about two hundred and lated, without danger or inconvenience-if he fifty new subscriptions have been received tolerates, or even neglects to use his influence within little more than two months. yet it is, to eradicate it,-in the view of heaven and on the other hand, extremely discouraging to earth, “he is without excuse." he will be reflect, that a large number of former subscrib without excuse, in the estimation of the wise ers, who continue to receive the paper, fail to and the virtuous, now and forever. are we pay up the respective sums due from them.-- "severe”? nothing else than severity and it would seem that they have no idea that a plain dealing will rouse our countrymen from printer requires wherewithal te purahase "food | the stupor of lifeless apathy into which the great ever ber $ + genius of universal emancipation. fiat justitia ruat colum. di mass of them have have fallen. taking; and it is stated that other white persons we conclude, with copying the following will contribute further towards raising the ne- solemn poetic strain from the “liberator."— cessary sum. twenty thousand dollars, it is let it be deeply pondered by every american. l supposed, will be sufficient. it was written by the enlightened editor of that this. convention is intended to be annuala work, for this particular occasion. and its influence upon the destinies of the col- “haul down your country's banner--let its ored inhabitants of the united states will, doubt- folds less, be of an interesting character. the pro- be gathered in, nor float upon the breeze! ceedings of its late session, it is expected, will our eagle must not soar aloft to day, soon appear in pamphlet form. but close his powerful wings, and stoop his crest! ye “red artillery,” your thunders stop! kidnapping in the district." quench out the thousand fires which wildly we have a tale or two more to tell upon this blaze up to the kindling sky, from field to hill! infernal subject. would that some of the vic- it is not meet that the sweet trumpet's voice tims were white! we should, then, witness should rouse our sluggish blood and nerve our the public denunciation, like the resistlesą hearts, forbear, ye vaunting, fine-spun, orators- tornado, sweeping before it the slave-prisons ye mincing fools, all fustian, noise, and rant and their keepers—the prowling monsters and to wound our ears with sickening rhapsodies! their heartless retinue-until the land were be hushed the general shout-let sadness brood || purged of the abominable pollution. moro over the land, and joy disperse its smiles! for liberty lies prostrate in the dust, deeds of darkness will soon be brought to light. with hair dishevelled, and with zone unbound; a flagrant outrage is related in the norfolk her cheeks are colorless, save when a blush herald. a free woman and her two children of deepest shame doth o’er them fitful steal; and the deep brilliance of her large fair eyes were recently kidnapped by a couple of soul. is now extinguished in a flood of grief; sellers, named mʼkenzie and currie. they for here, in this her sanctuary and home, have proceeded southward, with the victims hath slavery boldly raised his iron throne; of their rapacity. particulars in our next. and men, like household goods or servile beasts, are bought and sold, kidnapped and pirated; branded with red hot irons, scourged with petitions to congress. whips; it is with pleasure that we perceive a grow- laden with chains that pinch their tender flesh; | ing disposition, among the people of the united driven in droves e’en by the capitol; imported from afar, then secretly states, to press upon congress the importance thrown into narrow cells and prisons drear, of abolishing slavery in the district of colum- till bones and sinews in the market rise. and government looks tamely on the while, bia. meetings have been held, and petitions nor sheds a tear of generous sympathy, prepared, in various places. in the state of nor moves a finger to relieve th’ oppressed ! new jersey, particularly, many are now ac- tively engaged in promoting this very laudable then haul our striped and starry banner down- object. let our as, elsewhere, pursue the our cannon freight not-stop the noisy breath of heartless patriotisn–be our praise unsung, same course, and our ultimate success cannot, to'day we'll not discourse of british wrong, for a moment, be doubted. of valorous feats in arms by freemen bold, nor spit on kings, nor tauntingly call names; but we will fall upon our bended knees, canada colored settlement. and weep in bitterness of heart, and pray it is believed that about two thousand color- our god to save us from his threatening wrath; | ed persons, from the united states, have settled we will no longer multiply our boasts of liberty, till all are truly free." in canada, since the date of the ohio persecut- tion--more than have gone to africa in thir- convention of colored people. teen years! a second convention, consisting of delegates the northern colored people are more friend- from sundry societies of colored people, located || ly to this plan of removal than any yet pro- in several different states, was lately held in posed. their sentiments, generally, are pretty philadelphia. their object appears to have fairly expressed in the address of the conven- been the adoption of general measures for the tion, published by j. w. allen, (not the son of improvement of their condition. among the bishop allen, as erroneously reported,) and propositions submitted and discussed, the en- copied into this work, for april, last. couragement of canadian emigration, and the establishment of a college at new haven, (the liberator." connecticut, are considered important. arthur our friends, garrison & knapp, are becom. tappan, of new york, liberally offered them ing more and more industrious. they have mne thousand dollars, in aid of the latter under- il issued an engraving, with their paper for the * * genius of universal emancipation. . e. te fiat justitia ruat cælum. d instant, representing the various sections the echo of his gentle accents yet (thoughts seems lingering on their ears; and gath'ring of a brazilian slave ship; and they have also come crowding freshly to their memories, given us a description of marks and brands, of all the many times that he hath stood which adorn the bodies of slaves in that coun- beside their bed of sickness, and within try. could they not give us similar samples of their houses, when affliction's hand was lain heavily on them, or beside the grave “our own slave trade” &c. now and then?-we when dust to dust was render’d, and the forms “dare say” they have witnessed, occasionally, of those they loved laid down beneath the mould as his was now to be—and his deep voice, some picturesque scenes, connected therewith. and earnest prayers, came like gentle dew william l. garrison has also published, in upon their troubled spirits, hushing them pamphlet form, an address which he recently | into resigned calmness; he hath bound some of them with the holy marriage vow, s.' delivered before several meetings of colored and o'er their sinless babes hath shook the dew people. it is strong and well worded, and of baptism; and on the sabbath day, she replete with useful advice and information.- he hath stood up and taught them of the things some extracts from it are designed for the next belonging to their peace,' and pour’d for them the rich, full accents of his ſervent prayer. number of this work. oh, keep his counsels living in your hearts, ye, over whom his yearning love gush'd out, like a deep springing fountain! call to mind american national anti-slavery the lessons that he taught you, how he strove society. to elevate your minds, and make you fair a project is on foot for the organization of a in intellectual lustre, and the light society, for the abolition of african slavery, with tireless step, along the mounting path of moral loveliness; and still press on upon an enlarged and extensive plan. men of he pointed out to you, that you may win, hi wealth and influence are about to engage there- || like him, a glorious guerdon for your toil, ofi in. success to it! and when the weary day of life is o'er, a sabbath rest eternally. the late bishop allen. productions of slave labor!!! we have before adverted to the death of this the readers of the genius of universal eman- worthy african minister of the gospel. the cipation will recollect that the sixth number of following elegy, written for the genius of the eleventh volume was accompanied by an universal emancipation, by one of the most engraving, representing a broken finger, sincere friends of the african race, is a well- which was found in a cup of coffee, on a cer- merited tribute to the memory of the virtuous tain morning, in the city of baltimore. dead. the demise of this excellent man has by a late number of the liberator, .ve are in- created a void in the society of respectable || formed that a gentleman in bristol, connecti- colored people, within the united states, that cut, recently purchased a hogshead of molasses, will be sensibly felt and deeply deplored. who, || in which he found the body of a co- alas ! shall have caught the “mantle” of his | lored man!!! pious influence, since the departing spirit the same paper also states that a human cwinged its way to the regions of bliss and im- | head was taken from a hogshead of molasses, mortality? on one of the wharves in the city of boston, a elegy on the death of richard allen, few years since ! african methodist church, philadelphia. a far stretched train of mourners! who is it very few of the french residents have yet that goeth to the darkness of the tomb, left the island. the commotion is subsiding. wept o’er by such a multitude? strong men bow down their heads in sorrow, or lift up “outrage.” [ which side?] their brows to the clear light with a sad air of solemn thoughtfulness; and woman's eye it appears, from a statement in a late new is dimmed with gatheriny tears,as with slow step | jersey paper, that a party of colored people, she follows the departed. surely he supposed to be slaves, from virginia, were about who slumbereth on that bier, hath been beloved; || landing near cape may; but it being discover- surely a good man goeth to the tomb! and so it is! the breast that lieth there ed that a boat was in pursuit of them, a party unstirred, beneath the foldings of its shroud, was formed on shore, and went to assist in their glow'd with the promptings of a noble heart, apprehension. one of this party, in order to and in its sable mantle wrapt erewhile, a spirit beautiful and glorious, [heaven. intimidate the blacks, fired a gun; which was with love towards men, and strivings after returned by a volley from the latter, killing one well may they weep for him; for he hath been man, and piercing the hat of another with a their friend, their guide, their pastor, and hath | ball. finding the slaves were strongly armed, spent his manhood in long strivings for their weal. the pursuers abandoned the chase, and let them still are his counsels thrilling round their hearts; ll go on. there were or in number, and - bishop of the affairs in hayti. pre cn bar st genius of universal emancipation. fiat justitia ruat cælum, te *** they bent their course towards new york. thing but habit and a long familiarity with the this was a melancholy occurrence: but what corrupt system, could reconcile republicans to its existence. its toleration, in this country, right had the party from shore to make reprisals presents so broad a contrast between profession on the colored people, without legal authority, and practice, that wise and good men behold or without even a knowledge of their character? | the example with grief and astonishment. and, further, what can we expect from them when about to enter on the examination of but violence, when their oppressors shut out the question of slavery, for the purpose of ex- the light of knowledge from their minds, teach- | the christian religion, the following questions hibiting its inconsistency with the precepts of ing them nothing, save the doctrines of blood- are naturally suggested:— what is the condition bought liberty, through the medium of their implied by the word slavery, in this connexion? what is the nature and character of that sys. th of july celebrations, and numberless mili- tem which we are about to examine? tary harangues? “negro slavery. what term was ever more familiar to the public ear, and yet what term is prize essay. so little understood? it has been the theme of the following is the essay to which was many eloquent public speeches, of many parlia- awarded the premium of fifty dollars, offered | mentary debates, and of much controversy, at some months since, by the pennsylvania socie- different periods, in pamphlets and periodical prints. yet, were a mind new to the subject to ty for promoting the abolition of slavery.-- || inquire, what is specifically and practically that the merit of originating it is due to ebenezer state of man, about which so much has been dole, of hallowell, maine; whose natural be- said and written; what is that slavery which ex- ists in the united states and the west indies, i nevolence, added to his full conviction of the know not in which of the many able argu- great moral evil of slavery, induced him to ments before the public, an adequate answer place in the hands of the treasurer of that in- || would be found.' stitution the sum aforesaid, to be paid to the language which has been used more indefinitely, there is, perhaps, no word in the english writer of the best essay on the following sub or applied more variously, than that of slavery. ject: “the duty of ministers and churches, || it has been applied to civil disabilities, and to of all denominations, to avoid the stain of slavery, || all those who are subjects of despotic govern- mental degradation. the republican considers and to make the holding of slaves a barrier to ments, in a state of slavery. the christian mo- communion and church membership.” aralist applies the same appellation to the con- committee of three members was appointed by trolling influence of the passions, to the sub- jects of pernicious habits and sinful propensities, the society, to examine the essays produced; while the historian adopts the same terin to des. and after deciding upon their merits, the fol- || ignate the kind of servitude that existed among lowing, written by evan lewis, of philadel the nations of antiquity, which differed as wide- ly from the slavery to which our attention is phia, was pronounced the best, and, according- now directed, as the civil condition of the peo- ly, entitled to the premium. the society also || ple of the united states does from that of the ordered its publication in pamphlet form. the subjects of the russian empire. to define it accurately, or to give an ade- author has long been extensively known as an quate idea of the precise condition implied by enlightened and zealous advocate of universal the word in the present essay, will not be so easy emancipation; has done much in his day tow- as might be supposed. yet some attempt to ards promoting the good cause; and his produc- | features, the state of negro slavery in this coun. portray, in its genuine colours, and distinctive tion will be read with unusual interest. try, seems necessary to a right estimate of the the rule which the editor of this work had merits of the question to be discussed. adopted, to exclude long articles from its col- “negro slavery, as existing in the united states and britishi west indies, appears to be a umns, has been deviated from in the present creature sui generis, unknown to the ancients; part of this essay was intended for the land, though drawn from the least cultivated last number, but was omitted in the absence of quarter of the globe, unknown even there, ex- cept in a passing state.”+ it is a system that the editor. its intrinsic value will, however, finds no counterpart in the annals of the most well repay for the want of variety, occasioned || barbarous nations on earth. in many of its by its insertion. features it is more arbitrary, more oppressive, more cruel and degrading, than the servitude an address to christians, of found among the ancients. slavery in the nominations, on united states and the west indies, is the same of admitting slave-holders to com in its general features and character; and the observations that apply to the one, will be in “he that stealeth a man, and selleth him, or if he be most, cases, equally applicable to the other. found in his hand, he shall surely be put to death."-ex “the leading idea in the negro system of ju. odus xxi. . risprudence, (in the west indies,) is that which "i know that the lord will maintain the cause of the afflicted, and the right of the poor.”—psalms clx. . was first in the minds of those most interested in its formation; namely, that negroes were pro- the state of slavery in the united states is perty. they were not regarded as rational or so totally at variance with the genius of our sentient beings, capable of rights; but as chat- free institutions, and so repugnant to the spirit and design of the christian religion, that no- *stephen. fafrican observer. case. all de- inconsistency the munion and church membership. genius oe universal emancipation. fiat justitia ruat cælum. ti nice + a - am tels, the civil character of which was absorbed || of giving testimony, even against their mas- in the dominion of the owner."* ters. when cruelly treated, they had a right “slavery was introduced and established in to prefer their grievances to the civil authori- the colonies in a manner very different from ties, and the magistrates were bound to hear and that which is commonly supposed. it was not redress their wrongs. there originally derived from, nor is it yet ex- but the negro slave of the united states is pressly sanctioned or defined by, any positive | deprived of all these advantages. he has no laws;—it stands, for the most part, on the authori- rights of his own; they are ali merged in the *ty of custom alone. dominion of his master. he is not a competent “ this custom, though it sprang from the im- witness against a white person; has no tribunal aginations of the most illiterate, as well as the to which he can legally resort for justice; no most worthless of mankind, had two qualities of | asylum to which he may flee from cruelty and the sublime: it was terrible and it was simple.- || persecution, and find safety. he is, in most ſts single, but comprehensive idea, was,“that the cases, no better than an outlaw in the midst of slave is the absolute property of the master;'from a civilized and christian community; deprived which the buccaneers, though no expert logi- | by legislative enactments of the advantages of cians, had clearly deduced the consequence, that intellectual culture; debased and brutalised by they might treat their negroes, in all respects, a system the most odious and revolting to hu- as they pleased; for “a man' they naturally ar manity that the world ever beheld; and stig- gued, 'may do what he will with his own.'» watised as unworthy of the common rights of the same idea prevails in regard to the negro man, because of the degradation which this slave of the united states. he is treated in all system must necessarily produce. these, then, respects as chattles, the property of the master are some of the features which distinguish the -subject to seizure and sale for the payment of || servilecondition, known among heathen nations, his debts- liable to be separated from all that he || from the absolute and hopeless slavery of the holds dear in life, and sold to a stranger, and african race, in this christian country-this transported to a distant region, without his con- land of liberty and equal rights-this asylum sent. husbands and wives may be torn asun- for the oppressed of all nations. it is against der; parents and children may be separated, at a system of wrongs the most wanton-of oppres- the will and caprice of the owner. the strong. | sion the most galling and degrading to human est ties of nature, and the most endearing asso nature, that the christian minister and christian ciations of home and of kindred may be severed; societies are called upon to bear their testimony and for these ahuses of power the slave has no to the world. what theme can be more suited legal redress. he is doomed to hopeless and to the functions of a christian minister, than interminable servitude, and transmits this hu- such a combination of wrongs and injuries, of miliating condition to his posterity for ever. cruelty and injustice? what moral pestilence the servile condition amo!g the ancients was more deserving the interposing influence of essentially different in its character from the christian ministers to check its ravages? let state of negro slavery. the two conditions them, like the mitred israelite, place themselves have scarcely any thing common, but the name. between the living and the dead, and stay the the helots of sparta could not be sold beyond plague. the bounds of their little state. “they were li has been said, in palliation of negro slavery, the farmers of the soil at fixed rates which the that the law of moses recognised and sanc- proprietor could not raise without dishonour.--- tioned the practice of holding slaves. such an hence they had the power of acquiring wealth.”i argument would be more consistent in the they were the servants of the state, rather than of || mouth of a jew than a christian. are we to individuals. “at athens, where the lenient treat- turn from the precepts and authority of our ment of slaves was proverbial,the door of freedom lord and master, to the rituals of the mosaic was widely open; and those who were unlucky law which he came to fulfil and to abolish? i enough to meet a cruel master, might fly to the shall we leave the dispensation of the gospel, temple of theseus, from whence they were not and go back for authority to that dispensation taken without an investigation of their com- which was permitted only till the time of re- plaints. if the ill treatment was found to be formation? real, they were either enfranchised or trans- but granting, for the sake of argument, the ferred to merciful hands.”'l! the slaves of the civil provisions of the law of moses to be obli- island of crete exchanged situations with their gatory upon us, the advocates of negro slavery masters, once a year, at the feast of mercury; || would gain nothing by the admission. for we and cruelty_and injustice were prohibited by law. the egyptian slave might fiee to the lel in ancient history. if the comparatively have already shown that the latter has no paral- temple of hercules, and find safety from the mild system of servitude which existed among cruelty and persecution of his master. among the hebrews and the neighboring nations, kas the romans, the authority of the master over sanctioned by the jewish lawgiver, does it fol- the servant was regulated by the same laws as low that the more cruel and debasing bondage that of the father over his son, with this differ- in which the negro race are held in the uniied ence in favour of the servant, that if he were states, would also have been tolerated? the once manumitted, he ever afterwards remain- many humane provisions contained in the law ed free; while the father might sell his son a in favor of the bond-servant, prove the contrary second and third time into slavery. -provisions which, if admitted into our code, the servile class among the ancients were would be found incompatible with the present often superior in intellectual attainments to system. that of deuteronomy, xxiii. and their masters. they were not restraned, by || , would alone be sufficient to put an end to law or usage, from the acquisition of knowledge; || slavery in this country, and proves the mildness neither were they excluded from the privilege of servitude among the hebrews. “thou shalt not deliver unto his master the servant which *reeves on the colonial slave laws. is escaped from his master unto thee; he shall stephen. african observer. | stephen dwell with thee, even among you in that place i genius of universal emancipation. fiat justitia ruat cælum. or which he shall choose in one of thy gates where and the opening of the prison doors to them it liketh him best: thou shalt not oppress him.” || that were bound. again : the penalty for man-stealing, by the but the case of onesimus has been “alleged st chapter of exodus, verse th, is death. to give an implied sanction to negro slavery," “and he that stealeth a man, and selleth him, | because onesimus was a slave, and he was sent or if he be found in his hand, he shall surely be back to his master, a christian convert, without put to death.' the crime is ranked in imme- || any injunction to alter his condition. to this idate connexion with the capital offence of it has been replied, that christianity, in this, as smiting or cursing father or mother, and the in many other cases, has provided, without ex- same punishment is awarded to each. the th | press precepts, å sure and inoffensive corrective and th verses of she same chapter ordains of all oppressive institutions, by the gradual influ- that “ if a man smite the eye of his servant, or ence of its liberal & benignant maxims; which did his handmaid, so that it perish; or if he smite in point of fact, dissolve the bonds of slavery in out his servant's tooth, he shall go free for the most parts of the christian world. hence, it is eye, or the tooth's sake.” besides, an effec- | assumed on the one hand, and admitted on the tual limit is put to that species of servitude | other, that the state of onesimus was substan- practised among the hebrews, in the th chap-tially the same with that of negro slavery; an ter of leviticus, verse , which provides that assumption without any evidence, and grossly the servant shall go out free in the year of jubilee, contrary to the fact. and until it is shown by "woth he, and his children with him.” this something stronger than the coincidence of a provision is general, and applies to all servants, vague general appellation, that the case of one- without distinction or nation, country or reli- || sinius and that of negro slavery are in moral giun. but the hebrew servant was to be free considerations the same, it is false reasoning to at the end of six years, the utmost limit of ser infer the lawſulness of the one, from the suppos- vitude, which the law provides. “and.if thyed toleration of the other.” brother, a hebrew man a hebrew wo if, then, the negro slavery of the united man, be sold unto thee, and serve thee six years; states and the west indies has no parallel in the then in the seventh year thuu shalt let him go practice of the nations of antiquity--if the ser- free from thee. and when thou sendest him | vitude which existed among the ancients, was out free from thee, thou shalt not let him go gradually abolished in europe by the operation away empty. thou shalt furnish him liberally of the mild but effectual infiuence of christiani- out of thy flock, and out of thy flour, and out of ty- and if the modern system of negro slavery thy wine press,” &c. (see deut. xv. to i finds no support in the scriptures, either of the .) old or new testament, and is directly at vari- if the mosaic law is to be resorted to in justi- || ance with the spirit and design of the gospel of fication of slavery, let us take the whole of it as | christ, how can christian societies and christian it was given by the inspired lawgiver; and let ministers absolve themselves from the duty im- not the hapless servant be deprived of its lenient posed upon them by their profession or calling, provisions in his favor. if we are to be jews ofendeavouring, by every means in their power, and not christians, let us at least be consistent to lessen the evils of slavery, and finally to ef- jews, and conform literally to all the instruc- fect its total abolition?- that such a duty is tions of our lawgiver. obligatory upon them, scarcely admits of a do we look for any palliation, much less au- doubt. for what are the legitimate objects of thority, for the practice of slavery in the pre- || christian societies? the most obvious and im- cepts of the gospel? we shall search in vain.-portant designs of such associations appear to be, the religion of jesus christ teaches us to do to promote the cause of truth and righteousness good for evil—to forgive even our enemies--to ju the worid-to extend the redeemer's king- do in all cases to others as we would wish that dom among men—to turn people from darkness they should do unto usato love the lord our to light, and from the power of satan unto god with all our heart, and our neighbar as our- god. can truth be promoted by the toleration selves. of slavery? can righteousness exist in con- the gospel dispensation was announced to nexion with wrongs, injustice and oppression? the jews in the fulfilment of the declaration of can the redeemer's kingdom be extended in the prophet isaiah. “the spirit of the lord the hearts of those who bind heavy burdens up- god is upon me; because the lord hath anoint- on their fellow men, which neither we nor our ed me to preach glad tidings unto the meek: he fathers were willing to bear? can those men hath sent me to bind up the broken hearted; to be turned from darkness to light who will not proclaim liberty to the captives; and the open- permit the slave to be taught to read the volume ing of the prison to them that are bound.”—isai- l of inspiration, while the lash of the task-master ahºlxi. .-luke iv. . and the spirit and is still sounding in their ears? can they be re- precepts of the christian relixion are in harmo- scued from the power of satan, who permit the ny and accordance with this first public testimo- | dearest ties in nature to be broken by members ny of our lord. if we fulfil the injunction of of religious societies? are men's hearts turned our religion, to do to others as we would wish unto the god of love, who made of one blood them to do unto us—if we love our neighbor as all the families of the earth, when those who as- ourselves, can we consign him and his posteri- sume the name of christians turn a deaf ear to ty to hopeless and interminable slavery? nay, the cries of the oppressed, and regard not with are we not walking in the footsteps of the scribes feelings of compassion the agonizing tears of and pharisees, who bound heavy burdens upon the mother, when torn from the offspring of men's shoulders, and would not move them her love? can these things be tolerated by the with one of their fingers? and if we thus ac- professors of that religion which breathes peace tively and knowingly violate the precepts of on earth and good will to all men—which, in the gospel, and the commands of jesus christ, | its nature and design, is gentle and easy to be can we be christians? can we with any color entreated, full of mercy and good fruits? of justice call ourselves the disciples of him the enormity and magnitude of the evils of who came to preach deliverance to the captive, slavery in the united states—its demoralizing genius of universal emancipation. ni ian a fiat justitia ruat cælum. tendency upon the community, where it pre- || show to the world an example of christian vails to any considerable extent--and the tre- || philanthropy, which will be felt and approved mendous and appalling consequences to this by the pious, the benevolent, and the wise, in favoured nation which must result from its every section of our country-let them do all continuance, would furnish ample materials to these things, and the curse of slavery will fill a volume. the limts of this essay will not ere long be removed from our borders. permit me discuss these points at large. but it is not necessary to define the manner of when wereflect that there are now little short excluding slave holders from the advantages of of two millions of this degraded cast within our membership in religious societies. each so- borders, and that their number is rapidly in- ciety has its own code of discipline, or form of creasing; in some of the states in a ratio much church government. if the principle should higher than that of the white inhabitants,-that be adopted that the holding of slaves should be a there are born in the united states, annually, i barrier to communion or church fellowship; about fifty thousand human beings in the the mode of acting would be regulated by the condition of slaves for life;—the subject de same rules as in other cases of admission or ex- mands the solemn consideration of every chris- | clusion from membership. the example of the tian philanthropist, to mitigate its horrors, and society of friends proves the importance of to devise the most effectual means for its extinc- the measure to the cause in general, and its sal- tion. utary effects upon the community. it is about what means would be better adapted to the seventy years since the society in this country end-what course more consistent with the made it a part of their discipline that none of doctrines and precepts, the spirit and tendency their members should hold slaves. of the christian religion, than for religious so among the first advocates of the measure in cieties and christian ministers to join heart and pennsylvania, were benjamin lay and ralph hand for the accomplishment of this important | sandiford. these men may be considered the object? the powerful and extensive influence pioneers in the great and glorious work of which religious associations exercise over the emancipation. they bore a fearless testimony minds of the people, would give efficiency and against the slavery of the africae race, at force to their exertions in the righteous cause. time when public opinion was opposed every man who reflects coolly on the subject to abolition; and we have reason to believe would feel that his testimony against slavery was that they were instrumental in opening the just and founded in the eternal principles of rec- eyes of many to the iniquity of slavery.- titude and truth, which the ever varying circum. after them, followed benezet and woolman stances of this world cannot alter. hence the in the same cause--men whose univers- voice of conscience, on the one hand, would || al philanthropy, and christian benevolence, second the labours of religious instructions on shone conspicuous in every important ac- the other, and the iniquity of slavery would be tion of their lives. for many years the testi- seen and felt by all classes of professors, moremonies of such men as lay and sandiford were good would thus be effected by associating reli- received by some of their brethren as the ebul- gion with abolition, (and what association can litions of fanaticism, or the vagaries of a heated be conceived more natural, )than can be accom- | imagination. but the voice of truth and phi- plished by benevolent individuals alone, or by lanthropy was heard by many with caloiness abolition societies, or associations of statesmen and impartiality. a consciousness of the un- and politicians. these are limited and partial lawfulness of holding mankind in bondage was in their operation. they are confined in their extended among the members—other advocates : iufluence to small portions of the community, ll of the cause of emancipation were raised up, and and cannot so generally, and effectnally influ- | justice at length triumphed in the utter extinction ence public opinion, as the united efforts of of slavery in the society. benj. lay lived to see religious societies. for religion comes home the accomplisment of the desire of his heart-the to the feelings, and to the domestic circle of adoption of a rule of discipline of the yearly almost every man of influence in our country. meeting of pennsylvania for disowning all those it is the business of every man's life to prepare who would not free their slaves. when inform- for that state of retribution which awaits us ed of this couclusion, by a friend who called to when done with time. and all are more or see him for the purpose of giving him the in- less subject to the influence of those important formation, “the venerable and constant friend duties, and high responsibilities which religion and advocate of that oppressed race of men at- presents for their consideration. let then the eutively listened to the heart-cheering intelli- clergy from the pulpit bear a faithful and fear- gence, and after a few moments reflection on less testimony against the practice of holding what he had heard, he rose from his chair, and their fellow creatures in bondage-let them in an attitude of devotional reverence, poured describe in the solemn and impressive language forth this pious ejaculation : , "thanksgiving of inspiration, the unlawfulness of the gain of and praise be rendered unto the lord god.'- oppression—the sinfulness of grinding the face. after a short pause he added—'i can now die of the poor, and causing the objects of redeem- | in peace.'"* he lived but a few weeks after this ing loveto languish in interminable bondage. let event. religious societies exclude from membership from that period to the present time, the so- all who will not emancipate their slaves-let ciety of friends have been proverbial for their them make it a sine qua non, in their admission opposition to slavery. they have revived the to communion and church fellowship. let | subject from year to year in their annual assem- them interpose the powerful agency of religion blies. the younger members have been trained to the further progress of this moral pestilence under the influence of a settled aversion to the - let them plant their standard upon this ocean system. the testimony against slavery has be- of bitter waters, and say, hitherto shalt thou come identified with their religion, influencing come, but no further, and here shall thy pol- | their habits, and giving a direction to their ac- luted waves be stayed- let them preserve their tions. the consequence is, that the whole own camp pure from the leprosy of slavery, and life of benjamin lay, by roberts vaux. genius of universal emancipation. fiat justitia ruat cælum. weight of their influence, as a religious associa- | until they see, as did the pious lay, their la- tion, has been exerted to loose the fetters of the bors crowned with success--see of the travail of captive. to this influence, in a great measure, their souls, and be satisfied. perusylvania owes the honor of having been every individual in the community should the first state in the union to pass a law for the be encouraged to the performance of his duty abolition of slavery. the first act of legis- | to the cause of emancipation, however small lation, expressiy designed for the extinction of may be his means of usefulness : for by indi- slavery, was passed by the general assembly of vidual faithfulness, great results have often pennsylvania, march , . the example | been produced; and apparently insignificant has been followed successively by massachusetts, causes have sometimes effected important res connecticut, rhode island, new-hampshire, formations. thomas clarkson was engaged to new-york, and new jersey. in five other devote his life to the cause of abolition, by be- states, slavery is prohibited by the constitu- || ing called upon to write a prize essay on the tion. subject of slavery. when he first turned his a cursory view of the effects produced by the attention to the question to be discussed, he decided stand taken by the society of friends, | knew not where to begin. he was totally ig- against the iniquitous practice of holding man norant of the subject upon which he was about kind in bondage, will be sufficient to show the to write. he was destitute of the means of vast and incalculable influence which would be acquiring the knowledge necessary to enable brought into action, were the more numerous him to discuss the question of slavery. he bodies of christians in our country to unite || knew not to whom to apply for information, or their efforts in the same cause. the methodists where to procure the necessary authorities.- have done much in this good work. though || in this hopeless condition he saw in a window, they have not fully incorporated abolition with as he passed along the streets of london, au- their religion--though they have not, in all ca thony benezet’s account of guinea. he bought ses, made the holding of slaves a barrier to com. the book, and found it to contain a clue to all munion and church fellowship; yet their prea- || the authorities he required. he engaged in the chers have not ceased to proclaim the impor- || contest for the prize, and obtained it; and from tant truth, that all men ought of right to be free. this small begining became the principal instru- they have often boldly and conscientiously dis ment for the accomplishment of the abolition of charged their duty as christian ministers, by the british slave-trade. again: the labors of pouriraying in glowing colors the sinfulness of those who conscientiously engaged in the cause slavery. they have opened their mouths for of abolition as a religious duty, gave a tone to the duinb, and plead the cause of the poor and public opinion in the northern and middle states, the oppressed. they have broken the jaws of which resulted in the enactment of laws for the the wicked, and plucked the spoil out of his total extinction of slavery in those states. to teeth. wherever the influence of this society | the same cause may be attributed the ordinance has exten led, the cause of the degraded african of , by which slavery has been forever has found able and efficient advocates. through excluded from the states and territories north their meau: many thousands have been restored | and west of the river ohio. their rapid and to their rights; and a direction given to public unexampled advance in wealth and popula- opinion in many places, unfavorable to slavery. tion, fully establishes the wisdom of the neas- it'is devoutly to be wished, that they would advance yet one step further, and cleanse their camp froin the unciean thing that still remains || portance of individual faithfulness in the per- these, and similar examples show the im- —that they would make no compromise formance of every duty. it is by such means with slavery, but wash their hands of the pollu- that all great and important reformations of tion. abuses have been effected: for society can only great credit is also due to the presbyterians act efficiently by means of individuals. let in the western states. some of them have la- | each man labor in his own particular sphere, boured with a noble and disinterested persever- || and the influence of his example will extend ance in the cause of emancipation. their res to those with whom he is connected in civil or olution appears to be formed, never to cease religious society. and thus organized associa- their efforts until their society purged from tions may be brought to act efficiently in a the stain of slavery. if this consumation should || collective capacity. be achieved, which we ardently hope, and let then every christian minister, and every confilently believe will eventually crown the religious association, and each individual men- labors of those christian philanthropists who have engaged in the work, the cause of aboli- ber of a religious society, endeavor to eradicate the stain of slavery from our land, by the effec- tion will acquire a moral force and preponder- tual operation of the lenient principles of chris- ance in the community which will be felt in || tianity. let the voice of justice and humanity every section of the couutry. be heard from every pulpit, and resound from the baptists, too, in some parts of the wes the walls of every church-let the fiat of uni- tern states, have taken up the question of sla versal emancipation be issued from every con- very as a religious duty.. i regret that my in- | ference,synod,and general assembly, through- formation is limited in regard to the labors out the country-let the pious associations of of these two last named societies. it appears the present age, for distributing the scriptures, that they design to accomplish the total ex and communicating a knowledge of the chris- clusion of slave bolders from communion |tian religion to distant regions-proclaim free- and church membership in their respective || dom to the captive, and the work will ere long societies. how far they have progressed in | be accomplished. slavery will soon cease to their endeavors to cleanse their camp from so be a curse upon our country, and a disgrace to foul a pollution, i am unable at present to say. our nation. then will the blessing of him that but every friend to humanity can join in cor was ready to peri come upon us, and the dial approbation of their efforts in the righteous | soul of the emancipated slave will be made to cause, and in the hope that they may persevere l.sing for joy. ure. genius of universal emancipation. fiat justitia ruat cælum. dog principally conducted by a lady. . ofte ci: one sk bos box to alle h ab ladies' repository. the eagle wing of freedom, but instead of a protection, they have found it a blighting and philanthropic and literary. curse;—they have breathed the glad breezes of a land of liberty, but to them they have been noxious as the destroying simoom;--the splen- american misery, - did effulgence of refinement and knowledge is “favored as we are from infancy with in- gleaming brilliantly around them, but alas! not struction of every kind, used as we are to view ay is suffered to break through the atmos- the mind in its proper state, and accustomed as we are to feel the happy effects of female influ- phere of their own thick and palpable darkness. ence, our thoughts would fain turn away from on every side of them are the temples of a just the melancholy subject of female degradation, of || and omniscient god, but their oppressors, more female wretchedness. but, will our feelings of pity and compassion—will those feelings which savage and ruthless than even the barbarous na- alone render the female character lovely, allowtions of antiquity, permit them not to find a re- us to turn away-to dismiss the subject alto-fuge, even “between the horns of the altar.” gether without making an effort to rescue, save? finally, susceptible as their minds are said to “shall we sit down in indolence and ease, be of the truths of the christian religion, the indulge in all the luxuries with which we are outward means of receiving such knowledge is surrounded, and leave beings like these, flesh and blood, intellect, and feeling like ourselves, almost entirely withholden from them, or con- and of our own sex, to perish, to sink into eter- | veyed to them through the impure channel of nal misery? no! by all the tender feelings of those whose hands are defiled with injustice. which the female mind is susceptible, by all the privileges and blessings resulting from the who then is there on the broad face of the uni- cultivation and expansion of the human mind, verse, that has such strong claims on the sym- by our duty to god, and our fellow creatures, and by the blood and groans of him who died pathy of american females, as the american fe- on calvary, let us make a united effort, let male slave? nor is it her misery only that ap- us call on all, old and young, in the circle of || peals with its deep, unspeaking voice to their our acquaintance to join with us in attempting to meliorate the situation, to instruct, to enlight | compassion. her wrongs rise up terribly in en, and to save.”—mrs. judson's appeal for judgment against them, and demand redress burman missionaries. from their justice! be the situation of eastern the above forcible and eloquent appeal can- females unhappy as it may, those whom we ad- not apply more strongly to the situation of those dress have borne no part in rendering it such. for whom it was intended, than it does to a would to heaven we could say as much for large number of the females of our own country. them with respect to their own countrywomen! whatever may be the claims of the daughters of but we cannot. they have joined themselves burmah, or any other heathen land, on the in- with the oppressor, and it is by their supineness habitants of a christian and civilized nation, they —nay, by their assistance, that such mountains cannot equal those of hundreds of thousands of of wretchedness, and darkness, are heaped upon females in our own country. the bondage of the head of the slave. it is to minister to their the women of the east is not disgraceful, for it | pride, to supply their luxuries, to provide for is customary, and is laid upon them by those their comforts, that their sister has been brought they love; their mental darkness is not deepen- so low-that the floods of distress have been ed by the contrast of surrounding light,-their | made to overwhelm her soul. shall we then own hard fate by the sight of the delicacy and appeal only to the soft and gentle charities of luxury of those amidst whom they dwell-a de- || their nature-to their feelings of tenderness and licacy and luxury supported, too, by their bitter compassion ? no! we call upon them to re- and unrewarded toil—their own miserable de- dress the wrongs of those whom they have deep- gradation! they may not be torn shrieking from | ly injured. we call upon them at their own the arms of their husbands, or behold their chil- || peril to withdraw their hands from the perpe- dren wrenched one by one from their clinging |tration of iniquity. we point to the pleasant grasp forever; they are not exhibited and sold valleys of the south, watered by the agonizing at public auction, nor advertised for sale in the tears of woman, clouded by her disgrace, and public papers, nor driven in herds about the too often sprinkled with her blood; and we tell country, manacled like felons, nor are they lia- | them that all this is measureably their work.- ble to be thrust into prison without even so we tell them that the food upon their tables, and much as the accusation of an offence. but the the garments upon their forms, are taipted by the cor.trary of all this embitters the lot of those on guilt of oppression; and we entreat them, as whose behalf we entreat our readers to address they value their own innocency, to hasten the the above extract to their own bosoms. they cleansing of their hands from so great an have been reared beneath the broad shadow of evil. or te genius of universal emancipation. fiat justitia ruat cælum. teachers. greatly useful, but it is equally meritorious, to it is stated by clarkson, in his history of the advance the interests of humanity by less dis- abolition of the slave trade, that anthony || tinguished service. a patient and careful at- benezet, beside his other invaluable labours intention to trivial things is always helpful in the that cause, greatly promoted its advancement promotion of a design, and is sometimes the by impressing the minds of his scholars with only means by which the desired object is at- correct ideas of the enormity of slavery, and tainable. if a proper use were made of the power which every one possesses to aid in some thereby giving many defenders to the op- pressed race who have so long been doomed to degree the noble designs of philanthropy and endure its bitterness. thus much of what an- of avarice and pride be softened, and those who benevolence, how soon might the stony heart thony benezet performed it is in the power of|| have been made to bow the forehead to the many of our own sex to accomplish. of the dust be raised from their place of shame and vast effects which maternal influence is capable degradation! how soon might women, were of producing we have elsewhere spoken ;- they but willing slightly to exert themselves and the power which is vested in the hands of to serve a cause for whose prosperity their those to whose care is committed the education wishes (at least in the free states) are almost of youth is scarcely less important. their bu-| universally given, by their united efforts bring siness is particularlywith the mind, over which, to a triumphant conclusion, the important work unless they fall short in their duty, they can of emancipation. scarcely fail of acquiring considerable ascen: dency; and right principles carefully inculca- the season. ted by them will probably never be wholly er it is now the season of rural wandering. adicated from the minds of many of their pupils, || the city loses almost half its accustomed occu- while in those of some of them they may spring pants, and the enchantments of nature are up & “bring forth fruit fifty fold.” let us entreat visited and enjoyed by thousands, who behold those who fill the station, to which we allude them with more exquisite delight from the ra- those whose hearts are not seared to the suffer- rity of the pleasure, while to those whose ings of the tens of thousands of their own sex, || dwelling place is among them they present a who are drinking all the degradation and bitter- constant succession of charming variety. the ness of the cup of slavery—those to whom the pervading spirit of nature is one of universal brightness and excellence of the female charac- love; it is one that should open the heart to the ter is dear, and its dishonor painful—let us en influence of all the sweet and kindly affections, treat them to commune seriously with them and touch our sympathies more sensibly with selves upon this subject, and to reflect whether tenderness towards our fellow creatures. the they may be permitted to withhold their hand voice of birds, the perfume of the many flowers, from doing this good to their afflicted sisters, the deep shadow of the wood, amidst whose without bringing condemnation on themselves cool recesses rambles the rocky streamlet, fill- for their neglect. ing the air with the perpetual babble of its tiny waterfalls, the deep glow of the sunset, and the trifles. felt quietness of the summer evening, with its a carelessness with regard to things of ap. soft showering radiance of moonlight, and the parently little moment, is one of the most fruit- low plaintive cry of the whip-poor-will, melt- ful causes of human error and unhappiness.- ing away at intervals upon the scented air,--all all would be willing to be perfect if such a these are well fitted to awaken and foster the state could be secured by one grand effort, with | better feelings of our nature, and to teach the out the perpetual and wearisome struggle for heart to forget the narrow measures of its wont- mastery with the perverseness of the inclina-ed selfishness. ah! then, while our friends are tions or the will. the years of life that are surrounded with outward loveliness, let not wasted in detached moments, occasion but lit- their enslaved sisters appeal in vain to their tle sorrow for their loss, although they may kiudly sympathies. for her the earth can have perhaps make up half the term of existence.- no brightness, the voice of song no melody, the evil that is counteracted, and the good that the flowers no fragrance; for the wretchedness is performed, during the course of an individ- of her fate is like a cloud and a blight upon her ual life, seldom bears any proportion to that bosom. the sparkling and overflowing cup of which might have been accomplished, by a natural and mental beauty, is to her a sealed sedulous improvement of all the opportunities fountain, or it is drugged and poisoned with the which have presented themselves. it is cer bitterness of her many sorrows. and will not tainly a high privilege to be permitted to be those to whom it presents a draught of deep genius of universal emancipation. fiat justitia ruat cælum. she gave blessedness, endeavor to win for her the capa eighty years! for the express purpose of pet. bility of sharing in their happiness? let them suading these poor creatures (eighteen or think of her, and speak of her in their pleasant || twenty in number) to leave the region of des- rambles. when they are gazing with admira potism, and accept the glorious boon of free- tion at the wide landscape, or sitting beneath || dom!! she succeeded in her efforts-she struck the shadow of the vine-garlanded rock, with || the fetters of bondage from their limbs—she pre- the ripple of the brook flashing in sunshine at vailed with them to journey out of egypt—and their feet, and the glancing images of insect although we may regret that there was a seem- life flitting around them among the green leaves, |ing necessity for changing her original plan, whether they are wraptin solitary contemplation, and thereby hazarding a voyage to the african or mingling their voices in converse with coast, and a settlement in the sickly regions of those they love, then let the images of those perpetual equatorial heat, while they might poor suffering ones glide before them, and have been conveniently and advantageously while the story of their wretchedness is in their provided for nearer home,-still it is extremely heart, or on their lips, let their compassion be gratifying to witness the patriotic philanthropy deepened, their resolutions strengthened, and and noble resolution thus displayed by an amer- their principles brought more thoroughly to ican lady, in the case before us. she assures view with abhorrence a wilful participation in us that she thought she could not die in peace, the cruelty of their oppressors. unless her poor slaves were first released from bondage. she was offered ten thousand dollars elizabeth greenfield. for them, but spurned the proposition. o that all other slaveholders may possess a we were under a mistake, the month before last, in stating that this good widow lady had | kindred feeling! misers, ignoramuses, and sent her slaves from louisaina to hayti. she the bloated sons of dissipation and depravity has recently returned home safely, and we will sneer and scoff,—but every virtuous man have been politely furnished with the following and woman will associate with the name of interesting particulars by herself. elizabeth greenfield a noble public us the facts—the language is our own. spirit--a pure philanthropy—a genuine piety- she had resided a long time in mississippi, that seldom manifest themselves in the conduct and had several plantations stocked with slaves, of a human being. no doubt the ardent prayer in that state and louisiana. some years since she of her soul will now be granted. when the removed and settled in philadelphia. she had pre- || period arrives that ushers into her presence the viously sold all her slaves, with the exception of messenger of fate, she will have no conscience those on one plantation, near natchez. after guiltiness to upbraid her in reference to the residing some length of time in philadelphia, withholding of justice from these, her fellow (and being quite advanced in life,) she made creatures. she will pass in quietness and peace her will; and, in this instrument, provided for "from works to rewards:” and her bright ex- the emancipation of the remainder of her slaves, ample shall illumine the path of posterity, for ages and their settlement in the state of ohio.- lands were to be purchased for them, and all we have been kindly furnished by the secre- the necessary articles furnished, to set them up tary of the ladies' society for encouraging in business for themselves. when it was an- the use of the productions of free labor, in nounced, however, that a few of the people of || philadelphia, with a late statement of their ohio had attempted to revive an old obnoxious | committee. some difficulty and delay having law, which from its cruel and oppressive pro-occurred in procuring a lot of free cotton that visions had been suffered to lie as a dead letter | had been contracted for, the business of manu- on the shelves of jurists for a long time—and | facturing &c. has, for a time, been partially sus- when it was stated in the newspapers of the pended. it is pleasing to learn that the stock day, that the colored people would all be com- of goods on hand have fast diminished; and pelled to leave that state, this philanthropic la that the sales have enabled the committee dy felt at a loss to know what she had best do || promptly to meet their engagements of a pecu- with her slaves. she consulted some of her niary character. the language of the commit- friends, and they advised her to send them to tee is, upon the whole, encouraging, though africa. the slaves were unwilling to go; and it embraces little that is very important. a not knowing what else could be done for them, hope is entertained that a further supply of to secure their freedom-she adopted the noble free cotton will, ere long, be received. it is resolution of immediately setting out on a jour- | feared that a quantity, deposited at fayetteville, ney of about miles, at the age of more than previous to the late fire, has been destroyed. to come. genius of universal emancipation. fiat justitia ruat cælum. for the genius of universal emancipation. ished spirit of the feudal days, and the softer lament. spirit of heroic chivalry. then rise the merry vineyards of france before our view, and the wo for our country's guilt! hills of spain, as when the victorious and pol- the glory has departed from her brow, ished moors reigned there as conquerers. but and shame and infamy are round her now; better still does it delight us, to wander beneath the blood her hand hath spilt, the delicious skies of italy. it is so thoroughly cries out against her from the smoking plain, the land of the imagination! it is, in its very yet warm and reeking with the crimson stain, realities, so like the creation of a dream!- the shame of broken faith, our thoughts of it are all stained with the rich of solemn treaties turn'a to mockery, hues of the romantic medium through which and the strong pledge of friendship made a lie, they pass, like its own sunset light when it and unregarded breath- streams through the painted windows of its an- this blot is resting on her tainted name, cient chapels. italy seems perfectly a creature a mildew to the brightness of her fame. of the past—a dream--a shadow of memory; we can scarcely realize the thought of her pre- wo for her forest sons! sent existence, or at least of her being still an whom she hath cast into their brother's hand, inhabited country. we wander in fancy among to be thrust forth sad wanderers o'er the land, her splended palaces and her exquisite scenery, they and their little ones, but they are populous only with the shades of their mothers and their wives, amidst the wild, || the departed. we glide with the stealthy tread to bear the thought how fair their lost home of a ghost through the dim aisles of her monas-" siniled. teries, or thread the rocky mazes of her castled they leaned in their deep trust, forests, and we find every scene tinged with upon her solemn vows, and found too late, the light of poetry and romance, or wearing in their crushed hopes , and their most bitter fate, then we penetrate the mountain's fastnesses of the deeper interest of remembered history.- her oaths were as the dust: her seeming friendship but a mask to hide, switzerland--we listen for the music of the her ingrate perfidy, her guilty pride. “ranz deo vaches,”and watch the last rose- hues of the sunset fade from the height of her wo for the dark brow'd slave! pinnacled glaciers. returning at length to the bow'd to the dust 'neath her relentless hand, land of our own home, we go back to the scenes and stamped with foul'oppression's hateful brand, of her early days. her romance consists not he passes to the grave, in antiquities—it is in her freshness--her vast un- before the judgment seat of heaven to bear, peopled solitudes—her now busy population, the tale of all his wrongs and his despair. and the quietness, that but a little while since, lay like a deep spell upon her many rivers.- a las! alas, for her! what recollections has she to offer us? we go how can she bear the searching eye of god back through the darkness of years, and behold bent in its justice on her crimson sod- the first daring vessel from another clime, that she a vile murderer ! lay moored beside her shores, seeming to the how dare she lift her hand to heaven to pray, minds of the untutored natives like a being sent "till she hath cast her cherish'd sins away! from heaven. alas! how soon were those yet how with pealing shout, [bells, two races of men contending in bitter enmity!- and carinons roar, and trump and deep-voiced how soon was the glad surprise of the one, and of her own glory to the world she tells! the simple reverence of the other, converted, ah! better would it suit by injustice and revengeful feelings, into un- her cheek, instead of the proud flush it wears, relenting hatred! then comes up the remem- to be washed pale with penitential tears! brance of another scene. the first slave ship gertrude. is on our shores, and our countrymen, crowd- ing around her, yet shrinking and blushing at their unaccustomed infamy, are about, for the for the genius of universal emancipation. first time, to defile their hands and disgrace musings. their country, by the inhuman traffic in hu- it is pleasant to pass the twilight hour in an man flesh. ah! how soon such scenes became undisturbed reverie; to give wings to our awak- too familiar to excite any other feeling than ened thoughts, and mingle with the beings of the eagerness of grasping avarice! auctions other years of the days of the times of old." for human flesh were multiplied among them; weseem in a few moments to have lived through and the echo of the driver's keen thong went the lapse of other centuries. we may wander up to heaven mingled with the groans of his back to the first day spring of the world, and tortured victims. and these are the recollec- gaze upon it in its yet unpeopled loveliness.- tions which our country has to offer for our we may go back to the early time of all na- hours of reverie! injustice, bloodshed, and tions, we visit all lands, and the forgotten traces of oppression! well may we turn our thoughts their history come back to our remembrance.- away from her past years, when her early light we seem to tread the stage of life with those was so soon darkened by the foul blot that still whom hundreds of seasons have beheld mould- rests upon her with its deep stain of iniquity. ering in the dust, and to be dwelling in the bertha. midst of events of which there remains now only a name and a shadow. we set our foot for the genius of universal emancipation. upon the soil of europe--we tread the shores of wave-girdled england, and behold her slave produce. mighty metropolis diminished to its pristine | eat! they are dates for a lady's lip, rudeness; :-we hover in the dim light amidst rich as the sweets that the wild bees sip; the ruins of her ancient towers, around whose mingled viands that nature hath poured, dismantled turrets seems still to linger the ban- || from the plenteous stores of her flowing hoard, / genius of universal emancipation. fiat justitia ruat cælum. pit dom er j dcc ! bearing no trace of man's cruelty-save about a year since, a young lady, of the the red life-drops of his human slave. name of amy pennouk, commenced business in this line, and now keeps on hand an assort- list thee, lady! and turn aside, ment of groceries, cotton manufactures, &c. with a loathing heart from the feast of pride; &c. at the place above mentioned. the writer for mixed with the pleasant sweets it bears, of this has seen and examined some of her is the hidden curse of scalding tears, goods, and cheerfully recommends them to wrung out from woman's bloodshot eye, those who may have it convenient to call at by the depth of her deadly agony. her store. such as prefer goods of this de- look! they are robes from a foreign loom, scription, may, no doubt, satisfy themselves both as to price and quality. every such delicate, light, as the rose leaf's bloom; stainless and pure in their snowy tint, praise worthy effort surely merits encourage- ment. as the drift unmarked by a footstep's print. chester county, july, . surely such garment should fitting be for woman's softness and purity. for the genius of universal emancipation, yet fling them off from thy shrinking limb, for sighs have rendered their brightness dim; the flower. and many a mother's shriek and groan, i have a withered blossom that i keep and many a daughter's burning moan, for memory. thou gav'st it ine, dear friend! and many a sob of wild despair, and ’neath its wither'd leaves there lies a spell from woman's heart, is lingering there. to waken thought with.-how the past comes bertha. back,- the visionary past! with its dim crowd for the genius of universal emancipation. of dreamy images, ai? bright’ning up a young lady, of fine taste and talents, said into the seeining vividness of life, with a sigh, a few days since: “o that i could as on my hand these scentless petals lie, do something for the poor negroes!” it was and busy thought alings back the misty veil suggested that she might appeal to the good that hangs o’er old reinembrances. that flower feelings of readers, through the inspiration of the -dost thou remember it?-and on what spot muse. shortly after, she presented the follow the scion grew that reared it? we have been ing, which i venture to send for insertion in || together there in happiness, and oft the genius. g. have bent together o'er the scented bells, washington, june, . yet dew-besprinkled, which the lavish morn o how unlike youth's fev'rish dreams, had scatter'd prodigal; or when at eve the hope that animates us now; the climbing moon gleam'd through the peara unled by igniis fatius gleams, tree's boughs, [gemmed to thee, truth! we calmly bow, and flung her glory o’er the flowers that and wait till thy inspiring word, the vine-hung gate-way, giving their white leaves in gentle whispers, shall be heard. a dazzling brilliancy--then have we sat it is the wrongs of afric's sons in the old pleasant porch, and spoke our words we feel,--and would our aid extend of laughing happiness, and caught the breath unto the injured suff’ring ones, of that rich fragrance, as the dewy air who loudly call us to befriend, came wafted to our temples. when their deep groans ascend on high now 'tis eve, in piercing heart-wrung agony. and on the pearly sky her lustrous star gleams in its brilliancy, like a bright thought too long, too long in freedom's land oppression holds her iron sway,- in a rich page of poesy—but thou- o rescue from the tyrant's hand, two years ago, and thou wert by my side his feeble, unresisting prey, in many a joyous ramble, far and free, until the yoice of liberty through the green mazes of the rocky wood, proclaims that all her sons are free. and o'er the streamlet by its pass of stones, marcia. or by the beautiful and shadowed creek, or up the long steep hill, our fav’rite walk for the genius of universal emancipation. at eventide, with other tones than ours mixed in our laughing converse--two years free produce stores. since! it is gratifying to the friends of the unfortu -and now our paths are separate, and no more nate african to perceive the lively interest | our lives may be so similar, and wear the stamp manifested of late, among the ladies in some of the same incidents! and shall not we, parts of pennsylvania, new jersey, and other who know the pain of parting, feel for those contiguous states, relative to the giving a pre who are so often severed from all ties (turn ference to the productions of free labor, from to which the heart clings fondliest? shall we tropical countries. . we have heard of the es a careless ear to the long moan of woe, tablishment of mercantile stores, in various wrung out from woman's bosom, when her places, for the purpose of vending such articles, heart, by females. in philadelphia and wilmington with all the delicate fibres of its love, [foot such establishments have been for some length | lies torn and bleeding 'neath the trampling of time in operation; and it is to be hoped that of rude inhuman tyranny? oh, friend! they are likely to be successful. if there is wanting yet one clasping link but though i have been a regular reader of to rivet our long friendship, be it this the genius of universal emancipation, i have an union of sympathy for those not seen it stated that a store of this kind has who are bowed down beneath the heavy weight been opened in the village of kennett- square, of man's injustice, and the wish to raise chester county, pennsylvania. our dark browed sister from her low estate, ed hi c b! genius of universal emancipation. af cælum. fiat justitia ruat that she may writhe no more 'neath cruel scorn, wish to know, constitutes the difference be- and most foul inhumanity. shall she tween man and other animals? is it not his be sold and purchased at the public mart, reasoning powers and his faculty of speech? amidst the jeers of brutal insolence, and are not these common to both blacks and endure the smiting lash, and waste away whites? are not the inental faculties of the her bitter life in wearing drudgery former capable of cultivation and improvement and soul-debasing ignorance, and we in the same manner as the whites? surely it forget her many sorrows, and that all cannot be disputed. then they are of the same the transient joys that gleam around her heart, species as ourselves. but suppose they are not quenched in a moment by a tyrant's will, human beings; to which class shall we attach may leave it lifeless as this withered flower, them? if to the brute creation, what shall we with all its pleasant perfume passsed away, call those that are denominated mulattoes? do and its light gone forever! they partake more of the rational or the brute gertrude. creation? by following this train of reasoning for a moment, we shall see that the premises the olio. could not be sustained, and we shall therefore be compelled to admit that the blacks are ration- al beings and possessed of the same natures as notices-communications-selections. ourselves. inasmuch then as they are men, and we acknowledge the declaration of inde- to readers and correspondents. pendence to be correct, they are equal with our- the last number of the genius of universal selves, and “are endowed by their creator with emancipation was put to press earlier in the || certain inalienable rights, among which are month than was expected by the editor, who | life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness.” was from home at the time. several arti- || what can the supporters of the horrid system cles were prepared, that on this account were of slavery say to this? if the creator has en- deferred, as they did not reach the office in || dowed us with the right of life, he has equally season. some of these are inserted in the endowed us with the right of liberty, and no present number. man is justifiable in depriving us of the one a variety of communications have been re more than of the other. if a slave holder takes ceived, within a few weeks, some of which will the life of his slave, he is amenable to the laws appear in subsequent numbers. “a. z.” of st. of his country for the offence. and why not clairsville, ohio, is particularly welcome. make him equally responsible for depriving a an article from the pen of a colored man, fellow creature of that which is far dearer than favorable to african colonization, (originally || life or the possession of this world's goods? published in the american spectator,) should | could a white man endure the thoughts of be- have appeared this month, but it has been mis- || ing held in perpetual bondage? would he not laid. consider it in the highest degree cruel, unjust, and tyrannical, without referring to the cir- another new paper. cumstance of his being torn from his home, from proposals have been issued by junius c. the beloved partner of his bosom, and from all morel and john p. thompson, (colored men,) | those endearing ties which could render his situa- for publishing a weekly paper, in philadelphia, | tion any way tolerable? and why not reverse the to be entitled the “american.” the price of picture and quere whether our colored breth- subscription will be two dollars per annum. ren do not possess the same feelings of sensibili- their prospectus will be further noticed here- || ty, and the same desires of freedom and inde- after. pendence. but some will say that having never tasted of the sweets of liberty, they know not errata. the value of it. this is an assertion without the author of the article, headed “washing-proof, and contrary to all the evidence we have ton city prison,” in the may number of this upon the subject; for frequently have i heard work, has directed our attention to several im- those that have been treated by their masters portant typographical errors. next month it with an unusual share of kindness, say, they will be partially republished, with the neces- could not be happy with all the privileges they sary corrections. enjoy, as long as they were retained in bondage. but even were this the case it would not justify for the genius of universal emancipation. the principle of slavery, neither would it ob- a few days since, that valuable document viate the unconstitutionality of the measure; called the “declaration of independence” ac- for it is certainly in violation of the letter and cidentally fell into my hands, and in casting spirit of the constitution, and contrary to the my eye over it, i was forcibly struck with the views entertained by its illustrious author at the inconsistency that is manifest between the pre- time he penned it. for i am credibly inform- cepts therein inculcated and the practice exem- ed that when jefferson wrote the words that plified in our southern states. “all men are born free and equal,” he had par- “we hold these truths to be self evident, that | ticular reference to this disgraceful system of all men are created equal; tbat they are endow- slavery. ed by their creator with certain inalienable more when leisure permits. rights; that among these are life, liberty, and clarkson. the pursuit of happiness.” if the sentiment conveyed in this expression for the genius of universal emancipation. is correct, which i presume few will deny, all mr. editor:-i live to see another anni- men, without distinction of color, are “created versary of american independence, a day pe- equal.” but some persons would probably say | culiarly dear to the white inhabitants of the u. that the blacks are not human beings, and con states, and one by no means uninteresting sequently would not be embraced within the to your colored and neglected countrymen.- meaning of the term “men.” what, i would ll on this great festival of civil and religious lib- genius of universal emancipation. fiat justitia ruat cælum. ! erty, while ten millions of freemen are cele- || fewer advocates to plead our cause. but now braingan “festive songs of joy” the magnani-behold the change.-through the good will of mous achievments of the "departed great”- those who were above the prejudices of the while they are eulogising them and their sur times (aud such we shall always have) and our viving revolutionary compatriots in impassion- | own virtuous conduct, industry and economy, ed strains of overpowering eloquence, for hav- many of us have acquired considerable wealth, ing jeopardized their lives and shed their blood and this too under the most unfavorable and to obtain and preserve inviolate the liberties of discouraging circumstances. we have first, this country-while they are proclaiming in through the sweat of our brow, enriched those tones of an under, from centre to circumference who claimed us as their property. we have, of this wide-spread union, the "self-evident through our unremunerated labor, contributed truths,” that all men are created equal, and largely to the education of their sons and their endowed by their creator with certain inalien- daughters to the erection of your colleges and able rights, &c.—while the gifted tongues of your temples we have given ministers to the your land are electrifying the whole nation | church and legislators to the state. and after with this soul-thrilling declaration,- , feeling all this, we have, in many instances, purchased the injustice done me by the laws of my coun ourselves, our wives, our little ones, our kin- try, retire from the exulting multitude,-nay, || dred, together with decrepid slaves whom we from your temples of worship, pensive and are always supporting. this many of us have solitary, to contemplate the past and the present || done, and in addition, we are always acquiring as connected with our history in the land of | soinething like a competency, notwithstanding our nativity. so much has been said of our improvident habits, and first i would observe, without indulging || our idleness and poverty. we said we were, a in prolixity of detail, that there is nothing few few years ago, ignorant heathens. but either in the past or present corroborative of who that has witnessed the elevation of our the anti-christian and anti-republican, though norals, the refinement of our manners, and colonization doctrine, that we can never enjoy the general improvement of our minds, for the in this country the rights of freemen. this last few years, can call us heathens now? abominable doctrine emanated from the malev. with regard to our ignorance, we see, feel, and olent—it has been cherished and propagated by deplore it; but the time was when we were the vulgar and the prejudiced-doubted by the scarcely sensible of it. the time was, when, advocates of african colonization, (which is for a colored man to read the testament, was abundantly evinced by their recently unusual considered a prodigious performance; but he is efforts to remove us“) and is believed to be: reading it in the original , and who marvels now expounding it-nay, a few of them are by some of the first men in the nation, as un- founded in truthļas the principles which support || and prejudice have reared in opposition to our now? sir, considering the barriers which pride it are hostile to the general welfare of the na- tion. the declaration of independence, whose | intellectual elevation-considering our very all-potent energies burst asunder the cords of || limited opportunities and facilities to acquaint british power, and is now shaking the kingdoms ourselves with literature, we think our profi- of tyranny, and breaking the iron arm of op- ' ciency in the arts and sciences is not a little as- pression, and revolutionizing the despotic gov- tonishing, at least, it is not a subject of ridicule. ernments of the world,—this inimitable pro- your limits remind me of my duty; i there- duction, whose light and power extend to the fore draw to a close, though i have but partial- oppressed of every clime, will never permit ly penned my thoughts. i conclude by ex- in this land of bibles and temples, of indepen- pressing the hope, that a peaceable and upright dence and glory, the perpetuation of our de conduct, an obedience to the laws of the land, gradation. this imperishable document, whose an unalterable attachment to our only true attributes are truth, justice, and benevolence, home, an admiration of the republican princi- has declared to the world that liberty, in the ples of our government, combined with the full sense of the word, is the birth-right of “all growing sense of our wrongs, the benevolent men;” (consequently, of every colored man in operations oy the day, the solemn injunctions the union;) that we are not only “born free,” of religion, and the irresistible influence of but have, by virtue of our existence, “certain your free institutions, will yet obtain for us, rights,” which are emphatically termed “ina- in the united states of america, our indefeasi- henable." ble inheritance. and why, i emphatically ask, now, as these are admitted to be "self-evident should we not enjoy those rights which all must truths,” it may be asked, in the name of justice confess have been wrested from us without the and consistency, who can wrest from us these shadow of a crime? what evil could possibly our natural rights, without ilying in the face of accrue from the adoption, by the white people this sacred instrument-without a dereliction of this nation, of a liberal, just, and humane of its principles, and a contempt of its authority policy towards three hundred thousand of the the declaration of independence is our advo- home-born citizens of the united states? cate,and we hope it will yet he ascertained, wheth- a colored baltimorean. er or not the constitution of the u. states secures baltimore, july th, . to us those rights which the declaration so freely accords. we shall then, perhaps, have a little more light upon the absurd doctrine of our -two thousand negroes were landed at everlasting degradation in america. mean- | different ports in cuba, from the first of februa- time we would say that the history of our pastry to the middle of march, notwithstanding the improvement in every particular amply refutes many vessels that are cruising to suppress the the erroneous supposition, the unfounded pre- slave trace. diction. contrast, sir, our present condition a slave at or near old harbor, jamaica, has with what it was a few years ago: the been convicted of the crime of preaching, and were extremely poor and ignorant: we were sentenced to six months imprisonment, and to be enslaved heathens, having few friends, and still ll flogged. we genius of universal emancipation. fiat justitia ruat cælum. e d of the authorized agents. a premium for rice. jacob janney-penn. avenue, washington, the sum of twenty dollars will be d. c. opposite barnard's hotel. given as a premiurn, over and above the market william. r. jones no. , market-street, price, for five casks of fresh rice, of a good baltimore, maryland. quality, raised by free labor, and delivered in abner m. plummer-newmarket, do. philadelphia, to charles peirce, before the samuel browo-winchester, virginia. ist of january next. ( .) johnathan taylor, jr.- purcell's store, do. the gentleman, above named, is well known rich'd mendenhall--jamestown, n.c. as a very respectable grocer, in philadelphia, thos. moore, p. m.-newgarden, do. who has for several years past, made it a particu thos. lundy-huntsville, surry co. do. lar business to keep articles in his line that are m. long, p. m.-l. ?g's mills, do. exclusively the production of free labor. j. newlin, p. m.-lindley's store, do. the premium, together with the market price, b. swaim, esq.--neu- salem, do. will be promptly paid, on the delivery of the kev. h. m’millan- chesterville, s. c. rice, accompanied by proper reference and vou samuel holliman— wrightsboro', ga. chers from some respectable person who is known thos. doan-newmarket, jeff. co. tenn. in philadelphia. jas. jones, p.m.-unitia, blount co. do. elijah embree, p. m.- pactolus, do. prospectus william bryant--nashville, do. william mack-columbia, do. genius of universal emancipation. james asking-- fayetteville, do. vol. xii. james alexander-- washington, hempstead the object and character of this work are co. arkansas ter. well known. it has been published nearly ten rev. jesse haile-springfield, ilinois. years, and circulates in all the states of this rev.john f.crow, p. m.-hanover, la. union, in canada, the west indies, europe,and smith & bulla-- centreville, do. africa. it is exclusively devoted to the subject rev. m. jamieson-mountsterling, ky. of the abolition of slavery, on the american joseph lormer-mount-flashington, do. continent and islands. joseph b. chapman--- waynesville, ohio. within a few years, the proprietor has trav dr. joseph stanton--springborough, do. eiled much, and had to depend somewhat upon william lewis--harrisville, do. the assistance of others to conduct the work. a. baer, jr.--osnaburg, stark co. do. he pledges himself, however, that the publica thomas chandler-adrian, michigan ter. tion shall not cease, but with the cessation of william p. richards— wilmington, del. his natural life, provided, the public patronage, joseph sharpless,-no. , n. th street, or the labor of his own hands, will furnish the philadelphia, penn. means of issuing a single sheet per annum. joseph cassey--no. s. th street, do, do. he further pledges himself, that the great fun a. marshall, esq.- westchester, do. damental principles, hitherto advocated in this dr. e. michener-london grove, do. work, shall be steadily maintained. the course dr. b. fussell-kennett square, do. to be pursued, hereafter, will not materially vary joel wierman--york springs, adams co.do. from that which he marked out in the beginning. lindley coates-- gap p. . lan. co. do. the corrupt sources of the horrible evil of jehu lewis-bethlehem, wash. co. do. slavery shall be traced; this fatal gangrene up richard lundy-mount holly, n.j. on the body politic shall be probed; and the theodore davisson-- trenton, do. healing balsam will be applied when the putrid benjamin acton-salem, do. mass is removed. every possible investigation zachariah webster-plain field, do. will be made as to the state of the slave-system, james willson, jr.--alamouchy p. o. sus- and what is doing relative to its perpetuation or sex county, do. abolition, particularly in the various parts of mahlon day-no. pearl-st. n. y. crty. the united states and the west indies. every john lockwood-poughkeepsie, n. y. exertion will also be made to show what can be james adams--albany, do. done, with propriety and safety, towards eradi charles marriott-hudson, do. cating this enormous and increasing evil from a bijah purinton-troy, do. the american soil. thomas shotwell-- marengo, do. terms of subscription. john . wells & son—hartford, conn. the work will, henceforth, be issued month- r. t. robinson-vergennes, vt. ly. it will be neatly printed, on fine paper, william lloyd garrison-boston, mass. and folded in the octavo form, each number samuel rodman, jr.-new-bedford. do. making sixteen large pages. william dean-salem, do. the price of subscription will be one dollar rev. n. paul-london c. h. upper canada. per anuum, always to be paid in advance. james cropper-liverpool, england. subscribers who do not particulary specify william b. bowler--port au prince, hayti. the time they wish to receive the work, or no- john b. salgues-aur cayes, do. tify the editor of a desire to discontinue it be- jacob w. prout-monrovia, africa. fore the expiration of each current year, will be postage. considered as engaged for the next succeeding the postage of the genius of universal eman- one, and their bills will be forwarded accor- || cipation is now the same as that of weekly dingly. newspapers. one cent and a half, for each pa- agents will be entitled to six copies for every | per, is the highest that can be legally charged five dollars remitted to the editor, in current within the united states. if the distance be money of the united states. less than one hundred miles, but one cent all letters and communications, intended for can be demanded. post-masters will please this office, must be addressed (free of expense) | attend to this notice. the post-office in benjamin lundy, washington, d.c. washington forwards it undert this regulation. genius of universal emancipation. edited by b. lundy-published in washington and baltimore—$ . per ann. “we hold these truths to be self-evident: that all men are created equal, and endowed by their creator with certain inalienable rights; that among these are life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness.”—declaration of independence, u.s. no. . vol. ii. third series.] august, . [whole number . vol. xii. . . the editor of the genius of universal | ty should be preserved, that the members of the emancipation expects to be from home for some national legislature may not form an excuse for length of time. yet every article, that appears in the paper, will be prepared by himself, or pass neglecting them, on account of their diversity of under his inspection, previous to insertion. character. letters, &c. must be directed to him, at washington, d. c. as usual. all business con- nected with the office will be duly attended to, slave trade in the district. in his absence. if ever a nation, under heaven, was disgrac- ed, by an act of its own, (by a deed of omission distriot of columbia-petitions to or commission,) that nation is the united states, congress. and that act is the toleration of slavery and slave- are our friends, every where, alive and awake trading in the district of columbia. much has to the importance of petitioning congress, at been said upon the subject, within a few years, the ensuing session, for the abolition of slavery | and—nothing done! a great majority of the in- in the district of columbia? surely they will habitants of the district are, unquestionably, in not lose sight of this interesting object, in the heart and soul, opposed to slavery. yet they listless apathy of careless unconcern, or the tur- are compelled to witness the abominations of the moil of party strife! do they consider that it is | abominable system, without the power to adopt yet too soon to begin their labours? let them a single measure to put an end to them. not bear in mind that the season passės swiftly on; || having a voice in the government of the terri- t and that in a few months the session of congress tory in which they reside-unrepresented in the will commence. it is, in fact, high time to put | legislative body that enacts their laws-com- the petitions in circulation, for signatures; and it || pletely disfranchised, to all intents and purposes, is gratifying to learn that in some places this has they can only look on with indignation, and wit- been done. ness the misrule of the legitimate functionaries of in the city of washington, a committee of || authority with pain and vexation. an immense twelve has been appointed, by the anti-slavery majority of the people of the united states, who society, to attend to the business. this com- holá in their hands the sovereign power, are also mittee consists of the following persons: john || decidedly opposed to the criminal practice allud. chalmers, esq. mathew hines, ulyses ward, ed to. let them, then, instruct their represen- wm. drake, george crandle, benjamin lundy, tatives in congress (who are the sole legislators william greer, philip williams, samuel || for the “ district,"') to wipe from the national, shryock, richard evans, d. a. gardner, and | escutcheon this foul blot, and thus relieve its james williams. one hundred copies of the citizens from the shame and the undeserved re. petition or memorial, for the district, have been || proach to which they are constantly subjected, placed in the hands of each member of the com- || by the existence of slavery and the slave traffic mittee, for distribution; and persons generally, || among them. who are friendly to the cause, are requested to not only are the cities of this district scanda. apply for papers, and use their efforts to pro- lized by the appearance of thousands of ignorant, cure signers. in the first ward of the city, up | degraded bondmen, and of sundry slave factories, wards of three hundred names were signed in a similar to the soul-trafficking establishments on few days. among them were those of the may- || the african coast, completely furnished with all or, and one of the judges of the court, as well as the horrible paraphernalia adapted to the hellish many other persons of high standing, numbers of business” of buying, stealing, and selling men, whom were actually slave holders. women, and children, free and bond;-not only copies of this petition have been forwarded to are the feelings of the virtuous portion of com- every state and territory of the union, in order |munity outraged by the wicked doings of fero- that those who take an interest in the matter | cious barbarians, who are regularly employed in may see the manner in which it is phrased. it || the work aforesaid-driving through the streets is expected that the petitions, in different places, their plundered human animals, manacled, and will generally be worded in accordance with the chained, and beaten, and lashed, like dumb beasts wishes of those who are expected to sign them: taken to the shambles for the harness or slaugb- s yet it would be well if some degree of uniformi." ter;-but the very officers of government, appoint- genius of universal emancipation. fiat justitia ruat cælum. ed to act as conservators of the publie peace, toge her, in their frantic agony, till they were torn by savage hands apart, and the guardians of freedom and justice, are fond arms, from twining arms, and heart from heatty never to meet again! what had they done frequently compelled to aid in carrying on this thon tool of avarice and tyranny! horrible work, by the present laws and regula- || and thy guilt haunted vells were sire and son; that they should thus be given o'er to thee, tions!!-and, further, the prisons erected there, mother and babe, all partners in one crime as dreadful as the fate that through all time solely for the purpose of facilitating the detection clings to them with a grasp they may not shun? of crimes, and the punishment of their authors, are no! let the tale be spoken, though it burn the cheek with shame to breathe it-let it go almost constantly used as actual ware-houses forth on the winds, that the wide globe may know for the storage of humax flesh and blood!! our vileness, and the rudest savage turn and point with taunting finger to the spot why, alas! shall such a state of things exist? whereon thou standest; that all men may blot our name with its deserved taint, and spurn why do not the reflecting, the moral, and the our vaunting laws of justice with the heel virtuous of the land rouse from their slumbers, of low contumely; that every peal of triumph, may be answer'd with a shout and pour into the national halls of legislation the of biting mockery, and our starry flag, our glorious banner! may, dishonor'd, drag loudest, deepest tones of unqualified command? its proud folds in the dust, or only flout the gales of heaven, to be a broader mark why do they not load the tables, fill the seats, for scorn to spit at--oh, thou depot dark! stow every apartment of the capitol! ! where souls and human limbs are meted out, in fiendish traffic-no! those weeping ones with petitions, memorials, and resolutions for the have done no evil-but their brother's hand extinction of the evil? in short, why do they hath rudely burst the sacred household band, and giver, with heart more flinty than thy stones, not adopt a sine qua non at the polls, and give his victims to thy keeping, and thy chains, till he hath sold tỈem! they within whose veins every candidate for public favour clearly to un blood like his own is coursing, and whose moans are torn from hearts as deathless as his own! derstand that his success depends on his pledge to and there thou stand'st!-where freedom's altar stone exert himself in putting an end to the hydra of is darkened by thy shadows--and the cry that thrills so fearfully upon the air, slavery in the territory of the nation, particular with its wild tale of anguish and despair, ly in the district of columbia? blends with the peans that are swelling high to do her homage! i have sometimes felt, it is, indeed, to be hoped that the time may as i could hate my country, for her guilt. until in bitter tears the mood went by. not be far distant when the subject here alluded to will engage the attention of our friends, gene- correspondence. rally, and that this “ augean«stable' may be cleansed, and the human tigers that have long the extracts of letters, to the editor of the ge been harboured therein expelled beyond its re- nius of universal emancipation, inserted below, motest enclosure. will be interesting to the readers of the work, as we conclude, for the present, with the follow. i they shew, in some degree, the feelings and ing extract from an article, which appeared ori- movements of philanthropists, in various parts ginally in this work a few months since. it is l of the union. many such extracts might from the pen of a highly esteemed correspondent, have heretofore been inserted, but they were de. to whom we are indebted for mang valuable ferred for want of room. others may hereafter communications. the opportunity is embraced be given occasionally. to correct a few typographical errors, which es- a gentleman in north carolioa, with whom we caped our notice in the first impression. the have had no acquaintance, writes, under date of article was headed, “ washington city prison," “ june , ," as follows:- we are glad to and particularly adverts to the frequent incarce perceive the honest anxiety manifested in his re- ration therein of free kidnapped, and other inno- marks. we say to him, in the sincere language cent, coloured persons. of kindest feeling: brother be of good cheer. other reformations have been promoted, and this receptacle of guilt!-hath guilt, alone, will be. nothing is wanting but a close adher. stain'd with its falling tears thy foot worn floor, ence to truth and justice, and a little active la. when the harsh echo of the closing door hath died upon the ear, and flinging prone bour, to ensure success, even upon the very prin- his form upon the earth, thy chilling, gloom seem'd to the wretch the sentence of his doum-- ciple of self interest, as well as that of public bay bear'sı thou witness to no heart-wrung groan, bursting from simdegs bosome, whom the hand of tyranı power hath sever'd from the band of the earth's holiest and dearest things, “ with all my heart, i sincerely deplore the and thrust amidst thy darkness? speak! declare slavery existing in the southern states; and i ar. if only the rude felon's curse and! mix'd with wild wail and wilder laughier rings prayer, dentiy wish some plan could be fallen upon, or within those dreary walls?--or if there be rather that it was already adopted, to abolish it, no spirit fainting there with agony, without bringing with it evils of greater magni. that not from their own crimes, but foul oppression tude. the laws, however, which are adopted springs! in a manufactory of gun powder, are, and ne- ha! am i answered?-in that startling cry, cessarily must be, entirely different from those sting from some wild breast with avguish riven, adopted in a manufactory of cut nails. and so and rising up to register in heaven it is with us;-we cannot do as we would. our its blighting tale of outrage--the reply was heard distinctly terrible. it sprung laws must be adapted to our condition. from a sad household group, who wildly clung yet i am free to confess that we do not do * safety. genius of universal emancpation. fiat justitia ruat colum. what we might do, to abolish slavery; that jus- | unprofitable in some parts: they increase in a tice and humanity are less forcible in their ope greater ratio than the whites, who are not thus rations upon us than interest. i am sorry: circumscribed. the great mass of these (the la- heartily grieved—that it is so. but such is the bouring class) will find enigration the more ne- nature of mankind., i dont believe that any peo cessary, as those become more numerous--and ple ever abolished slavery because it was hu- this will go on in arithmetical progression, in fa- mane, and just, and right; but, only, because at vour of the blacks, until the few remaining slave the time of the abolition, it better suited their in-holders will find themselves, before they are terest. sad picture, this, of mankind !-sad, but aware of it, in as critical and helpless a situation as i think, true. it has its exceptions as to in as the captain of a ship who is already barred dividuals; but whoever reasoned, or ever came under hatches by a crew of mutineers. to any just conclusion by reasoning from the ex these things, and more, are not unperceived ceptions?" by the southern people, and there is but one de- the following is from a friend, in the lower vice which they imagine will defeat the cause of liberty--and that is, by dissolving the union, part of virginia, dated " th mo. th, ." anıl seliing up for themselves--purchase or take "i have been riding through the state much || texas, and scatter their slaves throughout those vast since i wrote thee. but i find the hearts of peo. western and southern regions. there is no doubt ple generally steeled to the feelings of humani- | in my mind but that this is the true ground of all ty, their interests drowning every other notive the southern excitement about state rights, the to action or enquiry. i have not failed, how | tariff, &c. &c. it will not indeed do to be open- ever, at a single house, to call up the subject of || ly avowed by them; but mark, it will one day african oppression, and to elicit the best feel. | openly appear. ings of the people to the justice of the cause. finding however, as they will, that all those in all cases i deny the right of any one to claim schemes are futile and unavailing, i hope they property in a fellow creature in the lowest no will see the necessity of joining heart and hand sooner than in the highest. for all the condi- || with the colonization society, uniting with the tions are merely incident, as are all colours. other states, by one mighty act of the nation give that as all men are by nature equals, no set of freedom and a home to all the oppressed chil- men can lawfully commission a despot. nordren of africa within our borders." can they fasten slavery, the machinery of des. potism, upon any individual. but, on the con- slavites in the pulpit. trary, as natural equals, we cannot accumulate we know that it is a common thing, in some upon any oné unequal privileges by their own free acts, except it be for an especial purpose, || parts of our country, for what are called “ minis- and but for a limited time." ters of the gospel,” to hold slaves. and many another gentlemen, residing in the district of such, who would consider themselves grossly in- columbia, who has had many opportunities for sulted, were their “piety” even questioned, can extensive information upon the subject of slave- || wield the lash with dexterity, among the victims s ry, was lately in company with the editor, when of their tyranny, to hasten their " sluggish” obe a mutual interchange of sentiments took place, | dience-feed and clothe them scantily for their in. in a brief conversation. soon after his return cessant toil--imprecate upon them eternal tor- home we received the following, which is insert ments for trivial aggravations--and yet, with for. ed with pleasure, as being the sentiments of mal mockery, as divinely commissioned interces- sit thousands in the south. as new arguments are sors, invoke high heaven for the salvation of their d advanced, and extensively promulgated throughout | souls! some of these presumptious, self styled these regions, conviction will operate on many vicegerents of god, are, indeed, known to pos- bis minds; the good work of reformation will pro sess a full share of that malevolent ferocity which gress; and, finally, our hopes and anxious de constitutes the heartless oppressor. “i would sires will be fully realized. shoot down a man that should dare thus to deprive me of my property,” once said an ageil clergyman i rejoice that accident led me to your office. to the writer of this, when adverting to the cir. i have not given all the numbers of your estimable cumstance of a slave having been “enticed" from you had the goodness to put into || his “legal” owner:--" yes, i would shoot him my hands, a perusal--but am already abundantly trf satisfied; and request you to add my nanie to down!” he repeated, indignantly, while his grey those of your subscribers. locks formed a striking contra t to the bloody i have been sometime rejoiced at beholding, in mindedness exhibited in his wrinkled cheeks and the south, the dawning of the glorious day of uni- brow, and the bending body and outstretched arm versal emancipation, which, as sure as god is just, will in his appointed time (if his servants do called to mind the place, and the occasion, which their duty) illumine all the regions of the earth. had often witnessed their peculiar gestures. i think sir, that i see, in less than a century eine and a half, the african race in our country left it is not to be supposed that slave-holders, who in full possession of a portion of our southern fill the station here alluded to, are, generally, of states, though not a drop of blood be shed- this description. were it so, the land had, ere though not a blow be struck, or a hostile arm be now, witnessed the fate of " sodom and gomor- raised. the slave holding region is defined and circumscribed and it is already so thickly popu- || rah!" but that we have many such among us, lated with slaves, that their labour is becoming is absolutely true. corruption has found its way for dear sir: j paper, which dl d genius of universal emancipation. fiat justitia ruat cælum. ers mond, into their “ holy.office;" and they must be strip this special pleading go forth without some ap- ped of their borrowed robes--the veil must be raised | parently redeeming qualification, he accompa. that hides their hypocrisy and wickedness from nied it with the following admissions. the public view. " the censure deserved by this kind of inter- the object of these remarks is to introduce the meddling with the domestic relations of people following circumstance to the notice of our read. in the southern states, ought not, we are aware, the statement is copied from the “village nately. there has been too much iudiscrimi- to be applied to northern people indiscrimi- record,” published at westchester, pa. the nate censure cast upon them on this score.- editor of the genius of universal emancipation from a personal knowledge of the views of has procured the names of both, the clergyman many in several of the northern states, we have reason to believe that a large proportion of claiming the slave, and his clerical“ brother” who | their enlightened citizens are as decidely op- accompanied him, as witness and assistant slave | posed to dishonorable acts of this kind as their nor would we say- taker! they are here recorded, in order that their southern neighbors. while exposing the mischiefs which may result truly pious brethren of the west, who are so nobly | from enticing servants to run away—that slave. labouring in the good cause of emancipation, may ry is a subject in which northern people know who it is that have thus dishonoured their have no concern. as a national evil it con- church, and brought the clerical office to shame. cerns every citizen of our country. those of the northern states have long felt its influences the claimant of the slave was the rev. in various ways. they must therefore, feel turner; the witness and assistant, the rev. interested in its removal. indeed, as long as white. both, we learn, reside in rich- || slavery shall exist any where on earth, it will va. concern freemen, no matter how far removed from it, to use proper means to remove it- the particulars of the transaction, as published christian philanthrophy, as taught by jesus in the “ village record,” were briefly these: christ, teaches us to regard every man, of “ a painful scene was exhibited in our village whatever nation or color, as a neighbor, and as on saturday. a woman, remarkably likely, i such to do him good as we have opportunity.- about years old, who had been here for some in this view slavery concerns every body. and time and behaved very well, was arrested as a it is not the earnest wishes of our northern slave. the proof was sufficient and she was neighbors to improve the condition of the col. taken off, the semblance of sorrow and des ored people, which are to be censured-it is pair. universal sympathy seems to be felt for the injudicious, misguided efforts made by a her fate. her master, a presbyterian clergyman, || few; efforts which are of no benefit to them, from richmond, va. it was said, felt some ap- and are equally injurious in their results to the prehensions lest there should be an attempt to servants and the owners." rescue her. much as public feeling was excit- we have neither room nor inclination to wade ed, we do not apprehend there was the remotest danger. it is the law of the land, and obedience through the sophistry of the telegraph, in thus to the law is here regarded the first duty of a | endeavouring to whitewash the character of this good citizen. some talk of buying her freedom slave-holding clergyman. it is of a piece with prevailed, but it is said that the owner asked or dollars, which, of course, might be re- the logic of slaveites, every where; and all the ceived as a refusal to sell. while the richmond || persons concerned, who applaud the transaction, clergyman exercises his right to reclaim his are to be viewed as enemies de facto to true chris- slave, we shall exercise ours as the conductor of tianity-enemies to the cause of justice and gen- a free press by saying-that we hope he may be merciful, and pray that he may obtain mercy from uine republicanism. no circumstance, whatever, him whose law, if we read it aright, prescribes: can justify a “minister of the gospel” in volun. • do as ye would have others do unto you.'” tarily participating in the crime of involuntary the editor of the “southern religious tele- slavery. graph,” true to his principles, as an apologist for slavery, made a labored effort, soon after the ap- from the village record, which will further we conclude with the following paragraph, pearance of this paragraph, to ward off the odium show by what kind of spirit these clerical slave- that attached to the conduct of the clergyman. lites were actuated. christians! are these the he had much to say about the “ kind treatment" « fruits” of your blessed religion?--no! no!! extended to this “ deluded” slave-descarted largely on the impropriety of her leaving so good a “ painful as it may be, though not necessary here, it may be proper to our entire justification master-spoke of the injustice of others, in har- with the citizens of virginia, to state what we boring her--took it for granted that she had been regard the highly improper conduct of this persuaded to elope, &c.--leaving every thing out clergyman and his assistant. without notice, without the least suggestion, without legal of sight, like a sheer pettifogger, that would warrant, they burst into the house of dr. bar. militate against his argument, --and was as | ber, one of our most respectable citizens, seiz. plausible, perhaps, throughout, as the soul-pirateed on the girl who was his hired servant, and hawkins, when summoned before the throne of | although she made no resistance and begged not to be ill treated, immediately put her in queen elizabeth, to account for his unchristian irons (tho’ they were taken off soon after.) so and horrible proceedings! yet, unwilling to let ll sudden an invasion of the sacredness of a pri- go genius of universal emancipation. the papers. ta in fiat justitia ruat cælum. vate dwelling--so rude--the putting on irons! | volt at the idea of perpetuating the curse of slave. created the greatest alarm and threw mrs bar- | ry, to be entailed upon the children of men from ber into tears!' dr barber had no suspicion || generation to generation, unless we use every that she was a slave or a runaway. we would exertion on our part to retard the use of such ask the high minded citizens of richmond, who products as are raised by the hands of slaves. regard with the independent spirit of the an- || however the proceedings and resolutions adopt- cient doininion, their house as their castle, ed by a society of females in philadelphia, are what they would say to any body, from north or well worthy the notice of our northern females, south, on invading thus rudely thcir domicil?- of all complexions; and we would suggest the suppose from georgia or louisiana, any slave propriety of establishing, and that speedily, one hunter, without notice, were to burst into their or more of the above societies in this place; and apartments! we know what would be their "hile we recommend their adoption, hesitate language to clergyman or king. they would not to say, so laudable an undertaking must meet not sit down satisfied with mere paragraph in || the approbation and support of every free citizen among us, and, thereby strike the axe to the root of foreign and domestic slavery. productions of slave labor!" in the last number of the genius of universal kidnapping new jersey by the emancipation, we adverted to the circumstance agent of a maryland senatur!! of the broken finger having been found among from the following statement, it appears that the sugar in a cup of coffee; and likewise copied a child entitled to its freedom, has been taken the statements respecting the discovery of a hu from the state of new jersey, in company with man body in one cask of molasses, and a human | its father and mother, who were seized as slaves head in another. it is probable that many of our belonging to citizens of maryland. one of readers were sadly worried to digest these items these persons has, for some time, officiated as of information. but notwithstanding they may a senator. the paragraph is copied from consider the subject locthsome, we must ask their the philadelpnia “daily chronicle." what attention to another case of a similar character. do we here behold! two slaves and a free we have been very credibly informed that a person incarcerated, first in a tavern, man in the interior of pennsylvania purchased a then in the city prison of phil- cask of molasses a few years since, from which || adelphia, to be transported to the hand of a human being was taken, having | the south!!! spirits of franklin and find- been broken off at the wrist. a considerable || ley! are such the results of your legislation? did portion of the molasses had been used, previous | you recommend your prisons to be employed for to the discovery; but the remainder was (very || such purposes? no, indeed--and were you pre- naturally !) disposed of as “damaged nierchan- sent, at this moment, how would your honest in- dignation be roused, and your thundering elo- it is very common for people, who wish to lead quence be heard, in unmeasured denunciation of an easy and unconcerned life, to object to the those scandalous deeds! narration of facts like these: but it is by such “ horrors of slavery. a few nights past, means that they are to be made acquainted with a cottage near haddonfield, new jersey, was broken open, and a man with his wife and child the nature and extent of the horrible evil of sla- | carried off. they were subsequently examined very, which they directly contribute to support. || before john r. sickler, one of the judges of the the finger and the hand were undoubtedly bro- || inferior court of conmon pleas, who granted a ken off by having been caught in the niills for passport for their removal: the man as the slave of ezekiel f. chambers, and the woman as the grinding cane. slave of wilmer. the infant, being born in new jersey, is free by law. they were afterwards “african sentinel." imprisoned in kokersperger's tavern, in federal the fourth number of this interesting periodical | street, near the arsenal, and from thence remov- has made its apparance. it is sill issued month- ed to the debtor's apartment of arch street pris. on as the slaves of charles knight. a writ of ly, and will doubtless, become a work of great | habeas corpus was taken out, but before it was utility to the coloured people. it is now con- served, they were carried off.” ducted with a tact and ability, to which a vast equality in nhis british islands. number of the newspaper editors of the day may a colored man, of the name of brown, was in vain aspire to. success atlend it. recently nominated by the governor, and elected we copy the following editorial paragraph a magistrate of the city of kingston, jamaica. from it, to shew the interest manifested in that quarter relative to the object of our associations colored slave holders. for the use of the productions of free labor. the following statement, from a london pa- " we know of no object claiming public at- tention more deservedly, than the above, and as per, presents the subject of slavery in a differ- such recommend it to the notice of all our north- ent light from that in which many have beneld eren brethren, and particularly to those, who re-ll it. but we have numerous colored slave hold. dize." : i no i genius of universal emancipation. fiat justitia ruat caelum. affairs of hayti. ers in the united states. in every point of cha- | in the airection of the storm”--the frightful roar- racter they materially resemble the whites. they ings of the tempest will cease--the forests and are, surely, of the same “species!” they are the bowers will remain unscathed-the fields rather more inclined to justice, however, it will exhibit the wavings of the “golden grain,” would seem. as before—and, finally, the sun of peace and « on the th ultimo in the debate on west | tranquility will re-appear, illuminating with its india negro slavery, in the british house of wonted brightness, and cheering with its smiles. commons, dr. lushington stated that the free | let us, then, live in hope, and faithfully labour people of colour in the island of jamaica, pos: in the holy cause. our reward will be sure, sessed seventy thousand slaves, and had author- ized him to consent to a measure for the eman and our happiness eternal. cipation of those slaves, if it should be consid. ered necessary.” no rebellion among the people yet—no fam- kentucky. ine-no war with france! every thing is tran- we have not learned that the emancipation quil, except the natural elements; and they society, in kentucky, has yet gone into ope breathe as almly there as elsewhere! it would tion. but the “ western luminary,” of june seem that no " power of darkness" can be con- d, informs us that robert p. aller, of jured up, from the deep caverns of their coral shelby county, and g. h. briscoe, of mercer world, either to blast the inhabitants of that un- county, had authorized their to earthly region with his pestilence, or to shatter be added to the forty-eight recorded in this ) its strong foundations and overturn their rock- work some time since. the number required || bound isle! even the haytien news manu- to organize the society is, therefore, made facturers, of jamaica, evidently despair of up; and we may soon expect to hear some compassing their destruction, and have invented thing further of their philanthropic proceedings. | no “new” article, for the purpose, of late. in the mean time, the friends of emancipation at the date of our last accounts, the president and colonization, are circulating memorials to was in the southern part of the island, remote the legislature of the state, for the signature of || from the seat of government, visiting his fellow the citizens. we have before us a copy of one citizens, and receiving their friendly congratula- of these memorials, which will be further po tions. ticed, at a future period. wishes nothing-perseverance eve- names ry thing. pects. encouraging vs. discouraging pros- steady perseverance is of more value than transient heroism. many a fortress has yielded in an editorial article, reviewing the prosper- to a siege, that was impregnable to the power ous state of this union, upon the late anniver- of assault. sary of american independence, the editor of the advocates of african emancipation, to be the “greensborough patriot,” published in guil- successful, must constantly bear this in mind. ford couniy, north carolina, bas this paragraph, || there are thousands who wish, aye, wish them in allusion to the system of slavery:-- prosperity in their undertaking, and even pro- “but in our rapid march to that maturity for | fess a willingness to assist in its consummation; which we seem to have been destined, we have | but yet they shrink from every species of labor, obstinately and blindly cultivated the seeds of our ultimate and inevitable prostration. the and every thing like active exertion. they wage sunshine of peace and of plenty has long beam no moral war—they fly at the approach of the ed its brightest rays upon our happy country; enemy! what are their wishes worth? what but a dark cloud is collecting in our horizon, which portends a direful storm! we leave the will their professions accomplish? advocates of reader to pause and reflect.” this description, are of little more value than the ah! truly, friend swaim, it is a “dark cloud,” | insects that float in the ambient atmosphere. indeed. but it hovers so near the earth, that it they are mere sun-shine ephemera, whose gilded may be dispelled, or borne back, by the peace- l wings droop at the first pelt of a rain-drop, from ful breezes of pious, moral, and political exer- the van of the storm! tion. there are, now, many wholesome counter currents in the corrupted atmosphere. let us projected insurrection. remove a few more of the towering obstructions we have before alluded to the subject of the in their various channels--obstructions that are following paragraph. though we have no con. purely artificial, and may be as easily destroyed | firmation of it, the fact is not improbable. ven- as created--then shall we soon perecive a change.ll geance is accumulating in the land of despotism ;, genius of universal emancipation. fiat justitia ruat colum. and it will assuredly burst forth with tremendous their increasing intelligence, their hostility, and fury, if justice be not admitted to a participa. | their power! tion in the councils of those in authority. here but we shall not enter at large upon the dig. we see them drawing the cord of oppressioncussion of this topic now. our object, in allud still tighter, as they become apprehensive of dan- | ing to it at present, is merely to hint the import. ger! o the blindness of erring mortals! where ance of acquainting ourselves more fully with the shall this infatuation end? condition and resources of the mexican republic, “ fearful discovery.--we were favoured by and the character of its citizens. yesterday's mail with a letter from new orleans, the writer commences his article with a review of may st. (says the jacksonville observer,) in which we find that an important discovery had of the mexican population. he says: been made a few days previous, in that city. . the united states of mexico formed their the following is an extract:-"four days ago, constitution in , upon the plan of our fede- as some planters were digging under ground, || ral union. the deviations are but trifling.- they found a square room containing , stand states and territories, these last all in the north of arms, and , cartridges; each of the car and on our frontiers,compose the confederation. a tridges containing a bullet." the negroes, it is | president is elected for four years, and cannot be said, intended to rise as soon as the sickly scason re-elected. a senate of two members from each began, and obtain possession of the city massa state, and a deputy for each , population, creeing the planters and white population. the form the congress. same letter states that the mayor had prohibited every man at eighteen years of age becomes the opening of sunday schools for the instruc a voter; no other qualification is required. there tion of blacks, under a penalty of five hun is no distinction of property, taxation, or color. dred dollars for the first offence, and for the indians and mestizos, negroes and mulattoes, are second, death!!!” equally free citizens and voters. although ne- groes are but few, there is a negro general in the army. this is considered a great improvement the mexicans, in . over our federal constitution, which acknowl. a very interesting article under the above title, | edges all men as free and equal, yet allows of appeared in a philadelphia publication, a few negro slavery and indian oppression. the population of the mexican states is nearly months since. it purports to be a translation from eight millions. it has increased ever since , the manuscript of a traveller; and from the when it was only , , and even during the apparent candour exhibited in the language of civil war of the revolution and independence, the article itself, together with the coroborating || calculated that , have perished in these since in it was only , , although it is testimony derived from other sources, we have no wars and troubles. it is annually increasing, since doubt of its authenticity and general correctness. in it was only , , . this population is divided as follows: the very interesting attitude which the mex- ican nation has latterly assumed among the civi- . the most numerous are the unmixed indians, which are about four millions. lized and independent nations of the earth, and . the mestizos or offspring of spaniards, the important bearing which so powerful a go and indians, about two millions. vernment of coloured people must in future have . the creoles, are about , , .' . the zambos, or offspring of indians and upon the destinies of this slave holding republic, negroes, about , including the mulattoes are well calculated to awaken the reflections of of white and black blood and many of mixt origin. every christian philanthropist. admitting that . the negroes, about , . the states of this union may be permitted to up-reduced to , , were , before the revo . guachupins, or spaniards born in spain, now hold this iniquitous system of slavery for fifty | lution and late expulsion. years to come,-the situation of things must then . the esteros, or strangers of various nations, be awful in the extreme! no intelligent man, in english, french, italian, german, americans, &c. about , . * his sober senses, can doubt that the whole of the their relative population evinces that the la- west indian archipelago will be completely rid || dians and mestizos form the bulk of the pation, of that system within much less time, and the and now having equal rights are surely to rule it at a future time. the guachupins were once governments thereof administered principally by || the rulers; the creoles have succeeded them, and the now despised and maltreated coloured race. been compelled to admit the indians (whom they the population of those islands may, at the pe. nick.name unrational! calling themselves ration. riod mentioned, be estimated, perhaps, at fifteen al !) to equal rights, in order to carry on the struggle of the revolution, which could not have millions—that of the mexicans, at thirty millions been achieved without their help; but they fore- -while the coloured inhabitants of the united see that power cannot last long in their hands., and wisely try to amalgamate the casts. none states, without adverting to the numerous indian but the most deluded try to stem the current of tribes within our borders, will probably enumerate | irresistable number, power, and future sway. eight or ten millions more. all these will (if the these indians, much calumniated, are by present system of unmitigated slavery continues) | far better than the spaniards and creoles in many respects. they are mild, gentle, industrious, be actuated by every natural feeling of enmity | good, honest and kind: they love each other, towards us;--and what may we then expect from i respect their parents, never steal, cheat, desolve, t genius of universal emancipation. fiat justitia ruat cælum. & nor lie. this applies to the bulk of them, who left their masters in the war or were freed by are all commonly cultivators, or to nine out of them. in ail the sugar plantations this was found ten. those who live in the cities, or near them, very advantageous to the owners. one hundred are more or less tainted by the vices of the cre- free negroes, although receiving double wages oles, and exceed them in iheir thirst for pulque than the indians, are found to produce as much and aguardiente. while far from the towns they || sugar as two hundred do in cuba, without the are quite sober: intoxication, however has not owners supporting their wives and children; or the same effect on them as on the northern to produce froin to dollars each in sugar, tribes. pulque, or the beer of maguey, is not at a mere salary of or dollars. these stronger than spruce beer, and merely renders negroes are, however, overpaid, and are in con- them heavy and stupid; and the aguardiente is a sequence become drunkards, vicious and unruly. bad kind of spanish brandy; it makes them ra- || indians, if properly taught, would perform the ther sullen, seldom poisy, and never outageous. same labour at half price. the indians dislike it is not in the vicinity of towns that they must the negroes, and yet intermarry with them with- be judged; it is only in their villages and fields out much difficulty. their offspring, called that they are seen to advantage, in their genuine || zambos, are very hardy and clever; they appear simplicity and worth. to be best calculated to bear the pestiferous cli- their physical character is somewhat different mate of the lowlands, and not liable to the black from the northern tribes. they are commonly | vomit that there attacks the whites, the indians, of a ruddy complexion, rather small, the highest and even the negroes. men seldom exceed five and a half feet; many the mestizos (or half-breeds, as called else- have aquiline noses and large eyes. there is, where,) unite the good qualities of their respec- however, much diversity, according to the tribes. tive parents. they are handsome, active, in- in zacatecas and the mountains they are as white dustrious and gentle, while the females are often as the creoles, and the women are beautiful, || handsomer than the creoles.” whiter than the creole ladies, and even with rosy cheeks. the whites in the mexican republic, are divi- the indians make excellent soldiers, both in- || ded into three classes the esteros, strangers; fantry and cavalry. before the revolution the the guachupins, natives of spain; and the creoles, spaniards did not allow them the use of fire arms; now they are armed and trained as militia.-' || descendants of spaniards, born in mexico. the they feel their strength and yet do not abuse it first are generally favorites with the indians, the creoles at least are the leaders in nearly all provided they conform to their customs. they the strifes and civil commotions. by the military laws now in operation, owing to the war with | find no difficulty in intermarrying with creoles, spain not being ended yet, all citizens, the indi- || if they embrace the catholic religion. the ans of course included, must serve for three || north americans were once the most favoured; years in the army, from eighteen to twenty-one. each state has an army, from which a rate is sent “but the english ascendancy, and late occurren- to the federal army, now confined to , | ces, have changed the scale.” the second are after these three years active service, considered by the great mass of the people as they are enrolled in the militia and allowed to return home; but liable to be called upon again at inimical to the new order of things, and viewed any emergency. thus a formidable army and in the light of the tories of the united states. militia is formed, mostly native indians, who | many of them have been expelled the country, may be called upon to perform important actions in future, and perhaps to revenge the wrongs of as the loyalists were subsequent to the revolution the indian race over the posterity of all their in these states. the third class, or creoles, have oppressors to the north and south. been in power since the expulsion of the span- thus the descendants of the ancient mexican | iards, as above mentioned. but in order to give and other tribes subdued by the spaniards, and the reader a correct idea of their relative stand- either enslaved or made abject vassals, are be. come freemen. every village bas an indian al- ||ing in community, we again quote our author: calde or chief, now elected every two years. in the villages where hereditary chiefs or cazics || many with the indians, who are gradually becom- they occupy all the offices, sharing however were retained, they are commonly re-elected | ing the majority in congress and the state legis- every time, being so much respected by their laiures. the two classes are merging or blending people." under the revived national name of mexicans, our author next adverts to the religious per- but the wealth and knowledge of the creoles will formances of the inhabitants, &c. a great por perhaps balance for a long while the numbers tion of them embrace the catholic faith; but || and votes of the indians. the mestizos, although siding with the indians, form a mutual link of among those of the purest indian blood, many some influence between the two above classes.” of the rites of the ancient religion are still ad- the article, under review, is quite too long hered to, and, indeed, the influence of the church is losing its hold on them, and liberal to dispose of in one number of this work. in our next we shall introduce his views of mexican opinions are fast gaining ground. protestant politics. his statement relative to the resources christianity will, no doubt, soon find a footing there. of the nation, are also very interesting, and will speaking of the african decendants, the author | be duly noticed. remarks: “slavery has been happily abolished without ference with their local concerns, and benton's project for the . among these late occurrences" were poinsett's inter difficulty; the negroes and maleto slaves either il nequäition of texat.-ed. g. v. e. men. genius of universal emancpation. tures. principally conducted by a lady. . bp . ch - ie be fiat justitia ruat cælum. ladies' repository. of our country women exhibit for the wrongs and misery of such numbers of their fellow crea- philanthrophic and literary. had slavery never existed in the united states, and a proposition was made at this day, to introduce the system as it now stands- to cruelty. “ i would not number in my list of friends, plunge two millions of human beings into a state (though graced with polished manners and fine sense, of vile servitude,---make woman's hitherto sacred yet wanting sensibility) the man form an article of merchandize in the open mar- who heedlessly sets foot upon a worm:” how often is this sentence repeated and its ket place, and mark the infant in the smiling innocence of his cradle years, for a destiny of sentiment admired, nay, perhaps acted upon, by those who, while they would not willingly de- ignominy, chains and wretchedness,--would not stroy the meanest insect, yet unscrupulously sup- every female heallt throb with indignation, port a system, and become associates in the op- every cheek be wet with tears, every lip quiver with the earnestness of its entreaties that so pression by which millions of human beings are trodden down by the feet of their brethren into dark a stain of shame and guilt might be avert- ed from our conntry. there would be an the very dust of humiliation, and their hearts universal manifestation of opposing sentiment crushed and mangled with unpitying inhumanity! if to those who love their creator, every living from our sex, and every means would be em. thing is dear for his sake,--if it be sinneedlessly ployed by them for the prevention of such an evil. yet what difference in guilt is there, to torture the meanest reptile, or sport with the between the adoption and retention of practices pangs of even the venomous serpent--how much the more should christian hearts be filled with of cruelty ? what is wrong in its commencement must certainly remain so during its continuation, tenderness towards those whose souls are immor- and slavery does and ever must render its sup- tal as their own-how much the more, shrink from any participation in the guilt of deliberately porters liable to the imputation of inhumanity. heaping hot coals of agony upon a brother's heart. coloured female free produce society. compassion and mercy are peculiarly the at we begin to grow proud of our countrywomen. tributes of woman's nature, and in ail the wide | for a long time we could not ihink only with deep range of excellencies with which her character mortification of their unworthy negligence of the may be adorned, there are none which can atone piteous call of their suffering fellow creatures. for the absence of these qualities. every woman in england societies were forming in almost therefore should be interested in preserving these every corner and section of the country. here virtues unsullied in the bosom of her sex, and only one existed, to cheer with its usefulness zealous to remove any cause by which they are and activity the broad waste of inertness that liable to be uprooted and dishonoured. that it surrounded it. but the prospect is now growing is in the natuie of slavery to produce these brighter. there are luminous spois rising over the effects, cannot be doubted by any one who will gloomy horison. the thought of our country's give the most cursory attention to the subject. dixon and greenfield rises like a beacon of hope the frequent or continual presence of scenes of | amidst its darkness, and the many manifestations human suffering and degradation, must tend to of an increasing interest in the fate of those who deaden the finer feelings, and render callous to have been so long suffered hopelessly to perish the voice of pity, those hearts that would once beneath the curse of slavery, seem to offer a con- have shared every pang endured by the unhappy || solatory promise that a happier day is yet in store sufferers. there is abundant evidence to prove for them. that it is so. our memory is crowded with cor it is especially pleasing to us that so many of our roborative facts. it is evinced by the revolting, i coloured sisters have united entering the field but not unfrequent exibition of female names, of emancipation. if we have hitherto said but attached to slave advertisements, in the southern | little respecting their association, it was not be- newspapers; by the circumstance of woman's cause we have beheld its formation and progress often claiming her fellow creatures as property with indifference, for the remeinbrance of it sel- - buying or selling them, tasking them for her dom crosses our thought without bringing with it service, ordering the infliction of the lash, and a feeling of exultation. their promptness and sometimes herself superintending their punish- numbers are a reproach to the inactive careless ment. nay, the very existence of slavery in our ness of so many of their wbite sisters: and we country, in itself establishes the truth of our rea- sincerely hope they will persevere undiscouraged soning for what is there but their long familiar in the noble course they have commenced. to knowledge of that circumstance to account for bear of their activity and usefulness will al- the strange want of sympathy which so many ways be a high pleasure to us, and we wish that i genius of universal emancipation. fiat justitia ruat cælum. their excellent example may not be lost either world no doubt would bestow its meed of praise upon their sisters of a fairer hue, or those of their on such an individual and high eulogy be poured own colour in other places. we rejoice also on out lavishly from ten thousand lips, we doubt their own accounts at the step they have taken; whether the sacrifice would be as acceptable in it is one that is calculated to raise them both in the sight of heaven, and would betoken far less their own respect, and that of others, and in itself disinterested love for the human family, than the to contribute to the elevation of their characters. same acts performed unobtrusively, and with we learn that some of our friends of the free scarce a hope of their benefitting a single indi- cotton association have at different times met vidual. great things are not expected from our with them, and that a number of their members sex. it is unity of purpose that we want ; re- have attended the meetings of that society. these peated, untiring exertions, no more visible in their manifestations of reciprocal good feeling afford single effects than one stroke of the spade or the us much pleasure, and both societies have our pickaxe, and yet capable in their completion of warmest wishes for their prosperity and advance. | opening a channel by which the death-breathing waters of oppression may escape from our land, ment in usefulness. and the mountains of injustice, which now rise like terseverance. unsightly excrescences on her else beautiful pro- it has been remarked by dr. johnson that « all | portions,“ be removed and cast into the sea' of the performances of human art, at which we look | non-entity and oblivion. with praise or wonder, are instances of the re- sistless force of perseverance : it is by this that neutrality. the quarry becomes a pyramid, and that distant there is no neutral ground' lying between countries are united by canals. if a man was the opponents and the upholders of slavery, to compare the effect of a single stroke of the || which may serve as a retreat for the indolence or pickaxe, or of one impression with a spade, with the indifference of the uninterested observer. the general design and last result, he would be the very circumstance of remain ing inactive, overwhelmed with the sense of their dispropor-leagues those who are so, to the cause of the op- tion : get those petty operations, incessantly pressor, and weakens the hands of the support. continued, in time surmount the greatest diffi- ers of emancipation. slavery can be annihilated culties ; and mountians are levelled, and oceans | peaceably only by the potency of the public bounded, by the slender force of human beings." voice, and when that commands its downfall, it the correctness of this observation is abun- i can endure no longer. dantly made manifest by the knowledge or ex surely then it is the duty of those who are perience of every one. nor are the effects of | friendly to the cause of abolition, to give such a succession of almost imperceptible efforts, as action to their wishes, as may enable justice to siduously directed to one object, more remarkably | know her own adherents; and can they be other- apparent in manual industry, than mental labours | wise than culpable, who, continuing to lend their or moral reformation. to those who are with support to slavery by the use of its productions, holding their hands from doing good to the cause deprive its opponents not only of the benefit of of emancipation from an apprehension of their their numerical strength, but of the effect of their own weakness, we may offer the above paragraph | example upon others? we have seldom-that presenting strong grounds for encouragement, and we recollect at present never-conversed with as strikingly pointing out the duty of casting || any person upon the subject, who did not ac. their help and their influence into its treasury, || knowledge that if abstinence from slave produce though their offering should seem, in their own were steadily persevered in by a sufficient num- estimation, even less than the “two mites which ber of persons, it would secure the accomplisha make a 'farthing.” we would also put our ment of its object. and how strange is it, that readers upon reflecting, whether they do indeed with such sentiments, so few are willing to adopt restrain those offerings only from a sense of their the plan they approbate. those who act con- unworthiness, or whether the plea is not often | sistently in other points, in this seem totally for- made use of as an excuse for indolence or selfish | getful of their professions; and even the fine could the work of emancipation be at || sympathies of woman scarcely vibrate beneath once completed, by the practice of such exer the touch of compassion for the sufferings of the tions and acts of self denial in one individual as slave. she looks upon the delicate drapery of we wish to see general among our sex, there are her form, and not a thought of the unhappy be. few females who would not with rapture performing by whose extorted toil its material was ſur- a task to which was annexed such a glorious nished, disturbs her self-complacency. the des triumph, and such a rich reward. yet though the spairing death-cry of the victim, perishing at the ness. genius of universal emancipation. fiat justitia ruat cælum. to, stake, never comes with its long echo to mar the by tiger hearted men--no more to see, pleasures of her banquet; nor the heavy fall of | nor ever more embrace parental arms nor parents them enjoy; but pine away the red lash, beneath whose every stroke the hot | their days, with thoughts of wo they're destin'd blood spouts up, from the torn flesh of perhaps an unoffending female; or the shriek and sob of among thy many crimes, oh! christendom, not one more complicated, one more black agony when the heated iron does its office, and than this--men too are taught to fight. the indelible brand of servitude is stamped upon see afric's sons, from thirst of gain (conferd) the quivering flesh. but she lays none of these with reeking blades, nor pity taught to show, nor wont to yield, fall welt'ring in their blood! things to her heart. she turns revoltingly from see captur'd wretches, marched now along the recital, and strives to forget the knowledge toward the ship; nor dare they turn an eye of their existence, instead of endeavouring to to bid farewell their country or their friends; rouse all over whom she may have any influ- but hastened are on board the sailing bark, where close confin’d, beneath the deck they're in ence, to aid in the extinction of the system, bound, which such horrors originate. yet she may well | midst noxious stench-where many pine and die! listen with a shuddering heart, when such narra- parents compellid, must quit their golden coast, tives are sometimes forced upon the unwilling | rent from their babes--husband and wife must ear; for these and all the long list of human suffer part ings, consequent upon slovery, are perpetuated by the || and bid adieu--heart broken sighs ascend! how wish'd for now, the stroke of death im- use of its productions. plor'd that king of terrors to the human breast, is now most sought-no remedy but this. the following interesting poetic article was to free from bonds, free from the galling yoke- recently communicated to the editor of the ge. see black despair--the swollen breast ascends nius of universal emancipation, by an highly | on deck, and resolute to end his woe, plunges himself into the watery main! esteemed female friend in philadelphia. it was nor does he dread at all the griin jaw'd shark; written, many years since, by elisha thornton, but meets of choice the monster's deadly fangs. a minister of the gospel, of high standing, in the the few poor drooping souls who reach the isles, society of friends, at new bedford massachu- are like the beasts of burden, scourged on, setts. it is a touching appeal to the heart of in hunger, thirst and toil, 'till death release! philanthropy. . we bespeak for it an attentive || why neptune ever taught to plow the deep! why e'er columbia's ships were wafted o’er! perusal from our readers. or why this western world at all explor'd, to prove the seat of woe--untimely gravem on the slave trade. of many milions of that sable race! almighty father, thine the righteous cause, alas! alas! for britain, france, and spain, nor does the muse presume the task (tov great alas! for you, our states, why long combin'd for mortal man) without a deep felt need to tyrannize--vain the attempt to joy- of holy aid; may thou inspire the theme.-- tott'ring our peace-a baseless fabric stands, long groaned the seed beneath the heavy task, while thus exulting in righteous gain.-- where nilus' flood o'erflows her fertile banks. in vain or states shall bail the youthful morn where pharoah proud, with adamantine heart, of peaceful independence, in our land, exulted long, exulted in the wo ”till afric's sons to liberty's restored. of jacob's seed, till tenfold vengeance sent oh may the late catastrophe suffice, to plagd their cause, to set the captive free. when like the mountain cataract, wild waste lo! afric's children, they in bondage too, o'erspread, and ravag'd through a flourishing long griev'd, without a corresponding sigh, jand. to soothe their languid hearts; save in a few, that woful day--in which we left to dash who echo'd back their agonizing moan. with britain's sons, as earthern pitchers brake. come feeling heart and view the tragic scene, thou spirit benign! wby stay'd thy furbish'd come view the massacre on afric's shore, sword? a scene of blood, shed by uninjured men, why not provok'd to send us famine too? bý men who worship at the shrine of gain; with pestilence, thy terror striking rod' by men who bow in mammon's temple, where to scourge the world, for crimes of deepest dye, they sacrifice, where they their birth-right's sell || but gracious thou! our eyes unclos'd to see for pottage poor, their hands imbue in blood. grim tyranny, that monster from beneath, most horrible the havoc made of men; who sits proud regent of the lowest abyss. detested more, by how much they profess may britain fraught with clarksons multiply'd, the sacred name, the name of bim who bled and may our states with woolmans meek for sinful man! not causing men to bleed. abound, what but the charms of gold, alluring wealth? with benezets, conspire to plead their cause.-- what but a loss to every sense of good? may ruling powers, too, unite with these what but some demon from the lowest pit, and set the captive free--then peace shall flow. could stimulate the noble mind of man, god bless our states, unite them in a band. to deeds so black, under the gospel day! to kidnap little children as they pass, or while the sultry hours by them are spent, we are pleased with youthful philanthropy. - in pretty prattle, by some golden brook, here is an unfledged muse."-but tho’ its or in some cooling bower- , snatch'd away pinion is green in age, its eye is aloft, roaming ! genius of universal emancipation. ela. fiat justitia ruat cælum. the etherial expanse. anon its flight will be of inhumanity to our bosoms! let not her fearful voice of upbraiding tingle in our ears with re. more daring, and its soaring high. proaches for cruelty and hardheartedness! let for the genius of universal emancipation. not the forms of the thousands of our own sex juvenile advice. who are pining a way their lives in misery and rise, freemen, rise! the call goes forth; ignominy, flit around us at that hour, like tormen. list to the high command-- ting spirits, accusing us of withholding our hands obedience to the word of god, from their succour, and instead of raising them, throughout this mighty land. when we might have done so, from the pit idio rise, free the slave! oh! burst his chains; which they were fallen, of taking part with their his fetters cast ye down; oppressors in plunging them still deeper amidst let virtue be your country's pride, its darkness. her diadem and crown,-- that the blest day may soon arrive, from the anti-masonic register. when equal all shall be, the question. and freedom's banner waving high what is the prospect of the emancipationists? proclaim that all are free. harriet. do they look through the long vista of retros. pection on the days, the years of fatigue and toil, for the genius of universal emancipation. and ceaseless anxiety, and find that the effects of their excitations amount only to a cypher? do the grave stones. they anticipate the future, and see a succession of " oh the gravc! the grave!” toil and privation, in reserve to compensate their in passing along the new york canal, during efforts? do they behold on every side broth- last summer, my attention was attracted by the ers, and sisters, writhing in excessive agony, now sight of one or two white tombstones, which extending their trembling hands, or raising their stood at a short distance from the water, on the swollen and tearful eyes, imploring compassion side of an uneven bill, with no enclosure about and assistance? must they behold these and feel them, and not even a tree or shrub nigh, to re- that they can only pity? doth the rushing of the lieve their aspect of bleak loneliness. the grave north wind, and the gentle fanning of the wes. is always an eloquent teacher; whether it lie tern zephyr, alike bear on their wings the moans annid the close walls of a crowded city, or amongers: in the midst of scenes which daily present and heart-rending sighs of the unhappy suffer- the silent fields and flower fringed water courses, or deep in the bosom of the wilderness, alike dis- mementoes of their wrongs, must they feel that tant from the dwelling places of living men and they can do nothing to lessen the weight of their the company of the quiet people of the church- woes? no, no; prospects brighter far, are theirs. yard; whether it be marked by a poinpous little has been done, they see that the founda. when they review the past, though little, very niausoleum, or only a slight swelling of the green turf; wbether it be wrapped over the cold re- tion of a mighty fabric has been laid, that the mains of what was once the home of the earth's glorious work has commenced, has progressed most gifted spirit, or fold in its dark embraces too far to be easily retarded. they behold the the ashes of some nameless mendicant, still there night shades of prejudice retiring; the day has comes from its silent recesses a tone of mystery dawned! the orient sky is streaked with light and awe, that wakens a responsive thrill in the that precedes the rising of freedom's sun in pur- cuids of almost every human bosom. est brightness. the field of labour is extensive. there is one who will remember to have stood it enlarges at almost every view. the crime of with me beside a quiet place of graves, when the slavery is of greatest magnitude, and must first beautitul moonbeams slept on the white monu- be removed; but not with the accession of the ments, hushing insensibly the meriment of our people of color to the rights of freemen, are the hearts, with their pure and exceeding brightness, exertions of the friends of justice to cease. no! and fitting us to listen heedfully to the solemn, they must labour long, and hard, and faithfully but not their painful lesson of the page of death? || -- undergo another series of privations, face new that scene, spoke only of the tranquillity and dangers, and encounter enemies more formida. dable than a host of southern planters. every peacefulness of the sepulchre: though surrounded by the homes of men, and all the earthliness of obstacle that presents serves but to incite them to erring humanity, within there was the hush | greater diligence. they feel the calm satisfac- of an undisturbed calmness, and the soft moon- tion attendant upon a faithful discharge of duties light ſell upon it like a blessing of peace on the to be an ample compensation for the hardships soul of the departing righteous, separating it from they have endured in the fulfilment thereof. all the turmoil and vanity of earthly passions. but they look to him to whom they owe those du- those lonely and unguarded graves left exposed ties; and if he but smile upon the undertaking, to be trodden over by the rude foot of the beasts vain and impotent will be every effort of human of the field, with the hot sun basking upon them wisdom to overthrow it. in noontide sultriness, and tall weeds flourishing philadelphia, th mo. , . luxuriantly around them, seemed to shadow out the dreary and unsupported condition of that soul, che olio. from which the tares of evil had not been up- rooted, and which is sumnioned, unprepared, enter into the presence of its eternal judge. it is well sometimes to think upon the grave. to gather to our hearts solemn images of the last we have received one of the rejected essays, hour, and to enquire of lethargic conscience, || submitted to the inspection of the committee of what errors of neglect or thoughtlessness she will || the pennsylvania abolition society, by which then bring forward to our recollection, to add to the premium of fifty dollars was recently award- the lerrors and darkness that are gathering over ed to evan lewis for that inserted in the genius our souls. ob let her not send the awful charge ll of universal emancipation for the last month. eliza, notices communications-selections. to correspondents. genius of universal emancipation. fiat justitia ruat cælum. *** this essay is of moderate length, and will pro- bably appear in our next. a very interesting letter from a gentleman, at present in washington, was received a short time since, principally treating on the subject of african colonization. owing to the absence of the editor, and not having his papers with it has remained unnoticed. it will shortly be attended to. while the editor is from home, he hopes that his correspondents will excuse every una- voidable inattention. for the genius of universal emancipation. poland. "let struggling poland now be free!" is rung aloud, from sea to sea, while every patriot in the land is lending her his heart or hand, let us begin this side the wave- first rid our country of the slave- then with hearts pure, and unstain'l hands, we'll go, and join the feeble bands, that freedom seek in other lands. i a. z. for the genius of universal emancipation. for the genius of universal emancipation. the slave's farewell. doings at washinton. list! on the ev'ning gale. is this kidnapping!--in hopes of stumbling is wafted a plaintive strain; on a reward, b arrests an ethiopean, and commits list! it is woman's wail, him to prison on suspicion of his being a slave. o’er hopes that in dust are lain. no evidence is offered of his being such, but cir- feelings, to nature true, cumstances prevent his proving his freedom. no have prompted the tear to start; one claims him, and he must now be sold for his list! 'tis a mothers adieu, jail ſees. cpuri hases him at the jailors sale for and wrung from a broken heart! one dollar, and sells him for four hundred dollars, • fath.er! from thee is borne and the unfortunate finds himself transfered from the theme of thy hopes and fears; the washington to the alexandria jail, for safe mother! from thee is torn keeping, till an opportunity is offered of sending the prop of thy hoary years. him to the southern market. this case happened « farewell, to your mutual care, a few days since in this city. what should so- farewell, to a husband's smile, ciety award to a wretch who could buy a fellow- babes! i must leave you here, creature for one dollar, and sell him into hopeless to suffer and toil awhile! bondage for four hundred? noble speculation !! “ sisters! the dream is o'er, we wish our distant readers to bear in mind i'm dragged from my native plains; that these things are done under the sanction of brothers! we meet no more, laws passed by their representatives. they « till death hath snapt these chains!' should therefore look to it. “ hail, columbia!!" " but these chains ere long will break, -- american specialor. and death will ransom the slaye, we know not, more than our neighbour of the hope whispers, i soon shall wake. spectator, what's society should award to the in freedom, beyond the grave." wretch who would buy a fellow creature,” as washington, aug. th. . h. above stated;--but it is very certain that while laws exist, which will protect this kind of specu- for the genius of universal emancipation. lation, there will be those found who will avail self-interest. themselves of the protection. indeed it seems oh, self-interest! how potent, how peryading like holding out temptation to those whose vir- is thy influence! how numerous thy votaries! tue is scarcely a match for their avarice-it by the mighty spell of thy enchantment the proud | would almost savour of cruelty. what! bait the keel is made to plough the rugged ocean wave, || hook, and punish for biting!! if there is not and the secret recesses of nature's bosom are enough practical republicanism and christianity, made to yield their golden treasures. man, too, or some redeeming principle, in the minds of the in the scale of being a little lower than the an mass of our fellow citizens to make them feel gels-upon whose brow is stamped the image of indignant at such proceedings-cause them to his almighty maker-is made to sacrifice his show by a unanimous disapproving voice, that dearest and most sacred rights at thy unholy || that they will not longer be identified with such shrine. tell it not in africa, publish it not on cruelty and injustice—alas for slandered, libel- the banks of the ganges, that they who profess | led liberty, in the united states! let her to be guided by a contrary, and a purer princi- || henceforth take up her residence in monarchical ple, are among the foremost and most abject of europe, where man cannot bind the chains of thy votaries!-that thy most servile slaves are || personal slavery on his fellow man. those who call themselves followers of the prince of peace.“ under thy baneful influence, the sa- from the new jersey state gazette of th ult: ble daughter of africa may seek her banian soli- tudes, to mourn in silence for a wretched brother, || slavery in the district of columbia. stolen from her side,-or the frantic father may at a meeting of the citizens of burlington, rave in wild despair for the infant darling of his held at the city hall, on the th of june, to take aged years, sold to slavery in a foreign clime, into consideration the propriety of petitioning "where fiends torment, and christians thirst for gold.” congress for the gradual abolition of slavery under thy destroying infiuence, the red man within the district of columbia, george allen of the forest may traverse, in sullen gloom, the was called to thc chair, and samuel r. gummere western wilds, in search of some lone spot that appointed secretary. he can call bis home—but he may search in vain. after the object of the meeting had been sta- or the aged warrior may be in vain to be per-| ted, in an address from the chair, and a few ob- mitted to breathe his last sigh in that dear land || servations from other individuals enforcing the where his less persecuted ancestors are reposing. necessity of the measure, the following reso- a. z. lutions were adopted unanimously: genius of universal emancipation. memo- fiat justitia ruat cælum. resolved, that a committee of three be ap. turned out on sunday night last, and murdered pointed to prepare a draught of a several whole families, amounting to or rial, embracing the object we have in view; || individuals. some of the families were named, and that dr. n. w. cole, thomas collins, and and among them was that of mrs. catharine samuel r. gummere, be that committee. whitehead, sister of our worthy townsman, dr. resolved, that a committee of six be appoint- || n. c. whitehead- who, with her son and five ed to obtain signatures to the memorial, within daughters, fell a sacrifice to the savage ferocity the township of burlington. of these demons in human shape. resolved, that a committee of three be ap. the insurrection was represented as one of a pointed to correspond with similar committees | most alarming character, though it is believed to within the county of burlington, or with indivi- || have originated only in a design to plunder, and duals, there or elsewhere, as they may think not with a view to a more important object-as proper, in order to promote our object. mrs. whitehead being a wealthy lady, was sup. the committee appointed in accordance with posed to have a large sum of money in her the second resolution, were caleb gaskill, tho-house. unfortunately a large number of the ef- mas aikman, thomas collins, robert thomas, fective male population was absent at camp thomas datton, and george p. mitchell. meeting in gates county, some miles off, a cir: the committee appointed under the third re. cumstance which gave a temporary security to solution, were saunuel emlen, thomas collins, || the brigands in the perpetration of their butcher and samuel r. gummere. ries; and the panic which they struck at the mo. the committee appointed to prepare a draught || ment prevented the assembling of a force suffi. of a memorial, after a short absence, reported cient to check their career. one which was approved by the meeting, and as soon as the intelligence was received, our delivered to the committee appointed to obtain | authorities met and decided on making an imme- signatures. diate application to col. house, commanding at believing it desirable to call public attention fortress monroe, who at o'clock this morning to the object in view, the meeting unanimously | embarked on board the steamboat hampton, with resolved, that the proceedings should be signed | three companies and a piece of artillery for suf- by the chairman and secretary, and published in folk. these troops were reinforced in the roads the mount holly and trenton papers. by detachments from the u. s. ships warren gcorge allen, chairman. and natchez, the whole amounting to nearly samuel r. gummere, sec’ry. men. to day another express arrived from suffolk, confirming the disastrous news of the preceding postcript. one, and adding still more to the number of the insurrection of slaves in virginia! slain. the insurgents are believed to have from to mounted men, and about the sane after the principal part of the matter for this number on foot. they are armed with fowling number of the genius of universal emancipa- pieces, clubs, &c. and they had a rencontre with tion was put in type, and nearly ready for the a small number of the militia, who killed six and press, we received the following direful news took eight of them prisoners. they are said to be on their way to south quay, probably mak. from the lower part of virginia. here is the ing their way for the dismal swamp, in which commencement of one act of this awful tragedy. || they will be able to remain for a short time in many whites have been destroyed, and it is security. for my part, i have no fears of their feared that many more will meet a similar fate. i duing much further mischief. there is very lit- tle disaffection in the slaves generally, and they then the scenery will be shifted, and the blacks cannot muster a force sufficient to effect any ob- will be slaughtered in their turn. alas! who can || ject of importance. the few who have thus contemplate these things, without exclaiming: | jown like crows, or captured and made exam- rushed headlong into the arena, will be shot cursed be he that first introduced, and he that || ples of. the militia are collecting in all the strives to perpetuate, the oppressive system neighbouring counties, and the utmost vigilance among us; from whose foul source such horrid prevails. i subjoin a list of the victims of their evils flow! we have room for no further re- savage vengeance. mrs. waters and family, ; mrs. whitehead, marks at present. ; mrs. vaughan, ; jacob williams, ; mr. the annexed letter, from the editor of the travis, ; william reese, ; mr williams, ; “ norfolk herald,” has been received at balti- || total, . besides these, a private letter adds mr. baines, ; mrs. turner, ; unknown, . more, and published in the daily papers of that the families of mr. barrow and mr. henry bry- city. ant-numbers not mentioned. muskets, pistols, swords and ammunition have “norfolk, th august, . been forwarded to suffolk to-day, by com. i have a horrible, a heart-rending tale to re warrington, at the request of our civil authori. late, and lest even its worst feature might be ties, and a number of our citizens have accoutred distorted by rumour and exaggeration, i have and formed themselves as troops of cavalry, and thought proper to give you all the worst infor- set off to assist their fellow-citizens in south- mation, that has yet reached us through the best ampton. i trust the next news will be that all sources of intelligence which the nature of the is quiet again. in haste yours." case will admit. Èxtract of another letter to the same gentle- a gentlemen arrived here yesterday express from suffolk, with intelligence from the upper man, dated at norfolk, o'clock, p. m. “it is, part of southampton county, stating that a band southampton is bounded by the counties of of insurgent slaves (some of them believed to be isle of wight on the northampton, in north runaway from the neighbouring swamps) bad ll carolina, on the south. genius of universal emancipation. fiat justitia ruat cælum. the first man stealer. dow o'clock,—thompson's stage has just ar- horrible sentence. rived- the above statement is confirmed, and in it is stated that a slave was to have been hung addition states, that negroes, well mounted on the th inst. at edgefield, s. c. for having and armed, and headed by one or two white accidentally set fire to a cotton factory !! men, is the amount of the insurgent force." a writer in a paper published in augusta, geor- “ the richmond whig" rather intimates that gia, observes: “ it seems it was not his intention to the danger is trifling;--but the following extract commit so extensive an injury to the proprietors. he thought he had exlinguished all the fire which he of a letter, from that place, shows that serious accidentally dropt. apprehensions exist for the safety of the white was ever despotism carried to such an .ex- inhabitants near the scene of trouble. we will treme before? a man hung for an accident !!! hope that the account is exaggerated. we challenge the records of every nation, civili- zed or “barbarous,” of ancient or modern times, “ richmond, aug. . to produce a judicial sentence, more horribly un- an express reached the governor this morn. just or purely tyranical.--and is this tolerated ing, informing him that an insurrection had bro- in a state which boasts of its attachment to the ken out in southampton, and that, by the last || principles of republican freedom, and even threat- accounts, there were seventy whites massacreed, ens resistance to the general government, for an- and the militia retreating. another express to imaginary trespass upon its constitutional rights? petersburg says that the blacks were continu- blinded despotic maniacs ! if you have enemies ing their destruction; that three hundred militia | in this republic, among, those who sincerely pity were retreating in a body, before six or eight your self-debasement and moral degradation, hundred blacks. a shower of rain coming up | ibey would hail an overt act on your part, with as the militia were making an attack, wet the joy; and justice would soon be meted to you for powder so much that they were compelled to re- your criminal deeds. treat, being armed only with shot guns. the but are there not, among the people of that negroes are armed with muskets, scythes, axes, region, those who possess courage and philantbro- &c. &c. our volunteers are marching to the phy enough to raise their voice against this scene of action. a troop of cavalry left at four o'clock, p, m. the artillery, with four field | acknowledged rights of every thing human? monstrous outrage upon legal forms and the pieces, start in the steamboat norfolk, at six | are there not “fifty righteousi to be found in o'clock, to land at smithfielda southampton sodom? there are indeed many virtuous in. county lies miles south of us, below peters- || dividuals in that section of the country. let burg." them make themselves known, and endeavour to arrest the downward march to political and mor- al perdition, whither the folly or the wickedness john de castilla has the infamy of standing of their rulers is hastening them. first on the list of those whose villanies have disgraced the annals of commerce.-having the black astronomer.- in the year , made a voyage to the canaries in , he was and for several years afterward, benjamin ban- dissatisfied with the cargo he procured; and by neker, a black man of maryland, furnished the way of indemnification ungratefully seized twen- the public with an almanac, which was exten- ty of the natives of gomera, who had assisted | sively circulated through the southern states. him, and brought them as slaves to portugal. -- || he was a self-taught astronomer, and his calcu- prince henry however, resented this outrage; lations were so thorough and exact, as to excite and after giving the captives some valuable pre- the approbation and patronage of such men ag bents of clothes, restored them to freedom and pitt, fox, wilberforce, and other eminent men, their native country. --salem observer. by whom the work was produced in the british the above can be true only of the modern af- || house of commons, as an argument in favour of rican slaye-trade. the romans had slaves fron the inental cultivation of the blacks, with their africa; and kidnapping and the slave trade have || liberation from their unholy thraldom. doubtless always and in all countries accompa- nied slavery. the abbe gregoire.—this distinguished there is a law in exodus ( : ) against kid- individual, who obtained so much celebrity by napping,-a sufficient proof that the crime was the philanthropic spirit which pervaded his wri- known in the days of moses. a character in tings, died at paris, on the th may, last. long one of the comedics of terence is a young lady i will the enslaved african mourn the loss he has of highly respectable parentage, who was kid- thus sustained. napped and sold when a child. the crime evi- dently was not unfrequent in greece and rome. from badger's weekly messenger. slavery, and doubtless many of its attendant ode for the fourth of july. evils, existed even in england down to a com- paratively late period. we have before us a hark! hark! from the mountains, a merry songs copy of an act of manumission, granted to two | loud, louder, it swells as it pours along, slaves, in the year -only about a century it rouses the brave, and it fires the free, before the settlement of this country-by henry | and they join in a glorious jubilee! viii. it begins with stating that “ originally || to-day, they remember a nation's birth! god created all men free, but afterwards the defiance, –a strife,--and a teeming earth! laws and customs of nations subjected some un- and the work was done!-and the eagle rose der the yoke of servitude;" and then goes on to in triumph o'er liberty's fallen foes. manumit henry knight, tailor, and john earle, husbandman, " so as the said two persons, with || bright legions appear, and their hearts are one, their heirs,” should thenceforth á be deemed || to honour the deeds that their sires have done: free and of free condition "-journal of huma- || and the veteran proudly uncovers his scars, nity. to greet his old banner of stripes and stars. genius of universal emancipation. fiat justitia ruat cælum. an anthem of joy, and a martial strain, from the village record. bursts loud on the air ,-“o, ne'er again strange. shall a tyrant's voice, or a tyrant's hand, an extraordinary fact has come to our know-, be heard, or felt in our happy land. ledge. it is this: that negro dealers, or negro hunters, come to reside in different parts of the yet hold !—there's a sound from a lonely glen, county; and that when it suits their interests, a sound like the clanking of felter'd men! they are kidnappers, managing the matter thus: commingled with sighs, that a thought impart, -one of these dealers .sees a likely fellow, no of a wounded pride, and a breaking heart.” matter whether free or not, if he be friendless. and are there yet hearts, on this festal day, he obtains an exact description of his person, that will not be happy, that cannot be gay? the particular marks by which he may be identi- who know not the joys that enrapture the free, fied. this description he makes to an accom. that share not the prize of their chivalry! plice below, who thereupon gets some one to personate the master- they come up and arrest ah yes! there are those who are not unbound, the colored victim-their proofs are clear, swear- who may not respond to the joyous sound, ing is no obstacle, and the marks so well known • that bids to the national revelry, are freely given, and proof conclusive. we are there's freedom, poor negro, but not for thee! not able to say that such villainy has been suc. • so he hides him away, in his lonely glen, cessful, though we doubt it not; but we do know that such a scheme has been laid- of which we for he may not be seen among whiter men! there he lifts his chains and he drops a tear, shall speak more hereafter. this bint may leaa and he heaves a sigh, that--his god will hear! to vigilance, and check the infamous traffic. it is time the public feeling, so long torpid, was oh! hearts that can feel another's woe! aroused to the matter. oh! hands that can say to the captive, “ go!” oh! voice, that exults in its liberty, premium for rice. say, now, to the african, “thou art free!” the sum of twenty dollars will be given as a premium, over and above the market col. johnson of kentucky. price, for five casks of fresh rice, of a good qua. we have heard different versions of the follow- ' lity, raised by free labour, and delivered in phi- ing story. we simply record the fact, with the ladelphia, to charles peirce, before the ist of single remark, that tens of thousands of southern | june next. ( .) gentlemen would be perfectly consistent in acting the gentleman, above named, is well known as colonel johnson is here said to have done; as a very respectable grocer, in philadelphia, and that it is a very suitable theme for the reflec. || cular business to keep articles in his line that who has for several years past, made it a parti. tion of all.-g. u e. “a kentucky paper says that colonel r. m. are exclusively the production of free labuur. johnson has a family of colored children-that the premium, together with the market price, at the late th of july celebration, where he will be promptly paid, on the delivery of the was to deliver an address, he went in his carri- rice, accompanied by proper reference and age with one of his daughters--a well educat- vouchers from some respectable person who is ed girl, and introduced her into the room where known in philadelphia. ladies were dancing-that the ladies immediately withdrew-and the comunittee told col. johnson the daughter must retire. the colonel rernou genius of universal emancipation. strated, and said she was as accomplished as any vol. xii. lady there. they replied it was not a question even to be discussed-she must retire; and she known. it has been published ten years, and the object and character of this work are well was put in the carriage, &c." circulates in all the states of this union, in from the christian advocate and journal. canada, the west indies, europe, and africa. bolivar, july , . it is exclusively devoted to the subject of the a more heart-rending act of villainy has rare- abolition of slavery, on the american continent ly been committed than the following: on.mon- and islands. day, the th of may last, three children, viz. terms of subscription. elizabeth, ten years of age, martha eight, and the work will, henceforth, be issued monthly. a small boy, name forgotten, all bright mulat- || it will be neatly printed, on fine paper, and fold toes, were violently taken from the arms of theired in the octavo form, each number making sis. mother, elizabeth price, a free woman of co- teen large pages. lour, living in fayette county, tennessee.- the price of subscription will be one dollar strong suspicions rest upon two men, gone from per annum, always to be paid in advance. thence to the state of missouri; and it is ardent- subscribers who do not particularly specify the ly hoped that the citizens of that state will inter- time they wish to receive the work, or notify est themselves in the apprehension of the rob- the editor of a desire to discontinue it, before bers, and the restoration of the children. a the expiration of each current year, will be con- bandsome subscription has been raised in the sidered as engaged for the next succeeding one, neighbourhood, to reward any person who may and their bills will be forwarded accordingly. restore them. evitors of papers, and especially agents will be entitled to six copies for every such as are in and coutiguous to the state of mis- | five dollars remitted to the editor, in current souri, are requested to give the above an inser- | money of the united states. tion. all letters and communications, intended for any person possessing information on the sub- this office, must be addressed (free of expense) ject, will please direct their communication to to benjamin lundy, washington, d. c. joseph b. littlejohn, sommerville, fayette a few copies of the eleventh volume, complete, county, tenn. j. d. smyth for sale. the genius of universal emancipation. edited by b. lundy-published in washington and baltimore-$ . per ann. “we hold these truths to be self-evident: that all men are created equal, and endowed by their creator with certain inalienable rights; that among these are life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness.”—declaration of independence, u. s. no. . vol. ii. third series.] september, . [whole number vol. xii. insurrection in virginia. terribly agitated, than by the insurrectionary the awful catastrophe, which recently movements, above mentioned. it would occurred in southampton county, virginia, | seem that, with all the disparity in scientific and was noticed in the last number of this power and general intelligence the differ- work, is calculated to rouse the dormant ence being wholly in their favor--the white feelings of the whole community in the uni- || inhabitants of that section of country have ted states. that such things were to be experienced the most dreadful alarm. true, expected, in case the system of slavery should the scene of butchery was awful !—the. continue to exist in this “jand of liberty,” || hearts of the relentless desperadoes had been has often been fearlessly stated.-but no rendered callous by the brutalizing and de- persons apon earth more sincerely deprecatemonizing influence of ignorance and oppres- every thing of the kind, than the true friends sion.—they set no bounds to their bloody of african emancipation, among the citizensrage.-stung to fiendish madness, they slew of this republic. we regret every attempt all before them !-expecting no mercy, they to use force, in violation of law, not only be were merciless--hoping for no quarter, they cause of the ill feeling it creates, or the in- || gave none.-hoary age, vigorous manhood, dividual distress it may occasion, but also on and helpless infancy, were alike the objects account of the insurmountable obstacles it of vengeance.-men, women, and children invariably throws in the way of our future were involved in one indiscriminate massa- progress. nothing can be more fatal to our cre!!! it is, therefore, not to be wondered hopes-nothing better calculated to retardat, that some alarm should have existed; but our philanthropic operations, than such silly, || that so many extravagant exaggerations and phrenzied, anti-christian proceedings, on the even totally unfounded rumors should have part of the colored people.-and it is grati- || been circulated, as the newspaper press has fying to perce ve, that not a single free per- since teemed with, is almost unaccountable. , or one of intelligence, among them, has from the most authentic statements, it. yet been certainly implicated in the horrid appears that the number of insurgents, actu- proceedings under consideration. we have ally engaged in the horrid work, did not ex- stated, over and over, that the work of eman-ceed forty or fifty. the nunber of whites cipation must be conducted, in this country, who were killed, it is believed, was nearly entirely on moral, pacific principles. incorrectly stated in our last month's paper. this way it can be effected, and in no other. the ringleader of the insurrection was a though the oppressed may, for a moment, | slave; and it would seem that the whole revel in the murderous scenes of vengeful were instigated, solely, by vengeance against rapine, carrying destruction and desolation their oppressors. no white person had any beſore them, it must soon recoil upon them- || hand in it, as at first reported. * selves, and the merciless fury of maddened to give the reader a correct idea of the power will be satiated in the blood of their tragical occurrence, the following extracts race. it is the duty of every intelligent per- || are copied from the “richmond whig,” the son of color to use his exertions, opon all || editor of which accompanied a troop of horse suitable occasions, to impress these truths * it was, at first, stated that two white men were úpop the minds of the ignorant and the un- the instigators of the insurrection, and that one was killed. this, however, was not confirmed. reflecting. a late letter from some part of virginia, to a gentle- taking another view of the subject, the || genius of universal emancipation was in that man in washington, also states that the editor of the following remarks are elicited.-- section of the country, and, no doubt, at the bottom of the whole conspiracy !! this news, however, never, perhaps, since they establishment of does not appear to have obtained general credit ! in- the system of slavery upon the american deed, he was at that time, in a much more quiet place. and, further, he has never, yet, beep duly convicted continent, has the public -mind been more of meditating evil against any one. genius of universal emancipation. fiat justitia ruat calum. to tho place where the insurrection broke and pointing their guns at the doors and windows, out, immediately on receiving the informa- ready to åre as occasion offered." "the scono at vaughan's may suffice to give an a tion. the detail is, indeed, "heart-rending!" | idea of what was done at the other houses. bloodier and more accursed tragedy was never acted, " the origin of the conspiracy, its prime agents, il even by the agency of the tomahawk'and scalping knife. its extent, and ulterior direction, is a matter of con “ it is with pain wo speak of another feature jecture. the universal opinion in that part of the of the southampion rebellion ; for we have been country, is that nat, a slave, a preacher,* and a pre most unwilling to have our sympathies for the suffer- tended prophet, was the first contriver, the actual || ers, diminished or affected by their misconduct. we leader, and the most remorseless of the executioners. allude to the slaughter of many blacks without trial, according to the evidcheo of a negro boy whom they and undor circumstances of great barbarity.* how carried along to hold their horses, nat commenced many have been put to death, (generally by decapi- the scene of murder at the first hous), (travis') with tation or shooting) reports vary ; probably, however, his own hand. having called upon two others to somo five-and-twenty, and from that to forty ; pos. make good their valian? boastings often repeated, sibly yet a larger number. to the groat honor of of what they would do, and these shrinking from the general eppes, he used every precaution in his pow- requisition, nat proceeded to despatch one of the er, and we hope and believo with success, to put a family with his own hand. animated by the example stop to the disgraceful procedure. we mot with an and exhorlations of their leader, having a taste of individual of intelligence, who stated that he himself blood, and convinced that (hey had now gone too far had killed betwoon and . he just:fied himself to recede, his followers dismissed their qualms and on the ground of the barbarities committed on the bocame as ferocious as their loader wished them. to whites; and that he thought himself right is certain follow the bloody dogs from tho capture of travis' from his having narrowly escaped losing his own life house, before day, to their disporsion at parker's in an attempt to save a negro woman whom he thought cornfield early in the afternoon, where thoy hod tra innocent, but who was shot by tho inultitude in despite versed near twenty miles, murdered whites, and of his exertions. we (the richmond troop) wit- approached within three or four miles of the village nessed with surprise, the sanguinary temper of the of jerusalem, the immediate objoct of their move. i population, who evinced a strong disposition to inflict ment-to describe the scenes at each house, the cir immediate death upon every prisoner.' cumstances of the murders, the hair-breadth es "let the fact not be doubted by those whom it capes of the few who were lucky enough to escapo most concerns, that another such insurrection will would prove as interesting as heart-rending." be the signal for the extermination of the black popu- “ mrs. vaughan's was among the last housos at lation in the quarter of the state where it occurs. i tacked. a venerable negro woman described the “ the numbers engaged in the insurrection are scene which they had witnessed with great emphasis. variously reported. they probably did not exceed it was near noon, and her mistress had been making forty or fifty, and were fluctuating from desertion and some preparation in the porch for dinner, when, hap- new recruits. about fifty of them are in southamp- pening to look towards the road, she descried a dust, ton jail, some of them upon suspicion only." and wondered what it could moan. in a second, the "at the date of capt. harrison's departure from negroes, mounted and armed, rushed into viow, and jerusalem, gen. nat had not been taken.” making an exclamation indicative of her borror and “ if there was any ulterior purpose, he probably agony, mrs. vaughan ran into the house. the ne alone knows it. for our own part, we still beliove groes dismounted and ran around the houso, pointing there was none; and if he be the intelligent man rep- their guns at the doors and windows. mrs. vaughan resented, wo are incapablo of perceiving the argu- appeared at a window, and begged for her life, inviting | ments by which he persuaded his own mind of the them to tako overy thing she had. the prayor was feasibility of his attempt, or how it could possibly end answered by one of them firing at her, which was in but in certain destruction. we therefore incline to stantly followed by another, and a fatal shot. in the the belief that he acted unon no higher principle than mean timo, mias vaughan, who was up stairs, and the impulse of revenge against the whites, as the en- unapprised of the terrible event, until she heard the slavers of himself and his race; and that being a fa- uoise of the attack, rushed down, and begging for natic, he possibly persuaded himself that heaveri life, was shot as she ran a few steps from the door. would interfere ; and that he may have convinced a son of mrs. vaughan, about , was at the still himself, as he certainly did his deluded followers to house, when, 'hearing a gun, and conjecturing, it is some extent, that the appearance of the sun some supposed, that his brother had come from jerusalem, weeks ago, prognosticated something favorable to approached the house, and was shot as ho got over the their cause.' fence. it is difficult for the imagination to conceive “ we understand that the confessions of all the a situation so truly and horribly awful, as that in prisoners, go to show that the insurrection broke out which these unfortunate ladies were placed. alone, too soon, as is supposed, in consequence of the last unprotected, and unconscious of danger, to find them- | day of july being a sunday, and not as the negroes selves, without a moment's notice for escape or de in southampton believed, the saturday before. the fence, in the power of a band of ruffians, from report is, that the rising was fixed for the th sunday whom instant doath was the least they could expect! in august, and that supposing sunday, the st in a most lively and picturesque manner, did the july, to be the first sunday in august, they were bo- old negress describe the horrors of the scene ; the trayed into the error of considering the third sunday blacks riding up with imprecations, the looks of her as the fourth." mistress, white as a sheet, her prayers for her life, and the action of the scoundrels environing ine house, since the above appeared in the "whig," we have had many rumors of rebellious con- * a letter from southampton states (says the richmond compiler,) that nat turner " is very im- spiracies in other parts of virginia ; and properly represented to be a baptist preacher. i wish | sundry convictions and imprisonments have you to see the editors of your papers on this subject, taken place in prince george, sussex, and and say to them, that that account, from the best ins formation i can obtain, is an entire mistake. he ne. nansemond counties. it is believed, how- ver was a member of the baptist or any other church; he assumed that character of his own accord, and * many havo been executed without legal trial, who has been for soveral years, one of those fanatical were not positivoly known to have been engaged in scoundrels, that pretended to be divinely inspired; of the conspiracy. one, after being cruolly mal-treated, bad charaoter, and nover countenanced, except by a was stuck like a hog*: ! few of his deluded black associatos. to give this † a horrible idea, truly!--the realization would be explanation, is but an act of justice, to which i am equal in barbowy to any ibing the world bas over white surp thoy will fully decord," noased; genius of universal emancipation. et bi 구 ​fiat justitia ruat cælum, ever, that the insurrection is now fairly quelled.gerations have accompanied the recital of the public mind, in the south, is not in a facts. ono account stated that the town of condition to moralize upon this subject now. wilmington was taken and burnt! the fol- much comment would, therefore, bo super- || lowing information, contained in a letter from erogatory at present. evils of this descrip-| fayetteville, of sept. , appears, from a tion have long been foretold, by those who comparison of other statements, to wear the had studied human nature, and who had ac- garb of authenticity. it embodios pearly all quainted themselves with the system of slave- that can as yet be relied on. ry io this country. but the oppressor choso "on sunday the th inst. tho first information of the contemplated rising of the blacks, was sent from to shut his ear to the voice of warning.—ho south washington. the disclosuro was made by a closed his eyes to the approaching danger.free mulatto man to mr. usher of washington, who sent the information to mr. kelly of duplin. it op-' trusting to an arm of flesh-to physical, in-pears, from the mulatto's testimony, ihat dave, a stead of moral power—without consulting to him to join the conspirators, stated that the new slave belonging to dir. morissey of sampson, applied the oracle of justice, the advocates and sop-groes in sampson, duplin, and new-hanover, were regularly organized and prepared to riso on the th porters of that system blindly pursue their | october. guilty course. fancying themselves secure, dave was taken up, and on this testimony convict- cdi-aſier his conviction, he made a confession of thoy cavalierly and angrily reject all ad- the above to his master, and in addition gavo the vice and caution, even until they are taken names of the four principal ringleaders in sampson and duplin, and several in wilmington, named seve- by surprise. how much better would it be || ral families that they intended to murder. their for them to adopt some feasible plan to rid object was to inarch by two routes to wilmington, spreading destruction and murder on their way. a themselves of the evil, and the dangers at- wilmington they expected to be reinforced by , , lo supply themselves with arms and amunition and teoding it, than thus obstinately to persist in then return. three of the ringleaders in duplın upholding a system fraught with the ele- have been takon, and dave and jim execuied. there are negroes in jail in duplin county, all of ments of hostility and servilo commotion ! them no doubt concerned in the conspiracy: --sevc. may they hencoforth reflect upon the sub-ral have been whipped and some released. in samp- son are in jail, all concerned directly or indirectly ject more seriously, and act moro in accord in the plot. apce with the dictates of truo wisdom and the excitement among the people in sampson is very great, and increasing ; they aro laking effects ual measures to arrest all suspected persons. a ve- we have laid off an article for insertion at ry intelligent negro preacher, named david, was put on his trial to day and clearly convicted by the tes- a future period, relative to the discovery of timony of another nogro. the people were so much an extensive and dangerous conspiracy a- enraged, that they scarcely could be prevented from shooting him on his passage from the court house to mong the virginia slaves, somo years since the jail. all the confession made induce tho belief that the conspirators were well organizod, and thoir these things should be pondered well, by plans well understood in duplin, sampson, wayne, overy citizen of the south. now hanover, and lenoir." the following is number of the white the excitement against the colored preach- and black population contained in five coun- ers is very great. many believe that the ties, including southampton and those adja- plans of the insurrection were laid and par- cent, in virginia and north carolina, as as- tially matured in their various meetings, un- certained by the late census: der the cloak of religion. this, like every whites. blacks. ll other species of information connected with southampton contained , , greenville, the whole affair, has, no doubt, been won- , , sussex, , , derfully distorted and magnified, by the flip- , , pant tongue of rumor and the tocsin voice of , , alarm. the newbern spectator, of the th , , inst. speaking upon this subject, has the fol. lowing remarks. we are glad to see a lit- troubles in north carolina ! tle mercy mingled with the sweeping pro- it appears, from late letters and newspa- | scription here recommended. per statements, that the virginia plot was perhaps it would not be bad policy were the people of the south to treat the negro preachers more extensive than at first supposed. the as did edward of england the welsh bards. alarm has reached several counties in north on occasions like the preseli, however, when the public inind is excited, and alarm become carolina. two slaves have been convicted epidemic, it would be well to remember the history and executed, and many more are in prison of titus dates and his times and while we keeps th o alert, not ledd ivorcady a belief to the ex- as in virginia, the most ridiculous exog-sistence of piuis." sound policy. surry, isle of wight, genius of universal emancipation. fiat justitia ruat cælum. he the elder negroes or head-men for trial and punish, prevention of slave insurrections. ment of all casual offences, (and these courts were no. i. always to be held in my presence, or in that of my new superintendant,) which court very soon grew while the public attention is directed to respectable. seven of these men being of the rank wards the subject of slave insurrections, it of drivers in their different departments, were also constituted rulers, or magistrates over all the gang, may be seasonable to offer some remarks and were charged to see at all times that nothing on the best methods of preventing their fre- should go wrong in the plantations, but that on al necessary occasions they should assemble and con- quent occurrence. the old proverb says : sult together how any such wrong should be immo. " an ounce of prevention is worth a pound diately rectified; and i made it known to all the gangs, that the authority of these rulers should supe of cure ;" and it may be said, with equal ply the absence or vacancy of an overseer in all truth, that to eradicate an obnoxious plant, || all occurrences to the proprietor or his delegațe for cases; they making daily or occasional reports of we should strike at the root. so with moral his approbation or his orders." or political evils—destroy the cause, and the his first step, and he took no other for some time. it appears that mr. steele was satisfied with this effect must cease." at length, in about another year, he ventured upon a second. he “ tried whether he could not obtain experience has fully shown that african the labour of his negrocs by voluntary means in.. slavery may be abolished, with perfect safety, stoad of the old method by violence. on a certain and even consistently with the interests of all which is the most laborious operation in west-indian concerned, whenever it is fairly attempted. husbandry. offered two-pence halfpenny (carrency,) or about three halſpence, (sterling,) per this would take from the slave every motive day, with the usual allowance to holers of a dram for rebellion. restore his rights, and his with molasses, to any twenty-five of his negroes, both men and women, who would undertake to hole enmity is destroyed-enlighten his mind, and for canes an acre per day, at about } holes for each negro to the acre. he whole gang were rea- he becomes a good citizen. dy to undertake it ; but only fifty of the volunteers but, in order to convince, we must have were accepted, and many among them were those who on much lighter oecasions had usually pleaded recourse to facts, capable of demonstrating | infirmity and inability : but the ground having the truth of what we advance. with this been muisl, they holed twelve acres within six days with great ease, having had an hour, more or less, view we shall at present quote the celebrated every evening to spare ; and the like experiment was repeated with the like success. * more expe- thomas clarkson, to whose researches and publications, relative to the subject before us, plan of operations, we here insert the following: it * in corroboration of the practicability of such a the world is indebted for a fund of exceed. was communicated to the editor, very recently by a ingly valuable information. highly valued friend, in philadelphia. for the genius of universal emancipation. speaking of an experiment, made in the self interest is the ruling principle which prompts island of barbadoes, by the honorable men (white or black) action. there may be some honorable exceptions to this rule, but they are “ like joshua steele, he states as follows: ange's visits, few and far between:" the following it appears that mr. steele lived in london. he anecdote, related to me by the gentleman himself, may was vice-pre id nt of the london society of arts, || be relied on as authentic, and is respectfully offered manufactures, and commerce, and a person of ial to the consideration of slaveholders, and others, resi- ertan i erudition. he was the proprietor of three ding in the southern states. estaies in barbadoes. his agent there used to send w. t. although not conscientiously opposed to him accounts annually of his concerns ; but these slavery: was a very respectable, wealthy, and indus- were latierly so ruinous, not only in a pecuniary | trious citizen of philadelphia. for a long time he point of view, but as they related to what nir. steele was an efficient director of one of our city banks, and called the destruction of his negroes, lhat he re a man whose veracity was unquestioned. he was solved, though then at the advanced age of eighty, by trade a plasterer, and was employed to plaster to go ihere, and to look into his affairs himself. ac. the capitol, at washington city. he took with him cordingly he embarked, and arrived there early in seven journeymen, from philadelphia ; and on his the year . arrival at washington he hired eleven slaves, as la. afier a residence of some length of time in hired from their masters, at $ per week; but he bourers, to attend upon them. these slaves were the island, and becoming acquainted with soon found they did not do as much work as half that the system of mismanagement there, mr. number of freemen would have done ; and the conse- quence was, his journeymen were frequently idle for steele resolved to change the mode of work- want of materials. at the end of the first week, about sun-set, he took all his labourers with him into ing his slaves ; and, in the year , he put a remote cellar, where nobody could see or hear what a part of his plan in operation. clarkson passed between them. the blacks stared at each other, as they went along, not knowing what was to proceeds :- be done. when he arrived at a suitable place, he “i took,” says he, “the whips and all power of saturday night, to give every one of you a dollar, stopped, and said : “ now my boys, i intend, next arbitrary punishment from all the overseers and for your own use :--and i will still continue to pay their white servants, which occasioned my chief || your masters the wages which i agreed to pay them. overseer to resign, and i soon dismissed all his de- puuies, who could not bear the loss of their whips ; || your masters know any thing about it.—but mind !- see that you do not tell any body. i will not let but al the same time, that a proper subordination tihe first man i find idle, i will discharge; - and so i and obedience to lawful orders and duty should be will continue to discharge everyone who does not do preserved, i created a magistracy out of the ne- groes lenselves, and appointed a court or jury or ll sa, yes massa, was ihe general reply. upon these a full days work. do you all understand it? yes mas- genius of universal emancipation. fiat justitia ruat cælum. ' riments with such premiums on weeding and deep raise whatever they might think most advantage. hoeing were made by task-work per acie, and all ous. these tenements consisted of half an acre of succeeded in like manner, their premiums being all || plantable and productive land to each adult, a quanti. punctually paid them in proportion to their perſor-iy supposed to be sufficient with industry to furnish mance. but afterwards some of the same people him and his family with provision and clothing. the being put without premium to weed on a loose cul tenements were made descendible to the heirs of the tivated soil in the common manner, eighteen negroes occupiers or copyholders, that is, to their children on did not do as much in a given time, as sic had per the plantations ; for no part of the succession was to formed of the like sort of work a few days before, i go out of the plantations to the issue of any foreign with the premium of two-pence halfpenny.” the wife, and in case of no such heirs, they were to fall rext year mr steele made similar experiments. to the lord to be re-granted according to his disere- success attended him again ; and from this time tion. it was also inscribed that any one of the copy- task-work, or the voluntary system, became the holders, who would not perform his services to ihe general practice of the estate. manor (the refractory and others,) was forfeit his in the year , it appears that he adopt- || the state of villein in gross, and to be subject to cor- tenement and his privileged rank, and to go back to #ed the system of working by the piece. but poral punishment as besore. “ thus," says mr. in , he carried into effect another part | periment, by giving such copyhold-tenements to all steele, “ we run no risk whatever in making the ex. of his plan, which went the length of alter our well-deserving negroes, and to all in general, ing the very condition of the slaves, and of when they appear to be worthy or that favour. this alteration our author now speaks. this very interesting subject will be con- mr. strele took the hint for the particular modetinued, at greater length, in our next number; of improving the condition of his slaves, which i am when it is hoped we shall bave less occasion going to describe, from the practice of our anglo. saxon ancestors in the days of villeinage, which, he to speak of actual “slave insurrections,"- says, was “the most wise and excellent mode of || and, of course, more room to treat of their civilizing savage slaves." there were in those days three classes of villeins. the first or lowest, cons l • prevention." ed of villeins in gross, who were alienable at plea- sure. the second of villeins regardant, who were adscripti glebæ, or attached as freehold property great britain and tiie west indies. to the soil, and the third or last, of copyhold bond raen, who had lenements of land, for which they at the late session of the british parlia- were bound to pay in services. the ville ns first || ment, upwards of five thousand petitions mentioned, or those of the lowest class, had allthese gradations to pass through from the first into the were presented for the abolition of slavery in second, and from the second into the third, before the colonies. the friends of the measure they could become free men. this was the model, from which mr. sieele resolved to borrow, when he are rapidly increasing in numbers and influ- formed his plan for changing the condition of his slaves. he did not, however, adopt it throughout, ence. they are very active, and sanguine but he chose out of it what he thought would be most of speedy success. on the other hand, the suitable to his purpose, and leſt the rest. may see what the plan was, from the following accouni. effeminate, impotent tyrants of the colonies in the year he erected his plantations into are becoming alarmed for the very precari- it appears that the governor of barbadoes had the power by charler, with the consent of the ous tenure upon which their usurped author- majority of the council, of dividing the island into ity at present rests. meetings have been holders; and though this had not yet been done, nr.held among them, resolutions have been steele loped, as a member of council, to have in :- | adopted; and remonstrances against emanci- ence sufficient to get his own practice legalized in time. presuming upon this, he registered in the pation have been presented to the parent go- minor-book all his adult male slaves as copyholders. heihen gave them separatetenements oflands, which vernment;-even " threats of disunion," or they were to occupy, and upon which they were to separation of the colonies from the empire, conditions they parted; and the next monday morn- (a la mode the nullifiers of south carolina !) ing, at sun-rise, when the employer got within about have been held out, to induce the advocates yards of the building, he saw his labourers all on the spoi, who immediately enquired: “ massa t. of freedom to desist from the prosecution of what shall i do --massa t. whal shall i do ?"- and, being a prompi man, he soon set them all at their holy work. vain attempt!-almost as work. but, before breakfast line, he heard his jour- well might “satan" have undertaken to fright- neymen calling out, “ hallo) there ! you will break down that scaffold; 'quit putting so much stuff on its en or dissuade the “ angel of god” from the "the gentleman soon found that he would have in accomplishment of his authorized purpose, discharge one half of his labourers, or elsc double the number of his journeymen! and they continued, || previous to his expulsion from heaven! the while ihus employed, to be as good a set of labourers work will go on; and the corrupt monsters, as he evçr had. here was a practical lesson for slaveholders. let who have fattened and rioted upon the sweat, any of those who now have to drive their slaves, or the tears, and blood of the slave, must soon employ others to drive for them, burn their whips and gry to impel them to labour from interest. convince calculate to “reform" themselves, or_they them that they shall surely receive the benefit of thcir || will be “ exertions ; and that this will not depend upon the to the threat of re- reformed." caprice of the master, but will certainly be meted to sistance to the measures of the governmeni, them in proportion :o their industry, and they will per force,—it is the frothy ebulition of mad- perform twice the quantity of work that they other- wise do. ness and despair. the first overt act would we manors. v po . genius of universal emancipation. fiat justitia ruat calum. be a death warrant for every one engaged in one word, as to the danger of general committing iemand power, tepfold more than cmancipation, before we conclude. is necessary, is at hand to execute it. it has been sufficiently ascertained, in the the colonists, foreseeing that the term of west indies, south america, and mexico- their absolute and oppressive swag is short, to say nothing of the northern and middle are talking loudly about " compensation"* states of this union that the total abolition for the loss of their slaves, in case a law shall of slavery may be effected, in a reasonable be esacred for the purpose. this, we think, time, with perfect safety ;—and that there is, will not be granted. it should not be-else indeed, no safety in the pursuit of any other every slave holder, on the african coast, from courge. many philanthropists and states- whom his human plunder has been wrested, men, both in europe and this country, are should be compensated therefos. llo pur- becoming sensible of this fact ;-and, in the chased them, (at least a portion of them,) course of a brief season of reflection, they "legally,” according to the laws or regula- will resolve to-act accordingly. tions of that country; and this title, though ** incendiary publications." good for nothing, is as good as that by which it is painful to witness the recklessness any slave in the american bemisphere is | with which the most absurd and false asser- held-nay, it is the only foundation, on which tions are promulgated, (even through politi- rests every claim of the kind. if, therefore, cal periodicals of the first standing,) with the governments have exercised tho "right" view of bringing the cause of emancipation deprive the slaveholders, at sea, of their hu- and its advocates into disrepute. an ex- man “ property," without compensating them tract of a letter from washington city, to iherefor, (and it has been done in thousands line postmaster in tarborough, n. c. has of instances,) we may calculate that they been published in various papers, containing will do it every where else, as soon as it shall the following statement:- be generally understood that justice is one “an incendiary paper, "the liberator,' is circu. and the same thing, without regard to time or lated openly among the free blacks of this cily; and place. but the abolition of slavery would if you will search, it is very probable you will end it among the slaves of your county. ii is published be a positive benefit to the planters. the in boston or philadelphia by a white man, with the avowed purpose of inciting rebellion in the south; experiments already made, prove it. very and i am informed is to be carried through your modest, then, to talk of “compensation !' country by secret agents, who are to come amongst you under the pretext of pedling, &c. keep a sharp * this idea of compensating slaveholders, for look out for these villains, and if you calch them, slaves emancipated by law, notwithstanding the pre- by all that is sacred, you ought to barbacue them., postcrous absurdıly aitached to it, is prevalent among diffuse this information amongs whom it may coo. many, of whom more correct notiong might have been expected. the editor of this work lately had a brie! a more abominable falsehood was never conversation upon the subject, with an esteemed ac- quaintance, in new jersey, who is a member of the uttered, than that which we have placed in society of “ friends." he advocated this inadmis- sible doctrine, while he well knew that both the peo- italics in the foregoing paragraph-neither ple and legislature of his own stalo, and the religious is there believed to be the least truth in the society of which he is a member, as well as other communities, both civil and ecclesiastical, have long assertion respecting the modo of circulating since completely exploded it, and acted upon the diall the work. rectly opposite principle. it is astonishing that any man of intelligence should reasın thus; (and this that the mendacious tribe of editorial ca- genileman is both rationaliy and philosophically in- lumuiators, whose very element is prejudice, telligent;) and it still more wonderful that one, who was " born and educated” a quaker, shonli and whose food is scandal and vituperation, fall into such gross political or moral heresies! we should give currency to such bareſaced slan- shall, probably, next hear of a proposition to pay the thief, for the horse he has been detected in stealing - ders, is not at all to be wondered at: but the highwayman, for tho travel er's purse wrested that editors, claiming to be respectable, like from his hand--the ocean frecboolcr, for the casks, and bales of goods he had pirated and was conpel- those of the national intelligencer," should led to relinquish;--or, ai least, it may be argued, that those who had purchased thoproducts of such rob- not only tarnish thcir columns with such a bèrics, should bu" componstidid on their seizure ! ! paragraph as tho ono above quoted, but also the absurdity in the ono caso, would be fully equiva alent to that of the othor; for' no legal enactment, credit the falsehood, and accompany it with under heaven, can, in justico, possibly reduce a hu- a long tirade against the publication referred man being to the condition of “property." "lib. erly” is the “inaliennblo right" of every man and to, is truly surprising! surely, they have never woman “ created by god. no innocent human be- i read the “liberator," '-or they would not "ing was over deprived of it; unconditionally, but up- on the principles of robbery and usurpation. have sanctioned so gross a misrepresonta- cern. genius of universal emancipation, tion; fiat justitia ruat caluin. tion of its character. had they acquaint-lation, whilo formerly creoles and spaniards were the main partiza . thoso (wo new (or rather very ed themselves therewith, instead of taking old) parties are the country party and the croole upon trust the vindictive assertions of some pariy, each subdivided into sone factions, the country party, calling tbemselves patriots opprincipled slaveite, (very probably a slave- and old mexicans, are the most nuinerous, including trader,) they might have saved themselves nearly the whole indian and mixt population. they are nicknamed gentes iracionales, or unrationa) the trouble of making a ridiculous appeal to folks, by the creoles, whom they cali in return, sono the mayor of boston, and the people of new- ll of the guachupins.. this party although compri- sing the bulk of actual ignorance, reckons many en- england, to suppress it! lightened men. they hate and detest the spaniards briefly commenting on the paragraph, a-deny having been conquered by cortez ; they say calling them invaders, despoilers, tyrants. thoy bove quoted, the editor of the liberator their ancestors the mexicans, were overíhrown by their foes the tlaxcallans and their allies, among states as follows: which were a handful of spaniards, who spread terror .“ we have circulated no papers ex!ra in any part | by fire-arms, and after the destruction of the cily of of our country. we have not a single white or black niexico, disarmed all the indians, blew their nollos, subscriber south of the potomac. we have no their priests, and their warriore; destroyed their travelling agent or agents. it is not the real or || temples, sainis, books of all kinds; took to thein- "avowed object” of the liberator to stir up insurrec- selves all the wealth, land, and puble women; redom tions, bul the contrary." cing the people to abject ignorance, cruel vassalagę, it has always been the misfortune of those and imposing upon themi new saints or iduls. but now these tyrant guachupine are expeiled, the cro- who strive to produce honest reformations oles being mexicans like ihemselves, sons of the doo ble ladies stolen by the invaders, form only one - in the corrupted state of society, to be ridi- and the indians being restored to freedom, the culed, misrepresented, reviled, and abused. use of arms and equalrighis, they ought to be allowed freedom of worship, a greater participation in offices it is natural to expect this, in such cases, and emoluments, a general education; and they de- from the ignorant, the vicious, and the demand the correction of many abuses, above all the reform of the church, army and finances. praved.-but that men, professing to be such reasonable requesis may be delayed by the more than ordinarily intelligent, and withal crecies in power, but the country party will soonoj or later prevail and rule the country.- the factious just and philanthropic, should lend them- among this party are merely differences or opinion selves to the work of persecuting them, even on some points of policy, which the creoles endeav. our to split into new parties so as to weakeu the whole. without taking the pains to acquaint them thus some think that peace ought never to be made with ibe guachupins or spain, no money paid for selves fully with their motives or actions, is the acknowledgment of independence, or no guachu- calculated to inculcate the idea that virtuous || pins allowed to settle again in the couuuy after the peace. this feeling is pretty general; their oppo- noble-mindedness and true christian patriot- nento call them antiguachupins. another section ism is at a low ebb among us. wishes to confiscate the whole church property to pay the debes of the state, and abolish all the exno- since writing the foregoing, we have seen tions of the priests, paying them a moderate stipend. the national intelligencer," containing a this sentinient has many partizans in the army, and even among the creoles. the priests eall ihcin paragraph from a paper called the "genius infidels. the second party of the creoles, often calling of liberty," printed at leesburg, virginia, themselves the rational or wise folks, rule the coun. in which the genius of universal emancipa- i try; by means of tho generals and bishops, noblog and land owners, priests and monks, judges and law, tion is also classed among what the slaveites | yers, monopolicts and ofice holders, who are must- malignantly denominate "incendiary publi- || lessions, the patriots are already the majority ; nay, ty creoles. but in the army, legislalures, and pro. cations." we have, at present, merely room also among landholders ; but the indians have only to make our acknowledgements to these geo- small farms and gardens, while the creoles oliers own princely estates of , or , acres. iry, for their kind notice,-promising them || they affectio dospise and hold in contempt the further attention in due season. the cout- indians; accuse them of ignorance, stupidity, and many vices; but they know that these vices are such teous editors of the " intelligencer," partico- as enable them to mislead and govern the indians, acquire their aid and support whenever specious pa. larly, will please accept our thanks for their triotic pretexts are offered. many liberal creoles very intelligent and mannerly remarks. are unilingthemselves to the country party, and others will follow when they find that they must yield. this party rules the country at present, since the over- - continued.) ihrow of guerrero wbo was the idol of the country our author, speaking of the political state party, because he was a mestizo, but he had no abil lies; he may be compared to paez of venezuela. ile of the republic, gives us the following defi was easily removed, but not even exiled, so lilile was nition of parties, which bare existed since i paring to resist the usurpation of busta mezte, who, he feared. ilis party however is strong, and pro- the commencement of the revolution. he although a man of talents, is aristocratic, anil will be overthrown. the fear of a new civil war says: a lone restrains i ho patriotic party. they were at first patriots and goachopins, pert republicans and imperialists,latterly federalisis and the views which the miexicans entertain, centralists, under the nicknames of scots and york. i relative the policy of our government, nos; but now, in , two great parties are spring- ing up, much more likely to divide the whole popu. i should be understood by every citizen there. jo the mexicans genius of universal emancipation. fiat justitia ruat celnm. s of. the reader is, therefore, requested to ed, wealthy and learned, gave a free gift of dol- lars, at the spanish invasion of barradas, to clothe a give the following, particularly, a close pe-whole regiment of cavalry; this generous act has rusal. since been ascribed to mere ostentation. he had of- fered to educate select indian youths, at a small towards the north-americans the actual admin expense, in a college on the wabash. the cautious istration bears no goood will, but rather distrust mexicans sent an agent to examine the place and and dislike. they complain, st-thai poinseit prospect, who has made and printed a spanish and medded wiih the politics of the country, and that english report, stating that it was another deception, the college being a mere school under the direction of the conspirators. gainst pedraza actually mcl in his house d-thai he insulied the mexican nation a vicious and ignorant female, and the united states totally unfit to educate the indians, whom they despise by offering to buy texas, a federal territory, una- and opprcss. lienable to the constitution, of millions of in any future contest with north america, the acres, or ten millions of dollars, or six cents per || mexicans think they will be quite a match for their acre, while the wild lands of texas ate now sold al northern neighbors. it happens that the nearest forty cenis per acre by the mexican government. states to mexico have a large slave population, which -- that, when he found his offer objectionabie, he it will be very easy to rouse by an offer of complete ſuriker insulted the nation by offering a loan of ten freedom. also the borders of the two countries are millions, as a pawnbroker would, upon the pawning filled with indian tribes, driven by the united states, of texas until repaid, which insiduous proposal was and very unwisely concentrated in a vulnerable point, meant to fill the country of texas with americans || which would join the mexican soldiers, who are nearly and slaves, and to hold it afterwards at any event, all indians. the mexican population will soon equal the united states never meaning to restore it. this that of the freemen of north america. they are be- was deemed even by the patriot party, who were coming warlike, and the table land population has no great friends of the americans and poinsett, an in- dread of a colder climate. this does not imply that sull simlar to an offer of the mexicans to buy or pawn the mexicans ever mean to make conquests; but they will retaliate if attacked or deeply injured, and have lousiana or arkansas, if made to the congress o the united states.- -'that the americans are the means to assail with advantage. against this the americans have only their number, greedy thirst for secrelly encroaching towards texas and the fron. lands, slavery and oppression of indians. england tiers, in the usual manner they employ to dispossess will never allow texas to be conquered, and will be- indians, by allowing outlaws, squaiters and hunters, come the ally of mexico in a war for such an unworthy tu intrude and seitle unlawfuly. th -thal citi motive. it may also be doubtful whether the nor- zens of the united states encourage the excursions thern states will go into a war to extend the evil of of the comanches and other predatory tribes against slavery, and to make three or four new slave staies in new mexico and texas, furnishing them with arms, texas. therefore, north america has nothing to buving their spoil stolen mules, and even mexican gain in a war with mexico, but much to lose, and freemen, who are bought as slaves, and mulattos wisdom will suggest prudence in the mutual inter- and indians held as such even now in louisiana. course of the two nations. !h--that american emissaries have suggested meantime the mexican government are taking several umes, in texas to rebel and declare texas measures to secure texas. five regiments have been independent of mexico, or even ask an union with sent to form military colonies, and at the peace with spain, all the disbanded soldiers are to receive grants the uniled stales, who will al'ow the bane of slavery. of land there, on condition of actual settlement. the th-that the united states, by invading gradually mexicans begin also to know the salue of unsettled althe indian lands, and removing the indians on lands. no great grant has been made there since the borders of mexico, comnit a great injustice, and the old one of austin. all late applications and offers jay a foundai.on for fuiure troubles and quarrels have been rejected, even those of baring and owen, with mexico. th-and that by their perfidy both english men, who offered to bring english set- against indians in the south and west, and breaking tlers as a bulwark against the americans. but small solemn irralies with them, the un led states evince grants, or rather sales, to actual settlers of any nation, they will not deem sacred any treaty with the mex are made at the rate of dollars for acres, with ican nation, the majorily of which is an indian pop six years credit, and no man is allowed to purchase ulation, quite similar to the persecuted cherokees, above , acres. all negroes and indians flying creeks and choctaws. th-lastly, that the span. ll the slavery and oppression of the southern united ish invad: rs under general barradas, in , were states, are received and protected. all slaves be- chiefly carried over from cuba to tampico in north come free by entering texas, (as they do in canada,) american ves els ; and some disabled ones allowed when they can reach it. the indians receive land to to refit in new-orleans, the spanish troops well re- settle upon. they are considered as the best bul- wark against the american neighbors, and a check ceived, recruited, and actually sailed from new-or- upon the settlers of north american origin. the leans to invade mexico. chocktais, creeks and cherokees, now driven to these subjects of complaint have been artfully fo- || despair by the policy of the southern states, refused mented by the english agents and party: a cry was the privilege of freemen and compelled to sell their raised for war against the united states, a loan of lands, would find there an assylum, and be received two millions was offered to carry it on, invade loui with open arms. they might be made citizens at once siana, declare all the negroes free, expel all the ame- || by a special law, or become such in five years, re- rican settlers from texas, &c. even the patriotic par- ceive grants of land either gratis or at a low price, and ty and friends of north america were staggered. no- be deemed the best settlers to form a barrier of perse- thing is more calculated to allineate them than the cuted foes against northern encroachments. bad treatment of the indians in the united states.- these two nations, which ought to be natural allies, we have not room for the whole of this were thus on the verge of becoming foes. however, very interesting article, this month. in our the prudence of the administration and the unsettled state of internal affairs prevented actual hostilities.-' || next we shall notice the vast resources of the the american government has hushed up the bare. | mexican republic, and lay before the reader faced attair of texas, recalled poinsett, and evinced symptoms of conciliation. but the influence of these some important hints respecting the success- feelings upon the public mind has been so great, that the ainericans, who were the most favored nation, ||ful employment of free labor, in the culti- have ceased to be such; their merchants, captains, vation of sugar, cotton, &c, &c. the com- travellers, settlers, &c. have been often insulted or no longer favored. the english merchants have availed petition, arising in that quarter, will ere long themselves greatly of this to increase their custom- ors. formerly, the north americans were welcomeshew the slaveholders of this country where- any where; now, their situation is precarious in tex in their true interest lies, even if nothing as, and even in the city of mexico. an american, mr. maclure, of philadelphia, who was highly respect- else will, genius of universal emancipation. fiat justitia ruat cælum. . hints to district treasurers. . d. ladies' repository. silk work bags, each: do. with clasps, philanthropic and literary. east india cotton bags, albums, . . & principally conducten by a lady. portfolios, . od. & port-folios with engravings, purses, s. d., ., our friends in great britain. seals, (a negro, legend,' “ am i not a we extract from a small pamphlet, published by man and a brother,” or “ am i not a . the “ dublin ladies' anti-slavery society," the woman and a sister,”') following “ hints to district treasurers.” they evening at home, sermon, “relieve the oppressed, doz. f each will serve to acquaint our sisters, on this side the yamba, by mrs. h. more, doz.. short review of the slave trade and water, somewhat further with the active exertions of slavery, each. the ladies in great britain. why, alas! cannot a memoirs of a west india planter, by i similar spirit be roused among us? why shall the rev. j. riland, american ladies exhibit less of patriotism, philan. the system, by charlotte elizabeth, cropper's map shrophy, or piety, than those living under a monar- harvey's sketches of hayti, chial government, in europe ? the reason !-let us engravings--the scenes taken from the rev. mr. have the reason ! bicknell's “ west indies as they are.” the society adopted the following resolution : " that the district treasurers who reside at a dis- ist-that these rules and resolutions be circu- lated, in order to explain the objects of the society; | sion, anti-slavery works and other articles, to diffuso tance from dublin be permitted to obtain for disper- and that the d, th, th, th, th, th, th, and information, to the amount of half the donations and th resolutions* be particuiarly pointed out for the subscriptions they obtain in their own neighbour- i consideration of friends. hood." dly-that, if possible, a monthly meeting be held by those ladies who are willing to attend (perhaps) | bewley, esq. william st. and alexander orr, east india sugar has been imported by samuel alternately at each other's houses, when the anti- slavery reportert may be read, and other works pe- || veral others; and the following (among other gro- esq. commercial buildings, merchants, and by se- rused, which will convey information, and excite in- terest for the oppressed african race. cers in dublin) are supplied with it : dly-that the books, port-folios, albums, work- calvert, thomas-street; hanna, henry-street; bags, cheap cotion-bags, &c., filled with the soci- kennedy, grafton-street ;. ely's evidence, may be disposed of, as far as possible, to introduce information and excite interest, where rogers, baggot-street; works on the subject of slavery have not yet found their beere, aungier-street; way, or have obtained little or no attention to their ryan, inns-quay, &c. &c. contents ; and that the smaller tracts, adapted to the kinahan, & co. carlisle buildings ; * capacities of children and the poor, be lent to those sandford, great britain-street ; e who can be induced to read them ; and that “reasons welsh, dame-street. n. b. the names of other merchants and gro- is for substituting east india sugar for west,” be cir- culated among the higher classes, who import or sell east india sugar, will, when h–it is apparent that subscriptions and dona- known, be added to this list. . tions are requisite, to promote the designs of the so- ciety, and that in proportion to the enlargement of the work begun by england. its funds will its usefulness extend : it is hoped, by the last arrivals from liverpool, we have tho therefore, that each district treasurer will exert her- elf in obtaining them. gra ng intelligence that the british government h- they would likewise snggest the propriety of has commenced the important work of abolishing circulating the anti-slavery reporter, by presenting | slavery in the colonies under its immediale control. every subscriber with the successive numbers, which, the following paragraph, from a liverpool paper, it is believed, may be easily obtained, by applying to the nearest anti-slavery association in ihe neigh- | will be as well understood, alone, as though it were borhood. accompanied by a volume of commentary. the following articles can be procured by appli- cation to the secretaries, (at dr, charles orpen's, “we have groat pleasure in being able to inform our readers that the british government have deter- , great george's-street.) clarkson's arguments, mined on the emancipation of the slaves, belonging jamaica gazette, to the crown, in various conquered colonies. direc- no british slavery, tions have been already forwarded to the government what does your sugar cost ? of berbice ; and in a few months we may cheerfully pity the negro, anticipate that our government, at least, will be pur- reasons for substituting east for west india ged from the foul stain of slavery." sugar, thus, it will appear that the labors of our sisters shooting excursion, in england are producing the desired effect. their remarks on the decrease of the slave population in the west indies, active exertions, in collecting and disseminating infor- quotations on half sheets of paper, mation, has opened the eyes of the nation, and do. on quarter sheets, loosened the tongues of her patriots and statesmen. cards of explanation, &c. the albums, work-bags, and port-folios, con- national registry. tain selections of the papers named above. among the many valuable papers, which have * these resolutions are too long for us to inserti the genius of universal emancipation. they might, || been kindly forwarded to us by the worthy secre- . in fact, be termed " articles of association," as tary of the i.adies' anti-slavery society of bir- they point out, distinctly, the object and plan of mingham, england, the following plan of a “re- ceeilings, adopted by the society. + this is a monthly periodical work, of great meril, gistry,” for those who are willing to give a preſer- published by the anti-slavery sociсty in żondon. ence to the productions of free labor, we think de- cers, + he el pro- genius of universal emancipation. fint justitia ruat celum. labor. bour." serving of particular notico. without further pre- | addressed to a. b. at mr. john crisp'e, no. tal bot court, gracechurch streel, london, will moei face, we submit the article to the view of our readers. with immediato attention. national registry, for encouraging absti a plan for establishing depots for west-india su- nence from sugar, the produce of slave gar, and other articles tho produce of free labor, may be had at the registry office, or of mr. john crisp, dealer in tea and east india sugar only. notwithstanding the invincible apathy with which too many havo regarded the degradation and suffer. ings of our enslaved ſellow subjects in the british for the genius of universal emancipation. colonies, it is quite evident that in many parts of it has been thought that so much has been said the country a powerful sympathy has been awaken. and written on the subject of slavery, that but little od in their behalf. their strong claims on our com more is required ; that it is not necessary any los- passion, british ladies, as might have been antici. ger to declaim against the system, but enforce the pated, have been the first to feel , and they have also precepts so long and carnesily beld forth by sileul been most prompt to act, consistently with their but powerful example. clear and just convictions. several of our largest very good, with regard to the efficacy of example; towns have been divided by them into districts, but i am not yet convinced thatitis a time for longues and efforts have been made by visitors, appointed to be silent, and pens unsullied with that jeity liquid for the purpose, to call the aliention of all classes which enables us to conmunicate our thoughts to the fact, “that the consumers of west-india those at a distance. it is not a time to be inactive. sugar aré'in reality the upholders of slavery." wecan achieve nothing through indolence. anex. the success which has attended these visits, where i tensive field of exertion is before us—we are called perseveringly made, has been such as to justify the upon to enter, inviting and entreating others to fol. firm conviction, that combined and extended ezer łów-to come also, and take hold of the plough- tions are only necessary to make the voice of hu- join us in declaring, that our efforts shall not cease, manity heeded by ihe slave proprietors; who, though ncr our ardoar abate, until the greal work is accom- deaf to all remonstrance, will not be found equally plished-until every descendant of africa shall be inaccessible to considerations of personal interest. franchised-until every american citizen sball ens to encourage those who have been already active joy the privileges and immunities which are his una. in this work of righteousnego, by the confidence | lienable right-until that liberty we boast of shall which must arise from their being witnesses lhe be possessed, in its purity, by everyone who inbales increasing number of friends to the cause ; afford the air or treads the soil of columbia. both a stimulus and an opportunity to zealous en we may with propriety apply the language of deavours, as well as to give to the general measure that illustrious and enlightened statesman and pats strength, permanency, and a defined object, an office riot, that eloquent orator, that friend of humanity, will be opened at no. , gracechurch street lon. william pitt. we “cannot repress” our senii- don, as a national registry for encouraging | ments-wc' feel” ourselves “ impelled to speak- abstinence from sugar, the produce of slave la we are called upon as men, ag christians, to protes against such horrible barbarity,” as is practiced is separate accounts or lisis will be kept in the re. these united states. we call upon the bishops to gistry of the number, interpose the unsullied sanctity of their lawn-upon st _" of thosewho purpose abstinence till slavery | the judges to interpose the purity of their ermine, shall coaso in all the british colonies." redeem “ us from this pollution." we “ call upon dly- or those who will abstain untilthe recom. the spirit and humanity of our" country to vindicate mendations of parliament in , are carried into the rational character." wo "invoke the genius full effect." of the constitution.” we solemnly call upon every dly—“of those who, with the members of many order of men in the union," lo blamp upon this infa. ladies' associations, will at least engage to abstain mous system “ the indelible stigma of the public ab. from slave-grown sugar till the time shall come, when horrence.” more particularly, we "call upon the the lash shall no longer be permitted to fall on the venerable prelates of our religion to do away this persons of helpless female slaves ; when our fellow- | iniquity, lei then performn a lustration to purify she creatures shall no longer be advertised like beasts | country from this decp and deadly sin." for sale, and sold like boasts in a west-indja slave amelia market, and whon every negro mother, living under philadelphia, ilk mo. th, , the british dominion, sball press a free born infant to her bosom." the registry (which will be a record of numbers extract. only, and not of names) will be opened on the th a celebrated statesmen and poet has of december ; and on the first of february , nounced, that “ woman's noblest station is pro- and at the commencement of every other month, the numbers registered will be published in such news. retreat,"—and the sentiment has acquired papers and periodical publications, as may be thought the authority of an established aphorism.- best adapted to the extensive circulation of the re. her duties, for the most part, are doubtless port. an agent will allend at the registry to receive all of a quiet, unobtrusive nature; she is happi- communications from town or country; and no lel- || y excluded from the great theatre of public lers or parcela will bo received at the olice unless business, from the turmoils of ambition, the the postage for the same has been previously pa do strife of debate, and the cares of legislation; it is recommended that in collecting names, indi. she may, nevertheless, exert a powerful in- vidual signatures should not be requested, it being | aluence over public opinion and practice, quite sufficient for the prevention of inistake, that no persons allow their names to be taken a second timo. without violating that retiring delicacy which the collector's list should state for which of the constitutes one of her loveliest ornaments.- three objects, before mentioned, cach individual | the peculiar texture of her mind, her strong givos his or her name; and in the letter to the re- gistry office, the total numbers of each clase collected feelings and quick sensibilities, especially, should be given without the numes. qualify her, not only to sympathize with suf- to provide for any occasion which may require an fering, but also to plead for thu oppressed; authentication of nambers, it has been recommended and there is no calculating the extent and that collectors' lisis should be preserved. the smallest nunber of names will be cheerfully importance of the moral reformations which received ; and previously to the opening of the re might be effected, through the combined es- gistry in december, cummunicatious, post-paid, i ertions of her gentle influence and steady genius of universal emancipation. fiat justitia ruot colum. $ fy resolation. no cruel institucions or fero that smild meet my glance in days gone by, cious practices could long withstand her a- and watched in tenderness above my sleep, vowed and persevering censure. even slave || who never more may home or parent see. now grown all dim with hopeless grief for me, ry, that broadest scandal to her country's laws that foules: reproach to her country's | when with glad heart i sprang across the hills, 'twas a bright sunny morn, religion that most pregnant cause of super-with my young sister, and beside the rills, abounding crime and misery, which dooms whose shining waves 'midst clustering ilowors hundreds of thousands to the lowest ex- were borne ; tremes of human degradation, of moral and while at at the cabin-door my mother stood, physical wretchedness-could not long sur- and watched our foot-steps to the distant wood vive her zealous and steady opposition. she never saw us more for in the dead of night, while deep we slept within our uncle's home, the man-thieves crept, from the liberator. with stealthy step, like tigers, lo our door ; little sado's stori. and, bursting in, they dragged us far away, a kelpless, frightened, unresisting prey. robert sutcliff, in his book of travels in ameri. ca, relates the incident which has suggested the ah, lady! now thime cyes following lines. little sado was an african boy, are wet with tears ;-then wonder not i weep, who was rescued from an unlawful slave ship by a within whose woking thoughts, or dreams of sleep, united states frigate, and provided for by the penn- the memories of such scenes as this arise ; sylvania abolition society with a home in a respect. that i shall never see my home again. and worse than these, the constant thought of pain, able family near philadelphia. although treated with the greatest tenderness,' three days they drove us on, says sutcliff, yet he was often seen weeping at the a weary, wretched, and despairing band, recollection of his near connexions. he said that until with swollen limbs we reached the strand, himself and sister were on a visit at a relation's, where 'neath the setting sun tho sea-waves and that, after the family had retired to rest, they shone ; were suddenly alarmed, in the dead of night, by a then gasping in the slave-ship’s hold we lay, company of man-stealers breaking into their ha. and wished each groan might bear our lives away. bitation. they were all carried off towards the sea, where they arrived at tho end of three days, ah! thou cans't never know and were confined until the vessel had sailed.' of all our sufferings in that loathsome den, • not long after t'is negro boy had been brought and from the cruel and hard-hearted men, into s. p's family, he was taken ill of a bad fever ; who mocked at all our anguish and our w ; and, for a time, there appeared but little hopes of until at length thy country's ship came by, his recovery, although the best medical help was and saved us from our depth of misery. obtained, and every kindness and attention shown yet still, though not a slave, to him.' i am a stranger in a stranger's land, • there being now scarcely any prospect of his far severed from my own dear kindred band, recovery, his mistress was desirous of administer. by many a wide-stretched plain and rolling wate; ing somo religious consolation, and observed to and, although even with ineo my lot is cast, him, as he had always been a very good boy, she i cannot lose the memory of the past. had no doubt that if he died at this time, his spirit would be admitted into a state of eternal rest and then wonder not i weep : peace.. on hearing this, he quickly replied :" for never can my lost home be forgot, know that if i die, i shall be happy; for as soon as nor all the loved ones who have made that spot any body is dead, my spirit will fly away to my fa- the heaven to which e'en yet amid my sleep, ther and mother, and sisters and brothers in africa." my hopes are sometimes turned-though thou bast the boy recovered. his good conduct had gained tanght him the favor and respect of the whole family, and my waking hours a holier, better thought. i have no doubt that the care bestowed upon his education will in due time afford him a brighter prospect of a futuro stale, than that of returning this sentiment of the declaration of our indepen- "we hold these truths," &c.--how does to africa.' dence appear when compared with facts like the fol- why weep'st thou, gentle boy? is not thy lot lowing ?-on the th of last month, as we learn by amidst a home of tenderness, and frində new-orleans papers, a man named r. bartlett was who have been ever kind to thee? thy heart sentenced to two years imprisonment, with a fine of should be too young for the world's biterness, two hundred dollars, for harboring a runaway slave ; and the deep grief, that, even amidst thy smiles, john harney to thirty days imprisonment for beating seems scarce to be forgotten. thou art good, a young boy; and a colored woman called victoire a very innocent and gentle boy, arnaud, sixty days imprisonment for insulting & and i would have thee happy. is there aught white man ! !- auburn free press, thou lackest with us, sado? did i not in thy sore sicknoss, with a mother's care, from the salem observer. watch by the couch, and nurse thee? day by day have i not taught thee patiently ? and moro extract. than earthly learning, showed theo of the wey • but " har plaintive note of anguish to win eternal happiness ? a better hope than that which only looked to afric's shore, our exulting mirth restrains, while a race of suff'rerz languish, to find thy ſuture heaven!-- doom'd to slavery's galling chains ? yes, thou hast done all this, 'tis the hapless afric, here, and much more, lady! thou hast been to mo sighing o'er his wrongs severe ! a true and tireless friend, and may there bo lid up for theo a full reward of bliss, olet kind commiseration in that brig heaven of which ly's heard theo tell, plead for wronged humanity ; where god and all his holy angols dwell. and with gen'rous amulation, let the suffring captive free ! yet how can i but weep, ye who freedom's blessing koow, whene’or i think upon the mother's eye, still the sacred boon bestow !! } tv genius of universal emancipation. fiat justitia ruai colum. notices communications-selections. the olio. it useful to remonstrate with them, for in such, it is manifest that the moral sense must be extinct ;--but we would address a word or two to the community which tolerates iq our limits are so narrow, that we are under them—who could indignantly spurn them the necesity of p.stponing a great number of articles, from good society, and who, were they to that we are anxious to lay before our readers mustapy reflect as they ought, would exert them. such are now on file ;-and how long they must re- main there, depends on the course of events, con selves unceasingly for the procurement of nected with the system of slavery. the melancholly | laws which would make that a perpetual and direful occurrences, of recent date, in virginia, penitentiary offence, by which men, (beings &c. require due notice ; and it will be seen that a large portion of our pages are occupied with details however with human exterior) now make thereof. we hope our correspondents will make due fortunes. laws to protect rights, ought to be allowance for the peculiar staie of things, alluded to, made when a disposition to invade them be- and excuse the frequent postponement of their valua comes apparent; but more especially, where ble favors. jaws exist which coerce rights, should they for the genius of universal emancipation. be repealed. in either case, the thoughts and feelings, of those whose right it is to evening walk. 'twas moonlight-every leaf was silent, dictate in the matter, must be aroused and and not a zephyr whispered through the grove. exercised. if such scenes as are exhibited in friendly mood, we wanuer'd forth, to where in a slave mart--such doings as are concom- a spreading oak rear; its majestic form itant with the accursed traffic, not merely to heaven. there, on a grassy hillock, we reclin'd, and talk'd of friendship's power, in bones and sinews, but in minds and affec- its charms, and what we owe to it--and how tions, (for be it remembered, that wherever it swetens life-how drear, and deoslate the slave goes, his thoughts and affections would be this terrene world; how dull, how sad, go-and that to whatever severity his body how wretched mankind, without this cement may be exposed, his feelings must inevita- of the soul. we also talked of those who range this vale of woe-to them, indeed a vale bly sympathize,) connot awaken the profes- of woe-who ne'er know friendship's magic pow'r, sedly religious and moral part of communi- or having known, and tasted once its sweets, ty to active exertion, we must despair of forc'd by their brethren to resign them all. torn from their home-home of their youthful days—ety has always had within its bosom, those, ever seeing a better state of things. soci- where, in the true enjoyment of social, friendly intercourse, luxurious ease, who have no “fear of god before their and health, and peace, they liv'd in perfect bliss ; eyes,” and no moral restraining principle nor thought, nor dreamed of misery or woe, within themselves--for such, laws are made. nor manacles, nor chains, nor dungeon's glooms. would it not indicate a low state of moral we talked of those, who for foul, desperate, and dreadful crime, are doom'd to live and die, feeling in that community, where horses incarcerated in dark, gloomy cells, miglit be stolen or robbed, and sold with the where guilt and misery together dwell ; knowledge of the community, at the same and whero no friend of youth-no father dear, time it was known that no law existed to or mother, with affectionale regard, can come, to cheer the drooping, guilt-stain'd soul, prevent it? and ease it of its heavy load of woe. we talked of these, and more, till night's pale queen, from poulson's american daily advertiser. had slow retired behind the western hills, anomaly in nature. and left us in the solitary gloom. the undersigned, agent of a convention of for the genius of universal emancipation. delegates, representing the free colored peo- cash in market. ple of the united states, held in this city, we wish to purchase one hundred and fifty likely || june last, conceives it his duty, and holds it young negroes, of both sexes, from to years as his privilege, in the name of said conven- of age, f.uld hands, also mechanics of every des- | tion, and in his capacity as agent, to contra- cription. persons wishing to dispose of slaves, | dict the misrepresentations, and deny the would do well to give us a call, as we are determined | principles, propagated through the several to give higher prices for slaves than any purchasers who is now or may be hereafter in this market. any papers, by an extraordinary public meet- communications in writing will be promptly attend ing, held at the city hall, in the city of new ed to. we can at all times be found at our resi: || haven, on saturday, th inst. dence." by what motives the mayor, aldermen, not from a desire to spare the feelings, or common council, and freemen of new ha- to exempt from public reprehension, the per- || ven, could have been influenced, or by what sons who issue the above notice, are the means excited to such exiraordinary mea- names, residence, &c. withheld ;—but sim- sures, we cannot conceive! we are not ac- ply because we should consider ourselves customed to being opposed by such dignita- accessary to the nefarious traffic. ries; heretofore the rabble, and they only, in the first place, we cannot conceive it have thrown themselves in the way of our possible to disturb the feelings of such per-| lawful and praiseworthy undertakings, nor sons. they who can make a business of can we account for this great combat, with a trading in their fellow-creatures—who have man of straw, and that too of their own cre- learned to look with indifference on the dis- | ating, by these men learned in law, and high tress which it inevitably produces, must be in authority. such a formidable array, lost to all feeling-must be callous as the since the days of antiquity, has not been breecia of the potomac ;--nor do we believe il seen, nor did we believe would be, until the g. a. z. genius of universal emancipation. fiat justitia ruat cælum. . e. c. end of time, against a cause so feeble and so n. b. the agent of the convention, who unassuming. is now soliciting subscriptions in this city, the facts are simply these; the above na- feeling his cause injured by the gratuitous med convention appointed a committee of insertion of the proceedings of the new ha- their own body, to take into consideration ven meeting, respectfully claims of those the situation of the free colored people of editors who inserted the former, a place for this country, and to report such measures as this in reply. in their wisdom they deemed most prudent and advisable, for the amelioration of their from the n. y. daily sentinel. condition, carefully guarding against any in- negro slavery. terference whatever with the slaves. the under this caption, and in reference to the committee reported as among the most effi- || southampton massacre, we find in the wash- cient means, the establishment of a manual || ington telegraph the following paragraphs : labor college; in which habits of industry “we have read, with no less surprise than regret, might be inculcated, and a mechanical or justification, in terms, of the late massacre, upon in the new york sentinel, the bold and unqualified agricultural profession obtained, while pur- || the ground that the slaves are entitled to their free- suing classical studies. dom. this declaration accompanies a statement these were the simple, unvarnished views of an individual, who asserts that he was whipped of the convention, in reference to the col- by a mob in petersburg, virginia, for having taken lege; and how our infatuated fellow citi- || the part of the slaves. 'fanatics should remember zens of new haven, can couple them with that, by the publication of such opinions, they ex- cite jealousies, which create false fears, and tend "immediate emancipation, insurrection or to produce an indiscriminate slaughter. interference with the internal concerns and the miscreant who could, in cold blood, write laws of the south,” we are at a loss to conceive. // and publish snch a paragraph as that to which we we utterly deny having connected any refer, is as dangerous to society, and deserves to such ideas with the establishment of our col- be treated as an incendiary or an outlaw." lege. whatever independent views indi- || remarks of mr. green, the editor of the tele- before commenting at all upon the above viduals of the convention or friends of the graph, we will copy.the paragraph for which college may entertain, we do not pretend to | he says we deserve to be treated as an say, nor do we intend to account for. our object is to ask the patronage of all the wise incendiary or an outlaw,” assuring him that and good, in behalf of the contemplated insti- || blood” as 'a man ought to possess while we copy it, as we penned it, in as “cold tution-an institution whose object and plan, we think, need only be known, to secure the speaking of the wrongs and defending the rights of his fellow men, and that we would good wishes and prayers of this enlightened community. we hope the opposition of our sooner suffer our right arm to be cut off than opponents and slanderers, whose hearts, we erase a syllable which the paragraph contains. “no one laments more the occurrence of such trust, are right, while their heads are very scenes as the southampton massacre, than the wri. wrong, will deter none of our friends and ter of this paragraph, and no one is more desirous fellow citizens, in this place or elsewhere, i of preventing the recurrence of such scenes; but from lending us their liberal patronage. we we believe that the only effectual method of pre- shall wait in person on the citizens of this | venting their recurrence is to speak the truth in re- lation to what has taken place, even though we are place, during a few weeks to come, to re- certain that it may prove unpalateable. of what receive their expression of good wishes and were the southampton negroes guilty? of putting friendship to our brethren of color, and the to death men, women, and children. for what ob- institution in which they are engaged. ject? plunder? no--there is no evidence that such confident that the authorities of new ha- was their object. on the contrary, almost all the ven have no rights nor powers by which they | emancipate themselves, and they no doubt thought accounts concur in stating that they expected to can prevent the location of the college in that their only hope of doing so was to put to death, that place, yet as friends to peace and good | indiscriminately, the whole race of those who held order, being authorized, we have altered our them in bondage. if such were their impressions, subscription book, so as to read new haven were they not justifiable in doing so ? undoubtedly er elsewhere, for if the principles and doings || the declaration of independence tells us.* if their they were, if freedom is the birthright of man, as of the meeting of the th inst. be a true ideas respecting their chance of success were ab- sample of that city, which, by the way, we surd, and their plans chimerical, it is attributable cannot believe, we rejoice in being delivered to their ignorance. but who kept them in ignor- from such a community. ance? those who have suffered so dearly by its effects. would the blacks have attempted their in conclusion, we think the dignitaries of this seat of science, have descended be- *such is the reasoning of persons who are not low themselves. it is beneath the gentle- || altogether. of course, this doctrine is inadmissi- wholly opposed to war. we disupprove of war man, the patriot, or the christian, to endea ble with us. the reader is referred to the first vor to crush a feeble institution in its infant || article, in the present number, for our sentiments state, and an institution too, got up for the upon this subject. the above is copied to shew best of purposes. let the citizens of new what are the views of some others in the united haven inform themselves on the subject of || states, with regard to it. it is proper that the our college, and atone for the injury they opinions of each other in this respect: and to be have done us, by liberally patronizing the so understood, their opinions must be published. institution. samuel e. cornish, there is no use in deceiving one another. agent of the convention. ed. g, u. emen. genius of universal emancipation. fiat justitia rust cælum. foolish project, if they had possessed even the mere slaveholders, but it must be done as rapidly rudiments of a common education ? never. they || as.is consistent with the safety of both. in- were in a state of brutal ignorance, and however absurd or cruel were their proceedings , if their ob- || stead of the number of slaves increasing, ject was to obtain their freedom, those who kept || they must decrease, and instead of passing them in slavery and ignorance alone are answera laws to keep them in ignorance, they must be ble for their conduct. they were deluded, but || enlightened. until these results are proda- their cause was just." ced, we shall hereafier bo much more open and now for nir. green. "fanatics," says || o the charge of excessive enthusiasm than he, “ghould remember that, by the publica- tion of such opinions, they excite jealousies, | reproaches of a mant who wrote a pamphlet we have been hitherto, notwithstanding the which create false fears, and tend to produce to prove that slavery is consistent with the jodiscriminate slaughter." this being the scriptures. first time, to our knowledge, that the term * fanatic" has been applied to us, we almost ^ duff green, editor of the united states tele- involuntarily laid hold of our new edition of graph, printed at the capital of the united states. webster, to see if we bad not heretofore mis- understood the term. here is webster's de- postscript. finition of " fanatic" : “a person affected alarm in delaware ! by excessive enthusiasm, particularly on reli- gious subjects ; one who indulges wild and the following may, or may not, be trae.- extravagant notions of religion.” now, as it is the wish of the advocates of slavery, in the sentiments of the extract upon which mr. ll this state, to raise a strong prejudice against green comments have no connexion with re- ligious subjects, the first part of webster's the colored people, and their friends, with definition only was applied to us, viz. “ a the view of preventing the abolition of the person affected by excessive enthusiasm.” oppressive system, by the convention, which instead of considering ourselves as justly i stitution. such attempts at insurrection, will shortly assemble to re-model the con- chargeable with “excessive enthusiasm” in favor of the slaves, we conscientiously de- however, when actually made, should con- clare that we believe we have been negli- vince every honest man of the absolute ne- gent in relation to their cause, and our only | cessity of ridding the country of the horrible excuse is, that the class to which we belong. || fountain of evil, as soon as possible.-read- and whose rights we endeavor to advocate, are threatened with evils only inferior to those | er! hast thou ever heard of a negro insur- of slavery, which evils it has been our prin-rection where they enjoyed their civil rights ? cipal object and endeavor to eradicate. wel-no indeed !-never!! might, however, have done more for the cause philadelphia, sept. .--we learn from of emancipation than we have done, and we are now convinced that our interest demands ) who is now in this city, that a few days since a gentleman, a resident of dover, delaware, that we should do more, for equal rights can never be enjoyed, even by those who are a conspiracy was discovered to have been free, in a nation which contains slaveites formed among the blacks in the county of enough to hold in bondage two millions of || sussex, with the object of revolting and ri- human beings, many of whom are the progeny sing against the whites. the day of election of their enslavers ! —in a pation, in the capital || should be made. fortunately, the plot was was fixed upon as that on which the attempt of which one paper* is supported which re- commends the suppression, by the public au- discovered, and twenty-four of the prominent thorities, of a press advocating the cause of participators in it were arrested, and are now the slaves, and anothert which calls it a crime in the prison of sussex county. apprehen- for enslaved men to endeavor to emancipate kent county, in the vicinity of dover. pa- siops were also entertained for the quiet of themselves, and justifies the claim of one class of human beings to property in another trols walls the streets nightly, to prevent sur- class. in a nation where these things are prise, and many of the inhabitants continue justified, without any effort, commensurate in a state of much excitement and alarm." with its magnitude, being made to eradicate one word more.--why was the time of the evil which induces their justification, || rising fixed on the election day? is it not, there can be no security for any rights but indeed, a "plot" of the slaveites? as the numerical and physical force. it is, there- fore, the duty of every freeman-every friend "richmond enquirer" says, nous verrons. of equal rights—to endeavor to avert from his country the evils which threaten her, by lending his aid to the adoption of measures a mob, consisting of several hundred per- for eradicating-totally eradicating the evil sons, in providence, r. i. lately tore down of slavery. this must be done by degrees, the houses of a number of colored people as well for the safety of the slaves as the * the national intelligencer. the excuse was, that their occupants were * the national journal. disorderly the true cause, that they were rhode island mob. genius of universal emancipation. fiat justitia ruat calum. black. the military was called out, and the number from any one society shall not several persons were killed, before the mob exceed ten." dispersod. by the latest accounts, before this disgraceful maltreatment. paper went to press, all was quiet in virgi- a gentleman, of the name of robinson, nia and north carolina. " gen. nat" (as was lately most cruelly whipped, and driven the principal instigator of the late rebellion out of petersburg, virginia, merely for say- || is called,) is said to have been taken. sir ing that the blacks ought to have their free- colored persons have been executed in n. dom!! the editors of the “southern reli- carolina, charged with having been engaged gious telegraph" are, evidently, well pleased in projecting an ingorrection in that state. therewith, because he is what they choose to expedition to africa. term an ir fidel!!! this subject will be the brig criterion sailed from norfolk for liberia further noticed. on the d of august, with ample supplies and emi- grants. of these thirty-nine were slaves manumit- ted by the following individuals :--mrs. elizabeth franklin sÉ armfield's slaves—again. greenfield, near natchez, mississippi, ; mr. wil- the bahama argus" states that a col.liams, of elizabeth city, n. c., ; gen. jacocks, of perquimans county, n. c.,?; by thomas davis, morse, of new-orleans, had arrived at nas- | esq., İmontgomery county, md. ; by l. w. green, sau, n. p. to claim the slaves wrecked on esq. ky. ; by h. robinson, esq. hampton, va. . the remainder, excepting the rev. mr. cesar abaco, from the brig comet. the white and his wife, of philadelphia, and a re-captured af- inhabitants wish to give them up,--but the society of friends in north carolina. of these lib- rican from georgia, had been under the care of the governor peremtorily refuses. erated slaves, two only were above forty years of age, and thirty-one of them were under thirty-five years, and twenty-two were under twenty. the reports, (as mexican emigration. we believe unfounded) industriously circulated by a free colored man, a native of florida, those unfriendly to the society, in regard to the mor- has published an address to the same class tality of the colony, and the great efforts made to prejudice the free people of color against it, have of people in the united states, generally, doubtless operated to diminish the number of this ex- pedition. these causes, we have reason to think, recommending their emigration to mexico. i will bo but temporary in their influence ; and even the suggestion is an important one. well now, we have information of a large number ready to embark for africa, from the western states. two shall bavo something to say about it anoa. or three benevolent individuals in virginia are wait- ing only for further favorable accounts from the colo- ny, before liberating their servants, with a view lo the american convention. their settlement in liberia. we are informed, that we have been requested to insert the fol- within a few days past a number of free people of color the same state have expressed their purpose lowing notice, thus early, in order that the of romoving to the african colony.-af. repository. advocates of emancipation may be seasona- bly advised of the change which has been from the (albany] african sentinel. the rev. nathaniel paul, agent of the wilberforce lade, relative to the time of meeting. settlement in canada, and formerly pastor of the the d biennial stated meeting of the african baptist church in this city, arrived here on " american convention for promoting the wednesday, the th inst, bringing with him letters of instruction and other credentials, authorising him abolition of slavery,” &c. will be held at to visit great britain, to solicit such aid as may bo washington city, on the second monday | conducive to the prosperity and future welfare of that infant settlement. injanuary, next, at o'clock, a. m.- mr. paul's papers were signed all the abolition, manumission, anti-sla- by his excellency the liout. governor. the infor- mation received from the above gentleman was truly very, and free produce societies, in the gratifying, and it is to be hoped that the friends to united states, are entitled to a representa-that and every other good cause, will assist him in lion, and are invited to participate. his philanthropic exertions, so requisite to the imme- on behalf of the convention, diate prosecution of his mission abroad. the state of affairs in the settlement may be seen from the robert p. anderson, communication in this number, from the above place. charles s. cope, editors friendly to the above-mentioned settlement, washington, september d, . will please give the communication an insertion in b n.b. printers of newspapers, favorable to wilber force settlement, u. c. the cause of freedom, are respectfully re mr. editor-it will no doubt be gratifying to our quested to give the above a few insertions. friends who, in different parts of the state of new- extract from the constitution of the convention. | vork and elsewhere, have taken an interest in our welfare, and have aided us in effecting this infant set- "art. d. the convention shall be com-tement, to hear from us, to know how we are getting posed of such representatives, as the respec- along : we therefore beg the favor of communicating live societies associated to protect the rights to them, through the medium of your very useful pa- of free persons of color, or to promote the per, a short account of our affairs : through the abolition of slavery within the u. states, lessing of god, we have all enjoyed our usual dan of health. wo have eructed for our accommo- may think proper to appoint, provided that i dation confortable log buildings, and have a portion - sec'ys. their papers. el genius of universal emancipation. fint justitia runt cælum. of our land in a state of cultivation ; our crops at lions of a thriving agricultural station have for the present continue to smile upon the labor of our hands ; || present been disappointed.--family library. we shall raise the present year nearly enough to sup- ply the present number of settlers. the people are a fact. it is the custom of many slave owners industrious, and well pleased with their present loca-l in the state of missouri, to let their slaves as ser- tion; and it is believed that none of them could be vants to transient residents in the state. about ten hired to go back to the states. two religious socie years since, an army officer of high rank, then sta. ties have been organized, one of the bap ist, under || tioned at belle fontaine, hired a negro woman of the pastoral care of elder nathaniel paul, and the mrs. st, of st. louis. the woman not pro- other of the methodist, under the care of eld. enos | ving a good servant, was soon discharged, and the adams ; and we are happy to add, that the utmost officer immediately afier missed certain silver spoons degree of harmony exists between the two churches. i and other articles of value. circumstances concur- a sabbath-school, under the superintendance of || red to fix the guilt on the woman, and the officer mr. austin steward, late of rochester, is in suc wrote a letter containing a statement of the facts to cessful operatiou ; and a day-school for the instruc- || her mistress. the next morning the slave appeared tion of children, is taught by a daughter of eld. ben at the gentleman's quarters, destitute of all clothing jamin paul, late of the city of new-york; and in ad- but a thin petticoat. she was followed by a male dition to which a temperance society has been form- || slave, who held in one hand a tremendous raw hide ed, consisting of about thirty in number; and the whip, and in the other a billet. the officer opened voice of the people is decidedly against ardent spirits || it and read as follows: ever being introduced as an article of merchandize • mrs. st -'s compliments to col. among us. there are, however, a number of fami- || she sends him the thief and a cowskin, and desire lies who have emigrated from the states, whose pe- || him to make use of the latter, so as not to leave an cuniary circumstances will not admit of their coming inch of her skin. but she requesis that he will spare at present to join us, but are compelled to take lands her breasts, as she is giving suck to a very young in the neighboring settlements upon shares, and hun child." dreds more in the states are longing to join us, but on . tell your mist.ess,' said the colonel to the black account of their limited means are not able to carry man, 'that she is a brute.' then turning to the de. their designs into effect. we feel grateful for past | linquent, he added, 'go, woman, and sin no more.' favors, but will not the eye of the philanthropist be turned toward their condition, and his hand opened a london paper states, that the people of hayti to supply their wants, that they may thereby be en- have sent ten thousand pounds of coffee to france, abled to join their brethren, to help forward one of for the benefit of the widows and orphans of the the most noble enterprizes that was ever was started, french patriots who fell in the memorable days of to elevate the too long degraded african this side thé july. atlantic ? the annual election of the board of managers, premium for rice. whose duty it is to appoint agents, and to take the oversight of the general concerns of the settlement, the sum of twenty dollars will be given took place july lth, when the following persons as a premium, over and above the market price, for were duly elected : -austin steward, benjamin | five casks of fresh rice, of good quality, raised paul, enos adams, will am bell , philip harris, || by free labor, and delivered in philadelphia, to abraham dangerfield, simon wyatt. the newly | charles peirce, before the st of june nesi. elected board, considering the limited means of the ( .) colored people, generally, and the absolute necessity the gentleman, above named, is well known as a of pecuniary aid, in order to carry so desirable an object | very respectable grocer in philadelphia, who has, into effect, and to secure its permanent character, for several years past, made it a particular business have re-appointed mr. israel lewis their agent to to keep articles in his line that are exclusively the obtain collections in the states, and the rev. nathan production of free labour. iel paul, late of albany, whose standing as a minister the premium, together with the niarket price, wil of the gospel, and whose devotedness to the cause be promptly pait, on the delivery of the rice, ac- of his colored brethren, is too well known to need any || companied by proper reference and vouchers from recommendation from us, to enbark for englad fir some respectable person who is known in philadel. the same purpose. he will probably sail as soon as sphia. the necessary means shall be obiained to defray the expenses of his voyage-and should a kind provi- dence smile upon the exertions of our agents, we genius of universal emancipation. have no doubt but in the course of a few years, that vol. xii. this settlement will present to the public such a the object and character of this work are wel state of ihings, as will cheer the heart of every well- known. it has been published ten years, and circa- wisher of the african race, and put to silence the lates in all the states of th's union, in canada, the clamor of their violent enemies. west indies, europe, and africa. it is exclusively by order and in behalf of the board, devoted to the subject of the abolition of slavery, austin steward, chairman. on the american continent ard islands, benjamin paul, secretary. the work will, henceforth, be issued monthly. !! colonization.-african colonization has never will be neatly printed, on fine paper, and folded in the been attempted in africa, with an european popula. octavo form, each number making sixteen large pages tion, except on a limited scale. by much the largest the price of subscription will be one dollar per colony is that founded by the dutch at the cape of annum, always to be paid in advance. good hope, which was transferred to the english by subscribers who do not particularly specify the the events of the last war. in , it svas estima- time they wish to receive the work, or notify the ted to contain a population of , , being nearly | tion of each current year, will be considered as enga; editor of a desire to discontinue it, before the expira. double the amount in . about , were eu- ropeans, , hottentots, and , slaves. cape ged for the next succeeding one, and their bills wil town, which in comprised a population of ,- be forwarded accordingly. , has probably increased to upwards of , , | dollars remitted to the editor, in current money of the agents will be entitled to six copies for every fire and is now quite an english city, having newspapers, and a south-african journal, devoted to literature united states, and science; and mauy very intelligent inhabitants. all letters and communications intended for this tenor twelve years ago, several thousand souls office, must be addressed (free of expense) to ben- were sent out from england to occupy the district of jamin lundy, washington, d. c. albany, in the eastern part of the colony. the set dp a few copies of the eleventh volume, como tement has not been prosperous, and the expecta- "plete, for sale. the terms of subscription genius of universal emancipation. edited by b. lundy-published in washington and baltimore-$ . per ann. "we hold these truths to be self-evident: that all men are created equal, and endowed by their creator with certain inalienable rights; that among these are life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness."--declaration of independence, u. s. no. . vo . ii. third series.] october, . (whole number . vol. xii. tiie southern insurrection. especially that portion of the human race which we still continue to hear occasional rumors is governed by the regulations of civilized soci. of plots, and premeditated insurrections, in the ety, we are sometimes led to wonder at the ca- south. some confessions have been drawn priciousness of fate, in placing arrogant dunces from slaves, suspected of having been concerned at the top of fortune's wheel, and men possessed in the southampton conspiracy, at different of modesty and wisdom beneath it! in no case, times and in various places. we fain would | perhaps, will these observations more forcibly hope that none of these “confessions” have been || apply than to certain aristocratic upstarts, in 'extorted by the fear of the whip; but when we this country, who have placed themselves in ed. hear of the infliction of that instrument previous | itorial stations, and assumed the control of the thereto, (which has frequently been the case,) | newspaper press. in numerous instances stu- we are constrained to express our doubts of the pidity, ignorance, the most temporising policy, correctness of much of the information thus ob- || and at the same time the haughtiest censorious tained. but at a time when the public mind has | dispositions, are manifest. become so highly excited, by acts of outrageous but we shall not waste much time in prefa- barbarity, it is in vain to expect that reason and | cing the few remarks we intend making, at pre- justice will strictly maintain their empire, or sent, upon the subjects expressed in the head- that the guilty and the innocent will always being to this article. we are not convinced that properly distinguished. such excitements re the gentry, to whom we now particularly allude, semble the furious tornado, in its movements are either politically, morally, or intellectually, and counter-movements. raging and whirling, as consequential as they fancy themselves to and scattering or destroying, every thing falls | be! it were useless to while away our mo, a prey to its indiscriminate ravages—the noblest | ments in fowling for jack-daws, when more im. works of nature and the proudest of art, the portant game is in view. beautiful things of the earth with the best insti in our last number we briefly adverted to the tutions for the promotion of human happiness | circumstance that this work had been classed -all, all are swept before it, as with the besom among what the advocates of slavery denomi. breath of the fiend of destruction! how neces nate “ incendiary publications,” by a virginia sary, then, is it to avoid every species of violent paper; and that the editor of that print, as well commotion, in our endeavours to produce a as those of the “national intelligencer,” had, i holesome reformation in society. have not by their remarks, entitled themselves to a little the best reformations invariably been effected further notice. the following article appeared by pacific means? do the fierce tempests of || in the last mentioned paper, of the th ultimo. passion, aided by physical violence, or the so the genius of liberty, published at lees. ber appeals of reasonable argument and moral | burg, in virginia, in reference to some remarks persuasion, tend most to humanize the savage tions in boston, and their deleterious influence of ours upon the character of certain publica- on the tranquillity of the south, thus directs our attention to a like publication, which, it is sta- ignorant and temporizing editors. ted, issues periodically from the press in this city : tyrannical doctrines. “in approving of these remarks, we would, while we are decidedly opposed to the use of not discourteously, remind the editors of the physical violence, in any shape, with a view of intelligencer, that the grievance of which they effecting the political and moral reformation in the publication of the 'genius of universal complain is tolerated, to a considerable extent, which we have long (though feebly) advocated, || emancipation, printed and published in the we are not disposed to listen, passively, to the city of washington, and immediately under the senseless tirade of every doltish or malignant || read its columns, and they can be at no loss to eye of the city authorities. let those editors ignoramus, whom chance has elevated to public decide upon itş character.” notice, or the accompaniments of wealth and we can hardly expect to gain credit from our lexibility of principle have endowed with im- brother editor at leesburg, when we assure him that we were not aware of the existence of pudence and transient consequence. looking | such a journal in this city as that which he abroad through the diversified walks of mankind, i speaks of. we dare say, the same is the case heart of man?. .genius of universal emancipation. fint iustitia krai (@lum. with the people of boston, in reference to the lotted them. professing patriotism and practi- “liberator,” which is doubtless best known | cing philanthropy, just far enough to catch the hitherward. we do remember having seen one or more numbers of such a publication some popular breeze, they attracted the favorable éno- twelve months ago; but it was of a compara- tice of some, while dullness marked their pub- tively innocent complexion, and, such as it was, | lic carcer, and selfishntss and aristocratic pride we supposed had been long discontinued. well was conspicuous in their actions. the paucity cannot believe, from some slight knowledge of the editor, whose acquaintance we made about of correct ideas exhibited by them, relative to the same time, that he would employ what abil. || the subject of emancipation, (their opportuni- ities he possesses in stimulating one portion of ties for acquiring information considered,) is the community to massacre the other, as has been deliberately done under the influence of an indeed surprising. the most stupid dolt that ef- enthusiasm, which may be honest, but certainly er catered for a periodical, might well be asham- is mischievous, in the other case referred to. ed of such acknowledgements, on the score of this is not the first time that publishers of ignorance, as they have frequently made. we newspapers, in virginia, and the contiguous | read them a lesson upon this topic, a few years states, have hurled their angry denunciations since, that they have not yet forgotten. hence against the genius of universal emancipation.— their ill-mannered slang, above quoted. to do but we do not recollect that the editor of the them justice, they know much more of the "ge- “genius of liberty,” with whom we have long nius of universal emancipatión” than they pre- been acquainted, ever before uttered a syllable tend, or wish ;—and they may possibly, one of disapprobation relative to it, when under the day, be still better acquaiņted with it. the fact immediate charge of its present proprietor.- is, they desire to curry favor with the advocates whether he now thinks it necessary to censure of emancipation, in order to secure their patron- us, merely to please his slavite customers, or age; and, though opposed to their principles, they whether his nerves have recently suffered so dare not argue the question openly and fairly. much from the consequences of slavery as to ren- therefore, a plan of temporising, a real or af- der his vision obtuse, and derange his powers of | fected admission of ignorance, with a little mean ratiocination, we shall not venture an opinion. ridicule of contemporary opponents, suit the we had expected better things of him. but he prosing dullards far better than a manly, spirited, has made his election, and while we grant that intelligent defence of the ground they choose to he possesses a perfect right to assail us with his occupy. despicable as this course of proceed- qualified or unqualified abuse, he may be assu- | ing is, little more can be expected from men of red that our buoyant bark has weathered too rather slender capacities, whom fortuitous cir- many furious storms, to be capsized by a gentle cumstances have placed a degree above them- “ white squall,” even in the torrid clime of sclves, despotism. in case he chooses to identify it appears that the livery-bearer of the alexan- himself with the advocates of slavery, let him dria “phenix gazette” is also disposed to follow speak out, as loud as he dare. if he advances any in the wake of the leesburg journalist, abov thing worthy of notice, he shall be attended to. mentioned. he speaks of the genius of uni- as to the affected ignorance, imbccile sncers, versal emancipation, (as well as the “ libera- and silly criticism, of the “national intelligen-tor,") as having“ obtained an infamous notorie- cer,” we should not consider them worthy a ty.” if the man could rightfully claim a more moments notice, unconnected with the remarks dignified title than that of a mere harnessed parti- of the leesburg editor. who are they, that san--if he possessed a spark of independence, thus arrogantly toss their heads and ulter their he might deserve somewhat further attention.- pointless sarcasms, with little sense, and less of malignant as his charge is, however, he finds an dignity? a pair of court parasites, more noted endorser in the conductor of the “national jour- for political servility and fawning selfishness, nal,” who copies it without comment.—“et ta than either strength of intellect or extent of brute?” general knowledge :—the one an english cock- ney, with little to recommend him but his infla we designed, before concluding this article, ted vanity, and the other a sprig of the negro briefly to comment on some of the tyrannical aristocracy of north carolina,-both of whom doctrines, promulgated through the medium of are “all tņings unto all men” as far as their in- | the press, at the present time;—but our limits terests and“ abilities” go! with the mosť flexi-will not permit,--and the subject is deferred to ble political principles, and the patronage of a future number. the proposition of the new- government for a series of years, they have as york "courier and enquirer,” to increase the sumed a standing and importance, among poli- standing army, and station iroops in the slave states, ticians and newsmongers, that nature never al- lio prevent insurreciions, with the responses of genius of universal emancipation. fiat justitia kuu! cum. . means. sundry other journals, will then be duly noticed. || had been troublesome, and the slaves quiet, so a few of the reverend clergy will, also, be respect that, unlike all other men, the blacks preferred slavery to freedom, and must either be kept in fully attended to. bondage, or sent out of the country, to keep them from butchering the whites. and yet the capting the climax! reverse of this has been the fact, if we have read the attorney general of north carolina late- | the southern papers correctly. we have heard ly submitted a bill of indictment to the grand of no single instance of a free colored man join- ing with the insurgents. jury, at raleigh, against garrison & knapp, of boston, massachusetts ! for publishing and circu- garrison's vindicators. lating the “liberator.” the jury returned it a our good friend morris, of the philadelphia "true bill;” and what course will next be pursu- | album,” is mistaken, in stating that we have ed, remains to be seen. perhaps they will be | undertaken to vindicate the editorial course of demanded-alive or dead! by the governor of wm. l. garrison. he stands in no need of north carolina. our assistance --but is tolerably able to defend in several other places it has been made pen-himself. we have said that, instead of urging al for a colored person, bond or free! to take said violent means for the abolition of slavery, as paper from the post-office! (is this a “land of charged by the “national intelligencer,” and liberty?") the only effect that such measures other slavite journals, he advocates moral, pacific can have, will be to give the “liberator” a more measures, exclusively. we wish the truth to extensive circulation. "fanatical” as garrison | be known, relative to the conduct of all engaged is said to be, our slavites are aiding him, essen- in our cause. then each one may be responsi- tially, in forming an acquaintance with the ble for his own acts. public. b the following is from the albany “af- rican sentinel,” of a recent date.. let the dis- from france.--"glorious news!" cussion take place. truth is elicited by such liverpool papers, to the th september, have been received at new-york. the following is a challenge. why do colonizationists generally shrink from really "good ncws, if true.”— a fair contest on the merits of their system? for the subject of the slave trade has been open- the best of all possible reasons-their cause is a ed in the french chambers. it appears that the weak one; and they scem to know it. it is the in- emancipation of the negrocs, by a system of tention of the writer of this article to discuss the preparation and gradual relaxation of the assu- subject with some fair and able (not to say rea- med right of their holders, is seriously contem- | sonable) advocate of colonization-ism. he is plated.-english paper. willing to hold the discussion in any paper what- who is at the bottom of this movement in the ever, or in any manner whatever--and he here- french legislature ? the citizen of two na- by challenges any opposer of african emancipa- tion or advocate of the colonization society who tions-the hero of two continents—the favorite dares defend his principles in the fair field of ar- of two worlds—the immortal lafayette! ||gument, to discuss the subject. he doubts much and not only is he laboring in the holy cause the boasted courage of colonizationists and is now willing to test it. there:-he has recently sent over a number of he will thank his opponent whoever he may swiss and german settlers, to cultivate (exclu- | be, to signify his consent by addressing “ john sively by free labor) his lands in florida. this g. stewart, editor of the african sentinel, al- experiment will, no doubt, be of the highest im- | bany,” post paid, who will, in concert with the author of this communication, arrange the terms portance to the united states. for discussion. gardner jones. now york, sept. th, . blindness of tyranny! it is strange that the people of virginia &c. do it is said the leader of the southampton not see that it is the slaves, instead of the free insurrection, “gen. nat," alias nat turner, has recently been taken, in the neighborhood of his people of color, that are so troublesome to them! | tragic exploits. if this be true, the virginians why do they not open their eyes to the true state will feel less apprehension of similar scenes, for a time. of things? the following remarks, from the but had they not best take speedy measures for the abolition of that system, which “genius of temperance,” are to the point.- gives birth to such bandits as gabrieis” and singular movement.-there seems to be a “nat turners ?” general movement in virginia on the subject of the colored population. a memorial to the lpwe are again compelled to omit the in- state legislature has been got up. the removal || seriion of many articles, prepared for this nun- of the free blacks seems to be the principal ob- || ber-among others the outrage committed upon ject. in connexion with this, it is urged that the person of h. d. robinson, at petersburg, the emancipation of slaves by individuals should | virginia, and a notice of the proceedings of the be absolutely prohibited except on condition of colored people's convention at philadelphia. their being sent out of the country. a stranger for no. ii, on the “prevention of slave insura would suppose from this, that the free blacks li reclions," see pages and . i ( genius of universal emancipation. fiat justitia ruat carum. and the mint, monopolies of tobacco, salt, the mexicans—(continued.) pulque and gunpowder; lotteries and privileges, we continue our extracts from the interesting the post office, stamps and tolls, &c. these are paper before us. adverting to the great re the ordinary ineans: the extraordinary ones are sources of the mexican nation, the writer pro- the property of exiled spaniards who have taken loans, contributions, donations, confiscations of ceeds :- arms again, and lastly repartitions, or the con- after having given in the two preceding num. tingent of each state to make up deficiences, bers an idea of the mexican population and po- | which is seldom paid in time. the state taxes litics, these sketches of the mexican nation will are light, chiefly raised by local monopolies and be concluded by a rapid survey of the immense excises or tolls, in the towns. mexican means of prosperity and greatness. passing over some of his remarks, respecting such a topic might be very properly included | the monopolies, financial difficulties, &c., which under the heads of finances, agriculture, com- merce, mines, manufactures, army, church and are to be considered incident to a revolutionary state. state of things, and merely temporary, we quote but before noticing these branches of national the following important views and statements; wealth, it may be needful to recur again briefly to the important fact, that the whole population they will command particular attention. is free, and yearly increasing, notwithstanding no country has more need of one or more all the checks from civil war and struggles, do- banks than: mexico, where so many metallic mestic quarrels and local difficulties. there is transactions take place; but the idea of a bank no slavery to weaken the social system, and is yet unpopular, because the parties distrust nearly all indians are cultivators, except a few each other, and fear the abuse' made of them in straggling small tribes in the north. the various the united states. the people are afraid of pa- ancient nations of different speech have all blend- l per money, of which they have happily been ed under the proud name of mexicans, and pos- | preserved, notwithstanding the attempt of itur- sess unanimity of national feeling. thus the bide; and thus they are so far better off than the mexicans start into the rank of independent na united states in . tions with a double population, at least, than many other financial resources could be stated the united states in , and with thrice as many or found ; but the sale of public lands is begin. freemen. these freemen have increased one ning to draw peculiar attention. the mexicans million between and , or one in seven have one thousand millions of acres of good land within five years; this rate would double thc (besides as many of barren land) to sell to colo. whole population in thirty-five years—in much || nists, which, at the assumed rate of forty cents less when peace and security shall return. a per acre, may produce, in future, four hundred striking fact to prove this may be found in the millions of dollars. thus they will sell land state of michoacan, the cradle of the revolution, cheaper than the uaited states, and at a longer and that has most suffered, having increased credit of six years. this land is suitable for su- from , in , to , in , or gar, cotton, and all useful staples may be culti- , in five years, at the rate of nearly per vated by freemen; and any poor man, white, red cent., which would double the population in or black, can buy it without a cent in his pock- years. thus it is not unreasonable to suppose let, and raise enough on it before the price is that, in , the mexicans may be fifteen or due to pay the small cost, and be wealthy to sixteen millions, and in perhaps thirty milboot! lions, which the north americans can scarcely this leads to a survey of mexican agriculture. exceed then, even with their slaves. no country is more favored by nature. low- the finances are really in a wretched state, lands and table-lands, from texas to yucatan, but the same was the case in north america can produce every production of the globe. su- between and . it may even be assert gar, coffee, and cocoa, as well as cotton, wheat ed that there is hardly any system of finances, and wool, besides the peculiar staples of vanilla, and yet the country offers the most ample means | jalap, cochineal, &c. a farmer or settler has to build one, if able hands could manage them, only to choose and consult his convenience or and a hamilton be found. the ministers of abilities, and iſ industrious, instead of lazy, he is finances have all been unskilful or greedy:--sure of wealth and comfort. in the settled parts the late one, zavala, chosen by guerrero, and indian laborers are easily procurable; twenty- of the patriotic party, is accused of having | fivecents a day are the average wages of their free embezzled vast sums either for himself or his labor; but there the land is all in the hands of party, and has been exiled for it. during the | the aristocracy, some of whom own estates as revolution every thing was disorganized; the large as a county in the united states. if they mines and mint almost suspended; collections could be induced to parcel them on long leases became difficult; the capitation tax of the in or ground rents, they would become richer still; dians, which produced about $ , , , was and as many wealthy patrons, like the rensel. very properly abolished, and every thing was laers of albany, in new york; while the land thrown in a confusion from which it has not yet || would be filled with farms and gardens, as it is fully recovered. in oaxaca, the ancient estate of cortez, and before the revolution, the revenue of mexico other places, where indians are land holders was about twenty millions of dollars, of which || upon a moderate quit rent. these estates are half was sent to spain, and half spent in the in- variously appropriated; some are mere cattle ternal administration. in , the federal in- | farms of vast extent, while others are immense come was only about fourteen millions, all spent sugar plantations. in the country, and yet the army, interest of sugar, coffee and cotton can be raised cheaper loans, and everything else, was in arrears. the than in the united states or the west indies, state taxes and revenue were independent of and by free labor; but owing to the civil trou- this. this federal revenue arises from customs il bles, not enough are now raised for the home t th a gr ct ih genius of universal emancipation, fiat justitia ruat cælum. . consumption, and some are still imported from spent twelve millions of dollars, or more, in cuba, jamaica and louisiana. the bad system draining old or exhausted mines, instead of seek- of fallows is universal; three-fourths of the large ing for new ones; introducing useless and expen. estates are thus kept, and one-fourth planted by sive machinery, importing miners from england, turns in the annual staples. plantations of coffee who are of less use than the indians; and the trees, olive trees, grape vines, and other perma- result has been that all these companies (except nent cultures, are but few as yet; oil and wine perhaps the german, which was more judicious- are, however, made. cocoa, maguey, vanilla ly conducted) have failed in their expectations and cochineal are also perennial staples, well of great wealth, sunk a vast capital, (some mines e cultivated by the indians in some districts. the are not yet drained, after five years labor,) pro- other agricultural produces are indigo, pimento, duced but little silver, and become discouraged. tobaco, alloes, maize, wheat, pulse, &c., besides | but the mineral wealth of mexico is not ex- the great animal staples of cattle, mules, horses, || hausted. three thousand millions of silver have sheep, wool, hides, wax, honey, &c. rice, silk, been drawn from them in three hundred years, and a few other productions, are little known, or an average of ten millions of dollars per an- but might be very easily introduced. irrigation num; as much remains, if not more, but it must be is well practised, even by. indians, but manures sought for, and the practical simple mode of the are unknown. indians resorted to again. in the single smaller maize, or indian corn, is the chief food of the mint of the patriots, in zacatecas, they have indians, (with chocolate and fruits,) and eaten coined fifty-four millions of dollars between in the shape of tortillas or flat cakes. a mexican and , in the midst of a cruel civil war, ave. laborer or soldier can live upon the daily value | raging three millions per annum. it is expected of two cents! the produce of maize is wonder that in , if peace then prevails, millions ful; an acre has been known to yield two hua- of bullion may be produced in all metals, as be- dred bushels; and some stems are twenty feet | fore the revolution. high, with five to six large cars. wheat only it has lately been ascertained that the great grows well on the table land, but there com mineral wealth extends far to the n. w. beyond monly yields twenty-five for one, while in eu- | the supposed limits of lat. , and much beyond s rope only ten ortwelve on an average, and in the sonora ; and there the ores are richer, yielding best land of kentucky only twenty-two for one. six per cent. of silver, while in the south they in the irrigated lands of mexico it has even yield- || hardly give two per cent. mining has been con- ed forty to eighty for one! sidered as a lottery, but in mexico it is rather a to produce one million of pounds of sugar, || manufacture of bullion. a great deal depends i only laborers are required, men and on a good location. in old mines the working boys; while are required in cuba and lou- is always half of the amount or more. the bane- isiana. the production of mexican coffee is stillful system of the mita, or compulsory labor of easier ; men can attend to , trees, the indians, at the mines of peru, was never in. which produce an average of , weight.-troduced. the usual mode latterly was to work thus free labor will sooner or later supersede on shares, the owner allowing half the silver to the need of colonial slave labor, and slavery may the indian miners : this they liked well, because cease by becoming useless and unprofitable. it gave them a chance of great profit. the although the mexicans wiil chiefly become a mining companies will be compelled to return great agricultural nation, commerce will follow to this plan. pas usual in the train. between two great oceans, sugar making is also a complicated manufac- they will turn their attention after the peace to ture, in which the indians are likely to supersede greater intercourse with europe, north ameri- negroes. brown sugar can be produced by them ca, china and the east indies. at present the at the low rate of one cent and a quarter per whole trade is in the hands of strangers, chiefly pound. in cuba the lowest rate is two cents, inglish and north americans. of the vessels and in louisiana three and a half cents per to let entered vera cruz in , only , were pound. there a negro slave only raises - b. mexican, and all coasting vessels ; ameri- of sugar : in the fertile soil of mexico an indian cans, english, french. the english can actually produce lb. yearly. trade has since greatly increased. severalports the manufactures in which the indians excel are open on the east and west shores, yet it is are jewelry, pottery, sculpture, carving, and all said that the imports and exports have fallen in | the ornamental arts; they are also good painters, amount since the revolution. this may be as- | musicians, masons, &c. they make beautiful cribed to the cheaper value of the imports, and and wonderful vases, similar to the admired the lesss bullion exported. etruscan vases of antiquity; toys of all kinds, mexican mines are indeed much fallen oft, and wax figures, feather mantles, and mosaics, masks, no longer the same source of wealth as former- | ornaments, saddles, colion cloth, ornamented ly, although three great impediments were re- cloaks of great value, &c. they are susceptible moved at the revolution : -the duty on silver of being taught any other art, being skilful and and gold was reduced to per cent., it was industrious in all their pursuits. all kinds of per cent. before. —quicksilver foramalgama- | european manufactures were discouraged or for- tion has been made duty free. -several local bidden by the spaniards, and the late struggles mints have been established; formerly all the have not allowed yet of turning their attention bullion was to be coined in mexico alone. be-| that way: the english and foreigners have sides foreign capital and machinery were intro- | also supplied all their wants at so cheap a rate, duced, but could not compensate for the spanish compared with former prices, that they have not capital withdrawn, ( millions,) and the local felt the need of a change. difficulties of insecurity, prejudices, inexperi but a change must happen when trade, com- ence, want of ſnel, &c. merce, good roads, and manufactures will be at in was established the first english min- | tended to. every thing is to be created in that ing company. they are now : english, ; way. planters and manufacturers will realize north american, ; gorman, . they have ll in mexico greater wealth than the miners | the genius of universal emancipation. fit justitia ruat calum. e c t creoles disdain all kind of handicraft ; they ap- the following are the concluding obscrvations ply themselves merely to agriculture, trade and of our author:- professions; foreign mechanics have therefore ample scope. even taillors, shoemakers, car those states forming the federal union are penters and smiths, can realize two to four dol- very various in climate, soil, productions, popu- lars per day, while indians are content with lation and views. the most populous is the cents. clothing of all kind is very dear. hats, ll central one of mexico, which has a million of coats, shoes, shirts, &c. are the bat articles to population: it was , in . the capital import; the next are iron, liardware, hosiery, is tescuco, the city of nexico itself being the glass, paper, silk goods, dry goods, woollens, | federal city only. the smallest state and least &c. the french wines have superseded spanish | populous is tabasco, having only , . it wines. the first manufactures needed in the may be compared to rhode island in the united country are paper, gunpowder, hats, glass, arms, states. wollens, &c. the state of durango is the only one which the laws of the country are mild. all crimes | has a population nearly all white, of , . are judged by the federal courts, the state | the different indian nations are scattered in all courts having only cognizance of civil suits. a || the other states: they only differ in speech, and federal attorney watches in each state over the are mostly cultivators, one tenth part only being local laws, so as to prevent any unconstitutional miners, mechanics, tishermen, shepherds, and infringement. this may be deemed an improve- soldiers. the aztecas are the most' numerous ; mentover the federal system of the united states. next the brave tarascas of michoacan, who be. trial by jury has not yet been established, be- gan the revolution; the handsome miztecas of cause the people are not quite prepared for it.-- oaxaca, who are called the circassians of mex- but there is no imprisonment for debt-the shame ico; besides the otomis, zacatecas, huaste- of the united states ! credit is low, because the cas, and many more. while in the north are country is unsettled, and because payment may the mayos, who have a population of , – be postponed a long while by lawyers, and by their chief town has , . the opatas have bribing the officers of the law. indeed bribery | thirteen large towns in sonora, and form two- is a glaring evil in the whole system of govern- | thirds of the population. the yaquis, who ment, borrowed from spanish precedents and made war on the spaniards till , and now practice, as the united states have borrowed from their king is become a federal general, general england to put debtors in jail and hold slaves. cienfuegos. general salvador was also once king of the opatas. all these are very clever, we omit the writer's 'statements in relation | docile, industrious and warlike tribes. there to the number and condition of the military | are also the guicholas of xalisco, the yumas, forces; as reductions are making, and will be nabajos, seres and apaches of new mexico, and further made, no doubt, in a short time. when many other tribes in texas, new mexico and california, more or less civilized, common- the independence of the government shall belly dwelling in towns or missions, except the acknowledged, at least, this will be done. wandering apaches and cumunchas, formerly some of his remarks, respecting the church, | formidable robbers, but now mostly conciliated and friendly are also superfluous at this day. but the fol- thus the mexican nation,enjoying a fine cli- lowing paragraphs possess a considerable de- || mate and soil, much wealth, and many elements gree of interest, as they show that an important of prosperity, cannot fail to become powerful change in the state of religious affairs may, ere and respected. it is a mistake to suppose the long, be expected. country unhealthy, because there are some nar- row strips of lowlands along the shores which nuns are diminishing; very few have become are subject to local diseases in the summer.-, such latterly, and no young ones; only a few old these strips extend from tampico to tabasco ? women tired of the world, or rather dissipation. the east; but a stranger by coming there be- young monks are more common. the sons of tween novenber and april, or by removing at creoles embrace the profession, as a wealthy, orce miles inland, if he comes in summer, indolent mode of life. monks have few restraints will be perfectly safe. the vomito prieto, or --they go out any where, frequenting even gam- | black vomit, of this zone, is a kind of yellow bling houses, theatres, and places of amuse- fever modified by the climate, and not much ments; their morals are very low. thus they | worse than the summer disease of new orleans. are despised: the creoles and indians are waver others say that it is a kind of gastronymic fever, ing in their former respect, and even religious which assails at once the liver, spinal marrow, belief. and the brain. one of the most simple reme- nothing can better show the state of the pub- dies in use, and which is often effectual, con- lic mind on this score, than the fact that books | sisls in speedy and repeated doses of a mixture against the catholic religion are openly printed, of castor oil, lime juice, and sea salt. nine sold, and read, even by the monks. the cila- ténths of the country are healthier than the tuer of lebrun, a work ridiculing in the most most healthy parts of the united states, not be- open manner the whole national belief, was ing liable to consumptions, fevers, nor rheu- lately translated and printed at the government || matisms. press. every body laughed with it, and even the monks joined in the laugh. it is evident the taking every thing connected with this sub- government wishes to pave the way to a gradual | ject into view the advantages enjoyed by col- religious reform and liberty of conscience. the ored people, in the mexican republic, and their church property, if taken or borrowed by the nation, might lay a foundation for credit and present precarious situation here—we feel war- prosperity ; but if it is wasted by the military, it || ranted in devoting a considerable space in our may as well be let alone. pages to an illustration of the state and condi- st co l bus of his a ac ha genius of universal emancipation. fint justitia runt cælum. tia. ou si be anet im perc aqu che la el tion of that government and country. a very nothing can be farther from the intention of minute and particular description of the prov-interfere with, or say any thing disrespectful the writer of this communication, than either to ince or territory of texas is laid off for inser- concerning the acts of the great and indepen- tion in next month's genius. the time has dent state of ohio, or of any other government, come, when we think it proper to say: that of in their acts of legislation ; or even to enquire all the places ever mentioned, as suitable for nication merely originates in a wish to put these whether they do right or wrong. this commu- the emigration of our southern colored popula- unfortunate objects of oppression on their guard tion, this is the most inviting, and the most de- | against placing themselves rashly in a situation sirable. our reasons will be given more at which, though flattering at first view, might not be permanently to their advantage. length hereafter. the slaveites of this country although the british constitution, under are done with texas. wo to them ! if they ev- which canada is now governed, offers an am- er attempt (by force) the annexation of any every settler ; yet canada is only a provincial ple guarantee against prejudice or injustice to portion of the mexican territory to the “united government, and may, at some future period states of the north;” and it certainly will never not far distant, lose the advantages of that pro- be otherwise accomplished. tection; which probability, when taken into consideration, and added to the extreme cold- we close this number with an extract from a ness of the climate, so uncongenial to the feel- circular, entitled “prejudice against color,” | ings of the colored people, argues strongly a. written by “ a free colored floridian,” and re- gainst the growth of a colored settlement in canada. cently published in the new-york daily senti- the consideration of the above facts would nel and working man's advocate. his views induce the writer of this, himself colored, a native on this subject are enlarged and liberal; and of florida, and now a resident of that territo- we are pleased to learn that they are approved | ry, and feelingly alive to their success, to re- commend them to look towards mexico, as a by many of our most intelligent colored people. i place of safety and permanent refuge. the co- the editor of the “ african sentinel” copies the lored people of these states are now loudly cal- whole article, and speaks of it as “a produc-led upon by the imperious laws of necessity and tion worthy of calm consideration, especially behalf—to mitigate, if possible, the cruel system self preservation to do something in their own in these times, so fraught with prejudice and of persecution now carrying on against them, tyranny; and if," he adds, “the constitution of and which, in the southern states, threatens their mexico recognizes no distinction of colors, the very existence. notwithstanding that the present aspect of subject may claim much of the attention of our mexico is unfavorable, and does not at this mo- countrymen.” a perusal of the article which ment offer a very great protection to industry, we have just had under review, will convince yet this passing political agitation, with which private individuals have little to do, is perhaps every one that the constitution and government | only temporary, and can hardly hinder their of mexico do not recognize any such distinc- | progress as settlers, which would depend upon tion; but that all are upon a perfect political e their own industry and peaceable behaviour. quality in that republic. in the first place, it is conveniently situated, being contiguous to most of the southern states want of room precludes further remarks at the climate is mild, healthy and pleasant, for present. the subject will again be adverted to people of dark complexion; land it is presumed the following is the extract from the article can be obtained from individuals upon very fa- written by “a free colored floridian,” as a- vorable terms, or from government gratis-cot- ton, sugar, corn and stock are soon raised where bove mentioned. his objections to an emigra- || there is little or no winter to kill the vegetation; tion to canada, will apply forcibly to the south- the country is boundless in extent, and either ern colored people; but not, generally, to those entirely uninhabited or thinly settled with peo- of the north. ple who are mostly colored and entirely free from all prejudice against complexion. the con- "the free colored people have never asked stitution and laws of mexico recognize no differ- for more than constitutional protection to person ence of merit on account of color, between the and property; and this is granted to all free different shades of the human race; and this people in all civilized countries, with one ex-gives great advantages to a dark complexion ception; that exception is the united states. over that of a danish or saxon origin, which many humane and liberal thinking statesmen | could not long endure the toils of agriculture of throughout the union, feel humbled at some re a warm climate. cent traits of severity and injustice manifested in the second place, the vicinity of the south, by individual state governments, more espe- ern states, where the free peace of color are cially when such aggravated acts of injustice now looking around for an asylum to relieve originated in states where slavery was consti- | themselves from a situation worse than slavery, tutionally prohibited; ohio, for example, in its and from which they would fly to any place of acts of oppression against its free colored inhab- refuge, where the climate was congenial to their itants, by which their existence seems so far to existence, and where their persons and proper- have been threatened as to induce an attempt ties were constitutionally protected, or where on their part to seck refuge under a foreign gov- they could peaceably exist by the fruits of their ernment, in a climate ill suited to thcir natural own industry. constitutions. a settlement thus located could not fail of zafy les trees genius of universal emancipation. fiat justitia ruat colun. a free colored floridian. having the support and good wishes of all the || morristown, in new jersey, would be a far more humane and liberally thinking people within eligible situation, every thing considered. the the united states, or wherever the imperious | neighborhood of belville has also been spoken causes of the migration of the colored people were known. and there are those to be found, |of. either would answer well. the principal who would interest themselves in their behalf || advantages of the former place would be its re- with the mexican government, so as to obtain moteness from any great city, and its salubrious lands for settlement, and who would even liber- ally contribute their means to promote such healthy climate. in whatever section of the establishment. country it may be located, it has our warmest the first step should be, to apprize the mex- | wishes for success. ican government of their objects and intentions, and to obtain the good wishes of the local au- thorities of that country, so as to protect the an excellent hit! first emigrants in their settlement, to locate on the following is copied from the n. y. daily good land, where there should be a direct and sentinel. a better delineation of slavite cha. convenient communication by land or water; || racter and logic (as far as it goes) was never with the united states; as well to obtain sup- plies and to export produce, as to faeilitate the presented to the public. we could indulge in introduction of new settlers of property, who a little mirth at the expence of these gentlemen mostly live on the seaboard of the southern states, and who would sell out their property at of the lancet, the pill-box, and" cat-o-nine-tail,” any sacrifice to free themselves from the state of but the subject is too serious, and the inhumani- bondage under which they now exist; for what ty of their sentiments is too horribly glaring. can be greater bondage than to exist without dissection in slave states.—in a pros- rights, fair subjects of wanton oppression, un- recognized by any permanent protection, either pectus of the south carolina medical school, legislative or constitutional? says the london mechanic's magazine, we meet with the following passage :—“some ad- vantages of a peculiar character are connected with this institution, which it may be proper to point out. no place in the united states offers college for colored people. so great opportunities for the acquisition of ana- with pleasure we insert the “appeal to the || tomical knowledge, subjects being obtained a. benevolent,” (see page ,) on behalf of an in-mong the colored population in sufficient num- stitution which must have an important effect carried on without offending any individual ber for every purpose, and proper dissections in elevating the character of the colored people in the community.”—the colored population, of this country. it is true that, in general, we then, according to the faculty of south caroli- prefer the establishment and support of common na, form no part of their “community.” they have no feelings to be respected or offended !! schools, to those of, what are called, a higher | you may cut up and mangle them as you please: order. our sentiments are thoroughly demo- they are but blacks, and no more to be regard- cratic. but with respect to the colored race at ed than any other beasts of the field. of a truth slavery must have a most debasing and halluci- present among us, a little strong machinery is nating influence on all around it, when men of wanting to raise them from the unfortunate po a liberal profession can talk thus of beings sition to which a great portion of them have created with like feelings, affections, and rights, been reduced; some extra stimulants must be withstanding the white-skin pride of birth of to themselves. it is singular to think that, not- applied, to call forth the exhibition of their na these cat-o'-nine-tail centry, they should have tural powers of mind; and nothing, perhaps, found out that, after all, a dead black man is would be better calculated to effect this than quite as good as a dead white man for every purpose of anatomical inquiry has the same the measure here proposed. it is, indeed, gra- . bones and sinews-ihe same veins and arteries tifying to perceive that it meets the approbation -has the self-same sort of vital fluid—and (per- of the true friends of the colored race, in various haps) all but the same sort of-heart. death is, sections of our country, of different religious indeed, a great teacher-a mighty leveller of distinctions ! persuasions. several of the most noted clergy- men of philadelphia have signed recommenda- the editor of the boston “christian regis- tions approving of it. many of the members of ter,” speaking of the prospect of a speedy aboli the society of “friends” have also expressed tion of slavery in the british west indies, ob- their concurrence in the plan, though they would prefer a different name for the institution. “what effect this measure, which is now since the absurd and foolish proceeedings of called for by the almost unanimous voice of the the people of new haven, respecting the loca- british people, and which cannot long be delay. tion of this college, some doubts have been ex- ed, may have upon the institution of slavery in our own country, we shall not venture to pre- pressed by those concerned, as to the propriety | dict. this much, however, seems to us certain, of pursuing the course originally contemplated. that the abandonment of this pernicious system indeed we think that it would not be advisable | and powerful tendency to produce the same re- in the british colonies, must have an immediate to establish it at that place. in our opinion, ll sult in the southern states.” serves : genius of universal emancipation. fiat justitia kuat cælum. c et ladies* repository. they may find in the wish to preserve their own safety, and the safety of those they love, a philanthropic and literary. stronger incentive to exertion. we need not principally conducted by a lady. say how deeply interested the females in the southern states must be to avert the horrors of woman's interest in emancipation. a servile war. those of the north may be "the god of israel bared his red right arm themselves personally exempt from danger, but and burst the bonds of egypt. sparta shook beneath the helot's grasp ; and hayti's firm have they fathers, and brothers, and husbands, and new-born vigour the bare sceptre struck and sons, whom they are willing to yield up for from her oppressor's hold. thence springs a germ, which threatening, warns us to beware the shock. immolation on the terrible altar of revengeful columbia view it! and, ere yet too late, war? the states of the north have pledged beware the spartan's or the spaniard's fate.” themselves that, if needful, northern blood shall there are other feelings besides sympathy || be poured out in support of southern oppres- with the oppressed, and detestation of the crime | sion ;-and how many may tremble to think of oppression—other reasonings of à less disin- | that perhaps their beloved ones will be among terested nature than the desire to rescue a large | the number of the victims! but let it be remem. portion of their own sex from a state of misery bered that it is only by the failure of present and shameful degradation—though we might duty—by neglecting to do justice and love suppose these of themselves would be sufficient | mercy-by refusing to obey the commands of to induce the females of the united states to the almighty, that so fearful a calamity is to be lend all their influence and their united exer- | apprehended for their country. tions to any measure that may tend to promote the extinction of slavery. if they were con- female slaves. scious that a mine had been sprung underneath there is an affecting picture of a portion of their dwellings, would they not hasten to escape the miseries which slavery entails upon our sex, from them, and urge all around them to fly conveyed in the following paragraph from the from the perilous vicinity ? yet on the system | washington spectator. the system of traffie of slavery, which, unless its dangerous materials to which it alludes, and men who are engaged are speedily removed, threatens in its explosion in it, are the foulest blot that ever disgraced a to convulse our whole country, they not only country. “it is no uncommon thing to see a gaze without alarm, but in many instances | young female slave, on ascertaining that she has without even making an attempt to avert such | been purchased by one of the merciless traders a catastrophe. that the present state of things for the southern market, flying from house to cannot always exist, is a fact which will admit house, endeayoring to sell herself for a higher of no denial. slavery cannot last forever; and price than that for which she has been bartered the fetters must be voluntarily stricken by their away, so that she may be able to satisfy the de- masters from the limbs of those who have so mands of her rapacious purchaser, and live and long worn them, or they will be violently heweddie among her relations." asunder by the sword. the philanthropist, what female heart does not rise in abhorrence while he foresees this, and mourns over the pre- of the merciless system which dooms so many sent condition of the slave, wishes, by restoring of her unoffending sisters to so many varieties to him his long withholden right, to shield the || of misery? we wish our readers to dwell upon oppressor from the danger of his fearful the picture; to endeavor to enter into the deso. retribution. the advocates of slavery prove bylation and anguish of feeling which they must their conduct the extent of their apprehensions, experience who are rudely torn from all they while they cling with the infatuation of madness love, from all that makes life happy, to wear to the elements of destruction. and the greater out their miserable years in uncheered and un- part of the com inity gaze on unconcerned, rewarded toil. think of these oft-repeated and admitting the necessity of action, but neverthe- varied scenes of agony—of the daily wretched- less entirely unemployed. among the latter ness of their lot—of their utter degradation and class are very many of our own sex. the helplessness, and ask your hearts where there strong claims of natural 'humanity, the com- is a deeper call for your sympathy and active mands of duty, the sweet pleading voice of benevolence. think of these things when the mercy, are all insufficient to arouse them from warm pulses of your grief and indignation for their listless apathy; perhaps selfish feelings the wrongs of your fellow creatures have passed may sound a louder larum in their ears. if by, and you feel a cold indifference creeping they will not, for the sake of the slave, endeavor over your bosoms, and surely it will incite you to put an end to the system that enthralls him, l to renewed exertions to fresh perseverance; genius of universal emancipation. amelia. fiat justitia rua coelun. and never forget that it is only by means ofering height, threatening to o'erwhelm the na- active exertion that you can preserve your own tion in the violence of its fall, which must be ere long, by physical strength, if the arm of retribu- hands clean from the pollution of this guilt. tive justice is not stay'd by removing the fabric while it is yet possible. then let me once more for the genius of universal emancipation. entreat you to be aroused, to exert yourselves, the following lines were suggested by the in promoting the completion of this great ob- two signal instances of female justice, lately || ject, in destroying this enormous building, that recorded in the genius of universal emanci “not one stone may left upon another, that shall pation. not be taken away.” philadelphia, . tiie enfranchised slaves to their benefactress. for the genius of universal emancipation. oh, blessings on thee, lady! we could lie summer morning, down at thy feet in our deep gratitude, and give ourselves to die, 'tis beautiful, when first the dewy light breaks on the earth! while yet the scented air so thou couldst be made happier by our blood ! yet life has never seemed so dear, as now is breathing the cool freshness of the night, and the bright clouds a tint of crimson wear that we may lift a free unbranded brow. mixed with their fleecy whiteness; when in the deep silence of the starry night, each fair our lips shall call down blessings on thy head; and delicate lined flower that lifts its head and the first gush of light, is bathed in dainty odours, and all rare that in its splendor o'er the world is spread, and beautlful things of nature are outspread, shall view us bowed in prayer, that life may be || with the rich flush of light that only morn can a calm and sunny day of joy for thee. shed. free! free !-how glorious 'tis to lift an eye, when every leafy chalice holds a draught unblenching beneath infamy and shame, of nightly dew for the hot sun to drink, to the blue boundless sky, when streams gush sportively as though they and feel each moment, from our hearts, the laughed tame for very joyousness, and seem to shrink dull pulses of our vileness pass away, in playful tenor from the rocky brink like sluggish mists before the rising day. of some slight precipice--then with quick leap bound lightly o’er the barrier, and sink, and then our infants ! we shall never see in their own whirling eddy, and then sweep their young limbs cheapened at the public with rippling music on, or in their channels mart, sleep, or shrink in agony to view them writhe beneath the cruel smart while lights and shades play on them with ofthe rude lash;—they ne'er, like us, shall know each breath the slave's dark lot of wretchedness and wo. that moves the calm still waters; when the fly skims o'er the surface and all things beneath for this we bless thee, lady! and may heaven gleam brightly through the flood, and fish pour down its frequent blessings on thy brow, glance by and to thy life be given, with a quick flash of beauty—when the sky oft through its sunset hours, such bliss as now wears a deep azure brightness, and the song is swelling round thy heart-scarce less than of matin gladness lifts its voice on high, theirs and mingled harmony and perfume throng .who pour for thee their deep and grateful | on every whispering breeze that lightly floats prayers. along. for the genius of universal emancipation. 'tis sweet to wander forth at such an hour, and drink the spirit of its loveliness; when will ye be awakened, oh ye sleepers ! while on the brow no shadowing care-clouds when oh, ye idlers, will ye be incited to activi- lower, ty? how long shall suffering humanity, in and on strong wing the free thoughts upward vain, implore assistance—how long shall reason press; plead-how long shall justice demand redress, yet there are those whom nature cannot bless, e'er your voices shall be heard in behalf of the with all her varied beauty;—such are they, oppressed millions in our own country; know whose cup is drugged with pain and sore ye not, that you are abetting a system more in- distress iquitous, more injust, than any ever practised by the barbarous nations of antiquity-far more by their own brothers' hand, and the quench- heinously wicked than any acts of tyranny en- of whose lost hopes spread gloom across the forced by hyder ali, the pacha of egypt, or the grand sultan of the turks ? and yet, you are brightest day. professing christians, professedly followers of lo! where, like cattle driven by the lash, the immaculate lamb, who enjoined his disci forth to their wearying task in groups they go; ples to do unto others as they would that they the mother, liſting up her hand to dash should do unto them ! the tear-drops from her cheek, that still will while ever you remain supinely indolent, flow, while you refuse to use effective measures for as on her ear her infant's wail comes low, abolishing this inhuman, nefarious traffic in hu yet painfully distinct; and she must leave, tran flesh, you are adding pillars to the struc for the stern overseer wills it so, ture of slavery, and enlarging its dimensions, her tender little one unsoothed, to grieve, although it is already of a fearful size and tow-|| happy to clasp it safe when she returns at eve. gertrude. ed ray genius of universal emancipation. are worn margaret. ela. fiat justitia ruat calum. the feeble crone, who on her knees has borne || hold, and when she was again suffered to come her children's grandchildren, is toiling there; on deck, not an object rose against the unbro- young forms, and weak old men, whosc limbs | ken horizon. africa, the land of her home, the abode of her affections, had disappeared from nigh to the grave-strong men, whose bowed her sight forever. frantic with the agony of necks bear lier feelings, she flung herself at the feet of the perchance the weight of heavy irons, that wear wretch who had so deceived her, and with min- into their very souls;--small heed has le gled prayers and imprecations besought his who tasks them, of their ills; and none will mercy ; then as her ear caught the sound of the spare deep, writhing breath of her son, she dashed from the rude scourge-nor old nor infancy- || herself upon the deck, and a long moaning cry who have the allotted toil performed imperfectly. || came up from her heart, as though life was par- ting, in the agony of her feelings. with a sud- oh shame upon man's selfishness! that so the love of gold should canker in his breast, | his right hand from its fétters, and seizing a den and desperate wrench, the young man freed transforming his affection's kindly glow knife, while he poured the whole concentrated to bitterness, himself into a pest indignation of his soul in one fixed glare on the upon the earth, the scourge of the opprest, and tyrant of the helpless. strange! that they exclaiming: “white man! devourer of blacks, traitor before him, plunged it into his bosom, who with man's high capacities are blest i cannot revenge myself upon thee but by de- should for earth's valueless and tinsel clay priving thee of my person !". thus cast the priceless jewels of their souls away. such is the tale, as it has long lingered in my memory. imagination may perhaps have errd in portraying some of the touches which she for the genius of universal emancipation. added to the very brief narration of the origin- al sketch, but these affect not the outline of its a sketch from real life. facts. “the coast where the slave ship fills its sails, with sighs of agony, from an english pamphlet. and her kidnapp'd babes the mother wails, 'neath her lone banana tree.” religion owns not them who bear the brand of mammon on their front, or in their hand. a slaver lay off the coast of africa. it was a still delicious evening, and the golden tinted | go, view the record, -he may run who reads- waves rolled slowly forward and broke against | oh who can tell the horrors of their lot,' what says it? “ye shall know them by their deeds.' the beach, with a murmur like the melody of a when the great judge exclaims “i know you not.' low breathed hymn. it was an hour for man to forget the darker passions, and unseal the long woe, double woe, be to the souls that lay a stumbling stone across a brother's : covered fountain of his better thoughts, while his spirit turned with adoring love to his bene- woe, treble woe, to those who give a theme ficent creator. but there were no such feelings || while deeds of blood, and avarice, and shame, that bids the vaunting enemy blaspheme ! in the breast of him who paced the sands, paus- | mar the sweet savour of the christian name. ing to regard the obedient motions of a portion of his crew as they collected on the beach, or conveyed on board the vessel a part of the mis. erable beings who were to be crowded into its a warning to columbia. horrible prison, and wrested away forever from “ah! would you not be slaves, to lords & kings, all the clinging ties of home. as the last group || then be not masters ; there the danger springs, of slaves were about leaving the shore, a female | the whole crude system that torments this carth, rushed towards the strand, and flinging herself || of rank, privation, privilege of birth, at the feet of the trader, clasped his knees, | false honor, fraud, corruption, civil jars, while with imploring words and wild gestures, the rage of conquest, and the curse of wars, she besought him to accept the hardly-won ran- | pandora's total shower, all ills combin’d, som which she had brought him, and restore her that erst o’erwhelm'd and still distress mankind, son. the white man extended his hand to re- box'd up secure in your deliberate hand, ceive the proffered gold, and the happy mother wait your behest, to fix or fly this land." covered it with tears and kisses of gratitude, as barlow's columbiad. she placed within it the whole store of her gath- ered wealth. what was poverty to her so that the slave trade.—christians and philan- her beloved son might not be torn forever from thropists are too apt to imagine that their work her arms, and sold into interminable slavery? | is almost done, when it is only begun. the slave the hard unmoved features of the white, gave | trade, for example, which many may suppose no indications of sympathy, but something of a has been every where abolished, for years, there scornful smile played upon his lip, as he turned is reason to believe is still carried on to as great away and commanded her to follow him to the an extent as ever. it has been recently stated vessel. she did so unhesitatingly; yet it might in the papers, that an association of merchants at be that her heart half sunk, and an unde- nantz, in france, had undertaken to supply the fined feeling of apprehension came over her, island' of cuba with , fresh negro slaves when she found herself in the power of the man- annually !* and in brazil, it is well known, stealers, but she could not give way to terror that for several years past the importations have for her heart was full of the image of her 'boy, even exceeded this number! apd her courage failed not. alas! they were suffered to meet only that they might be hurried * should this arrangement be effected, it might together into slavery. be worth while to consider how manyof these slaves for two nights she shrieked and raved amid would be clandestinely brought into florida, and the darkness and suffocation of the crowded l other parts of the united states. . way! charlotte elizabeth. genius of universal emancipation. fiat justitia buat cælum. the olio. and on my check fond lips were press'd, with true affection's kiss- and so ye waked me for my tears—but 'twas a mp the editor is still from home. cor dream of bliss! respondents are, again, requested to be patient ! extracts from an address, the following beautiful article is copied from delivered by wm. l. garrison, eefore the the “ atlantic souvenir” for . it is grati- free people of color in philadelphia, fying to perceive that the subject of slavery has new york, &c. june, . been there introduced. let the conductors of “countrymen and friends! i wish to gladden our best periodicals make it “fashionable” to your hearts and to invigorate your hopes. be discuss, or at least to read and reflect on that assured, your cause is going onward-right on- subject, and our work is half done.—ed. g. u. e. ward. the seed is now sowing broadcast, the afric's dream. which is shortly to yield you an abundant har- vest. your advocates are constantly multiply. by miss e. m. chandler. ing all over the country; and as far as i know them, not one will ever forsake you. neo why did ye wake me from my sleep? it was a schemes are agitating for your benefit, which dream of bliss ! will doubtless be carried into successful opera- and ye have torn me from that land to pine | tion. the signs of the times do indeed show again in this. forth great and glorious and sudden changes in methought, beneath yon whispering tree, that i the condition of the oppressed. the whole fir- was laid to rest, mament is tremulous with an excess of light- the turf, with all its withering flowers, upon my | the earth is moved out of its place--the wave of cold heart press'd. revolution is dashing in pieces ancient and mighty empires—the hearts of tyrants are be- my chains, these hateful chains, were gone | ginning to fail them for fear, and for looking oh, would that i might die, forward to those things which are to come upon so from my swelling pulse i could for ever cast || the earth. there is them by! “a voice on every wave, and on, away o'er land and sea, my joyful spirit a sound on every sea ! pass’d, the watch-word of the brave, till 'neath my own banana-tree i lighted down the anthem of the free! at last. from steep to steep it rings, through europe's many climes, my cabin door, with all its flowers, was still a knell to despot kings, profusely gay, a sentence on their crimes : as when i lightly sported there, in childhood's from every giant hill, companion of the cloud, careless day; but trees, that then were sapling twigs, with the startled echo leaps to give it back aloud; broad and shadowing bough, where'er a wind is rushing, where'er a stream is gushing, around the well known threshold spread a the swelling sounds are heard, freshening coolness now. of man to freeman calling, the birds, whose notes i used to hear, were of broken fetters falling- shouting on the earth, and, like the carol of a cageless bird, as if to greet me back again with their wild the bursting shout of freedom's rallying word !" songs of mirth; my own bright stream was at my feet, and how “respect yourselves, if you desire the re- i laugh'd to lave spect of others. a self-love which excludes my burning lip, and cheek, and brow, in that god and the world from the affections, is a dif- delicious wave! ferent thing from self-respect. a man should value himself at a high price-not because he my boy, my first-born babe, had died amid his happens to be of this or that color, or rich, or early hours, accomplished, or popular, or physically power- and there we laid him to his sleep, among the ful—but because he is created in the image of clustering flowers; god; because he stands but a little lower than yet lo! without my cottage door he sported in the angels; because he has a spiritual essence, his glee, which is destined to live for ever; because he with her whose grave is far from his, beneath is capable of exerting a moral power, which is yon linden tree. infinitely superior to animal strength; and be- cause he lives in a world of trial and tempta- i sprang to snatch them to my soul; when, tion, and needs the sympathy and aid of his breathing out my name, fellow men. if he be dead to all these lofty to grasp my hand, and press my lip, a crowd considerations; if, in the words of the poet,- of loved ones came! wife, parents, children, kinsmen, friends! the “he lies in dull, oblivious dreams, nor cares dear and lost ones all, who the wreathed laurel bears;” with blessed words of welcome came, to greet if his highest ambition be to grovel with brutes ; me from my thrall. it is not possible for him to command public or private respect; his company will be shunned; forms, long unseen, were by my side; and, ll he will live and die a libel upon his creator. thrilling on my ear, so it will be with a people who are lost to them- came cadences, from gentle tones, unheard for selves and the world. many a year; do not imagine that you are only a blank in * * * genius of universal emancipation. fiat justitia kuat cælum. * * * * * * creation, and therefore it is immaterial what you money begets influence, and influence respecta- are in conduct or condition. remember that bility. influence, wealth and character, will not only the eyes of the people in this place, certainly destroy those prejudices which now but the eyes of the whole nation, are fixed upon separate you from society. you. i dare not predict how far your example get as much education as possible for your- may affect the welfare of the slaves; but un-selves and your oft'spring. toil long and hard doubtedly it is in your power, by this example, || for it as for a pearl of great price. an ignorant to break many fetters, or to keep many of your people can never occupy any other than a de- brethren in bondage. if you are temperate, indus- | graded station in society: they can never be trious, peaceable and pious; if you return good truly free until they are intelligent.” for evil, and blessing for cursing; you will show to the world, that the slaves can be emancipated “as it is by association that the condition of without danger: but if you are turbulent, idle man is made better, and bodies of men rise up and vicious, you will put arguments into the simultaneously from a state of degradation, i mouths of tyrants, and cover your friends with | recommend to you the formation of societies confusion and shame. for moral improvement. the whites have their many of you, i rejoice to know, have found out || reading societies, their debating societies, the secret of preferment. i appeal to your ex- their literary associations, and lyceums.- perience and observation: as a general rule, || what is the consequence? these are bursting have you not acquired the esteem, confidence open the arcana of knowledge, and distribu- and patronage of the whites, in proportion to ting the hidden treasures of ages, among the your increase in knowledge and moral improve working classes. every member goes to give ment? who are they, commonly, that suffer | what information he has got, and returns with the most among you? they who are intem an accumulation of intelligence. mind answers perate, indolent and grovelling. is it not so? to mind-heart to heart-hand to hand. a com- self-respect, my friends, is a lever which will mon sympathy is felt in each other's condition- lift you out of the depths of degradation, and an enduring chain of friendship is formed, which establish your feet upon a rock, and put a song time cannot rust." of victory into your mouths-victory over pre “let me briefly examine the doctrines of col- judice, pride and oppression.” onizationists. they generally agree in publish- “sustain, as far as you can, those periodi- ing the misstatement, that you are strangers cals which are devoted to your cause. i speak | and foreigners. surely they know better. they on this subject pointedly, not with any selfish know that, as a body, you are no more natives feelings, but because i know that without the of africa--than they themselves are natives powerful energies of the press, every cause of great britain. yet they repeat the absurd must languish. it was this tremendous engine charge ; and they do so, in order to cover their which produced and triumphantly effected the || anti-republican crusade. but suppose you were american revolution ; it has twice overthrown | foreigners: would such an accident justify this the despotism in france; it is fanning the flame persecution and removal? and, if so, then all of liberty in the bosoms of the poles ; its pow- foreigners must come under tbe same ban, and er is shaking the government of great britain | must prepare to depart. there would be, in to its centre. the press, in a manner, possesses that case, a most alarming deduction from our the gift of ubiquity: it enables a man to address | population. suppose a philanthropic and reli- himself to thousands in every state at the same gious crusade were got up against the dutch, moment, and to throw his influence from one the french, the swiss, the irish, among us to re- end of the country to the other : it has taken move them to new holland, to enlighten and the place of the ancient oracles, and exercises civilize her cannibals? who would not laugh a higher authority.. the press is the citadel of || at such a scheme--who would not actively op- liberty—the palladium of a free people. mul- | pose it?” * tiply periodicals among yourselves, to be con colonizationists generally agree in asserting ducted by men of your own color. the cause that the blacks cannot be elevated in this coun- of emancipation demands at least one hundred | try, nor be admitted to equal privileges' with presses. the whites. is not this a libel upon humanity whenever you can, put your children to and justice-a libel upon republicanism—a li- trades. a good trade is better than a fortune, || bel upon the declaration of independence-a li- because when once obtained, it cannot be ta- bel upon christianity ? “all men are born equal, ken away. i know the difficulties under which and endowed by their creator with certain in- you labor, in regard to this matter. i know how alienable rights-among which are life, liberty, unwilling master mechanics are to receive your and the pursuit of happiness.” children, and the strength of that vulgar preju “in bestowing our censure upon the coloni. dice which reigns in the breasts of the working zation society, my brethren and friends, justice classes. but by perseverance in your applica- | requires us to discriminate between its support- tions, you may often succeed in procuring val of the benevolent and disinterested inten- uable situations for your chiidren. as strong |tions of many individuals, especially in the free as prejudice is in the human breast, there is an states, we ought not to doubt. it is true they other feeling yet stronger—and that is, seliish are carried away in the popular current, but place two mechanics by the side of each they would not willingly harm a hair of your other—one colored, and the other white: he heads. i rejoice to know, that they are waking who works the cheapest and best, will get the from their delusion; that, as the light blazes up- most custom. in making a bargain, the color on their vision, they begin to see and repudiate of a man will never be consulted. now, there the monstrous doctines of the society; and that can be no reason why your sons should fail to conversions from colonization to abolition prin. make as ingenious and industrious mechanics as ciples are multiplying with singular rapidity.--- any white apprentices; and when they once get | let us not despair of seeing a speedy, radical, trades, they will be able to accumulate money; il and total change in public opinion." * * ers. ness. genius of universal emancipation. fiat justitia roat cell um. editorial. in part of wages, at whose option it was to take either cash or goods, according to their earnings prevention of slave insurrections. -to answer all their wants. rice, salt, salt fish, no. ii. barrelled pork, cork butter, flour, bread, bis- we proceed with our quotations from clark-cuit, candles, tobacco and pipes, and all species son's view of the experiments made by the ilon. of clothing, were provided and furnished from j. steele; but our limits are so narrow that we the store at the lowest market prices. an ac- count of what was paid for daily subsistence, can admit but a small portion of his comment. and of what stood in their arrears to answer the the facts, however, speak for themselves, in a rents of their lands, the fines and forfeitures for language not to be misunderstood by a sincere delinquencies, their head-levy, and all other cas- ual demands, was accurately kept in columns, enquirer or an attentive observer. with great simplicity, and in books which check- matters having been adjusted so far, mr. steele ed each other." introduced the practice of rent and wages. he such was the plan of mr. steele; and i have put an annual rent upon each tenement, which the pleasure of being able to announce, that the he valued at so many days' labor. he set a rent result of it was highly satisfactory to himself. in also upon personal service, as due by the copy- | the year , when only the first and second holder to his master in his former quality of slave part of it had been reduced to practice, he spoke -seeing that his master or predecessor had pur- | of it thus:-“a plantation,” says he,“ of be- chased a property in him, and this he valued in tween seven and eight hundred acres has been the same manner. he then added the two rents governed by fixed laws and a negro-court, for together, making so many days' work altogeth- about five years, with great success. in this plant- er, and estimated them in the current money.ofation no overseer or white servant is allowed to the time. having done this, he fixed the daily lift his hand against a negro, nor can he arbi- wages or pay to be received by the copyholders trarily order a punishment. fixed laws and a for the work which they were to do. they were court or jury of their peers keep all in order, with- to work days in the year for him, and to out the ill effect of sudden and intemperate pas- have besides sundays for themselves. he | sions.” and in the year , about a year af- reduced these days' work also to current mon ter the last part of his plan had been put to trial, ey. these wages he fixed at such a rate, that he says in a letter to dr. dickson, “my copy- “they should be more than equivalent to the holders, have succeeded beyond my expecta- rent of their copyholds and the rent of their per- tion.” this was his last letter to that gentleman, sonal services when put together, in order to for he died in the beginning of the next year. hold out to them an evident and profitable in- || mr. steele went over to barbadoes, as i have centive to their industry.” it appears that the said before, in the year , and he was then in rent of the tenement, half an acre, was fixed at the eightieth year of his age. he began his hu- the rate of . currency, or between forty and mane and glorious work in , and he finished fifty shillings sterling, per acre, and the wages | it in . it took him, therefore, six years to for a man belonging to the first gang at .d. cur- bring his negroes to the state of vassalage de- rency, or d. sterling per day. as to the rent for scribed, or to that state from whence he was the personal services, it is not mentioned, sure that they might be transferred without dan- with respect to labor and things connected ger, in no distant time, to the rank of freemen, with it, mr. steele entered the following among || if it should be thought desirable. he lived one the local laws in the court-roll of the tenants and year afterwards, to witness the success of his tenements. the copyholders were not to work || labors. he had accomplished, therefore, all he for other masters without the leave of the lord. || wished, and he died in the year , in the st they were to work ten hours per day. if they || year of his age. worked over and above that time, they were to after many very pertinent remarks, for which be paid for every hour a tenth part of their dai- ly wages, and they were also to forfeit a tenth we cannot possibly afford room, the reviewer for every hour they were absent or deficient in continues :- the work of the day. all sorts of work, howev having now established, i hope, two of my er, were to be reduced, as far as it could be points,---first, that emancipation is practicable, done by observation and estimation, to equita- and, secondly, that it is practicable without dan- ble task work. hoes were to be furnished to ger,— i proceed to show the probability that it the copyholders in the first instance; but they would be attended with profit to those planters were to renew them, when worn out, at their who should adopt it. i return, therefore, to the own expense. the other tools were to be lent case of mr. steele. them, but to be returned to the store-keeper at i shall begin by quoting the following espres- night, or to be paid for in default of so doing.-- ||sions of mr. steele : "i have employed and a- mr. steele was to continue the hospital and || mused myself,” says he,“ by introducing an en- medical attendance at his own cxpense, as be- tire new mode of governing my own slaves, for fore, their happiness, and also for my own profit.” it mr. steele, having now rent to receive and appears then, that mr. steele's new method of wages to pay, was obliged to settle a new model management was profitable. let us now try to of accounting between the plantation and the la- | make out from his own account, of what these borers. “ile brought, therefore, all the minor || profits consisted. crops of the plantation, such as corn, grain of mr. steele informs us, that his superintend- all sorts, yams, eddoes, besides rum and molas- ant had obliged him to hire all his holing at . ses, into a regular cash account by weight and currency, or . s. d. sterling, per acre. he measure, which he charged to the copyhold- was very much displeased at these repeated storekeeper at market prices of the current time, charges; and then it was, that he put to trial, as and the storekeeper paid them at the same pri- i have before related, the question whether he ces to such of the copyholders as cailed for them i could not obtain the labor of his negroes by genius of universal emancipation. fiat justitia kuat crelum. voluntary means, instead of by the old methou been, which he used to receive from the estate of violence. he made, therefore, an attempt before his new plan was put in execution. to introduce task work, or labor with a promis- ed premium for extraordinary efforts, upon his one more extract, and we must close this estates. he gave his negroes a small pecuni- | number. the following remarks are recommen- ary reward over and above the usual allowan- || ded to the serious consideration of every plan- ces, and the consequence was, as he himself says, that “ the poorest, feeblest, and by character the ter, in the united states, who now fancies most indolent negroes of the whole gang, cheer- that he treads the threshold of a heaving volca- fully performed the holing of his land, generally | no by day, and reposes on a pillow ofthorns by said to be the most laborious work, for less than | night. how easily might he change his dread- a fourth part of the stated price paid to the un- dertakers for holing." this experiment i have ful anxiety, for comparative happiness! and detailed above. after this he continued the prac- || not only to him, but to every slaveholder, is the tice of task-work for a premium. he describes || invitation given, to read, consider, and deeply the operation of such a system upon the minds of || ponder, these important matters. say not, that the negroes in the following words : ding to the vulgar mode of governing negro | it is the language of your opponents. every idea slaves, they feel only the desponding fear of here expressed-every sentiment uttered-eve- punishment for doing less than they ought, with-|ry fact stated—is calculated to encourage meas- out being sensible that the settled allowance ofures strictly in accordance with your temporal, food and clothing is given, and should be ac- if not eternal welfare. cepted as a reward for doing well, while in task work, the expectation of winning the reward, dr. dickson, the editor of mr. steele, men- and the fear of losing it, have a double operation tions these profits also, in the same terms, to exert their endeavors.” mr. steele was ben- and connects them with an eulogium on mr. efited in another point of view by this new prac- || steele, which is worthy of our attention.- tice. “he was clearly convinced, that saving “mr. steele,” says he, “saw the negroes, like time, by doing in one day as much as would oth-|| all other human beings, were to be stimulated erwise require three days, was worth more than to permanent exertion only by a sense of their double the premium, the timely effects on vegeta- own interests, in providing for their own wants tion being critical.” he found also to his satis- and those of their offspring. he therefore tried faction, that“ during all the operations under | rewards, which immediately roused the most in- the premium there were no disorders, no crowd- | dolent to exertion. his experiments ended in ing the sick house, as before.” regular wages, which the industry he had excited the account shows, clearly, how mr. steele among his whole gang enabled him to pay.- made a part of his profits. these profits consis- here was a natural, efficient, and profitable re- ted of a saving of expense in his husbandry, which ciprocity of interests. his people became con- saving was not made by others. he had his land tented; his mind was freed from that perpetual holed at one fourth the usual rent. let us ap- || vexation, and that load of anxiety, which are in- ply this to all the other operations of husbandry separable from the vulgar system, and in little —such as weeding, deep hoeing, &c. in a large more than four years the annual net clearance farm of nearly eight hundred, acres, and we shall of his property was more than tripled.” again see how considerable the savings would be in in another part of the work: “mr. steele's plan one year. may no doubt receive some improvements, which his negroes again did not counterfeit sick- | his great age obliged him to decline”—“ but it is ness, as before, in order to be excused from perfect as far as it goes. to advance above labor, but rather wished to labor in order to field-negroes, who had never before moved without obtain the reward. there was, therefore, no the whip, to a state nearly resembling that of con- crowding to the hospitals. this constituted a | tented, honest, and industrious servants, and after second source of saving; for they who were in the paying for their labor, to triple in a few years the 'hospital were maintained by mr. steele without || annual net clearance of the estate,-these, i say, earning any thing, while they who were work-were great achievements for an aged man, in an ing in the field left to their master in their work, // untried field of improvement, pre-occupied by when they went home at night, a value superior inveterate vulgar prejudice. he has, indeed, to that which they had received from him for accomplished all that was really doubtful or their day's labor. but there was another saving || difficult in the undertaking, and perhaps all that of equal importance, which mr. steele calls ais at present desirable eitherfor owner or slave; saving of time, but which he might with more for he has ascertained as a fact, what was before propriety have called a saving of season. this only known to the learned as a theory, and to saving of season, he says, was worth more than men as a paradox, that the paying of slaves for double the premium ; and so it might easily have their labour does aciually produce a very great prof- been. there are soils, every farmer knows, || it to their owners." which are so constituted that if you miss your the partisans of emancipation would be hap- day, you miss your season; and if you miss your py, indeed, if they could see the day when our season, you lose probably half your crop. the west indian slaves should arrive at the rank saving, therefore, of the season, by having a and condition of the copyholders of mr. steele. whole crop instead of half a one, was a triral | the freedom which they desire, they believe to source, of saving of money. now, let us put all be compatible with the joint interest of the master these savings together, and they will constitute a and the slave. at the same time they maintain, great saving or profit; for as these savings were that the copyholders of mr. steele had been made by mr. steele in consequence of his new || brought so near to the condition of free men, plan, and were, therefore, not made by others, they that a removal from one into the other, after a constituted an extraordinary profit to him; or || certain time, seemed more like a thing of course, they added to the profit, whatever it might have ll than a matter of dificulty or danger. genius of universal emancipation. inal . edi os ter las eve ing fer re sh nes of cas the as ont mu fiat justitia kunt culum. from a philadelphia paper. transcript makes the following suggestion:-“what an appeal to the benevolent. forbids the law that every child, born of a slave, shail be free, and educated at the public expense ? these the undersigned committee, appointed by a children might be taught to work on plantations, and general convention held in this city, to direct their superior value, as free and independent laborers and assist the conventional agent, the rev. sa- i would be more than equiralent to their wages. wo muel e. cornish, in solicitiug funds for the es- wish that the people of the slave-holding states would tablishing of a collegiate school, on the ma- think more of this subject. slavery in this couniry, cannot exist forever, and they who feel its curse fall nual labor system, beg leave to call the atten. heaviest, should surely not be the last to attempt a tion of the enlightened and benevolent citizens remedy for the evil."--vt. chron. of philadelphia and its vicinity to this important subject. in doing which, they deem it unne. we have received, by the lady halstead, tho cessary in this enlightened country, and at this kingston chronicle of the th inst. the order of the enterprising era, to adduce arguments or mul- l had been carried into effect in jamaica.-mer. ads. british government for emancipating the crown slaves tiply words by way of appeal. the contrast between enlightened and barbarous nations- the american convention. between the educated and the vulgar, is the the d biennial stated meeting of the “ american plainest demonstration of the utility of their convention for promoting the abolition of slavery,"; plan, and importance of their appeal. the co &c. will be held at lashington ciry, on the second lored citizens of the united states, assembled monday in january next, at o'clock, a. m. all by delegation in this city, june last, alive to the abuion, manumission, anti-slavery, and free the interests of their brethren and community prouuce societies, in the i'mted siaies, are er: ied generally, resolved at whatever labor or ex- to a representation, and are invited to participate. on behalf of the convention.' pense to establish and maintain an institution, robert p. anderson, ) in which the sons of the present and future ge- charles s. cope, secºys nerations may obtain a classical education and washington, sept. d, . the mechanic arts in general. n. b. printers of newspapers, favorable to the believing that all who know the difficult ad. the above a few insertions. cause of freedom, are respectfully requested to giro mission of our youths into seminaries of learn- extract from the constitution of the convention. ing, and establishments of mechanism-all who “art. d. the convention shall be composed of know the efficient influence of education in cul- such representatives, as the respective societies as- tivating the heart, restraining the passions, and sociated to protect the rights of free persons of color, improving the manners—all who wish to see or to promote the abolition of slavery within the l'ni- our colored population more prudent, virtuous, ted states, may think proper to appoint, provided the and useful, will lend us their patronage, both in number of any one society shall not exceed ten.” money and prayers. the committee, in con- premium for rice. clusion, would respectfully state, that the a- the sum of twenty dollars will be given mount of money required to erect buildings, se- as a premium, over and above the market price, for cure apparatus and mechanical instruments, is five casks of fresh rice, of good quality, raised by $ , ; of this sum the colored people intend free labor, and delivered in philadelphia, to charles to contribute as largely as god has given them pierce, before the ist of june next, . ability, and for the residue they look to the the gentleman above named, is well known as a christian community, who know their wants, several years past, made it a particular business very respectable grocer in philadelphia, who has for their oppression and wrongs—and more par-keep articles in his line that are exclusively the pro• ticularly to the inhabitants of this city, celebra- duction of free labor. ted for its benevolence, and in which so many the premium, together with the market price, will preceding steps, taken for the advancement of || be prompily paid, on the delivery of the rice, accomº our oppressed people, have had their origin. panied by proper reference and vouchers from some they would further state, that all monies col- respectable person who is known in philadelphia. lected by the principal agent, rev. samuel e. cornish, who is now in this city, and whom genius of universal emancipation. they recommend to the confidence of all to vol. xii. whom he may appeal, will be deposited in the the object and character of this workede sell united states bank, subject to the order of ar- | known. it has been published ten years, and circu. thur tappan, esq. of new york, their generous | lates in all the states of this union, in canada, the west indies, europe and africa. it is erclusively patron and friend; and in the event of the in- stitution not going into operation, be faithfully devoted to the subject of ihe abolition of slavery, ou the american continent and islands. returned to the several donors. the contem- plated seminary will be located at new-haven, the work will, henceforth, be issued monthly. it conn. and established on the self-supporting will be neatly printed on fine paper, and folded in the saystem, so that the student may cultivate ha-octavo form, each number making six een large pa- bits of industry, and obtain useful mechanical ges. or agricultural profession, while pursuing clas the price of subscription will be one dollar per sical studies. annum, always to be paid in advance. sul scribers who do not particularly specify the time signed in behalf of the convention, by they wish to receive the work, or notify the editor of james forten, a desire to discontinue it before the expiration of each joseph cassey, current year, will be considered as engaged for tho robert douglas), next succeeding one, and their bills will be forwarded robert purvis, accordingly. agents will be entitled to six copies for erery five frederick a. hintox, dollars remitted to the editor, in current money of provisional committee of philadelphia. | the united states. philadelphia, september , . all letters and communications intended for this of fice, must be addressed, free of expense, to ben. weat is to be done with the slaves at the jamin londy, washington, d. c. socra?--this is einphatically the difficult problem a few copies af the eleventh volume, con but the american staiesman to solve. the boston i plete, for sale. pre del sct the her wi toe ph he su the ha ch terms of subscription al no i genius of universal emancipation. edited by e. lundy-published in washington and baltimore-$ . per ann. "we hold these truths to be self-evident: that all men are created equal, and endowed by their creator with certain inalienable rights; that among these are life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness.”—declaration of independence, u.s. no. . vol. ii. third series.] december, . (whole number . vol. xii. in consequence of the indisposition of the fects of slavery (as now existing in the u. s.) on editor, while travelling, together with other caus the slaveholders. es of delay entirely beyond his control, the mat the essays to be sent to the 'american con. ter for the present rumber of the genius was not || vention for promoting the abolition of slavery,' prepared in season, and no paper was issued, for to be held at washington on the second monday last month. the chasm is partially filled, how- | in january next, and their merits to be carefully ex- ever, by a supplement of eight pages, accompany amined and declared by a committee of that body. ing this sheet. the supplement is a gratuitous of the proposed premium being duly awarded, fering to subscribers, to conciliate them for the ir- || shall be paid on application to the editor of the regularity here alluded to! they will receive the boston liberator. bosion, nov. , . full complement of whole sheets, when the volume shall be completed; but the last number will ap- pear one month later in the year than was origin- || abolition of slavery in the district ally contemplated. of columbia. petitions to congress, urging upon the atten. american convention. tion of that body the great national importance of the ninth day of next month will be the staied period for the twenty-second biennial session of the the extinction of slavery in the district of colum- “ american convention for promoting the abolition bia, have been prepared and numerously signed, f. slavery and improving the condition of the afri-serted one of these, a few months since, which in various parts of the united states. we in- can race. this convention will meet now, for the second time, in the city of washington. the was circulated for signature in the district itself, and to which many names were attached. copies aspect of affairs, relative to the question of afri- of several others, from pennsylvania, new-jer- can emancipation; is such that many of its advo- cates will, probably, feel some hesitation in recom- sey, new-york, &c. &c. have also been received mending much to be done in that assembly the for publication ; but we find it impossible to spare room for all of them. two of those received are present year. . we hope, nevertheless, that the delegates from the various societies will feel duly inserted below, which, in substance, are much ihe same as the rest. sensible of the high importance attached to a stea- since the unfortunate movements among the dy perseverance in the righteous cause, and that they will be enabled to transact the business that slaves in virginia, &c. some of our friends have may come before them in the true spirit of repub-| evinced a disposition to let the subject rest, though lican freedom and christian philosophy. the that very circumstance should have been consider- writer of this has, for a number of years, enjoyed || speedily putting an end to the system of oppres- ed the strongest proof of the absolute necessity of the pleasure of attending the meetings of that philanthropic body. but at the ensuing session sion, which is productive of such disastrous re- sults. we see no cause to slacken our exertions he will be deprived of the great satisfaction re- sulting therefrom, by absence from home. that | that all, who feel an interest in the matter, will for the accomplishment of this purpose; and hope harmony of feeling and unity of purpose may continue their efforts to awaken the national le- characterize their deliberations, and that much gislators to a sense of the duty which unques- good may result from their labors, is the sincere || tionably devolves upon them in relation thereto. desire of his heart. we perceive, by a notice in the boston “li- | since, to see a list of about names appended to we were particularly gratified, a short time berator,” that a premium has been offered for a memorial of this kind, headed by the venerable an essay, to be submitted to the convention for alexander coffin,* of hudson, new-york. inspection, &c. but to give a correct idea of the matter, the notice is copied' below. we like this * we were delighted with a brief, though in- plan of encouraging the investigation of subjects teresting, conversation with the patriarch a. cof- connected with the question of emancipation, an. the frost of nearly a hundred winters have fin, who is now verging on the age of a centenari- though we have never yet had leisure to compete | silvered his locks, and the inexorable hand of time hath furrowed his manly brow ;-but yet the ge- with others, in such a case, for the prize. nerous glow of philanthropy warms his bosom, and the most ardent patriotism beams from his eye. cp an aged and responsible gentleman in he feelingly descanted on the wrongs of the afri- the vicinity of boston, one of the few remaining | can, and indignantly repudiated the idea of coun- revolutionary patriots, an ardent lover of equal tenancing the horrible system of oppression, where liberty and the rights of man, offers a premium of constitutional power can put it down. among $ , for the best written essay, on the natural ef- ll other remarks, on the subject of slavery, he men- a premium offered genius of universal emancipation fiat justitia ruat cælum. memorials presented, this aged and very respectable gentleman is high- columbia, they believe the existence of those ly esteemed by his fellow-citizens, and possesses evils is too generally admitted and deplored to render it necessary to detail them. they there- an extensive and deserving influence among them. fore earnestly solicit your intervention to wipe may our cause soon have many more such advo- | from the fair institutions of our beloved country, cates. several of the people of that place and the stain, that the sanction of congress to this vicinity have evinced the most laudable disposi- calamity, has hitherto suffered to rest upon them. after the late peaceable emancipation of large bo- tion to bring this matter before the constituted au dies of slaves in our sister republics of south thorities of the nation. among others, the keeper america, and mexico, as well as in several of our of a turnpike gate, near the city, had put up a own states, no one, we conceive, can justly ap- prehend danger from a like noble act in the small written notice, inviting those citizens of the dis- || district of columbia. and as that district is ex- trict, passing through, to stop and sign the memo- | clusively undei the control and authority of the gen- rial. we understand he thus obtained a hand-eral government, it is not expected that any scruple can arise as to the constitutionality of the measure. some list of names. an act of congress for ever abolishing slavery the annexed memorials are briefly couched in within those limits, would exalt the national cha- respectful terms, and at the same time exhibit a racter, and we doubt not would promote the best cogency of reasoning that cannot fail of impres- | faction to your fellow-citizens. interests of all concerned, and give general satis- sing the minds of readers, generally, with the magnitude and importance of the subject to which they allude. let that subject be fairly examined from a statement of the proceedings of con- and well considered. gress, as published in the newspapers, it appears to the senate and house of representctives of the that fifteen memorials, or petitions, for the abu united stales in congress asseinbled :- the subscribers, citizens of the county of bur- tion of slavery in the district of colunbia, were lington, in the state of new-jersey, beg leave, presented to the house of representatives on the respectfully, to call the attention of the represen- || th instant, by the hon. john quincy adams.- tatives of the people to the subject of slavery, we copy the following paragraphs from the new- within the district of columbia, over which con- gress has exclusive jurisdiction. york whig. who reported the proceedings, we we do not impute to you a want of disposi- || do not know. the editor of this work being from tion to take measures wnich will finally eradicate, home at present, has not an opportunity of noting, what we deem a reflection upon our nation, in its national character, so far as it applies to the dis- personally, the public movements at washington. trict within your control. but having obtained | we do not believe that the half said by the hon. the public opinion on this subject, it is presumed member was recorded. congress will have less delicacy in taking the first step for the gradual, but final relief from sla-ed, among which were , presented by mr. john various petitions and memorials were present- very, from the seat of the general government. it is deemed so incompatible with all the princi- quincy adams, from certain quakers of penn- ples of our free institutions, that our surprise is on- | sylvania, praying for the abolition of slavery and y equalled by our regret, that the emancipation the slave trade in the district of columbia. on we are not aware that congress have taken any he would present them. he was grateful for the had not been commenced at a much earlier day. i presenting them, mr. a. observed they had been sent to him many months ago, with a ruquest that national jurisdiction has been exercised over this || confidence thus reposed in him, and he entertain- district for thirty years. ed the highest respect for the class of men from your memorialists will not presume to enter whom they emanated, as comprising " as much of into any details, by which this object can be ef- human virtue as any other class on the face of the fected; believing that congress possesses all the globe;" but concluded by saying:- information on the subject calculated to present it “ if there were any thing in the present state to their minds in the boldest relief, when contrasted of the traffic in slaves, which might become a pro- with the declaration which proclaimed us a nation. per subject of legislation, he would move that that we, therefore, pray that another session will portion of the petitions should be referred to the not be suffered to pass without an effort by the committee appointed on the affairs of the district representatives of this free and happy country, to of columbia; with respect to the other part, the say this important work has been commenced. abolition of slavery, the petitioners probably ex- to the senate and house of representatives of the u. his duty to declare, that he should not give it his pected he should give it his support. he felt it states of america, in congress assembled :- your memorialists, citizens of the county of very, in the abstract, in the district of columbia, support. whatever might be his opinion of sla- columbia and state of new-york, respectfully he hoped it would not become a subject of discus- represent : sion in that house. that, deeply as they are impressed with a con- viction of the evils of slavery in the district of state his reasons for differing from the sentiments “if such should be the case, he should then tioned the circumstance of the african female poet, | ble gentleman concluded by observing, that the of the petitioners, on this subject. the honora- phillis wheally, having been, for some months, a resident (with her mother) in the same house that most healing medicines, when unduly adminis- he occupied, in boston. he bears ample testi-tered, become the most deadly poison." mony to the excellent character and fine talents of -the petitions were referred to the committee phillis, and rejects, unhesitatingly, the doctrine of on the district of columbia. knaves and fools, which stigmatizes the blacks as we shall reserve for a future occasion the task a naturally inferior class of the human family. of commenting, at length, on the language here genius of universal emancipation. fiat justitia ruat cælum. used by the gentleman to whom these memorials deration. we have been told that america is not were entrusted. we are not disappointed in learn- | the home of the colored man. what says nature ? ing the course he has determined to pursue. and the census will be noticed more in detail, at a we are not the less firmly resolved to press the subject | future period. upon the attention of the people and their representa-recapitulation, exhibiting the general aggregate tives, from time to time, because a political favorite amount of each description of persons in the uni- of a large portion of our friends chooses to decline ted states, by classes. free white persons. the advocacy of our cause. nay more: should males—under years of age, , every popularity hunter in the land set his face of and under , , against us, (and it is yet to be expected that they of , , of will, generally, do ,) we shall still march on- , , of , , ward, with unfaltering step, in the glorious path, of , , and in pursuit of the grand object, to which pa- of , , of triotism, philanthropy, justice, and christian duty , , of , , constantly direct our views. let every memorial of , , and petition of this nature be forwarded to con- of , , of gress, that can be prepared and signed in every , , part of the union; and in process of time we shall || females—under yrs. of age, , of and upwards, – , , find champions in the halls of that “august” as- of and under , , sembly, who will not fear to advocate the cause of of , , of , , justice because it is unpopular among the unreflect- of , , ing and the tyrannical. more anon. of , , of , , lp since the above was prepared for the of , , press, we have seen another version of the hon. of , , gentleman's remarks. it is much more explana- of , , of tory than that we have quoted. , , of , , of and upwards, – , , important legal decision. total number of free whites, , , a law was enacted by the legislature of vir- slaves. ginia, in , which authorized the sale of free males-under years of age, , colored persons, as slaves, for certain offences.- of and under , , of , , sometime since, a mulatto man, named batkin, of , , was convicted of felony, and sold by authority of of , , this law. his mother was a white woman, and of and upwards, — , , he was born in virginia. at length, after being females--under yrs. of age, , of and under , , several times sold, he was purchased by a man in of , , tennessee, and removed thither. he petitioned of , , of the circuit court of that state for his freedom, , , of and upwards, — , and was set at liberty. the court decided that the provisions of the law, under which he was total number of slaves .... , , first sold as a slave, were a positive violation of free colored persons. both the bill of rights of virginia, and that | males-—under years of age, , of and under , , clause of the constitution which prohibits the of , , of passage of bills of attainder, &c. , , of , , we repeat, that this is an important decision ;-- of and upwards, – , and it must cause no little stir among the jurists of || females--under yrs. ofage, , the "ancient dominion.” how many poor wretch- of and under , , of , , es may yet be pining in slavery, who were as il- of , , legally doomed to that condition as was the ulti- of , , mately more fortunate batkin! of and upwards, - , total number of free colored persons.. , census of the united states. total aggregate of the u. s....... , , the following table, &c. showing the number of this statement, is the immense disproportion of the fact that strikes us at the first glance in persons in the united states, according to the aged colored people, to aged white people. take census of , is copied from the new-york || the extreme case for instance :-there are of white males, over years, american. the remarks respecting the dispropor- do. females, tion between aged white and colored persons are appropriate, and the subject is worthy of consi out of a population of ten and a half millions ! or genius of universal emancipation. fiat justitia ruat cælum. about one centenarian for every twenty thousand i will possess sufficient influence, and evince the souls. requisite promptitude and activity, to accomplish of male slaves, over years, female do. — . any thing of importance, we are at present una- out of a population of little over two millions, or ble to judge. our hopes lean to the side of peace one centenarian for every fourteen hundred souls ! | and safety, yet our doubts, at the same time, tend but the free colored persons give a result still to increase, rather than diminish our anxious so- more incredible :--there are of males over years, licitude for the future welfare of all. females - on reviewing the various transactions, connect- out of a population of three hundred and nineteen | ed with the subject before us, and in noting, par- thousand persons, or a centenarian for every souls!! ticularly, the results of every investigation as in the periods included between and , they have unfolded themselves to our view, it is the colored population exhibits throughout an in- | extremely gratifying to perceive that nothing yet credibly greater proportion of aged persons, than, | done by us, could be construed as having in any for the same periods, is allotted to the whites. degree promoted the direful catastrophe. not- wilberforce settlement. withstanding the advocates of slavery have charge we have lately had several very interesting in- ed us with being the chief agents in stirring up the terviews with the rev. nathaniel paul, and israel elements of commotion; altho' they madly impre- lewis, who have been appointed as agents to col cate us, and in the frenzy of their rage denounce lect funds, for the purpose of aiding the emigrants | us, as the authors of all the mischief-as the to the wilberforce settlement, in canada. the grand marplots of the day, who not only disturb gentleman, first named, will proceed forthwith to their repose, but even compass their destruction:- england, accompanied, as we understand, by an we say that notwithstanding they thus endeavor other person, appointed by the colored people of to fasten the authorship of that awfully tragic per- new-york. lewis will travel in various parts of formance upon us, we can, with truth, answer them the united states, soliciting contributions, for the in the language of shakspeare: purpose above mentioned. both of these agents “thou canst not say i did it; never shake are provided with suitable credentials, and the thy gory locks at me.” most unquestionable evidence that full confidence | no, after every examination that has been made- in their integrity and uprightness is rcposed in after the most minute and severe scrutiny that them. we shall soon have more to say respecting was probably ever instituted—not a single free co- this settlement. lored person has been convicted of a participation in any one of the numerous plots, conspiracies, or the virginia massacre. insurrections, discovered or suspected, in the it is generally supposed that the finale of this | southern states, during the recent period of alarm. horrible tragedy has developed itself. the prime | and, further, we have heard of the prosecution of mover and acknowledged leader having been ta- || but one slave, in whose possession was found a ken and executed, no further symptons of insur- || publication in which an advocate of emancipa- rection have lately appeared in the slaveholding tion is or has been concerned; and it is believed part of the united states. the dreadful alarm which every where existe a time, has gradu- | follow, unless they can see zens are already removing—others will doubtless probability that at ally subsided; and many are consoling themselves some period, the evil will be taken away.” with the belief that they are again secure. some the richmond whig, also, considers the sub- will thus quiet their minds, and rest under the fa- ject “of such vital consequence, that in compari- son all other questions sink into utter insignifi- tal delusion, drawing the cord of oppression still tighter and tighter, until another attempt shall it is much to be regretted, however, that south- probably be made to sever the “gordian knot,” || pending upon the plan of removing the colored ern gentlemen cannot perceive the futility of de- as before. others, more foresighted, will exert the desired object will never, never, be themselves to bring about a change in the politi- accomplished by such means, alone. we do not cal and moral system, by which means the gory wish to discourage this plan, if properly conducted; but—something else must also be done. the arm of servile commotion may be stayed at the editor of the new-york sentinel has a clearer bidding of humanity and justice.* whether these view of the matter. he says, in copying the above from the petersburg paper :-- * a writer in the petersburg (va.) intelligencer, “it is somewhat consoling to learn, as we do by adverting to this subject, remarks as follows: the above paragraph, that the people of the south “ the sentiment is gaining ground in virginia, || are awaking to the danger in which they are pla- that the whole african race ought to be removed || ced; but it is extraordinary that they do not de- from among us. many people feel unwilling to termine to do justice, as the best means of avert- die and leave their posterity exposed to all the ills | ing the threatened danger. the project of remov- which, from the existence of slavery in our state, || ing them, we believe to be a falacy: let them they have themselves so long felt. have a reasonable prospect of liberation, and pre- si others are unwilling themselves longer to suf- pare them for the change, and there will no lon- fer these inconveniences—some of our best citi- ll ger be danger of insurrection.” cance." race. genius of universal emancipation. fiat justitia ruat cælum. that that one was acquitted. instead of participat- ampton,” has been published at baltimore. it ing therein, our most violent traducers have ad makes pages. it professes to give, from the mitted, that free persons of color and intelligented him a leader and a fanatic. it sketches the bandit's own lips, the circumstances which form- slaves did, in many instances, not only give time- commencement, progress and termination of an ly information of meditated insurrection, but also insurrection, the bare recital of which makes the assisted promptly in quelling the same. blood run cold. the description of the butchery of the whites is terrific. we cannot make copi- is not a knowledge of these facts of the utmost ous extracts from it, because it is put under a co- importance to all concerned? do they not furnish py right. but we may be permitted, without in- us with the most triumphant vindica- || fringing on the author's privilege, to copy the fol- lowing incidents: tion that could be even desired? will not our “and by signs in the heavens that it would moderate and honest opponents therefore candidly make known to me when i should commence the admit, after a season of calm reflection, that (with great work—and until the first sign appeared, i should conceal it from the knowledge of men.. a very few exceptions) danger is not to be appre- || and on the appearance of the sign, (the eclipse of hended from that portion of the colored popula- the sun last february) i should arise and prepare tion whose condition has been meliorated, and myself, and slay my enemies with their own wea- pons. and immediately on the sign appearing in whose prospects are hopeful ;*-but, on the con- the heavens, the seal was removed from my lips, trary, that those alone are to be dreaded whose and i communicated the great work laid out for necks are inured to the yoke of cruel bondage; || me to do to four in whom i had the greatest con- whose limbs are benumbed by unrewarded toil; | fidence, (henry, hark, nelson, and sam.), it was intended by us to have begun the work of whose desart minds are as dark as erebus; cheer- || death on the th july last. many were the plans less and hopeless as the shades of death; and formed and rejected by us, and it affected my whose souls are thus estranged from the princi- | mind to such a degree that i fell sick, and the time ples of virtue, fired with vengeance, and frensied passed without our coming to any determination how to commence. still forming new schemes by rage and desperation? this, it must be ac and rejecting them, when the sign appeared again, knowledged, is the true state of the case; and which determined me not to wait longer.”—(thé most ardently do we desire that all may take a strange appearance of the sun.] "hark got a ladder, and set it up against the right view of the subject. then shall the light of chimney, on which i'ascended, and, hoisting a reformation soon dispel the gloom of anxiety and window, entered and came down stairs, unbarred boding fear; hostility shall be disrobed of his the door, and removed the guns from their places. -it was then observed that i must spill the first crimson garb; the moral volcano shall cease its | blood. on which, armed with a hatchet and ac- tremulous and awful vibrations; and neither the companied by will, i entered my master's cham- « signs in the heavens” nor wholesome political || the hatchet glanced from his head, he sprang from ber: it being dark, i could not give a death-blow, restrictions will longer be interpreted by super- | the bed and called his wife : it was his last word. stition and ignorance as the fated precursors of will laid him dead with a blow of his axe, and insurrection, bloodshed, and slaughter. mrs. travis shared the same fate, as she lay in bed. we hope that, henceforth, we shall not have the work of a moment, not one of them awoke: the murder of this family, five in number, was occasion to occupy much space in our pages with there was a little infant sleeping in a cradle, that this painful subject : but as every reader undoubt was forgotten until we had left the house and gone edly wishes to have a right understanding of it, some distance, when henry and will returned and killed it. we got here four guns that would we have felt in duty bound to give as many of the shoot, and several old muskets, with a pound or particulars connected with it as our limits would two of powder." allow. we insert below an article, from the “from mr. reese's we went to mrs. turner's, richmond enquirer, relative to the confessions of || monday morning. henry, austin, and sam went a mile distant, which we reached about sunrise on nat turner, the leader of the late insurrection, to the still, where, finding mr. peebles, austin who was taken, about the last of october, and shot him, and the rest of us went to the house; as soon after executed. these “confessions” have we approached, the family discovered us, and shut the door. vain hope ! will, with one stroke of been published in a pamphlet, at baltimore, but his axe, opened it, and we entered and found mrs. being from home, we have not yet seen it. turner and mrs. newsome in the middle of a the confessions of nat turner.—mr. t. room almost frightened to death. will immedi. r. gray's pamphlet of “the confessions of nat|| ately killed mrs. turner, with one blow of his turner, the leader of the late insurrection in south- i took mrs. newsome by the hand, and with the sword i had when i was apprehended, i * it is gratifying to perceive that some of the struck her several blows over the head, but not slaveholders to the south of us are sensible of this | being able to kill her, as the sword was dúll, will fact.. a report obtained credit that a conspiracy | turned round, and discovering it, despatched her had been formed among the slaves near claiborne, | also. a general destruction of property and a in alabama. a letter from that place, in noti- || search for money and ammunition, always suc- cing the cireumstance, remarked that no fears i ceeded the murders.” were entertained of the whites being taken by “ all the family were already murdered, but surprise,--as the creoles (mulattoes and others) || mrs. whitehead and her daughter margaret. as were conversant with all the movements of the slaves, i came round to the door, i saw will pulling mrs. and might be depended on to give timely warning, in | whitehead out of the house; and at the step he case an attempt of the kind should be made. nearly severed her head from her body with his * axe. * * genius of universal emancipation. fiat justitia ruat cælum. broad-axe. miss margaret, when i discovered || veral others adjoining. his avowed object was, her, had concealed herself in a corner formed by | to obtain it for the humane purpose of extending the projection of the cellar-cap from the house'; on my approach she fled, but was soon overtaken, the limits of our slave territory and adding sever- and after repeated blows with the sword, i killed al more slaveholding states to this union. brief- her by a blow on the head with a fence rail." what wretches! this monster will furnish- || ly, his views were deţineated in the following ex- tract from a paper published at edgefield, south es deeds that would suit the pencil of salvator rosa. carolina. a more shameless claim was, perhaps, one confession of nat turner is important: never made than the one before us; and it will be he was asked “ if he knew of any extensive or seen that the hope of success was partially, if not concerted plan. his answer was--i do not.- when i questioned him as to the insurrection in mainly, based on the supposition, that the then north carolina happening about the same time ; || critical state of affairs in mexico would compel he denied any knowledge of it; and when i look- that government to submit quietly to the usurpa- ed him in the face, as though i would search his in- tion. most thoughts, he replied: 'i see, sir, you doubt my word ; but can you not think the same ideas, “ the acquisition of texas, relinquished by the and strange appearances about this time in the government of the united states to the magna- heavens, might prompt others, as well as myself, || nimous ferdinand vii, by the florida treaty of to this undertaking ?” , is now a subject of much interest in the the pamphlet has one defect—we mean its western states. this valuable territory has now style. the confession of the culprit is given, as devolved upon the republic of mexico, and from it were, from his own lips--(and when read to the condition of that country-suffering under in- him, he admitted its statements to be correct) vasion and civil war, and with scanty finances- but the language is for superior to what nat tur- || it is supposed that its retrocession might be ob- ner could have employed--portions of it are even tained for a reasonable equivalent. great confi- eloquently and classically expressed. this is | dence is expressed that the administration will calculated to cast some shade of doubt over the embrace the present favorable occasion of regain- authenticity of the narrative, and to give the ban- ing an extensive and fertile region of county, with- dit a character for intelligence which he does not in the natural limits of the united states. some deserve, and ought not to have received. in all imposing essays, originally published in the st. other respects, the confession appears to be faith- || louis beacon, with the signature of americanus, ful and true. the whole pamphlet is deeply in- | and attributed to col. benton of the senate, ex- teresting plaining the circumstances of the treaty of , and displaying the advantages of the retrocession, have operated upon the public mind in the west mexico and the united states. with electrical force and rapidity. the writer in our review of the article, headed “the mex- | render of texas resulted from the subserviency of produces strong circumstantial proof that the sur- icans in ,” some notice was taken of the at our negociator to spain in her contest with mex- tempt, on the part of the united states, to be. | ico, together with the powerful subsidiary motive come possessed of the province of texas, &c.— of hostility to the western and southern sections we now proceed to show further, from other || mississippi valley, affording sufficient territory of our own country. this large fragment of the sources, the overweening anxiety manifested, by for four or five slaveholding states, was unceremo- both the government and individuals, to secure | niously sacrificed, with scarcely the pretext of a the possession thereof; from which some addition-demand for it on the part of spain. the time of al ideas of its great importance to the owner may on the missouri question—the place was wash- the negotiation was during the heat of the debate be formed. the sentiments and movements of ington, whither the negotiation had been unne- some of the most intelligent mexicans, relative to cessarily removed while it was proceeding pros- the subject, will also be noted, that the reader may perously at madrid, and where the restrictionists were then assembled in all their strength_and the understand they likewise are fully sensible of its negotiator was mr. adams, the friend and asso- intrinsic value, and determined to retain it at eve- ciate of the most thoroughgoing among these re- ry hazard. strictionists. americanus exposes the evils to the united states of this surrender under twelve dis- we give a discription of the texas country, tinct heads, which we have not room to enume- &c. &c. (which is believed to be generally correct,) two of them of particularinterest to this in a supplement to the present number of this section of the country, are, that it brings a non- work. it will be found very interesting. we slaveholding empire into juxtaposition with the likewise intend collecting and publishing, from the outlet for the emigration of the indians inha- slaveholding southwest, and that it diminishes time to time, such further information respecting | biting the states of georgia, alabama, missis- that portion of the mexican republic, particular-sippi, and tennessee.” ly, as we may conceive to be desirable to our the writer of the essays, above alluded to, un- readers. dertook, indeed, to show that equity and justice de- in the spring and summer of , thomas h. manded the increase of slave states, to keep parri benton, the most open and unblushing advocate of passu in numerical strength with those which in- missouri slavery, (now a senator in congress from hibit the practice of slaveholding! hear him:- that state,) conceived the magnificient project of “that these latter (the slave states) have much acquiring, by diplomacy or force, the vast country to fear from the undue or excessive preponder- east of the rio bravo del norte, including the that human proof can be exhibited to the human ance of the free states is proved in every way whole of the province of texas, with parts of mind, in speeches, writings and essays; in news- rate. se- genius of universal emancipation. fiat justitia ruat cælum. paper publications; in books and pamphlets; in he would have lent himself to the accomplishment the acts and proceedings of corporate bodies; in of an object so degrading to his country, and dis- the resolutions and memorials of societies and as- sociations; in the solemn acts of state legisla- | astrous to millions of his color. the extract from tures; in the halls of congress ; from the federal te gazette, aforesaid, runs thus:- judicial bench, and from the sacred stand of the “ purchase of texas.-as the subject of the pur- pulpit; all issuing for a series of years from the chase of texas has engrossed much of the atten- non-slaveholding states; all thickening as time ad- tion of our politicians for a year or two past, it vances, and all tending to one point, the abolition may not, perhaps, be improper to state, that we of slavery, under the clause in the declaration of || are in possession of information, on this subject, independence, which asserts the natural equality. || derived from a source entitled to the highest cre- of all men. dreadful would be the condition of dit, which destroys all hope of the speedy acqui- these states,-cruel and terrible their fate beyond sition of that country by the united states. the power of pen to describe or pencil to paint, or “col. butler, the charge des affaires of the of imagination to conceive, if in the excessive pre- || united states to mexico, was specially authorized ponderance of the free states and in furious con and charged by the president, to treat with that tentions for political power a majority of judges || government for the purchase of texas. but he should be found on the bench of the supreme court did not reach the city of mexico until about three of the u. states to act on the law declared by mr. il weeks after the overthrow of gen. guerrero, justice story in his charge to the grand jury at late president of mexico. if he had arrived there portsmouth, n. h., in may, , or a majority a few weeks sooner, our informant thinks he would in congress should be found to act on the princi- || have found but little difficulty in concluding a trea- ples avowed by mr. r. king in the senate; or ty with the then predominant party for the pur- on the principles contained in the petition present- | chase of texas. but the present predominant ed to the house of representatives, by its then party, under vice-president bustamente, appear speaker, mr. j. w. taylor, in the session of || to be jealous of the united states, and, indeed, of – ; or on the principles contained in the re- | almost every other foreign power, and are decid- port of a committee of the house of rrepresenta- || edly opposed to ceding any portion of its territory. tives, in the case of the slave of d’auterive, at “no hopes need, therefore, he thinks, be enter- the session before last. whenever a majority | tained of our acquiring texas, until some other may be found in congress, or on the supreme | party, more friendly to the united states than the bench, to act upon these principles, thus avowed | present, shall predominate in mexico-and, per- and declared from the highest seats of legislative | haps, not until the people of texas shall throw off and judicial power, and to carry them out to their | the yoke of allegiance to that government, which legitimate conclusions, the fate of the slave states they will no doubt do, as soon as they shall have in this union will be as much more lamentable a reasonable pretext for doing so. at present and terrible than that of the french inhabitants of they are probably subject to as few exactions or san domingo in ' , as the cruelties of indian war | impositions as any people under the sun. their superadded to the atrocities of negro insurrection || lands are given to them, and they are exempt from can exceed the horrors of negro insurrection.” taxes of every description, and enjoy many other we make no comment on the above, except to privileges which they could not look for under any other government. so long as the government of say that it has not the least resemblance to pro- mexico continues to act in good faith towards bability. no wonder that a man, entertaining them, so long may they be expected to remain sentiments like these, should wish our government | loyal and peaceable subjects and citizens.” to grasp the territory in question--sight or wrong! (we had extended this article to a much great- a statesman, of this cast, is prepared for any er length;—but regret to find that we have not usurpation that power or fraud can render suc room for the whole now. the conclusion will ap- cessful. pear next month.) we next give an extract from the arkansas ga- zette, to show that our government had taken offi- || persecution of free people of color. cial measures to obtain the territory, by negotia a gentleman of new-york writes, under date tion. the mexicans, however, had become ap- of december th, , that colored persons prized of the designs of our slavite politicians; i have arrived in that place, from the south, on their they had learned that their great object was to fill way to the canada settlement. they were com- the country with slaves, by which the “accursed | pelled, no doubt, to leave their native homes, by system” would have been almost indefinitely ex the fiery persecution that now rages against the tended, and probably perpetuated for centuries; free people of color, on account of the misconduct and they wisely rejected the insidious proposal, ll of the slaves!! based, as it was, on the most ambitious and tyran a short time since, twenty persons of color were nical motives. we think the writer in the ga sent to new-york, from north carolina, by the zette was mistaken in the supposition that the late society of friends. they were so severely ha- president of that republic and his party would rassed, under the pretence of suspected conspira- have sanctioned one of the most splendid schemes | cy, that the vexation became insupportable, and of magnificent despotism that has been presented they determined to seek new homes in some more to the world since the enslavement of the african || friendly region. president guerrero was fully informed of the fact is, we must have an extensive place of the grand infernal project; and it is a libel upon refuge for these cruelly oppressed and innocent his character to assert-indeed the man must be sufferers. go where they will in this “free” ignorant of that character who can suppose-that ll no, this despotic country, prejudice stares them in race. genius of universal emancipation. mob at norfolk. fiat justitia ruat cælum. the face, even if persecution do not quench the last prevention of slave insurrections. glimmering ray of hope, and efface every vestige no. iii. of happiness from their minds. thousands, it is we shall take a few more extracts from true, are rising up to plead their cause; and, in the very interesting pamphlet from which process of time, a change must come. in the mean time, let them look towards canada, mexico, and we have so liberally quoted already, and hayti. there they will be treated as men, and then proceed to prove the correctness of enjoy every natural human right our propositions by other equally indubit- able testimony. having finished his re- a very respectable and intelligent colored bap view of the experiments made by the tist preacher, of the name of raymond, residing hon. j. steele, clarkson proceeds :- in norfolk, virginia, was invited to preach at se i have now proved (as far as the plan* veral places in north carolina." having compli- | of mr. steele is concerned) my third pro- ed with the request, he returned home soon after position, or the probability that emancipa- the period of the southampton insurrection. || tion would promote the interests of those without a shadow of cause for suspicion, a law- who should adopt it ; but as i know of no less mob immediately assembled before his house, other estate similarly circumstanced with charging him with participating in that horrible that of mr. steele, that is, where emanci- affair . they were about to to take him forcibly | pation has been tried, and where a detail- from his dwelling, (and would, probably, have ex-ed result of it has been made known, i ecuted him summarily,) when a number of more cannot confirm it by other similar exam- worthy citizens interfered, and with difficulty pre-ples. i must have resourse, therefore, to vented them from effecting their design. heim- some new species of proof. now it is an mediately left norfolk, and went to new-york, || old maxim, as old as the days of pliny where the writer of this article saw him, and re- and columella, and confirmed by dr. ad- ceived from him the substance of what is here re- am smith, and all the modern writers on lated. he appeared very grateful for thie justice political economy, that the labor of free and kindness of his white friends, but considera- bly dejected in spirit, on account of his hair-if therefore i should be able to show that men is cheaper than the labor of slaves. breadth escape from a cruel fate. this maxim would be true if applied to all reflecting upon this circumstance, the thought the operations and demands of west indi- frequently occurs: how many blacks may have recently been destroyed, ' by the exasperated blish my proposition on a new ground; for an agriculture, i should be able to esta- whites, who were as innocent as the more fortu-|| it requires no great acuteness to infer, that, nate raymond? these are some of the conse- || if it be cheaper to employ free men than quences of fostering a martial spirit. these, o slaves in the cultivation of our islands, war! are the murderous concomitants of thy || emancipation would be a profitable process. besom march o'er the world! i shall show, then, that the old maxim just mentioned is true, when applied to the phrensy of conscious guilt! the case in our own islands, first by esta- it is said that the senate of georgia has pass- ||blishing the fact that free men, people of ed certain resolutions, offering a reward of five colour, in the east indies, are employed thousand dollars for the arrest and in precisely the same concerns (the cultiva- conviction of the publishers of the boston “ libera- tion of the cane and the making of sugar) tor”!!!-let garrison and knapp look out, and as the slaves in the west, and that they beware of kidnappers and assassins. there are are employed at a cheaper rate. the tes- many who would pay a liberal sum for their timony of henry botham, esq., will be "scalps!" quite sufficient for this point. tleman resided for some time in the east indies, where he became acquainted with we learn, from the richmond whig, that the the business of a sugar estate. in the ship james perkins sailed from norfolk, on the *it is much to be feared that this beautiful order th inst. for africa, with about families of of things was broken up after mr. steele's death colored people, comprising upwards of indi- || by his successors, either through their own preju- viduals, many of them liberated slaves. dices, or their unwillingness or inability to stand against the scoffs and prejudices of others. it may it is also stated, that persons of color (under || be happy, however, for thousands now in slave- the care of the society of friends) were sent, ry, that mr. steele lived to accomplish his plan. about the first of this month, to dighton, massa- the constituent parts and result of it being known, chusetts. a fine example is shown to those who may be de- sirous of trying emancipation. that gen- emigration of colored people. genius of universal emancipation. fiat justitia ruat cælum. very first year he quitted the east for the west. be better worked than they now are by his object was to settle in the latter part | two-thirds or indeed one-half of the present of the world, if it should be found desir- || force. let it be considered how much la- able so to do. for this purpose he visited | bor is lost by the persons overseeing the all the west indian islands, both english forced laborer, which is saved when he and french, in about two years. he be works for his own profit. i have stated came during this time a planter, though with the strictest veracity a plain matter he did not continue long in this situation ; of fact, that sugar-estates can be worked and he superintended also messrs. bosan- cheaper by free men than by slaves."* quets' and j. fatio's sugar-plantation in clarkson further observes:- their partners' absence. finding at length the unprofitable way in which the west which has been mentioned, is true, whenap- i shall now show, that the old maxim, indian planters conducted their he returned to the east indies in , plied to the case ofour west indian islands, and established sugar-works at bencoolen by establishing a fact of a very different on his own account. - being in london do much more work in a given time when kind, viz. that the slaves in the west indies in the year , when a committee of privy council was sitting to examine into they work for themselves, than when they the question of the slave trade, he deliver be said, do you prove, by establishing this work for their masters. but how, it will ed a paper to the board on the mode of cultivating a sugar plantation in the east fact, that it would be cheaper for our indies; and this paper being thought of plauters to employ free men than slaves ? i great importance, he was summoned af- answer, that, while the slaves are work- terwards in by a committee of the ling for themselves, they are to be consi- house of commons, and was examined dered, indeed that they are, bona fide, free laborers. in the first place, they have no personally upon it. driver with them on these occasions; and, it is very remarkable that the sentence in this paper announced the fact in the second place, having all their earn- at once, that “sugar, better and cheaper|lus within them to excite industry which ings to themselves, they have that stimu- than that in the west indian islands, was belongs peculiarly to free men. what is produced by free men." mr. botham then explained the simple it, i ask, which gives birth to industry in process of making sugar in the east. "a any part of the world, seeing that labor is proprietor, generally a dutchman, used to not agreeable to man, but the stimulus let his estate, say acres or more, with arising from the hope of gain? what proper buildings upon it, to a chinese, in the day than a slave, but the stimulus makes an english laborer do more work who lived upon it and superintended it, and who relet it to free men in parcels of | arising from the knowledge that what he or acres, on condition they should earns is for himself and not for another? plant it in canes for so much for every pe- do much more work by the piece than by what, again, makes an english laborer cul, lbs., of sugar produced. this the day, but the stimulus arising from the superintendent hired people from the adja. || knowledge that he may gain more by the . cent villages to takeoff his crop. one set of task-men with their carts and buffaloes former than by the latter mode of work? cut the canes, carried them to the mill, and when he is working for himself , that is, just so is the west indian slave situated, ground them. a second set boiled them, when he knows that what he earns is for and a third clayed and basketed them for his he has then the stimulus market at so much per pecul. thus the of a free man, and he is, therefore, during renter knew with certainty what every such work (though unhappily no longer) pecul would cost him, and he incurred no unnecessary expense; for, when the crop really, and in effect, and to all intents and was over, the task-men returned home. purposes, as much a free laborer as any by dividing the labor in this manner, it *mr. botham's account is confirmed incontro- was better and cheaper done." vertibly by the fact, that sugar made in the east indies can be brought to england (though it has the statement of botham is rather pro- || three times the freight to pay,) and yet be afford- three times the distance to come, and of course lix, and part of it irrelevant to the pointed to the consumer at as cheap a rate as any that under examination. the following sen- can be brought thither from the west.-clarkson. and cotton is now (and sugar will be ere long) tences conclude his statement: brought from mexico, and sold in the united states, notwithstanding a heavy duty must be paid on it. "i do suppose our sugar-islands might own use, g. u. eman, genius of universal emancipation. fiat justitia ruat cælum. person in any part of the globe. but if to do for his owner in a whole day or he be a free man, while he is working for more!" and did not the whole assem. himself, and if in that capacity he does | bly of grenada, in the evidence they trans- twice or thrice more work than when he mitted to the privy council, as we collect works for his master, it follows, that it from the famous speech of mr. pitt on the would be cheaper for his master to employ | slave trade in , affirm the same him as a free laborer, or that the labor of thing? 'he (mr. pitt) would show,' free men in the west indies would be he said, 'the futility of the argument of cheaper than the labor of slaves.* his honorable friend. his honorable friend that west indian slaves, when they has himself admitted, that it was in the work for themselves, do much more in a power of the colonies to correct the vari- given time than when they work for their ous abuses by which the negro popula- masters, is a fact so notorious in the westtion was restrained. but they could not indies, that no one who has been there do this without improving the condition of would deny it. look at long's his- | their slaves, without making them appror- tory of jamaica, the privy council re-imate towards the rank of citizens, without port, gaisford's essay on the good ef- giving them some little interest in their la- fects of the abolition of the slave trade, || bor, which would occasion them to work and other books. let us hear also what with the energy of men. but now the as. dr. dickinson, the editor of mr. steele, sembly of grenada had themselves stated, and who resided so many years in barba- that, though the negroes were allowed the does, says on the subject; for what he afternoon of only one day in every week, says is so admirably expressed that i can they would do as much work in that after. not help quoting it: " the planters," noon when employed for their own benefit, says he,“ do noi take the right way to as in the whole day when employed in their make human beings put forth their | masters' service. now after this confes- strength. they apply main force where sion the house might burn all his calcula- they should apply moral motives, and tions relative to the negro population; for punishments alone where rewards should | if this population had not quite reached be judiciously intermixed. they first be the desirable state which he had pointed slave their poor people with their cursed out, this confession had proved that fur- whip, and then stand and wonder at the ther supplies were not wanted. a ne- tremour of their nerves, and the laxity of gro, if he worked for himself, could do their muscles. and yet, strange to tell, double work. by an improvement then, those very inen affirm, and affirm truly, in the mode of labor, the work in the is. that a slave will do more work for him- || lands could be doubled. but if so, what self in an afternoon than he can be made would become of the argument of his ho- * another case, showing that this presumption ber of the present laborers were necessary.' norable friend ? for then only half the num- is a positive truth, susceptible of the most incon- testible proof, is related by a late southern writer. we give his own words below.-ed. g. u. eman. west indies do much more work for them- but the fact, that the slaves in the “i was informed by a gentleman who lived near the fishdam ford, on broad river, south carolina, selves in a given time than when they that his employer had made an experiment on the work for their masters, may be establish- management of negroes, of whom he was overseer, ed almost arithmetically, if we will take which answered extremely well, and offers to us a strong case in favor of excitingʻambition by culti the trouble of calculating from authentic vating utility, local attachment and moral im- documents which present themselves on provement, among slaves. he established four | the subject. it is surprising, when we or five plantations, not far apart, and stocked each || look inio the evidence examined by the of them with a suitable proportion of hands, and work cattle, under a driver, who had the entire house of commons on the subject of the management of every thing under his (the over slave trade, to find how little a west in- seer's) control. the overseer's duty merely 'ex- dian slave really does when he works for tended to direct the driver on what land he was to raise provisions, and where cotton was to be his master; and this is confessed equally planted ; with this understanding, that all the cot- | by the witnesses on both sides of the ques- ton raised, afier it was cleaned and packed, be- l tion. one of them (mr. francklyn) says, longed to the owner, and that all the hogs, corn and provisions left after supplying the plantation, be- that a laboring man could not get his longed to the negroes, who might do with it as bread in europe if he worked no harder they pleased. than a negro.- another (mr. tobin) "the consequence of this arrangement was, that | that no negro works like a day-laborer in ed out better crops than any other plantations of england. another (sir john dalling) equal force in that neighborhood.” il that the general work of negroes is not genius of universal emancipation. fiat justitia ruat cælum. to be called labor. a fourth (dr. jack- || admit them to freedom, they would lose son) that an english laborer does three nothing by so doing; for they would not times as much work as a negro in the || admit them to freedom till after a certain west indies. now how are these expres-period of years, during which i contend sions to be reconciled with the common that the value of every individual slave notions in england of negro labor ? for would have been reimbursed to them "to work like a negro” is a common from the increased income of their estates. phrase, which is understood to convey the mr. steele, as we have seen, more than meaning, that the labor of the negroes is tripled the value of his income during his the most severe and intolerable that is experiment: i believe that he more than known. one of the witnesses, however, quadrupled it; for he says, that he more just mentioned explains the matter. “the than tripled it, besides increasing his stock, hardship,” says he, "of negro field-labor is and laying out large sums annually in ad- more in the mode” than in the quantity ding necessary works, and in repairs of done. the slave, seeing no end of his la- the damage by the great hurricane. sup- bor, stands over the work, and only throws pose then a west india estate to yield at sunt the hoe to avoid the lash * he appears this moment a net income of l. per an- to work, without actually working." the num, this income would be increased, ac- truth is, that a negro, having no interest | cording to mr. steele's experience, to in his work while working for his master, | somewhere about . per annum. will work only while the whip is upon would not, then, the surplus beyond the him. original ., viz. . per annum, be i have now "shown, first by the evi- || sufficient to reimburse the proprietor in a dence of mr. botham, and secondly, by the few years for the value of every slave fact of negroes earning more in a given which he had when he began his plan of time when they work in their own gar | emancipation ? but he would be reim- dens, than when they work in their mas- bursed again, that is, (twice over on the ter's service, that the old maxim “of ils whole for every individual slave,) from a being cheaper to employ free men than new source, viz. the improved value of his slaves,” is true, when applied to the opera- land. it is a fact well known in the tions and demands of west indian agri- united states, that a certain quantity of culture. but if it be cheaper to employ land, or farm, in full cultivation by free free men than slaves in the west indies, men, will fetch twice more money than then they, who should emancipate their the same quantity of land, similarly cir- negroes there, would promote their inte- || cumstanced, in full cultivation by slaves. rests by so doing. " but hold !” says an let us suppose, then, that the slaves at objector, “we allow that their successors | present on any west indian plantation are would be benefited, but not the emanci- worth about as much as the land with the pators themselves. these would have a buildings upon it, to which they are at- great sacrifice to make. their slaves are tached, and that the land with the build- worth so much money at this moment :| ings upon it would rise to double its form- but they would lose all this value, if they er value when cultivated by free men; it were to be set free. i reply, and indeed || follows that the land and buildings alone have long affirmed, that it is not propos- would be worth as much then, that is, ed to emancipate the slaves at once, but to when worked by free laborers, as the land, prepare them for emancipation in a course buildings, and slaves together are worth at of years. mr. steele did not make his the present time. slaves entirely free. they were copyhold so far we have confined our statements bond-slaves. they were still his proper-principally to a review of clarkson’s very ty: and they would, if he had lived, have continued so for many years. they there interesting exposition. we have many fore, who should emancipate, would lose other articles, connected with this subject, nothing of the value of their slaves, so selected for future examination, but must long as they brought them only to the defer it to the period of issuing the next door of liberty, but did not allow them to number. the great importance of the pass through it. but suppose they were to allow them to pass through it and thus matters here presented to the view of the reader, will, it is hoped, afford an ample * that whipping is more fatiguing, and will | apology for occupying so large a space in wear out the man sooner, than moderate volunta- ry labor, must be admitted by all.-g. u. eman. this work. genius of universal emancipation: fiat justitia ruat cælum. ladies' repository. how can it be believed that the authors of so much misery are professors of the religion of the philanthropic and literary. meek and merciful jesus! that gentle compassion- principally conducted by a lady. ate woman can lend her sanction to such a system, and join with the oppressor in the gains of his dark slaveholding. iniquity. it is a bitter thing to feel that this is the oh execrable son! so to aspire truth-to know that such scenes are of daily oc- above his brethren; to himself assuming authority usurped, from god not given; currence in our country; and still more painful is he gave us only over beast, fish, fowl, it to witness the indifference with which they are dominion absolute; that right we hold by his donation; but maan over man, regarded by so large a portion of the community. he made not lord; such title to himself reserving, human left from human free. conversation. milton. among the methods employed by the female when slaveholding is abolished we may aspire | friends of emancipation, to benefit the unhappy to the character of a civilized nation; until that era slave, and extend to other bosoms the sympathy we may expect to be characterized by posterity as for his situation, which they themselves feel, must a race of savages. cruelty and oppression are not be overlooked the useful and very obvious one yet unexpunged vestiges of heathen barbarism. of frequent conversation on that subject. those the spirit of christianity and philosophic refine- who are already interested will, by pursuing this ment, are both directly and unalterably opposed to them; and before these they must eventually course among themselves, find their feelings still more deeply engaged in the cause of freedom, their disappear, leaving future ages to reflect with as- tonishment on their long protracted existence. | purposes strengthened, and their minds excited to more sedulous perseverance; while an allusion to were it not for the strange obliquity of our moral the subject in the presence of others, may open the eyesight, occasioned by prejudice and long fami- liar custom, we should regard with becoming hor- door to an instructive discourse, awaken the dor- ror and repugnance the savagely unnatural prac- mant sensibilities, and perhaps arouse into action tice of enslaving our fellow-creatures, and making those who have never before had their attention merchandise of human flesh. to one whose feel- directed to the subject. opportunities for this are ings have not been rendered obtuse by long ac- rarely wanting in society, and a few words so quaintance with the system of slavery, the bare uttered may perhaps leave an abiding impression imagination of a slave market, would be produc- on a mind previously unoccupied by prejudices, tive of feelings of utter abhorrence. to place be- and prepare it to receive, with attention, any fu- fore the mind's eye a view of christian men gather-ture information relative to the system. let not ed together for the purpose of chaffering about the any bę discouraged from adverting to this topic by purchase of their brethren, disputing for their pos- the belief that they shall fail to interest their hear- session, and meting out the price of human limbs ers; it is better to risk the mortification of being in paltry pieces of coin :-to behold the miserable | listened to with repulsive coldness, than to fail of objects of their scandalous traffic-terrified and using every proper exertion, in a cause where so heart-stricken mothers, whose frighted infants | much is needful in order to ensure success. be- cling shrieking about them for protection—youth sides, where there is least expectation of securing.co ful females shrinking painfully from the exposure | attention, the attempt to do so is sometimes re- of their situation, and goaded forward by the rude warded by a more than ordinary display of it ;- lash and brutal oath into public notice-husbands | or, if productive of no immediate effect, the words and fathers awaiting in sullen anguish the decision may be like bread, which being “cast upon the which is to be to them the parting knell from all waters” shall be found “after many days.” if they love and aged men that have perhaps worn those who are now most deeply interested for our out their lives in toil for those who are now about slave population endeavor to trace those felings of to transfer them, for a paltry pittance, to a stran- interest to their spring, they will probably, in ma- ger's service-who that has the feelings of a human | ny instances, find they have had their rise from being would not be filled with mingled emotions of quite as trifling a source as a casual conversation. grief and shame and detestation at such a scene! | cowper's beautiful poem, “the negro's com- yet these are only the outlines of the picture, the plaint,” was distributed all over england under less obvious touches of the reality are crowded the title of “a subject for conversation at the with much that is still more harrowing to the feel- || tea-table;" and was supposed to be productive the appealing look, the convulsive sigh, the l of so much good effect that clarkson has thought disregarded prayer—these we have not attempted || it worthy of notice in his “ history of the aboli- to portray:-nor aught of the varied circum- || tion.” an abstinence from slave produce, if of no stances of peculiar and individual wretchedness, other service, would be valuable on account of its that are of perpetual recurrence. frequently giving rise to such conversations, and ings; genius of universal emancipation. fiat justitia ruat cælum. sent. brow; ment set we hope that the few advocates of that system, will for the genius of universal emancipation. suffer no suitable opportunity for representing its the sunset hour. advantages to pass unimproved. no! i have not forgotten yet the gentle sunset hour, petitioning congress. that comes with such a soothing touch, to shut to the politeness of a lady in philadelphia, || nor have i yet forgotten those who shared its the bright leaved flower, we are indebted for a copy of the annexed memo- light with me, rial to the congress of the united states. at a amidst a scene i fondly love, though distant far it be. more convenient season, we may notice this sub- ject further. our limits are too narrow at pre- || a gleaming of its parting light is lingering even the memorial will, as we understand, be now, generally circulated in philadelphia and its vicini-with dim and faded brilliancy, around my lifted ty, and, no doubt, many signers will be obtained. while memory flings aside the veil that hangs o'er it will be laid before congress some time during the parted things, and drives the shadows from the past, before her present session, if, upon due consideration, too ma- glancing wings. ny exciting causes shall not render it inexpedient. i seem to see thee, gentle friend, before me even to the senate and house of representatives of the u. yet! states of america, in congress assembled :- so meekly in thy wonted place beside the case- your memorialists, female citizens of philadel- phia and its vicinity, with due respect represent: with calm still brow, and placid eye across the that deeply commiserating the condition of landscape bent, that portion of the citizens of these united states, || where all of nature's varied charms are beautiful- who are held in bondage, we earnestly solicit your ly blent. attention to this momentous subject. your memorialists believe, that if our general the gliding stream, the low white mill, the hill government act to the extent of their power in upswelling high, removing this evil, their example may have a happy with its few crowning forest trees, so painted on influence on the legislatures of the southern states. the sky; our sympathies are also enlisted on behalf of the vine-hung crag, the shadowy wood, the fields the slaveholders, on many of whom this evil is of tufted maize, entailed, and who are involved in increased diffi- || and emerald meadow slopes that gleam beneath culties by the recent lamentable occurrences. the sunset rays. your memorialists are aware that at this junc. | in sooth it is a lovely scene; alas! that some as ture our attempt may be considered intrusive, but fair, we approach you unarmed; our only banner is | man's lawless selfishness should make the home peace. of dark despair! the slave system, as it exists at this time in that 'midst glad nature's purity the bending the district of columbia, particularly claims our slave should tread, attention, not that we feel less keenly the suffer- | and proud oppression o'er the earth a waste of an- ings of those, who are not within its limits, but as guish spread! that section is under the immediate jurisdiction of congress, we entreat, that effective measures || hath god's rich mercy formed the earth so beau- may be adopted for the entire abolition of slavery tifully bright, in the district of columbia. for man to wrap his brother's soul in gloominess and night? in this month's genius we commence the inser- that all its charms must be unseen, its loveliness tion of an interesting article, entitled an “ apology by eyes and hearts all dimmed and broke by cru- unfelt, for ladies' anti-slavery associations.” it is too elty and guilt? long to copy in one number, and too valuable to no! never hath he meant that those within whose abridge. we have therefore divided it; and the forms are shrined, conclusion will appear hereafter. the rich and deep capacities of an undying mind, we have not idom for any remarks of our own, should ’neath a brother's foot be crushed, be load- ed with his chains, upon this publication, now. we are indebted to a and drain to feed his riot waste the life-blood from friend in the state of new york for the pamphlet their veins ! containing it. our female friends, in the united states, who have been awakened to the subject up- on which it treats, will, no doubt, feel sufficiently for the genius of universal emancipation. interested to peruse it with that attention whichi slave luxuries. its nervous style and cogency of reasoning de i believe it is addison who declared in mand. the pamphlet was issued at london, one of his essays, that the sight of a luxu- in the year . since that period great activity riously spread table, always exhibited to has been manifested among the friends of freedom || his imagination, the sight of innumerable in both england and ireland, and a powerful im- | diseases lying in ambush among the dish- pulse given to the sacred cause of west indian an idea something similar to this emancipation. to this the publication before us has arisen in my mind with respect to an has, probably, contributed essentially. entertainment imbued with the spirit of gertrude. es. genius of universal emancipation. fiat justitia ruat cælum. the slave cultivated cane. i have fan- | object the recommendations and orders of cied that the death-sigh of some unfortu-government have been issued in vain. nate victim of oppression might be yet || the colonists claim, and are still allowed trembling on the bosom of a jelly, and the to exercise uncontrolled right of property rich favor of a conserve conceal the bri- | in the person and posterity of their slaves, ny tears that have mingled with the sa- and to spurn the interposition of the bri- charine chrystals that enter into its compo- tish legislature.* in the mean time, the sition. a pound cake seems like the se- public ear has grown weary and impa- pulchre of the broken heart with which it tient of the subject. numbers have de- may perhaps have been purchased, and serted the anti-slavery standard. some, the delicious ice to wear the red tinge of who once ranked amongst its ablest sup- human blood. if those who unscrupu- | porters, do not scruple to express their lously partake of these delicacies, had be- disgust at the bare mention of slavery ; fa- held the horrors by which they are too of- | miliar acquaintance with its nature seems ten purchased, if they could witness, ga- | to have extinguished their horror of its thered up before them, all the agony endur-atrocities, and to have deadened their ed by their fellow-creatures, only that the sympathy for its victims. gratification of their palates might be in an enterprise so difficult,—under cir- ministered to, i believe there are few fe- cumstances so discouraging,—what can males who would retain any desire to we, whose ability and influence are so cir- taste of the blood-polluted banquet. yet cumscribed, hope to accomplish? why should the sight of blood be needed, we must remember that "the race is when they knowit has been shed, to awaken not always to the swift, nor the battle to their sleeping sensibilities ? under other the strong ;"—that there is an all-control- circumstances, they would shudder to being power which can defeat the best con- told that the morsel upon their lips, or the certed plans of human policy and prosper garments upon their forms, had been torn the feeblest :-that the great purpose of by rapine and murder from the hands of infinite wisdom are often accomplished their rightful possessors ; and who can as- through weak instruments. sure them that theprice of the very articles it is encouraging to know that the great now before them, has not been the life of a leaders in this arduous conflict are far from fellow-creature! the whole system of regarding our co-operation as an officious slavery is replete with barbarity, and there or useless intermeddling :-one of them are numerous instances of the o'er-wearied thus expresses himself in a letter to a slave having perished with exhaustion | friend: “i am well acquainted with the amidst his toil, or died beneath the tor- | ladies' anti-slavery society at birming. tures of the mercilessly inflicted lash;— ham, calne, &c., and am of opinion that and how can it be said that the object for || never were better instruments thought of which such cruelties are perpetrated, is for the furtherance of our cause. free from the stain of blood ? persuaded," says another, " that the great work of emancipation, if ever accomplish- ed by this country, will be brought about apology for ladies' anti-slavery by the people; and i am convinced that ladies' anti-slavery societies are of great lise in increasing the public interest in this by the author of “ immediate, not gradual aboli- tion," &c. momentous question.” against a system of oppression up- the noble veterans who have borne the held on british territory by british law heat and burden of the day, who have de- and british gold, -pronounced by dr. pa- voted their time ard talents, their whole the most merciless and tyrannical ever ley lives to this righteous cause,—who have tolerated on the face of the earth,”—proved, furnished us through an incessant fire of by unquestionable evidence, to involve misrepresentation, calumny, and abuse, the worst extremes of injustice and cruel with volumes of unquestionable, well-au- ty,--demonstrated to be as mischievouslythenticated facts, illustrative of the present impolitic as it is astrociously wicked, nature of west indian slavery; are now, in the nation has protested and petitioned in the bitternes of successive disappointment, vain. for five years, philanthropists and * a correspondent well acquainted with the patriots, statesmen and moralists, have sentiments of the west indians says, they do been striving, in vain, to obtain some miti- || lic, or for the threa:s of the british government : not care one jot for the clamours of the british pub- gation of its enormities. to effect this ll they believe in the sincerity of neither.” i am margaret. associations. genius of universal emancipation. fiat justitia ruat cælum. resort. looking to us for co-operation in their final we may not say in this case, "am i these devoted philanthropists my brother's keeper ?" and hold ourselves have been our pioneers;—they have open- | guiltless, because we are not the active ed and cleared the way for us;-they agents of his oppression. we have known, have spared us the labor of enquiry and we have seen-the anguish of his soul, investigation ;-they have proved what | in the well-authenticated records of his slavery in the british west indies actual complicated wrongs; his silent, unresist- ly is ;-they have spared us the trouble ing, long and patiently-endured sufferings, of confuting the bold assertions of its sup. cry, though in no audible voice, yet in lan- porters, that it is an easy and a happy ser-guage which should pierce the inmost vitude; they have demonstrated by ac- soul of a christian, for such exertions for curate calculations, that in those islands his relief as we, in his circumstances, where sugar is most cultivated, the de- | should reasonably claim for ourselves ;- struction of human life is going on at a and it is at our peril to withhold them. rate so rapid, as, were it generally to pre- and what are those exertions which vail, “would depopulate the earth in less we, in his circumstances, should reasona- than half a century."* bly claim? doubtless, such as would the sensitive nature of woman must most speedily break our cruel bonds, and dispose her to regard with peculiar hostili- restore to us our unalienable rights. this, ty an institution which rudely tears asun. || it may be said, has been the grand object der all the strongest ties of nature, and of all anti-slavery labors; they have aimed subjects the sex to the most degrading and || at gradual emancipation, because no oth- brutal coercion ;-her leisure and her in- er was thought practicable, but the fal- fluence in the domestic department enable || lacy of this aim seems now to have been her to be a most efficient auxiliary in dis- || abundantly proved, in the wide door it countenancing the consumption of that has opened for the endless contentions of luxury from which slavery derives its opposing interests ;-in the time and op- chief profit, and the rejection of which portunity it has afforded the strong party would be fatal to the system of slave-cul- to circumvent the weak,—to set the rights tivation. of possession against the claims of justice, but how can such an extensive rejec- —to prove the sacredness of vested inte- tion of that luxury be obtained as would || rests in fraud and robbery ;-in the time secure this result? it can be obtained by || and opportunity it has afforded the colo- no ordinary efforts. christian duty alone nists for systematic opposition and deter- can supply the requisite portion of zeal-mined resistance,—for bribing sordid ta- ous exertion ;-and for that portion of zeal- | lents to plead the cause of the oppressor ous exertion which christian duty alone against the oppressed. its fallacy has can supply, no more urgent claims than been abundantly proved by the heart-sick- those of the cause in which we have em- ||ening delays and bitter disappointments barked were ever presented. the eter to which it has subjected the abolitionists; nal as well as temporal interests of , -above all in the long interval it has af- -l of our fellow-subjects are deeply con- forded for the decline of public sympathy, cerned in it;—and so are our own. —for the profitless expenditure of that the vast accumulation of well-authen- || strong current of right feeling which burst ticated facts illustrative of the nature and forth on the first faithful delineation of the consequences of colonial slavery ;--the horrors of slavery, and which would have immense labor bestowed in enlightening done much towards effecting its complete the public mind, in disabusing public cre- extinction, had that been the object to- dulity, in detecting and exposing that re- wards which it had been directed. fuge of lies behind which its supporters are more than five years have elapsed continually striving to hide its enormities; | since the first formation of the society for --the palpable demonstrations, furnished the melioration and gradual extinction of by the colonists themselves,f that it is the british colonial slavery ;-more than greatest moral and physical curse which four years have elapsed since a govern- can degrade and embitter human exist: ment pledge was obtained for the accom- ence,-lay us under a very aggravated plishment of this object ;-and the work is weight of responsibility. yet to be begun !mno progress worth no- * see second report of the anti-slavery society. tice has been made in it! nor will there, as we firmly believe, ever be any progress † see “ a picture of the slave colonies, drawn by the colonists themselves." worth notice in a design so heartless and genius of universal emancipation whatsoever ye would that fiat justitia ruat colum. so hopeless ; so defective in principle; so for slave productions should cease, slavery incapable of sustaining a vigorous inte itself must cease. rest; so exceedingly short of the requisi now, messrs. editors, there must be a tions of justice; so widely diverging from beginning somewhere in this movement; the course prescribed by christian duty- and where in all this country, could it be- from the sacred injunction, “all things || gin better than here, in this commercial men | metropolis ? should do unto you, do ye even so un i do therefore propose, that an anti- to them.” slavery meeting be called forth with, for [to be continued.) the purpose of adopting such measures as in their opinion will tend to overthrow the olio. slavery. and who can tell but such a meeting would be the commencement of a from the american spectator of nov. . movement that would result in the accom- challenge accepted. plishment of this great object ? let us at a mr. jones of new-york challenges least " try." humanitas. any advocate of the colonization society, to defend it against him. i am ready, | derivation of cuffee, a word colloquially employed a friend of mine was asked lately to give the and now prescribe the terms. he shall to designate the sons and daughters of ethiopia. publish first, in the n. y. spectator, ga "our community,” said the legal gentleman," is zette or courier, or in the philadelphia divided into two great classes: the whites, who are cuffers, and the blacks, who are cuffees." national or u.s. gazette, or poulson's advertiser, or in the baltimore chronicle premium for rice. or american, or in the intelligencer or the sum of twenty dollars will be given telegraph of washington city. the ar as a premium, over and above the market price, ticles to be alternate, the numbers rot to raised by free labor, and delivered in philadel for five casks of fresh rice, of good quality, exceed five, and each not to occupy more phia, to 'charles peirce, before the first of june than one column in the paper; a copy of | next, . the papers containing them to be sent gra- the gentleman above named, is well known as tis to the american spectator. a very respectable grocer in philadelphia, who has, for several years past, made it a particular bu- siness to keep articles in his line that are exclu- sively the production of free labor. from the n. y. genius of temperance. the premium, together with the market price, will be promptly paid, on the delivery of the rice, messrs. editors : accompanied by proper reference and vouchers there are thousands upon thousands from some respectable person who is known in who are inquiring at the present time, philadelphia. what can be done to overthrow slavery. they are anxious to do something, but genius of universal emancipation. what to do they find not. i will therefore vol. xii. propose a measure, which, if adopted by known. it has been published ten years, and cir- the object and character of this work are well all who wish to see slavery done away, || culated in all the states of this union, in canada will produce the desired effect-a measure the west indies, furope and africa. it is excl. which could be very easily adopted- sively devoted to the subject of the abolition of sia- very, on the american continent and islands. which would cost neither blood nor trea- sure—and which surely will be adopted, the work will, henceforth, be issued monthly. if people care one half for the subject | it will be neatly printed on fine paper, and folded which they seem to do. the measure is in the octayo form, each number making sixteen this :-to practise “total abstinence” from the price of subscription will be one dollar per slave productions. let free labor stores | annum, always to be paid in advance. be established, and let the opposers of slav- subscribers who do not particularly specify the ery patronize them, rather than others. editor of a desire to discontinue it before the expi- time they wish to receive the work, or notify the in order to this, let anti-slavery societies ration of each current year, will be considered as be organized, after the manner of temper- engaged for the next succeeding one, and their ance societies, and thus let the friends of bills will be forwarded accordingly. agents will be entitled to six copies for every the cause act in concert. let there be | five dollars remitted to the editor, in current mo- anti-slavery agents employed, to scour ney of the united states. the free states, and rouse up the people to all letters and communications intended for the great measure of “total abstinence" this office, must be addressed, free of expense, to benjamin lundy, washington, d. c. from the productions above mentioned. ipa few copies of the eleventh volume, com- and it is self-evident, that if the market li plete, for sale. shade of ashmun. the terms of subscription. large pages. genius of universal emancipation. edited by b. lundy-published in washington and baltimore-$ . per ann. “we hold these truths to be self-evident: that all men are created equal, and endowed by their creator with certain inalienable rights; that among these are life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness.”—declaration of independence, u.s. supplement to number , volume xii. a bolition of slavery in the district is past, when republican legislators can play in- of columbia. to the hands of the greatest tyrants, without being if any thing, that the generality of politicians strictly interrogated on the score of consistency. have yet done, were calculated to excite our utter house of representatives u.s. dec. , . astonishment, the following report, from the com- | district of columbia, made the following report, mr. doddridge, from the committee for the mittee for the district of columbia, made to the which was read and concurred in by the house. house of representatives of the u. s. on the have, according to order, had under their consi- the committee of the district of columbia th inst. is fully sufficient for the purpose. wederation the memorials of sundry citizens ofathe were prepared for the exhibition of the grossest | state of pennsylvania, to them referred, praying inconsistency, the rankest sentimental tyranny, the passage of such a law or laws by congress, and the most anti-republican doctrines, supported and the slave trade within the said district, and beg as may be necessary for the abolition of slavery by the most paradoxical logic:-all this we ex leave to report thereon, in part: pected, from the unprincipled advocates of heredi considering that the district of columbia is tary slavery, on the floor of congress. but we were composed of cessions of territory made to the united states by the states of virginia and ma- not prepared for such a report as this, accompa- ryland, in both of which states slavery exists, nied, as it is, by the name of philip doddridge! | and the territories of which surround the district, we copy it, now, without further comment:—but your committee are of opinion, that until the we put the following questions to the chairman / wisdom of the state governments shall have de- vised some practicable means of eradicating or of the committee, (as a gentleman whom we diminishing the evil of slavery, of which the me- have long highly respected, and as a truly patrio- | morialists complain, it would be unwise and im- tic statesman,) for his calm and deliberate con- | politic, if not unjust, to the adjoining states, for sideration. when these queries are properly di- | congress to interfere in a subject of such delicacy and importance as is the relation between mas- gested, we shall probably offer a few more ideas for ter and slave. the consideration of our national legislators. if, under any circumstances, such an interfer- st. if congress is not invested with a perfect ence on the part of congress would be justified, right to legislate for this district, where does the your committee are satisfied that the present is an inauspicious moment for its consideration, legitimate authority rest, seeing the people are dis impressed with these views your committee offer franchised, and have no other legislature to which for the consideration of the house the following resolution : they can look for protection :-or, if congress do resolved, that the committee on the district possess this right, independently, should it not be of columbia be discharged from the further con- exercised, when the national honor and the indi-sideration of so much of the prayer of the me- vidual interests of the majority of those concerned morialists, citizens of the state of pennsylvania, to them referred, asking the passage of such law require it ? or laws as may be necessary for the abolition of d. is it not “unwise” in one independent le- slavery and the slave trade within the said dis- gislative body, to wait for the counsel or move attrict, as relates to the first of these objects, the the bidding of another, in matters purely munici- || abolition of slavery within said disirict. pal, though of high import as respects its own character and future welfare? some very good remarks will be found in the d. was it“ unwise,” or “ unjust,” in the le- || following article ; and we hope that instead of gislature of pennsylvania, to abolish the system setting their faces against the victims of the most of slavery,--seeing that the slaveholding states || causeless and fiery persecution ever yet known, of maryland and virginia, lie contiguous to that the citizens of our free states will compassionate commonwealth ? them, and act upon the principle here recommend- th. but to come nearer to the point :-was it | ed. the “pilgrims,” from the bigotted and en- unwise," "impolitic,” or “ unjust,” in the con- || slaved nations of europe, found a refuge from gress of the united states, to restrict the people of || persecution in northern america. the sons of ohio, indiana, and illinois, upon this very same sub- || those worthy people will, surely, commisserate ject, “ composed,” as these several districts were, “ of others in similar circumstances. cessions of territory made to the united states by from the commercial advertiser. the state of virginia ?” having read with considerable interest the edi- enough for the present ;—but we shall read | torial remarks in the spectator respecting the pre- sent cruel expulsion of the free blacks from the this committee a longer catechism, very soon. the southern states, in reflecting on the circumstance spirit of justice is abroad in the earth. the timell that numbers of them have been landed on our refuge for the persecuted. cc genius of universal emancipation. fiat justitia ruat colum. of a gen- shores, and that a remedy is inquired for, the fol- geographical description of texas, lowing remarks are suggested. for a long period this country, and more espe- this very interesting portion of the cially the state of new york, has been an asy- || mexican republic is beginning to attract lum for the distressed poor of distant lands.- the immense numbers of this class poured among the attention of american philanthropists. us, particularlymfom ireland, has occasionally || that it will, eventually, become one of caused such alarm, as to induce the enactment of severe laws to prevent their introduction. these the most important agricultural and com- measures, however, proved unavailing, and time mercial sections of north america, there has made it manifést, that we can absorb many thousands annually of these suffering people, not cannot be a doubt. and that it will, ulti- only without detriment, but so as greatly to mote our general prosperity. the canals, rail- | mately, present an asylum for hundreds of ways, domestic manufactures, &c., could noi thousands of our oppressed colored people, otherwise have advanced as they have, but at a vast additional expense of capital, and the with- || is equally probable. drawing a large body of our own citizens from entertaining this belief, we offer no pursuits more congenial to their habits. now, if i am rightly informed, the current of this descrip- | apology for occupying a considerable tiort of emigrants, has latterly been very much turned into canada, and from hence to the west- space in this work with statements of par ern parts of our union. i would therefore pro- | the many advantages there held out to pose that we grant an asylum to our persecuted such as may choose to settle in that fine colored countrymen, which i am persuaded can be done, to our mutual advantage. region, where the rigors of winter are un- last summer, the writer of this hired an indi- vidual, at ten dollars per month, who was once a known, and where man, without distinc- slave in the south, and probably a burden to his tion of color or condition, is looked upon as master; and a neighbor of mine paid a colored man who was formerly his slave, one hundred | the being that deity made him-free and dollars for his services the present year. and i || independent. know not that either of us were ever better sery- ed, or better satisfied with our contract. and yet, the following is from the pen simply, as a question of interest, neither of us tleman of the name of smith, who had would accept either of these men as a slave, be- cause it would destroy every motive to serve us spent about two years in texas, and had faithfully and profitably, whereas they are now saving nearly all their wages, and will probably travelled much in various parts of that in a few years, own each a small farm. section of country, previous to the year in addition to these facts, from the very obvious . from the concurrent testimony of improvement that has taken place in the dress and deportment of the colored population since their sundry other respectable individuals, who liberation in this state, there is satisfactory evi- have had fair opportunities of judging, we dence that the improvement is general, and that they are beginning to respect theinselves and to be have no doubt of the general correctness respected. of this statement. if, therefore, the good citizens of new york will kindly receive these persecuted people for the “the province of texas is bounded south son will adınit of it, to seek employment through | by the gulf of mexico; east and north- the state, surely their benevolence would be bless- east by the state of louisiana and the ter-á) ed to themselves, and to the recipients of their ritory of arkansas; and west and south- bounty. it is not expected that this state will necessarily be their permanent home. whenever west by the mexican provinces of new any thing like their just rights be granted them in mexico, cuahuila and santander. it is the south, congeniality of climate will tend pow- situated between and deg. north erfully to draw them to that quarter, happily with | latitude, * and and deg. west lon- improved habits of industry and economy. here allow me to deplore the conduct and situ- gitude from greenwich. its extreme ation of our mistaken brethren in the south. i length is about to miles, and have the fullest confilence that any state, (if ge- || its average breadth miles. "the sur- neral concert be unattainable,) might at once dis- | face of the country, especially for the dis- perse the tremendous cloud that hangs over it, by | tance of miles from the gulf, is mo- giving freedom to its slaves! make its municipal regulations to prevent vagrancy, as strict as it | derately uneven, the hills rarely having pleases, but give to all its inhabitants personal || pretensions to the dignity of mountains. freedom. low wages would only be necessary, and the planters would be better, and more profit * on consulting the best maps, it appears that ably served than heretofore; and their increased the mouth of the river nueces (the southernmost safety, prosperity and happiness would soon in- | point of texas) is in deg. min. north lati- duce others to follow the example. this is not || tude; ard the southwestern point of arkansas, theory merely; it has been tried in mexico, in which may probably be considered the highest south america, in half our own states, with com northern limit of the territory, is in about deg. plete success; at least so far as our own unrea min, thus including deg. min. or upwards sonable prejudice against people of color do yet of miles, from south to north, of the finest cli- permit. m. mate on the habitable globe.-ed. g. u. eman. genius of universal emancipation. fiat justitia ruat cælum. indeed there are no mountains in the pro- idea, in the general correct, of their posi- vince, except those on the river colorado, tions. the prairies contain no timber ex- or if others do exist, they are situated oncept small groves, and scattering trees. the northwest and unexplored corner of they are clothed with a rich covering of the province. these mountains rise at || strong, coarse grass; and in the northern, the distance of about miles in a direct and western parts of the province, with line from the ocean. from thence they mesquite bushes and prickly pears. the extend northwestwardly on both sides of timbered uplands are also covered with, the river, to miles, when they grass not less luxuriant in its growth than again sink into level prairie. i do not that of the prairies : so that no country on know the breadth of the mountains from earth affords better pasturage for horses, northwest to southwest, but i believe | cattle, sheep and goats. the tinibered they have little extent in this direction ; | uplands are in general well adapted to the for from an elevated peak on the east bank | growth of corn, cotton, &c. in some in- of the river i have overlooked longitudinal stances, the hills are of a light sandy soil, jy the whole range; clearly distinguish- not less valuable on that account; as this ing the prairie beyond them. this peak | description of country is beiter calculated however is near the southern extremity of than the richer soils for the successful cul- the mountains : and it is not improbable | tivation of the vine. the soil of some of that they have a more considerable breadth the prairies is of an indifferent quality : in a higher latitude. the mountains of whilst the great body of them consists of a the colorado are not regular in their shape strong black loom, which is proved from or course, but consist of numerous isola- || actual experience, to be highly productive. ted peaks, having little connexion with the most indifferent soils of the province each other, but that of near neighborhood. cannot be termed barren. lands of the they are for the most part bare of trees ; || like quality in the atlantic states, are not and even those that are not entirely desti- || suffered to lay waste: but through the in- tute of covering, are clothed only with dustry, and agricultural skill of the inha- dwarf cedars. the rocks and caverns of bitants, are rendered highly productive. the mountains are much frequented by || on the colorado and san jacinto, and on bears and other wild animals, as affording the trinity and its waters, are immense a shelter from the elements, and a safe re- bodies of pine land similar in quality to treat from the pursuit of man. that the postoak lands; and furnishing timber part of the province not mountainous, con of the best quality, amply sufficient for sists of three descriptions of country, to all the wants of a numerous population. wit: prairie, and bottom, and postoak the bottom, or intervale lands in this lands. the eastern section of the pro- country, vary in breadth from one to fif- vince, (indeed from the sabine to the to-teen miles. they are heavily timbered yaca, miles,) is covered with hickory and with oak, ash, peccan, black walnut, elin, oak of different species; and the land in hackberry, cotton wood and sycamore. general is fertile and well watered. the the under growth consists of different postoak region extends from the toyaca || species of vines, of cane, and wild peach. to the 'trinity. this species of oak is al. the soil of those lands is inferior in quali- so found bordering on the bottoms of the ty to none on earth. it is well adapted to brazos, from the labahia crossing of that the growth of corn, wheat, rye, oats, flax, river, to the ueco (waco) village ( and all culinary vegetables. none of miley.) west also of the brazos, and these productions, however, can be consi- north of the st. antonio road, and extend - dered as the staples of the province. cot- ing to the mountains of the colorado, and ton, sugar-cane, the vine, and the olive, from thence southwardly along the bot- || will be the principal objects of culture in toms of that river to the atascozito cross texas. . we have ample experimental ing, postoak is the prevailing, and almost proof that the lands in the province of tex- the only species of timber. the remain- | as, yield a more abundant crop of cotton, der of the lands in the province, excepting and that too of a finer, and longer staple, the bottoms on the rivers and creeks, | than the most favorite regions of the south- which are from one to fifteen miles broad, ern states of north america : and it may may be denominated prairie land. in de confidently be predicted, that five years fining the limits of the different descrip- || will not have elapsed, before "texas cot- tions of country, i have not of course aim- ton” will be as well known in foreign ed at exactness, intendling only to give an ll markets, and as eagerly sought for, as : genius of universal emancipation. fiat justitia ruat cælum. the tide that of mississippi at the present day. || deposit of sand from the ocean. sugar-cane grows luxuriantly in the flows up the brazos about miles, and province: and the cane becomes “sweet” ||thus far it is at all seasons navigable: and much higher than in louisiana. this is when the river is swollen, it is navigable owing, not only to the favorable influence for keel-boats and small steam-boats of the soil and climate, but to the fact, thator miles from its mouth. the san the frosts here set in days, and some jacinto and buffalo bayou rise in the times weeks, later than in the sugąr re-country between the lower trinity and gion in that state. the fruits which can brazos, and after a short course, unite at be successfully cultivated in texas, are the the distance of miles from the head of orange, pear, peach, nectarine, apricot, | the bay of galveston, into which they are quince, fig, plum, grape, and olive; and discharged. the tide flows up the buf- it is probable that the apple will come to falo bayou miles above the junction of perfection in the northern, and many the creeks, affording a good navigation west india fruits not mentioned above, in for vessels of six feet draft, to a point but the southern sectious of the province. miles from the brazos and not more at the distance of , and miles | than miles distant from the town of st. west of the sabine, are the creeks toyaca, felipe de austin. galveston bay extends andelina, and noches. they have a from the island of that name about southern direction, and unite about or || miles north, having an average width of miles from the ocean, discharging about miles.—the harbor is off the their waters after their junction, into the northeast point of the island, and has an sabine bay. there is much good land anchorage perfectly secure, and sheltered on each of these creeks, but their bottoms from all winds. vessels of twelve feet in general are subject to inundation. west | draft can enter the harbor from the ocean of the noches, and distant miles, is the at the lowest tides.' ten feet is the gene- trinity. this river rises in the high landsral depth of water, over the bay of galves- near red river, and running southeast, af- || ton; but a bar called red-fish bar ex- ter a course of about miles, discharg. tends east and west across the bay, af- ing its waters into trinity or galveston fording at low tides but five feet water for bay.-- at low water, the trinity is an in- vessels bound to the mouth of the trinity considerable stream, its waters transpa- or the san jacinto. the, san bernardo rent, its banks ( to yards apart,) | enters the gulf of mexico about miles almost perpendicular, and remarkably ele- west of the mouth of the brazos. the vated. notwithstanding the great eleva- tide flows miles up this river, and thus tion of its banks, in seasons of floods they | far it is at all times easy of navigation: are full, and often overflown: at which but the san bernardo is more remarkable time the trinity is navigable, for boats of for the breadth and fertility' of its bottom considerable burthen, miles or more land, than for its length or magnitude. from its mouth. seventy miles west of these bottoms are not less than sixty the trinity is the river brazos, a stream miles along the river, and have an to yards wide from bank to bank. average breadth of about miles. they this river is a miniature picture of red are of wonderful fertility; and adapted as river in louisiana : so much does it resem- this section of country is to the cultivation ble that stream in the appearance of its of cotton and sugar, it bids fair, at no dis- waters, its bed and its banks. like the tant day, to become one of the most trinity its rises in the highlands near red wealthy agrieultural districts in north river, thougii much farther to the west, | america. sixty miles west of the brazos, than the sources of that stream; and af- the river colorado crosses the st. anto- ter a southeast course of about , nio road. it rises in the high lands to- miles, discharges itself into the gulf ofwards the sources of red river. like the mexico, about miles west of the west- other streams of the province, it has a ern end of galveston island. this river southeast direction, passes through the has no bay at its mouth; but a canal of a range of mountains before mentioned, and few miles, would complete an inland navi- | at length discharges its waters into the gation from its mouth to galveston bay. | bay of matagorda. it is a bold rapid ri- the depth of water over the bar at the ver; its waters transparent and excellent. mouth of the brazos, varies from to the navigation of the colorado to the feet; it being at times increased by the ocean, is obstructed by a raft; and in addi- foods of the river, and again lessened by a tion thereto, the bar at its mouth will pre- genius of unİversal emancipation. fiat justitia ruat cælum. vent the entrance of vessels of burthen. || the adjoining prairies. the spaniards at these obstructions to the navigation of times make a business of catching them. the river, can and will be removed, when- | being prepared with a fleet horse, and ever the population on its banks requires | with a strong rope having a noose on one an outlet for its produce. to the rivers | end of it, they go into their range and already named, may be added the sabaca, | watch until the cattle come into the prai- guadaloupe, st. marks, st. antonio and ries to feed, which is usually in the morn- nuesis, besides a thousand creeks tributa- ing and evening. they then rush upon ry to these which intersect the country in them, and seldom fail in running from every direction. all the rivers and creeks to yards to throw the rope over the in the province abound in fish. the cathorns of the particular animal to which and the buffalo are the most numerous they give chase. these cattle are of the species. the coast also affords an abun- spanish breed, and remarkably large - dant supply of red fish, sheepshead, trout, they are easily domesticated, after which mullet, oysters, crabs, &c. wild fowl in they become as useful and valuable as the season, cover all the bays which put those which have been raised on our own in from the ocean. in the interior of the farms. the javelina (peccari) is an ani- country they are not numerous : there be-mal peculiar so far as i know to spanish ing neither lakes nor lagunes to which america. it attains to the size of a half they can resort for food. grown hog, which animal it greatly re- game is abundant in texas. black sembles in shape and general appearance. bears are numerous in all the river and but it differs from the hog, and i believe creek bottoms. vast numbers of them from all other animals, in this circum- are killed by the inhabitants for their oil, stance: it has on its back a cavity some- which is superior to lard, and for their what resembling a navel, which name has alesh, which, cured as bacon, is not infe- || indeed been applied to it. out of this ca- rior to the flesh of swine. deer aboundvity exudes a species of wax highly of- in all parts of the province. in the early fensive to the smell, which serves in some settlement of this country by americans, measure as a defence to the animal. the venison was the principal food of the in-beasts of prey known in the province, are habitants; and their clothing was made the panther, leopard, leopard cat, and most entirely of dressed deer skins. atwolf. the panther and wolf are well this time, however, they are possessed of known in the united states of north ame- large herds of cattle and swine; spinning rica and need not a particular description wheels and looms have been introduced, || the leopard has a close resemblance in and a commercial intercourse with new- | shape to the domestic cat; in size it sur- orleans has been opened; so that the in- passes the largest newfoundland dog, and habitants of texas are no longer depend- || is remarkably strong and active. the ant on the chase, for their supplies, either ground color of its skin is a yellowish of food or clothing. buffalo (bison) roam white, beautifully spotted with black.-- in large herds over the northern and mid- | the description given of the leopard is dle sections of the province. they do not equally applicable to the leopard cat, ex- approach within miles of the seacoast : | cept in this, the leopard cat does not excel for the belt of country between their range in size the red fox of the united states. and the ocean, contains a large popula the province of texas has been too tion of americans; and it is well known little explored, to enable us to speak with that this animal always retires on the ap- certainty, on the subject of its mineralogy. proach of civilized man. the buffalo is | it is however known that there are silver well known to naturalists, and to them i mines in the mountains of the colorado. refer for a correct description of it. i will they are not at present wrought; and i only observe, that it is more easily ap- am not informed whether or not they pro- proached and killed than the common red mise to become valuable. ores of cop- deer. its alesh is somewhat darker than per and iron have also been found in the that of our dornestic cattle: but in sweet-mountains ; but the country being with- ness and delicacy of flavor it surpasses out inhabitants, these mines have conse- that, or the flesh of any other animals.- quently been neglected. i ought, perhaps, to enumerate amongst every section of the country is abun- the beasts of the chase, the wild cattle dantly supplied by nature with salt. the which roam in immense herds in the bot-most important salt-licks which have yet toms of the brazos and colorado, and in || been discovered, are those on the noches, " genius of universal emancipation. fiat justitia ruat celum. the brazos, the navasota and little ri- || the spanish population in texas is con- ver, both of which latter rivers are tribu- | fined almost exclusively to the village of tary to the brazos. nacogdoches, st. antonio, and la bahia. the population of texas consists of these are all inconsiderable towns; the three classes of inhabitants : indians, | largest of them (st. antonio,) not con- spaniards, and americans. the princi- taining a population of more than pal tribes of indians are the cherokees, souls. the mhabitants plant corn, wheat, comanches, pawnees, lipans and tan- &c.; but their chief attention is given to kaways. the cherokees, to the number the raising of horses, mules, cattle and of about warriors, are located about sheep. they carry on a considerable miles north of nacogdoches. like trade with the united states by the way the parent tribe of that name in the uni- of nachitoches, taking into that country ted states, they have made considerable money, horses and mules, and receiving advances in civilization. the men are in return their supplies of european and devoted to agricultural pursuits, and the american goods. women to domestic occupations. this the north americans resident in tex- tribe differs little indeed in dress, and mode | as, are settled on the whole route from of life, from the frontier inhabitants of the sabine to the guadaloupe. we have no united states. the comanches are the data on which to found an estiinate of the most numerous tribe in the province of american population in any part of the texas. they subsist entirely on the pro-province, except in the colony founded by duce of the chase: and their clothing, col. austin. the limits of this colony tents, &c. are made solely of the skins of extend east and west from the san jacin- deer and buffalo. this tribe is divided to to the labaca, and north and south into numerous bands, of from to from the ocean to the st. antonio road, souls, who roam over that immense tract | including the extensive and fertile bottoms of country, which stretches from the sn. of the brazos, st. bernardo and colorado. saba to santa fe, and from red river to a census of the inhabitants within these the rio del norte. but the strength of limits was completed some months since, the comanches is by no means commen- which gave an aggregate population of surate with the vast extent of their ter more than inhabitants : and there ritory. general pike, if i mistake not, || can be no doubt that at this time* the estimated the force of this tribe at || number of inhabitants exceed . warriors. his estimate, however, was not founded on personal observation : and it is a received opinion with the inba- from information derived from spaniards | bitants of the northern climates, that coun- and americans, men of intelligence and tries situate within or near the tropics close observation, who have long resided | must necessarily be unhealthy. facts amongst them, i am induced to believe, however prove that the comparative that warriors is as great a force as health of countries does not depend so the collected bands of the comanches can much upon their relative latitudes as up- muster. the lipans and tankaways | on other causes. mexico and quito are range in the country between the coman- | situated within the tropics: and yet no ches and the spanish, and american set- | cities in europe are more exempt from tlements. they do not pretend to culti- endemical diseases. in general it may vate the earth, deriving their sole support || be remarked that all countries possessing from the chase. these tribes united, num a high dry soil and a clear elastic atmos- ber or warriors. the pawnees are phere, must be healthy. this description divided into three banıls : the tahuiases, i applies to texas. its lands are rolling living on red river, (of louisiana ;) the and dry, and its atmosphere remarkably wecos (wacos,) whose principal village pure and elastic. there are no ponds, is situated on the brazos, about or lakes, or swamps, which in the southern miles in a direct line from its mouth; states of north america are a fruitful and tahuacános (tiwakanies) who are source of pestilence. another cause tend- located on the head waters of the nava- ing greatly to the healthfulness of this sota, about miles east of the ueco country, is the prevalence of the trade (weco) village. the three bands of wind. the wind rises in the morning pawnees number about warriors.-- || during the summer season, and continues they raise at their village considerable to blow with little abatement throughout quantities of corn, beans, pumpkins, &c. * may, . genius of universal emancipation. fiat justitia ruat cælum. the day, and so strong is this breeze that settlements of arkansas territory on the travellers are often obliged to tie on their red river, and also to new mexico, chi- hats when riding through the prairies.huahua, new leon, and the other mexi- these circumstances would necessarily can states lying to the west. the west induce a belief that the climate of texas indies lie in front, and an immense extent must be healthy: and the experience of of mexican coast to the south—thus pre- the inhabitants abundantly proves the senting channels of commerce in every di. soundness of that opinion. the first set-rection. the climate of texas is mild, tlers of this country suffered beyond com- | salubrious and healthy. it lies between parison more severely than those of any | lat. and degrees north, and is great- section of the united states. they were ly favored by pleasant and refreshing sea- destitute of wholesome food, and of the breezes during the summer months. the thousand necessaries which in other coun- country is intersected by four rivers, that tries minister to the health of the inhabit- | are navigable from one hundred to four ants. if local causes of disease aid ex hundred miles, to wit: the natches, the ist in this country, they must under these trinity, the brazos, and the colorado, be- circumstances of the inhabitants, have sides a great number of smaller streams exerted their greatest influence and with that afford good navigation a shorter dis- the greatest effect. yet the inhabitants | tance, and the great abundance of its of texas have continued to enjoy the creeks and living springs, taken in con- greatest degree of good health. the nection with topographical characters, subjects of the few diseases which have presents more extensive facilities for canal- occurred have been almost without ex- | ling than can be found on an equal sur- ception strangers." face in any part of north america. " texas forms an immense inclined although the foregoing article is very plane, the apex of which is the highland prolix, and may deter the casual reader | south of the red river, where its princi- hy its formidable length, yet we shall be summit the inclination is towards the from this pal rivers have their source. excused, we trust, by those who feel de- southeast and surprisingly uniform. the sirous to acquaint themselves fully with surface is beautifully undulating to within the position and natural advantages of about on an average sixty miles of the the country in question, for introducing coast, where it becomes level , and some the following extract from a more recent || particularly at the heads of colorado and parts of the northwestern section is hilly, statement, made by a gentleman of intel- | guadaloupe rivers, though the general ligence and respectability, who had resid- || feature of an inclined plane is observable ed there about four years. the article, throughout ; for the hills do not form lead- from which this extract is taken, was ing ridges so as to impede the flow of wa- ter to the southeast, neither are the undu- dated october , . lations greater than are necessary to ren- “texas embraces a very extensive ter- || der the country dry, healthy and beauti. ritory, and a single glance at the map ful. the hills gradually lessen till they will be sufficient to show the great advan- | lose themselves in the level strip that bor- tages derivable from its local position in ders on the coast, which is from forty to respect to soil and commercial facilities. i eighty miles wide. it is bounded on two sides by the united " the whole of this tract of country states of america, and extends, as it (strange as it may appear in this latitude) were like a peninsula, into that nation. is, without exception, free from marsh or the intercourse between the two repub- lakes even down to the sea-beach., lics by water, along the coast, is easy and " the soil on the rivulets and creeks is safe, and three or four days' sail will take of the first quality of alluvial and heavily you from the coast of texas to the mouth timbered; between these, the country is of the mississippi, to vera cruz to the entirely prairie, though level and rich, and south, or to the havana. the land com- of dark complexion. the timbered bot- munication between the two republics istom lands are from two to fifteen miles equally easy, being open the whole ex- | wide, a small portion or strip of which is tent of the louisiana and arkansas front- | subject to inundation in extreme high iers, and susceptible of good roads leading freshets, but the floods are not frequent, into opelousas, attakapas, and the upper | and owing to the comparative shortness genius of universal emancipation. fiat justitia ruat cælum. texas pos- of the streams soon subside. the undu- and some cypress and cedar, though the lating country comprises oy far the great-two latter are not abundant, and live and est portion of texas. it is timbered and the other species of oak and north ame. prairie land, conveniently interspersed, || ican timber are sufficiently abundant in and abounding in good springs, and creeks every part of the country except the south- of pure water; and the same observation western section bordering on the nuesis, as to the water applies to the healthy which is thickly timbered. country on the colorado and gaudaloupe.sesses three large and important bays, to -the level region is evidently alluvial wit :-galveston, matagorda and arran- and of recent formation, and the undulat- saso. the trinity and san jacinto ri- ing region presents numerous evidences of vers discharge into the first; the colorado, secondary formation. labaca, gaudaloupe, and san antonio “the pasturage of texas is also sur- rivers into the second, and the nuesis into prisingly abundant all over the whole the third. the two first of these bays country, and good both summer and win- | has never less than twelve feet water over ter, and every species of domestic anirnals the bar at the entrance at the lowest tide, incident to the comfort and convenience of and the last has from eight to nine feet, man, cultivated by north americans, is the whole affording good anchorage and more easily reared in texas than else- | safe harbors. - the brazos river, which is where. there is also positive proof that the largest in the country (a singular phe- texas possesses many beds of good iron nomena indeed) discharges itself directly and lead ore, and it is said that copper, sil- || into the gulf, fifty miles west of the en- ver and gold have been found in the hilly trance of galveston, and from six to region of the colorado in small quantities, twelve feet over the bar, as both tide and but no experiments in mining have as yet channel vary. the sabine and natchez been made by the colonists for two reasons; || rivers discharge into an oblong lake or one is, that the supposed mines of the pre-bay into which there is an entrance of cious metals are in the indian territory, || eight feet water. less than thirty miles and another, the principal reason, is the canalling would connect all these bays want of capital. from the east to arransaso to the west, and “nature seems to have formed texas one mile canalling would connect the bra- for a great agricultural, manufacturing zos river with the western extremity of gal . and commercial country. it combines investon bay by means of a deep tide-water." an eminent degree all the elements neces- sary for those different branches of indus abolition of slavery in virginia! try. it possesses about , square we have barely room to insert the following miles of good sugar lands south of lat. , paragraph, from the richmond whig, relative to and on the coast of the river nuesis, || on the th inst. two petitions had been pre- certain proceedings in the virginia legislature, which is the present western boundary of l-sented, by mr. roane, one from the yearly meet- texas. this river is about eighty miles ing of friends, the other from citizens of hanover east of the rio grande or bravo del nor- these proceedings are important.-ed. g.u.Ě. county-recommending the abolition of slavery. te. the northern and high parts of the “mr. goode moved to reject these petitions, up- country are well adapted to the cultiva- | on which a discussion of much interest ensued tion of wheat and small grain, and the messrs. roane, moore, brodnax, chandler, jones streams afford great facilities for water and bolling, opposing the motion with much warmth, and messrs. witcher, goode, carter of works and irrigation. the whole country | p. w. and sims, supporting it. the petition of produces cotton of the first quality, ac the friends was referred by a great majority:- knowledged in new orleans to be equal,|| this is an important step. the question of re- and in liverpool, to be superior to red ri- || deration of the general assembly: circumstan- ver and louisiana cotton. the tobacco ces have subdued the morbid sensitiveness which and indigo of texas are also of superior lic opinion can now act out its wishes. events disallowed even public allusion to the topic. pub- quality, the latter of which is a spontane will demonstrate the groundlessness of apprehen- ous growth of the country in the poorest sion from considering the question of abolition.- parts—and in addition to these, the cli- the people of the commonwealth will feel em- mate and soil are congenial to the culture | boldened to express their wishes openly, and un- of the olive, the vine, and other fruits and selves of an evil which all men confess to be the reservedly, and the practicability of ridding our- productions of a temperate southern lati-sorest which ever nation groaned under, will now tude. be tested. we do not know that yesterday will "the country on the sabine, natchez, | ciated with the th of july, by the benefits which not be celebrated by posterity, as a day to be asso- and trinity rivers, abounds in good pine, il may how to virginia from the step then taken.” genius of universal emancipation. edited by b. lundy-published in washington and baltimore-$ . per ann. "we hold these truths to be self-evident: that all men are created equal, and endowed by their creator with certain inalienable rights; that among these are life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness."--declaration of independence, u.s. irregularity of the mails. no. . vol. ii. third series.) january, . (whole number . vol. xii. some of our contemporaries have suggested it is believed that the proprietor of the genius | various plans for employing or reducing the sur- of universal emancipation has been as little plus here anticipated. the following paragraph, troubled with complaints, respecting the miscar-|| from the new-york american, presents an in- riage of the work by mail , as any other publisher teresting view of the subject. speaking of the of a periodical in the united states. the papers || sell the public lands to the states in which they proposition of the secretary of the treasury, to are, uniformly, well put up and securely wrap- ped, before they are sent to the post office; and are respectively located, and distribute the pro- unless some of those who have charge of the ceeds among the several states of the union, the editor observes : mails are guilty of extreme negligence, or gross mismanagement, they should arrive safely at the lands we would greatly prefer to that suggested “there is an appropriation of these public place of their destination. in a very few instan- || by mr. mclane. it is that proposed by mr. ru- ces, indeed, have we heard of irregularity in their fus king in the latest act of his senatorial career. transmission, within the last six or seven years: faithful to the last to those principles which, at the outset of his political life, led him to mark his but it seems that one case has occurred, that calls | desire for the extinction of slavery in this repub- for investigation and exposure. lic, by urging successfully the adoption of that there are two subscribers to the work in the clause in the ordinance for the government of the northwestern territory, which inhibited slavery village of geneva, new-york. for several | there, he submitted a resolution, that the proceeds months, we learn, they received their numbers of the public lands, after the extinguishment of regularly. but during the last half year none the debt-should be applied to the purchase, with came to hand! we know that those numbers owned, of slaves, and to their transportation out the consent of the states wherein they might be which thus did not reach their destination were of the united states. at that time the proposi- as properly mailed as others that were duly re tion was, by southern men, treated-incredible as ceived at the offices to which they were directed. i already it appears-mad and monstrous as hereaf- ter it will more strikingly appear as a firebrand; the cause of their miscarriage is, therefore, some and we of the free states, who suffer not from the whạt mysterious. and we hereby request the curse and crime of slavery, but who, in zealous postmaster at geneva, to assist us in making friendship and affection for our less fortunate fel- low-citizens of the slave states, were willing to the necessary examination, in order to oblige those | give up all our share of a common treasure in order who have business with his office, and also that to enable them at their own time and in their own no imputation may be charged against himself, way—but mainly at our cost--to rid themselves for acting in violation of his duty. further we without too great a sacrifice, of what constitutes their weakness, their poverty and their shame, - say not--at present. we were treated as fanatics and incendiaries ! - yet this proposition would we gladly see renew. ed; and the time having arrived when the debt is from the report of the secretary of the trea- | provided for, we vould say to the slave states, take the whole proceeds of the public domain, sury, it appears that, on the d of january next, | parcel it out in your own way, by your own com- the whole debt of the united states will amount | missioners, among yourselves, on the sole condi- to but twenty-four millions of dollars. with the tion that within a stipulated period-be it longer or be it shorter, but irrevocably stipulated--slave- facilities at command the government may extin- ry shall no longer mar the symmetry nor contra- guish this debt in the course of a few months; || dict the principles of our glorious republic." and it is more than probable that it will be done. so anxious are we for the extinction of that a question hence arises: “what disposition" supreme curse,” the system of slavery, we hail should be made of the surplus revenue, after that this proposition with pleasure. should it be “ir- period ?” revocably stipulated,” that slavery must cease to the revenue, for the year , is estimated at | exist within a given period, not too far distant, $ , , —the expenditures for the same year, || the slaves might with propriety be purchased, for it is supposed, will not much exceed $ , , , the express purpose of emancipation : but without for all objects exclusive of the public debt. thus, i such positive stipulation, the measure would have it will be perceived that when this debt shall be the ultimate effect of increasing the foreign slave liquidated, a considerable reduction must be made | trade, to an indefinite extent. it is believed that in the annual revenue, or a large sum will accu the vacuum created in the colored population of mulate in the treasury, if no new appropriation the u. s. by african colonization, is now more be made. than filled by the clandestine introduction of the surplus revenue. genius of universal emancipation. fiat justitia ruat cælum. slaves from africa, via cuba, &c. we recollect || timent among them, on this subject, slaveholders meeting, some time since, with the following para- || should treat each other more civilly.–at least, graph from the new-york whig. if the sole ob- || they should be cautious how they use such ex- ject had been to encourage the breeding of slaves in | pressions as to furnish those “madmen,” the phi- the northern and western slave states, and the ex- || lanthropists, with additional reasons for doubting tension of the african slave trade, the project || their honesty. were the best that could have been devised! o his excellency adverts to the inutility of mea- that our statesmen and moral reformers would sures heretofore adopted for preventing the intro- take the pains to think and reflect a little! we|| duction of slaves, accused of crimes, into that repeat, let the government pay any reasonable state.* he observes: “the total prohibition of sum (in the way of compromise) for the slaves, introducing slaves into this state, during a cer- upon the express condilion that all shall cer. tain number of years, [it should be indefinitely, tainly be emancipated in due time ;-but never as the cause of the evil will continue to operate sanction the principle that man can be rightfully | while slavery exists,) appears alone, to me, to be considered the property of man, by the purchase the only method of avoiding the danger with of a single one, without this ‘irrevocable || which we are threatened.”| stipulation.' but it appears that the members of the legisla- “our statesmen are in just apprehension of ture were not prepared to go the length of this the danger of an overwhelming treasury. the recommendation. they passed an act, prohibit- tariff will be moderated to meet the exigency with all possible despatch; but then the prosperity of ing the introduction of slaves into that state, ex- our commerce is so great, that with a small levy | cept by persons emigrating thereto for the purpose of upon those commodities, which our independence residence, and by citizens for their own use and ser- as a nation requires us to fabricate, our revenues will exceed our expenditures in a few short years . vice, provided that in the latter case they shall not in the mean time, thinking what we shall do with be procured from the states of mississippi or the overplus, let us consider the propriety and | alabama, or from the territories of florida and utility of laying it out for buying at the market | arkansas, and provided also that in neither case price, of such as are willing to sell, their bond servants, and colonizing them in africa. if the shall they be sold, mortgaged, or loaned, for five whole people will agree to it, we see no objection years after their introduction. (yet they may to the plan: and being of those who in this mat- | purchase any they please in tennessee, or ken- ger' will pay money, and receive none, we begin tucky, a few hours' excursion, in a steam-boat, up by proposing it for consideration." the mississippi river.] all slaves, introduced contrary to these provisions, are to be made free the governor of louisiana, it appears, became and removed from the state. the penalty for a much alarmed at certain measures lately adopt- | violation of this clause (when it can be proven !) is ed in virginia, for the banishment of some of the $ to $ , for each slave, with costs of prose- slaves suspected of being concerned in the south-cution, and imprisonment until paid. the penal- ampton insurrection, that he called an extra meet- | ty for removing beyond the limits of the state any ing of the legislature, principally with the view * and well he may begin to see their inutility. of preventing their introduction into that state. he | it is stated that from the th to the d of oct. complains bitterly of this act of virginia, in his slaves were imported into new-orleans; and message, and says she “condemns her slaves who it was feared or , would be imported be- fore the legislature could interfere. have assisted in scenes of pillage and murder, to † general dupre, in some remarks upon thys go, without the possibility of their being recogniz- | subject, addressed to the legislature of that state ed, and to carry into neighboring states the con a year or two since, goes further and observes : tagion of their crimes.” this is, indeed, quite as “ it seems to me that one great and important step to the attainment of so desirable an object, would bad as the circulating of“ incendiary publications” | be the entire prohibition of the further introduc- among our slaveholding brethren; and every vir- || tion of slaves into this state. by partial returns ginian, so offending, should be prosecuted for a of the census now taken by the officers of the united states, we are enabled to ascertain the vast misdemeanor (a “libel,” or something) and de- disparity in numbers between the white and black manded from the executive, to be tried and pu- population, a disparity too great to be viewed nished by the laws of louisiana! but governor | with indifference or inattention by those who are roman should recollect that the authorities in security of the public. the annual supply is intrusted with the preservation of the peace and virginia have adopted this plan in order to avoid | gradually pouring in, and scarce a ship ar- the sacrifice of“ property.” it would cost them rives from the slave-holding states that does not too much, to hang, or send to the penitentiary, || crime, to be disgorged upon our shore and incor- come freighted with a living cargo of vice and every slave they now wish to get out of the state. porated into our domestic establishments. if this like the good “republicans” of louisiana, they continual and growing evil be not a fair and pro- wish to hold on to their human“ property,” body have formed a very erroneous opinion of what per ground for legislative interference, then i and soul, while life shall last, or they get the value would contribute to the security or the best inte thereof, there being so much congeniality of sen rest of the state," louisiana. genius of universal emancipation. fiat justitia ruat cælum. slave, thus freed, is a fine of $ , , and five years' || before any court of competent jurisdiction, be im- imprisonment at hard labor. all slaves brought | prisoned not less than one month nor more than twelve months.” for sale, and remaining unsold at the time of the passage of this act, are to be immediately remov- mexico and the united states, ed from the state, under a penalty of $ per day, (concluded from page .) for each slave not thus removed.* those now on their way to that market, must be removed in five | tion, in this country, to obtain the territory al- so much evidence was exhibited of a disposi- days after their arrival. luded to, not only by treaty, but also by inciting we truly rejoice to perceive that the evils con the emigrants from these states to revolt, (when nected with the slave system have thus been so a pretext would have been found to take posses- far discovered, as to induce the legislators of lou- sion, in the expected inability of the mexican go- isiana to do something to check their extension.- || vernment to quiet the tumult,) that a law was but we feel assured that every measure, yet || passed by the mexican congress, on the th of adopted, will prove insufficient to accomplish the april, , prohibiting our citizens from settling object they have in view. it is merely like ad- || there in future.* several grants of land, made ministering anodynes to a patient, whose disease | by the local authorities and not yet confirmed by is of a malignant and dangerous character. it | the general government, were thus annulled; and is much to be regretted that statesmen are so much disappointment was felt by many who had short sighted as to be insensible of the fact, that even entered into speculations with honest views. while the market for slaves exist, they will be in-the measure was susceptible of the clearest jus- troduced, in spite of all the laws prohibiting it that tification, however, upon the popular principle of can be enacted. in short, nothing but the aboli- || self-preservation. the following is an extract from tion of slavery will put an end to the slave the law, aforesaid, which particularly alludes to traffic, foreign or domestic. the prohibition :- wesubjoin the following extract from a law of “ article .-in virtue of the authority which louisiana, now in force, relative to free colored | has been reserved by the general congress to itself , persons and slaves. awful, indeed, must be the || by art. th of the law of the th of august, , all foreigners, whose country is bounded on said prospects of a people who are wont to adopt mea- state and territory of the federation, (i. e. the state sures of such extreme severity-measures so in- of cuahuila and texas, and the territory of new compatible with their republican and christian | mexico,) shall be prohibited from settling within the said state and territory, in consequence of professions! the desires and exertions of all which all the contracts that have not taken effect, good men should be directed to the spread of that and are opposed to this law, shall be suspended.” light among them, by which they may see that a thus, it will be perceived that inordinate ava- different course of proceeding would redound more rice and despotic ambition overleaped the bounds to their permanent peace and safety. of prudence, and completely foiled its own inten- be it enacted, etc. “that whoever shall write, tions, in this instance. the subject was one of print, publish, or distribute any thing having a such momentous import—the object in view was tendency to produce discontent among the free so intrinsically valuable—that the pursuers were colored population of the state, or insubordination among the slaves therein, shall on conviction there- blinded by the splendor of its dazzling glare,- of before any, court of competent jurisdiction, be and, contemning the counsels of both moderation mentenced to imprisonment at hard labor for life or and justice, they dared the precipice, from which suffer death, at the discretion of the court. “sec. d. that whosoever shall make use of they fell to rise no more! though the mexican language, in any public discourse, from the bar, government is desirous to encourage the emigra- the bench, the pulpit, or in any other place what- tion and settlement of all other industrious and soever, shall make use of language in private dis- || worthy persons there, the white citizens of this courses, or shall make use of signs or actions, hav- ing a tendency to produce discontent among the republicare now denied the privileges once offered free colored population of this state, or to excite them, and viewed more in the light of enemies insubordination, or whoever knowingly be instru- | than friends. to give some idea of the antipathy mental in bringing into this state, any paper, pam- phlet or book, having such a tendency as afore * this disposition prevailed so generally said, shall on conviction thereof, before any court throughout the slave states, in , that the elec- of competent jurisdiction, suffer imprisonment at tors of one district in mississippi put the follow- hard labor, not less than three years nor more ing, among other interrogatories, to their candi- than twenty-one years, or death, at the discretion dates for congress: - of the court. “your opinion of the acquisition of texas, and “sec. d. that all persons who shall teach, or how-whether by force or treaty-and whether permit or cause to be taught, any slave in this the law preventing the emigration of americans, state to read or write, shall on conviction thereof is not evidence of apprehension that that province wishes to secede from the mexican government- * it is stated that, at the date of our last ac and whether, if requested, we ought to give the counts, slaves were on hand, unsold, in the seceder military assistance and what would be city of new orleans. we hope our slave trading the effect of the acquisition of texas upon the gentry will realize some disappointinents now. planting interest of the southwest.” genius of universal emancipation. fiat justitia ruat cælum. which then prevailed against us, and no doubt the floridas, leaving the question to be decided still exists among them, we insert an extract from afterwards as to the legality of the possession, which force alone could take from them. a paper laid before the mexican congress, in se- “it has been said further, that when the uni- cret session, by don lucas alaman, the present ||ted states of the north have succeeded in giving secretary of state, a short time previous to the the predominance to the colonists introduced into the countries they had in view, they set up rights, enactment of the law above mentioned. this and bring forward pretensions founded upon dis- extract is merely an elus neration of grievances || puted historical facts, availing themselves gene- a sort of text-book, upon which their subsequent || rally, for the purpose, of some critical conjuncture to which they suppose that the attention of go- legislation was an ample commentary. the whole vernment must be directed. this policy, which paper is ably drawn up. the author calls upon has produced good results to them, they have the nation to assume a firm attitude, and assures commenced carrying into effect with respect to the representatives that the executive will sustain texas. the public prints in those states, in- them in the measures thus recommended, both in the influence of their government, are engaged in cluding those which are more immediately under diplomatic discussions and with military force; || discussing the right they imagine they have to the the honor of the republic and the integrity of its country as far as the rio bravo. handbills are printed on the same subject, and thrown into ge- territory being threatened. we, have only room neral circulation, whose object is to persuade and for the following: - convince the people of the utility and expediency "the americans commence by, introducing | said that providence had marked out rio bravo as of the meditated project. some of them have themselves into the territory which they covet on pretence of commercial negotiations, or of the the natural boundary of those states, which has in- establishment of colonies, with or without the duced an english writer to reproach them with assent of the government to which it belongs. -- their usurpations : but what is most remarkable, an attempt to make providence the author of these colonies grow, multiply, become the pre- || is, that they have commenced that discussion pre- dominant party in the population ; and as soon as a support is found in this manner, they begin cisely at the same time they saw us engaged in to set up rights which it is impossible to sustain repelling the spanish invasion, believing that our in a serious discussion, and to bring forward attention would, for a long time, be thereby with- ridiculous pretensions, founded upon historical | drawn from other things. the government be- facts which are admitted by nobody, such as sides is informed, from a source worthy of con- lasalle's voyages, now known to be a falsehood, | taken up at washington—that if the president fidence, that the subject of texas is going to be but which serves as a support, at this time, for has omitted to mention it in his message, it was their claim to texas. these extravagant opinions in order that it might originate in congress under are, for the first time, presented to the world by unknown writers; and the labor which is em- a more popular aspect; and that with the same ployed by others in offering proofs and reason- view, a gun frigate, the brandywine, will soon ings, is spent by them in repetitions and multi- sail for our coast, with a few others, to be fitted plied allegation, for the purpose of drawing the out by the cabinet of washington.” attention of their fellow-citizens, not upon the about the period that this excitement was raised justice of the proposition, but upon the advanta- | in mexico, it would seem the unprincipled ambi- ges and interests to be obtained or subverted by tion of the party in the u.s. headed by the notori- their admission. “ their machinations in the country they wish ous t. h. benton, (a second burr, in his views of to acquire, are then brought to light by the ap- | personal aggrandizement,) attracted the attention pearance of explorers, some of whom settle on the soil, alleging that their presence does not af- and severe animadversion of the british public. a fect the question of the right of vereignty or debate incidentally occurred in the h. of com- possession to the land. these pioneers excite, by mons, in which the celebrated mr. huskisson took degrees, movements which disturb the political a leading part, that manifested the liveliest intery. state of the country in dispute; and then follow discontents and dissatisfaction calculated to fa- in the welfare, the integrity, and the independence tigue the patience of the legitimate owner, and to of the mexican republic. we have not room for diminish the usefulness of the administration and any of the speeches delivered upon this occasion; of the exercise of authority. when things have but we copy the following allusion to the discus- come to this pass, which is precisely the present state of things in texas, the diplomatic manage- sion, from the london “ times," with the remarks ment commences. the inquietude they have of the editor of that journal. from these remarks excited in the territory in dispute, the interests of which, we must consider, are in strict accordance the colonists therein established, the insurrection of adventurers and savages instigated by them, with the tone of public sentiment in great britain, and the pertinacity with which the opinion is set it would appear a rather hazardous enterprise, for up as to their right of possession, become the sub- jects of notes full of expressions of justice and our slavites, to attempt the acquisition of texas moderation, until, with the aid of other incidents per force; -and there are many, among our color- which are never wanting in the course of diplo- | ed neighbours, who are a full match for col. ben- matic relations, the desired end is attained of con ton and his coadjutors, in diplomacy. the grand cluding an arrangement, onerous for one party as it is advantageous to the other. sometimes more project was, therefore, suffered to rest at least direct means are resorted to, and taking the ad- for a time. vantage of the enfeebled state or domestic difficul “mr. huskisson, in presenting the liverpool ties of the possessor of the soil, they proceed upon petition on the subject of our relations with spain the most extraordinary pretexts to make them and mexico, in the course of last night, urged with selves master of the country, as was the case in ii great force the propriety of preventing spain from genius of universal emancipation, fiat justitia ruat cælum. making further attacks from the side of cuba, on gain their object. but the disturbance was soon the now liberated republic of mexico. quelled.” there was a further subject, and one of extreme importance, discussed by mr. huskisson in the another letter from rio, dated oct. th, states course of his speech-we mean the general pre- as follows:- valence of an opinion that the united states co- “there is a wonderful excitement in town, vet a fine province of mexico, called texas, and owing to a discovery of deposites of arms; and are disposed to have recourse to violence, if ne- information being given to the authorities of a cessary, for the purpose of getting it into their desperate attempt being contemplated by the mu- hands. the province of texas extends south-| lattoes to overthrow the government.” wards from the united states along the coast of the “general assembly" of brazil are endea- mexico, and as such, the seizure of it by the for- | voring to remodel their form of government- mer power could not be a matter of perfect indif- ference to great britain. the possession of the they had, at the last dates, a proposition under floridas by the united states has long since given consideration to call it a “federative monarchy," rational cause of uneasiness to england, from re- || and give it limited powers. but this will not be gard to the safety of our west india islands ; | sufficient. they must proceed with the spirit and we agree with mr. huskisson, that when the government of washington intimated its repug- of the age-establish a republic, and abolish nance to seeing cuba transferred from the feeble | slavery. nothing else will do. ferdinand to the vigorous grasp of george iv., the united states should have been informed, that it will be perceived, by the interesting article if cuba were to continue permanently spanish, | which follows, that the citizens of virginia are at so texas, and in general the whole shore along | length beginning to awake to a true sense of their the gulf, should enure to the mexican republic. the references made by the right hon. gen- situation as it regards the moral blight to which tleman to communications, official as well as pri- || their state is subjected, through the accursed sys. vate, from the late mr. jefferson, descriptive of tem of negro slavery—and are becoming feel- the eager and deep rooted longings of the ameri- can statesmen for slices of mexico, and above all ingly alive to the great necessity there is that some things, for the island of cuba, will not, we are efficient mean of getting rid of the evil with which sure, be lost upon the memory of his majesty's they are afflicted should be immediately devised. government in its future transactions with the spanish cabinet, with that of mexico, and of the we trust the enlightened and philanthropic inha- united states. with spain we have a defensive bitants of that commonwealth will leave no effort alliance, ready made and consolidated by the unassayed to accomplish the object for which they most obvious interest, to prevent cuba from fall- ing a prey to the systematic agrandizement of the have set out. humanity, as well as the interests united states. with mexico, again, we are of the people, imperiously requires that the busi- equally identified in resistance to the attempts of ness of emancipation should not now be suffered to the same states upon texas. with the united rest a moment. we copy from the n. y. whig. states themselves we have no relation but that of commercial intercourse so long as they will suffer loudon county, virginia. nothing foreign it, and of forbearance on other points so long as or domestic has lately fallen under our notice, our patience may not be too severely provoked." more deeply interesting to the hopes we form of our country's glory, than the meeting at lees- burg, loudon co., va., th december, respecting brazil -“going, going!" the coloured population. the mayor presided in the united states will be the last foothold of the meeting; the most influential citizens took the “accursed system,” on the american conti- | part in it. their resolutions offer sympathy to the southampton county mourners, and delivere nent. the remnant of portuguese power is fast ance from the dangerous cause of their mourning, waning in brazil,--and that fine country will | by the gradual emancipation and removal of the soon be on a footing with the rest of the southern colored mass. we quote the th resolution. “ th. resolved, as the opinion of this meet- american republics, “free and independent” | ing, that a gradual emancipation and removal of -not merely by name, as our boastful, hypocriti- || the slaves of the commonwealth is practicable; cal, and tyrannical government is--but, consist and that, upon this assumption, the continuation of slavery is forbidden by the true policy of vir- ginia, repugnant to her political theory and chris- we give the following items of intelligence, tian professions, and an opprobrium to our ancient without further comment. the reader will per- and renowned dominion." ceive that the heavings of the great moral and po- sembly of virginia, which takes three things for they adopted a memorial to the general as- litical volcano have excited a little consternation proved : among those who had nothing to do but make mo- . that the labour of slaves, in a community ney and live easy upon the sweat, and tears, and like ours, is the most expensive that can be used. . slavery tends to lay waste the region in blood, of their fellow men and women. which it subsists. a letter from an officer, on board the potomac, . it fills with inquietude the bosoms of those in the harbor of rio janeiro, to a gentleman in n. who employ it. we quote from the memorial. york, dated oct. d, says: “ you may have “ is not all this literally and mournfully true ? heard of the insurrection of the blacks here, on a sense of the common interest, a love of peace, the island cobras; there is no doubt it was their the sentiment of security for all that is dear to the heart of social man, combine to adjure virginians intention to take possession of rio. they fired to make a great exertion, a becoming sacrifice, to upon it, and under cover of the smoke hoped to deliver their soil from an evil, serious now, terri- ently so. genius of universal emancipation. the petersburg outrage. fiat justitia ruat cælum. ble in prospect. it is most clear, then, that the resolved, as an inducement to emigrate, each safety of individuals calls aloud for energetic but emigrant shall be provided, at the public expense, prudent measures, having for their objects the ul- || with agricultural and planting implements, cloth- timate extinction of involuntary servitude, and ing, and other necessary articles, not exceeding in the removal of the race which is irreconcilably || value dollars. antagonist to ours." "to complain of public evils, which are reme- diable, is the part of children; to remove them, that of men:" and they pledge themselves to a cordial we have had an article on hand, for more than co-operation in this great work. two months, relating to the outrageous treatment this generous spirit is further discovered in the of h. d. robinson, at petersburg, virginia. its correspondent of the richmond whig, d jan., under the signature of a political economist, be- l great length has induced us to postpone a general lieving his friends to be irreconcilably opposed to notice of it, though it was briefly adverted to in disbursing the surplus revenue of the u. s. for a previous number of this work. we had de- this purpose, he proposes to the state to buy its resident slaves, as fast as they attain the age of termined to take copious extracts from it; but, sixteen, at an average price of $ . the ne our limits are so narrow that we are compelled to cessary means are to be procured by creating a condenise it as much as possible. stock. to pay the interest and principal of this robinson, we understand, is an englishman.- stock, the writer proposes to hire out the slaves at the rate of thirty-five dollars each per annum. he was engaged in vending books, pamphlets, at this moderate price, their attendance in sick- || &c. when the southampton insurrection occurred. ness, and daily support, will be required in the upon the spreading of an alarming story that bargain ; and in ten years, that is when the slaves arc i wenty-six years old, they will have repaid armed blacks were on the road towards pe- the state their purchase money, and the annual tersburg, about o'clock at night, he marched, interest upon it, besides a surplus sufficient to with others, to guard a bridge at the edge of the pay their passage to africa, and more. but could the state hire them out, so many, town. after the panic had subsided, he took oc- at this price? the correspondent of the rich- | casion to remark, in the presence of some rank mond wnig says: “by embarking in a system || slavites and others, that “the blacks, as men, of internal improvement, upon a large scale, were entitled to their freedom, and ought to be which virginia must do, or sink into insignificance, she can in a great degree, control the price of this emancipated.” this roused the angry tyrannical species of labor.” this is better and better. in feelings of some who heard it; and the next twenty years, were the proposed course adopted, morning, about o'clock, he was informed that a the surviving slaves of virginia would not num- ber , . speed the work, number of persons had determined to mob him, “ to complain of evils that are remediable, is the part of children ; || for the expression of his opinions. he was ad- to remove them, that of men,” vised to leave town immediately, as it was thought the following resolutions have been submitted his life was in danger. he made arrangements, for consideration in the virginia legislature. | accordingly, and engaged his passage, in the we have not yet learned their fate. stage, to richmond. before the stage had pro- ceeded beyond the limits of the town, a party of resolved, that it is expedient, as early as pos- | or men assembled and stationed themselves sible, with their assent, to remove the free ne- groes and mulattoes, from this commonwealth. in the road, to intercept him on the way. hav- resolved, that the colony now established at | ing received some intimation of their intentions, liberia, on the coast of africa, presents the most he left the stage, and went to the house of a friend. desirable territory to which the said free ne- | where he was admitted, and the doors were lock- groes and mulattoes shall be transported. resolved, that this state will annually ap- || ed. a mob soon collected in the street, and de- propriate the sum of $ , towards defraying manded entrance. on being refused, they forced the costs of transportation of said free negroes the doors, and dragged him from an upper room, and mulattoes to the coast of africa; which sum shall be raised by a tax upon land, slaves, and where he had retired and armed himself, though other property now declared taxable by law. upon reflection, he made no resistance. the civil resolved, that it is expedient to constitute a board, which shall have authority to draw for authorities were applied to, for protection, but re- such sums as may be necessary for the purposes fused to interfere! being now completely in the aforesaid; whose duty it shall be to select from hands of the mob, they first led him towards among such as may present themselves as candi- | the bridge, at the extremity of the town, then dates for emigration, under the limitations here- after mentioned, and to do all other acts and things to a wood, where they stripped off his clothing and properly appertaining to such board. most savagely whipped him, until their fiend- resolved, that for the purposes herein con like rage was satiated !!! it was then proposed templated, the state of virginia shall be laid off in sections, corresponding with the divisions es- to tar and feather him; but some of them thought tablished by the constitution of the common- they had sufficiently wreaked their vengeance up- wealth ;-that is to say and it on hịm, and interceded for his release from fur- shall be made the duty of the said board to make ther punishment. he was then permitted to de- a fair and equal annual appropriation of the fund before mentioned, for the relief of the several di- || part, and ordered to take the road to richmond. visions of the state, according to the number of the heroes of mobocracy drew a line across the free negroes and mulattoes in each. road with a stick, and told him that if ever he genius of universal emancipation. fiat justitia ruat cælum. . should dare to cross that mark, “it would fare him! they then poured oil on his head, and set worser" with him. fire to it!! they next carried him on a rail to the having now got rid of his ferocious assailants, him to a post near darraugh and simms' tavern, river and ducked him !! and then returned with he travelled on as well as he could, and arrived at and whipped him!! they are now preparing your richmond in the evening. the hot sun, poured | effigy, with the determination to burn it. down its fervid rays upon his lacerated back, and “i blush for my native state, to think that such his boots blistered his feet, insomuch that he suf a spirit of opposition and bitterness should per- fered greatly on the way. from richmond, he || northern men who reside among us, are more vi- vade our community ; but can truly say that took passage in a vessel, bound for new-york, | olent against the liberator, than our native geor- which place he reached in a few days, still severe- || gians.” ly afflicted in consequence of his savage maltreat- ment. flogging female slaves. the intelligent philanthropic reader will make his own comments upon this instance of lawless this is a "delicate” topic! the editor of the genius of universal emancipation once found outrage. these are the sort of beings to whose cruel • tender mercies” thousands of defenceless something about it! two braggadacios came, himself in a dilemma” for having published africans—and americans—are unconditionally eommitted !* may every patriot rouse--may had been said and done. they requested an au- more than thirty miles, to bid him retract in what every friend of humanity rouse—may every pro- || dience in a private room. fessor of the christian religion rouse-may every not knowing either the men or their errand, it was granted. one of them, virtuous human being, without distinction of who considered himself aggrieved, drew weapons, name, sex, or age, arouse from their slumber of apathy, and put an end to that barbarous, soul stormed and swore:-and, when the fit was over, sneaked out of town, with more haste than he came corrupting system, whose fruits are so destruc- in! tive to the morals and virtue of those who par- a perusal of the following, revived the remem- take of them. brance of the above mentioned circumstance. the substance of the story is from the new york another abominable assault !! spectator. the following extract of a letter to the editor by the brig eliza and abby, jamaica papers of the boston liberator, from a gentleman in have been received to the th nov. inclusive. macon, georgia, shows something of the temper || a debate took place in the house of assembly prevailing in that section of country. the wri- ter is correct in his opinion of the corruption of | of female slaves, which led to severe personal re- on the d, on a proposition to abolish the flogging apostate yankee republicans. among the most marks between mr. berry and mr. beaumont.- virulent advocates of slavery in missouri, during a duel ensued. mr. beaumont twice received his the great contest of —' , there were, to our antagonists fire without returning it ; upon which knowledge, a goodly number of the bastard sons of they separated. new-england. many of them set out, in early life, and roam the world, with the sole view of “making fortunes.” money is their object, and money is their god.—and not a few of them it is said that the question of dividing the state of would just as soon excoriate the back of a trem- | virginia into two separate commonwealths, has bling slave, or sell a free man or woman, as to mea- || lately been revived in the lexington intelligencer, sure off a yard of tape, or puff a lighted cigar! and other papers. we presume that the inhabit- ants of western virginia will never rest until “ macon, (geo.) nov. th, . “dear sir-i regret to inform you, that our they free themselves from the misrule of negro mutual friend, mr. john lamb, got into a diffi- || barons, and cleanse their skirts of the crimson culty last evening, in consequence of receiving stain of african slavery. late events have, no your laudable paper. mob of unprincipled vagabonds assembled around his house, and vio- || doubt, presented to their minds this horrible evil, lently took him out, and tarred and 'feathered in its most glaring colors; and that section of the state contains men of the brightest talents-dis- * but few of the scoundrels concerned in this abominable transaction, were known to the gen- ciples of washington and jefferson-hosts in tleman thus wantonly abused; but among them themselves—warm advocates of freedom, and he recognized the following, whose names, he enlightened politicians. it is ardently to be hoped wishes recorded, that they may be handed down that this contemplated project may speedily suc- to posterity, as the infamous violators of law and justice. they are : joseph mason, david cross, ceed, if measures for the abolition of slavery, now doctor cox, thomas cogvill, gibbon, in contemplation, fail. we shall then have, at gallaghar, thomas stroud. the last is said to be least, another bright star in the galaxy of free a pious professor of religion !-yet he was very ac- tive in urging on the rest,-saying to the villain states, on this portion of the north american wielding the whip, “lay it well on him !" continent. division of virginia. genius of universal emancipation. fiat justitia ruat cælum. west indian emancipation. they adoptad any decisive measures, would have some communications with those who possessed by a recent arrival from jamaica, at new- the best means of information on the subject, and york, advices were received, relative to the pro- | those who had the deepest interests in the wel- ceedings on the subject of the abolition of slavery. || fare of the colonies. mr. hume said, that the noble lord had made the “slave law” was to go into effect on the a statement, the substance of which he had him- st of november. the jamaica courant con self put to the house about ten years ago; name- cludes an article on the subject with the followingly, that those slaves when emancipated, would provide for themselves. he was glad that go- remark:- vernment were at last convinced of this fact, and “ if the slave law, as far as it is applicable to he hoped that they would act upon their own the present state of our peasantry, is really defec- knowledge. he offered them his best thanks for tive, let it be immediately amended; but let the what they had done, and he hoped they would government of the mother country know that to persevere in the same course they had adopted. this extent shall we go and no further, as some limit ought to be fixed to the demands made upon us, or at all events, until the question of compen- republic of hayti. sation is finally settled :—this once fixed, the colo the new-york standard, of a recent date, nists will be eager and willing to grant every im- munity to those who are the objects of such mock noticing the intelligence brought by an arrival philanthropy and consideration.” from hayti, says:- so ! after all their blustering, the petty tyrants “we learn with pleasure that the measures of jamaica are willing to agree to the demands adopted by the french consul, commissioned to settle the affairs of hayti and france, have not of government, and emancipate their slaves, pro- | been approved by his government, and that the vided--they shall be paid for them! here is a pecuniary indemnity required from hayti is ad- wonderful “ backing out.” how long is it since mitted to have been too great for their resources.” what will the enemies of the haytiens do they absolutely refused to permit the government now? no war yet with the french! sad, sad to interfere at all ? what has become of the threat to transfer their allegiance to the u.s. in would say, better let them “ free negroes” have news, this! “i guess,” as “brother jonathan" case they were not left in the unmolested enjoy- || their own way. they'll." drive through crea- ment of their slave “property?" here we have another evidence of the certainty of success, in tion, without hittin'both sides” oftener than other folks! case of perseverance in a righteous cause. some of the owners of sugar estates, we learn, an interesting debate occurred in the british are making considerable improvements; and the house of commons, on the th of august, re- culture of the cane will, no doubt, soon be greatly specting the recent emancipation of the “ extended in that fine island. we saw the follow- slaves,” in the colonies of that empire. the fol- ing notice in a newspapersome months since. the lowing is all we have room for now. experiment must have been highly interesting. house of commons, aug. . “general lerebours (probably gen. labau,) mr. burge wished to know whether the govern- | has introduced on his plantation of chateaublond, ment had taken pains to obtain full information in the plain of cul de sac, a steam mill for sugar on the subject before they sent out the order to emancipate the crown slaves; and whether they canes, put up under the direction of mr. mckellar, a mechanical engineer. its operation was tested had adopted measures to provide for these slaves before these orders were dispatched? on the th, in the presence of a number of anx- lord howick said, that before the orders were ing, but were agreeably disappointed. according ious spectators, who were doubtful of its succeed- sent out to emancipate these slaves, the govern- ment had taken the best information on this sub- || gallons were expressed." to an accurate calculation, in less than hours, jeet; and these orders were not sent out till such information was fully considered. besides this, would it not be advisable for our southern co- he could assure the hon. gentleman that all the lored people to reflect on the advantages held out necessary precautions had been taken by the go to those who will migrate thither ? every rea- vernment to provide for those slaves. he could | sonable encouragement will be given to orderly not let this opportunity pass without reading an extract from a letter written by the governor of || and industrious emigrants, by both government antigua. that letter stated, that during the five and people ; and in no part of the world could months since the crown slaves had been set at they, with industry and economy, live more free liberty, there had been no complaint of their con- duct,= (hear, hear;)-none had made application and independent,-or, with temperance and pru- for relief on account of their poverty--(hear,)-dence, enjoy a greater share of health and comfort. but they were all industriously occupied in pro- viding for themselves. (hear, hear.) that was another the report made by the governor of antigua of enthusiast." slaves who were suddenly emancipated. -- our friend, dennison, of the stonington phe- there were now to be emancipated only in | nix,* has caught a “live coal” from the altar of number, and they were creoles. he asked the universal emancipation. he is becoming almost house whether there was any danger that these creoles would create any embarrassment when * since writing the above, we learn that he has negroes had occasioned none whatever? assumed the editorial charge of a new work, en- (hear, hear.). titled the “herald of peace,”. mr. burge hoped that the government, before || necticut. success attend him! norwich, con- crown' + Ġenius of universal emancipation. . fiat justitia ruat cælum. an enthusiastic as he should be. some of the "yan- | travel south under such a title; nor do i recom- dee” boys may be a little too full of fire,—but icy, | your friends as well as yourself would be impli- mend it to you known as its editor to do so.- indeed, must be that bosom which does not burn cated. you need not forward mine until you for the promotion of such a cause as this! a hear from me.” list of newly initiated coadjutors, who are now we have had the following address, &c. on hand distinguishing themselves, is prepared for inser- for some length of time, but deferred its insertion tion; but (thank heaven!) it is too long for our for want of room. when may we look for such limits, this month. patriotic decision from the statesmen of northern america ? definition of the term freemen. address to the people of great bri- the people of fayetteville, north carolina, are tain, resolved to have a new dictionary!—they have the society for the abolition of sla- been scandalized long enough by the latitudinarian- | very throughout the british dominions, rism of the term freemen!!! hear them!- earnestly request your attention to the “a memorial address to the legislature of this present state of the question. the dis- state, protesting against the right of emancipated, solution will probably soon take place, or as they are usually called free negroes, to vote when the great body of electors will be ing for the adoption of a resolution declaratory of strongly agitated with discussing the the true meaning of the term freemen, as used in measure of reform, which has divided the the constitution, has been prepared, agreeably to existing parliament. at this crisis we a resolution adopted by a number of citizens, at a meeting held in the masonic hall , on saturday | entreat you, in the midst of conflict and evening last."- sentinel. excitement, to remember the sacred cause to which, in conjunction with ourselves, threats, and personal danger, you are solemnly pledged. upon the exer- the editor of the liberator has published sun tions now made, as far as human wisdom dry letters, threatening personal violence, and may foresee, mainly depends the continu- cautioning him to be on his guard, &c. that there ance or extinction of that system which are lawless wretches, who would willingly commit has so long prevailed in violation of all outrages of this nature, the editor of this work the principles of the british constitution, has also long since been convinced, even by “oc- and in subversion of all justice, outraging cular demonstration.” many letters, couched in every feeling of humanity, and utterly re- the most indecent and menacing language, and pugnant to the precepts of the religion we others, in the kindest spirit of anxious concern profess to acknowledge. we pray you and friendly warning, have been received, from to rouse yourselves to strenuous, perse- time to time. this is, indeed, calculated to dis- | vering and well-organized exertions; and courage chicken-hearted reformers. it is a cheap we suggest for your consideration the fol- method for bullying blackguards to vent their ma- || lowing measures :—to call meetings of lignant spleen. but they must risk a little more your committees, and to invite to join you responsibility , ere they succeed in their designs.-- all who prefer humanity to oppression, though personal violence, of the most outrageous truth to falsehood, freedom to slavery: character , has been actually meted to the writer to appoint frequent periods for assembling; to form a list of all the electors who can of this, he yet assures both friends and foes, that be his resolution flags not-his spirit soars as lofty properly influenced in the approaching those who embark on the stormy sea contest, each individual answering for of reformation, must, first, be satisfied of the ra-|| himself and as many more as he can bring tionality and justice of their cause, and even be to aid :--to make strict inquiries of every willing to suffer martyrdom if necessary; they will candidate, not only whether he is decid- then have nothing to fear from the raging elements | edly favourable to the extinction of slave- of human passion, prejudice, andi malignity. ry, but whether or not he will attend the we copy the following extract of a letter, just debates in parliament when that ques- received from a friend to the south, (who had sub-| tion shall be discussed; herein taking spe- scribed for the genius of universal emancipation,) cial care not to be deceived by general to show the sensitiveness prevailing among some professions of disapprobation of slavery, even of liberal sentiments there, at this juncture. but ascertaining that the candidate has many such letters have been received from thence, adopted the determination to assist in at different times, although the paper has long had carrying through measures for its speedy an extensive circulation in that part of the union. annihilation. none look with greater “the title of your paper puts one in mind of a horror on the shedding of blood, or the re- man who, to favor his favorite terrier, had the la- | motest chance of occasioning such a ca- bel, “ mad dog!" put round his neck. it cannot il lamity than ourselves ; but we are in our as ever. genius of universal emancipation. fiat justitia ruat cælum. own consciences convinced, and that af- which the people of great britain and ire- ter investigation the most careful and scru- land may give, by their votes, as they pulous, that from the emancipation we have already given by their petitions, effi- recommend, no risk to the safety of the cacious assistance towards delivering the white inhabitants could arise; on the con- negroes from the evils of slavery, and trary, we verily believe that the continu- the nation from the guilt of tolerating it; ance of slavery renders desolation and and that the address now read (see preced- bloodshed much more probable; and that ing pages] be adopted by this meeting if the country does not repent of the sin of and circulated throughout the country. slavery and cast it from her, it may, by . that the buying, or selling, or hold- the just retribution of providence, termi-|ing of our fellow-men as slaves, is con- nate in a convulsion destructive alike of trary to the christian religion, and to the life and property. principles of the british constitution. on behalf of candidates who are known . that, under the strongest rational to hold these principles, and on behalf of conviction, fortified by the experience of such candidates only, we ask your as- | all ages, that the holders of slaves are, by sistance; and this assistance may be most the very circumstances of their situation, - powerfully rendered, not merely by votes,| rendered as unfit, as they have always but by open and public adoption of the proved themselves unwilling, to frame candidate on these avowed grounds, by laws for the benefit of their bondmen, this the exertion of lawful influence, by sav. assembly cannot refrain from avowing ing him time in his canvass, and by re-their utter despair of receiving any effect- lieving him from expense in going to the ual aid from the colonists in the prosecu- poll. tion of their great object. we assure you, that on our part, we . that this assembly consider it in- will not be backward in our efforts for the cumbent on them to renew the declara- attainment of the same ends; and we will, tion of their decided conviction, that slave- from time to time, afford you all the in- |ry is not merely an abuse to be mitigated, formation we may deem requisite. but an enormity to be suppressed; that it in the truth and justice of our cause involves the exercise of severities on the we are all confident; but men must work || part of the master, and the endurance of by human means. without strenuous sufferings on the part of the slave, which efforts, the gold and combination of our no laws can effectually prevent; and that interested opponents, may leave the cause to impose on the british people the invo- without that support in parliament which luntary support of a system so essentially is essential to success, and so continue, for iniquitous, is an injustice no longer to be an indefinite period, sufferings indescrib- || endured. able and iniquity incalculable. . that the experience of the last eight we solemnly conjure you to show years has not only furnished additional yourselves, by your courage, energy, and evidence of the criminality and incurable perseverance, faithful in the cause of truth inhumanity of slavery, but has also de- and mercy, and then, with his aid to monstrated incontrovertibly, that it is only whom all good is to be ascribed, we trust | by the direct intervention of parliament this accumulation of guilt and misery may that any effectual remedy can be applied be speedily annihilated. to this enormous evil; and that it is the signed in behalf of the london com- | unalterable determination of this meeting mittee, to leave no lawful means unattempted for t. f. buxton, z. macaulay, obtaining, by parliamentary enactment, s. gurney, d. wilson, the total abolition of slavery throughou w. wilberforce, r. watson, the british dominions. s. lushington. . that this meeting desire the expres- t. clarkson. sion of their sincere regret for the una- voidable absence of his royal highness resolutions, the duke of gloucester, to be respectfully unanimously adopted at a general meeting of the conveyed to him, together with their cor- don, april , , the right hon. lard suffield dial acknowledgements for the undevia- in the chair. ting support he has uniformly given to . that the object of this meeting is the principles on which this society is the entire extinction of negro slavery. founded. thomas pringle, . that the time has now arrived, in secretary. w. smith, genius of universal emancipation. fiat justitia ruat cælum. adies' repository. review more carefully the ground on which they are standing; to reflect on the strange improprie- philanthropic and literary. ty of the course they are pursuing. how can they reconcile it to themselves that they, chris- principally conducted by a lady. tian mothers and wives and daughters, with all on the use of free produce. the kind and gentle sympathies of woman's na- this is a subject to which we have already fre- ture playing about their hearts, should be acces- quently adverted, yet convinced as we are of the saries in supporting one of the most heinous sys- utility of that method of opposition to slavery, tems of oppression ever known in the world? we believe we cannot err in again placing it before if an entire abstinence from the products of slave- the attention of our readers. the use of free labor is considered impracticable, certainly they produce, though it has become much more gene- ought to make use of them only when it is entire- ral than formerly, is still far too limited. in very || ly out of their power to procure those of the other many sections of our country, none except the class. and surely this cannot be too much to slave cultivated articles can be procured, though ask of any one, in support of such a cause as the many persons in such places would undoubtedly overthrow of inhumanity and the relief of wretch- give the preference to those of a contrary charac-edness. ter, if they could be readily obtained. this is certainly to be regretted; yet where there is sin we have not often met with a more touching cerity and steadiness of purpose we believe that || appeal (in a few words) to the hearts of rulers, difficulties of this kind may be generally, at least than the following. we hope it may be listen- in some measure, overcome. if in every neigh-ed to by those who have hearts to feel, both for borhood those families who are friendly to the use the wrongs of the oppressed, and the safety of of free produce would unite in requesting their others. it is an extract from a petition to the legig- storekeeper to procure for them the desired arti- || lature of virginia, from sundry female inhabitants cles, we should suppose self-interest, if no better of the county of fluvanna. we have not seen motive, would induce him to oblige them. where the petition, at length. this arrangement cannot be made, and no other “ will the absent father's heart be at peace method can be fallen upon, we would earnestly | when, amid the hurry of public affairs, his truant advise the friends of our cause, to provide them- | thoughts return to the home of his affections, sur- selves with no supplies in advance, and to care- rounded by doubtful, if not dangerous, subjects to fully avoid the use of superfluous articles. but, || engaged in his legislative duties, his heart may a precarious authority? perhaps when deeply again we repeat, a little exertion is often all that quail, and his tongue falter, with irrepressible ap- is necessary to obtain the wished for object. prehensions for the peace and safety of objects dearer than life itself. to such of our sex as voluntarily give the pre- ference to the products of slave labor, we would | efficient measures are speedily put in operation to “such will be the trials of our posterity unless offer a word of serious expostulation on the in avert them from the unborn myriads of our native consistency of their conduct. they would doubt- | land.” lessly deny any wish to perpetuate the present it may not be inappropriate here to introduce condition of the slaves; nay, they will probably the stanzas below. they appeared, originally, assert that their warmest wishes are engaged in in the albany “argus.” behalf of abolition, and that the most active dirge. friends of that cause do not exceed themselves, in on the night following sunday, august st, detestation of slavery. how illy do such protes- | while many of the inhabitants of southampton tations accord with their conduct. they abhor county, virginia, were absent at a camp-meeting the system of oppression, and yet contribute their held in a neighboring district, the blacks rose up on the defenceless and unarmed, who remained at money to pay the slaveholder for maintaining it! || home, and sacrificed, with barbarous cruelty, be- they commisserate the slave, but instead of en. tween sixty and seventy victims, without dis- deavoring to afford him relief, their whole assist-crimination of age, sex, or condition. ance is given to those who retain him in bondage ! wail! for the innocent, they would probably advance many arguments the beautiful and fair, the young, who perish'd in their youth, in their justification, but unfortunately the slave- the old in his hoary hair. holder makes use of equally strong, and not un- frequently the very same, reasonings in favor of wail! for the many hearths and homes made desolate; his conduct. and though we would not judge for broken hearts and sever'd ties harshly, and are willing to make all due allowan- the spoils of murderous hate. ces for the effects of education and custom, we fair pass'd the sabbath-sun believe that both of them are actuated by the behind the western hills: same principle of self-interest, though perhaps un- for hymns were heard in the ancient wood, der different modifications. we entreat them to and songs by the gushing rills. genius of universal emancipation. fiat justitia ruat cælum. the old man call'd his flock, 'tis time to rouse thee! time all else destroys, and read the living word; and sometimes breaks the fetters of the slave; and the peace of god was in his heart, perhaps his finger even now employs while his lips in prayer were stirr'd. the long forgotten, toil-worn, wretch to save. hayti, emerging from the gloom, enjoys all solemnly knelt down a taste of that, which god to all men gave. with meek, confiding air; blood marked her course! blood ever marks the and breathed"amen,” as the sire implored strife, for them the great keeper's care. when the vast price is liberty and life. sleep, in her folded arms, god made man free; man makes his fellow slave. wrapt husband, child and wife, nature abhors the crime, and by its fruit and throbbing pulse, and heaving breast, works out its own destruction, digs the grave were all that betoken'd life. of slavery with a scion from its root: a shriek was heard by night! cupidity and pride and avarice, gave the startled eye but saw to man the base desire; those bid him shoot beyond the mark, until his feeble grasp the gleaming axe, and the ear just caught the sable fiend's hurra! the multiplying numbers cease to clasp. the ear heard not again ; and the rous'd tide of being from its course the lid shut o'er the eye ; bounds unrestrain'd! thus man in pride doth and only death stood sentry by sieze, the red postern of the slain. and captive lead the humble streamlet's force; and feels secure: but when the lightning's blaze morn smil'd as it was wont, breaks on the mountains, and the hoarse on upland, plain, and stream, and thousand birds their matins sung and heavy breathings of the storm betrays the multiplying waters, can his hand to the first awakening beam. curb the wild surge, the torrents' force withstand ! but woman's cheerful smile, the god of israel bared his red right arm, and man's exciting voice, and burst the bonds of egypt. sparta shook and childhood's gleeful laugh, no more beneath the helot's grasp; and hayti's firm in the morning bade rejoice. and new-born vigor the bare sceptre struck out on the polish'd floor from her oppressors' hold. thence springs a ran the ensanguin'd flood; germ, the babe slept on its mother's breast, which threat'ning, warns us to beware the and its bruis'd lips dash'd with blood. shock. columbia view it! and e'er yet too late, upon the cold hearth stone avoid the spartan's, or the spaniard's fate. the unripen'd virgin lay, crush'd in her budding loveliness, a slave! what is the thing, that thus we call ? and dawn of her opening day. in what relation stands it to its lord ? does reason sway it? an immortal soul and manhood's sturdy arm within it tremble at a haughty word ? in dust was beaten down; approach cupidity, with all thy gall, from youth his boast and pride were reft, and pride and avarice, all, ye motly herd ! from reverend age his crown. is not that frame thy task doth daily break wail! for the young and fair, of human flesh and blood? thy brother's ? and their remorseless fate, speak! wail! for the merry homes laid waste, and for what sin doth that untiring scourge and the bosom desolate. lash him to toil? does some black nameless crime, yet unaton'd, the steady torture urge? a new year's ode. or has the son of afric, through all time, pour'd on his throbbing brow, its fiery surge, the following is extracted from an article ori and stamped it with the guilt of hue, and clime ? ginally published in the united states gazette. its | a guilty skin hath seized, and doth infold great length forbids its entire insertion. the piece | his writhing body in its poison'd fold ! is the production of no ordinary pen. say, thou pale shrinking, bloated, mass of pride, why dost thou shake, as tho’ thy frighted soul another year! and is there in the last would fly its prison, when the storm doth ride nought to forbid us hail the newly born ? in darkness round thee? does the thunder's does no dark shadow lower upon the past roll and throw its gloom upon the rising morn? and the fierce flash that bids the storm divide, ask of yon trembling slave, who stands aghast, • beneath his tyrant's scourge and visage stern; appear rebellion? does the fearful goal- the boundary of thy dark dominion-rise ask of yon indian, as with silent gloom, in threat'ning horror naked to thine eyes ? he looks his last upon his father's tomb. “hark that loud crash! that shout! they come ! start'st thou, columbia! does the fetter's clank they come! disturb thy slumbers? interrupt thy dreams? “ that flash! the signal of the bloody strife! does afric's groans pour forth her hovels dank “the thousands round, amidst the deeping gloom grate on thy senses? or has lethe's streams “shout to the storm, and whet the hungry pour'd dark oblivion round thee? hast thou knife! drank “ah! god of mercy! ah! avert the doom ! thyself into forgetfulness? still gleams before thy leaden-eye the warning past, “save, oh ! in mercy save this wretched life !" thou coward fool! 'tis but the tempest raves and art thou still in murky darkness cast! o'er thee in peace repose thy toil-worn slaves. viator genius of universal emancipation. fiat justitia ruat cælum. associations. its the rising sun may bid the storm disperse be abandoned ? when will the enemies and scatter to the winds thy frantic dream; and thou, resuscitate, again may'st curse of slavery unite in a bolder, a juster, a thy tardy bondmen; bid the tiger scream more auspicious enterprise,-an enterprise of their fell driver.rouse them-but a worse, in which all the principles of humanity, a deadlier flash may on thy eyeballs gleam! another night may come, more dark, more deep, and fair play? justice, and religion may have free scope and seize thy spirit in its tempest's sweep. the divine blessing can be reasonably expected upon no compro apology for ladies' anti-slavery mise with what is essentially evil; it will rest on no lukewarm propositions of mer- by the author of "immediate, not gradual abolicy, on no attempt to lower and accom- tion,” &c. modate the standard of righteousness to (continued from page .) that of expediency. no mutilated offer- no, - we are firmly persuaded that the ings on the altar of duty will be accepted. proposition of gradual emancipation is a the fire from heaven will consume no delusive phantom-anignis-fatuus, which maimed imperfect sacrifices. to ensure will perpetually elude the grasp,-a for- divine approbation, the intention must be lorn hope, which has done nothing, and upright; conformity to the divine standard will do nothing, but deceive and disappoint must be the undeviating aim, however supporters. defective the execution. the requisitions we are now on the eve of a fresh ses- of the gospel can be satisfied with no sion of parliament, under a new adminis- vain attempts for the mitigation and gra- tration. public meetings are again con- dual extinction of slavery; they require vening, petitions are again preparing, to the breaking of that anti-christian yoke- re-solicit government to redeem its own the setting of its oppressed victims free. pledge, to enforce its own decrees-short there are awful denunciations against the and defective as they are admitted to be sacrilege of taking away any of the we venture to predict that the speeches words of divine revelation;-of lowering to be made in favor of gradual emancipa- the authority, deducting from the strict- tion will be no more eloquent in style, no ness of the divine commands. the sa- more forcible in argument, no more resist-|| cred injunction of our great lawgiver, less in evidence, than those that have been “ whatsoever ye already made ;—that the petitions to be should do unto you, do ye even presented for the accomplishment of that unto them,” will not admit a moment's object, will be no more availing than those acquiescence in a law which should em- which have been already presented : power the slave to buy out his own free- the principles of human nature justify the dom,—which should require him to pay a prediction that the anticipated speeches price for an unalienable right, to which he will be less eloquent, less forcible; that the is not only entitled without purchase, but anticipated petitions will be less availing. || for the long withholding of which he of all in this unequal strife of right against earthly claimants, is most entitled to com- might, without some fresh excitement to pensation. hope, some fresh stimulant to exertion, during the last year there has been a there must of necessity be a declension of considerable increase of ladies' anti-sla- zeal. familiarity with objects the most very associations ; but they must be revolting imperceptibly diminishes the hor- greatly multiplied; their zeal and exertion ror with which they were at first contem- | must be greatly accelerated before they plated. the most vehement indignation make any perceptible advances towards against injustice and cruelty, of which we their ultimate object. are not ourselves the victims, if unaccom success, in every enterprize, is general- paried with vigorous resistance, will gra- ly proportioned to the well adapted means dually subside; and vigorous resistance by which it is pursued, and to the ardour cannot be long maintained, unless it prove and industry with which those means are in some measure successful.—“hope de-applied ;-and the means will be well ferred,"_fruitless labor, “makes the heart adapted-they will be applied with ardour sick,"_enfeebles its pulsations,-benumbs and industry proportioned to the personal its sensibilities,-deadens its energies. interests which is taken in their success. when will this heartless, hopeless, im personal interest is the main-spring of practicable project of gradual emancipa- all voluntary exertion; this will be vigor- tion, on which so much precious time and ous or languid, persevering or intermit- talent have been so unprofitable consumed, || tent, according to the strength or weak- would that men so genius of universal emancipation. sue. fiat justitia ruat cælum. ness of that great regulator. the ambi- || acknowledged injustice, without being tious, the covetous, the worldling, and the sensible of a withering influence, a blight christian, are tenacious, vigilant, perse- || upon their moral sensibility, -than a vering, and successful, according to their man can touch pitch without being de- devotion to the respective objects of their || filed ?" the very best among us have pursuit, - according as they feel their own cause to tremble for themselves as well interest and happiness staked ироп the is as for their country, on account of the in the present discouraging circum- poisonous infection of this legalized iniqui- stances of the anti-slavery contest there || ty, for as long as it exists its work of moral is nothing to justify surprise : they are the deterioration will never be at a stand still. natural and necessary consequences of we have a personal interest then, and deficiency of personal interest in its suc a momentous one, in the speedy extinc- cessful and speedy termination. yet wetion of slavery. it is a criminal weak- have a personal interest, and a very im-ness, a dangerous infatuation, which has portant one, in its successful and speedy induced so much weariness and impa- termination. "no father," it has been | tience of the subject. to banish it from justly said, “who wishes to preserve his our thoughts will only accelerate the pro- son's principles, will trust him to breathe cess of our obduration. having once be- the atmosphere of slavery ;-it is fatal to come acquainted with the dreadful ex- - virtue." and are we, with the great at-tremes of moral degradation and physical lantic rolling between us, out of reach of wretchedness which slavery entails, we its baneful infection? has the long pas- shall seek in vain to secure the undisturb- sive sufferance of the wrongs and outrages | ed enjoyment of our own immunities by which it systematically inflicts, had no turning away from the painful contempla- tendency to blunt our feelings and to para- tion of its murderous ravages, and leaving lize our humanity? have the revolting its helpless victims to their fate. barbarities, the scenes of horror to which christianity is not a voluminous code it is, through its faithful reporters, fami- of arbitrary commands and prohibitions ; liarizing our imaginations, no effect simi---it is a system of principles, few in num- lar in kind if not in degree, to that which | ber, but of universal application. it re- is occasioned by the habitual ocular ob- quires the supreme love of god, and the servation of them? love of our neighbors as ourselves. the there can be no question that the sys- || love of our creator and the love of our tem, ever since its atrocious injustice has fellow-creatures are inseparably connect- been so clearly demonstrated, has been ed ;--in proportion as we grow indifferent dearly upheld. the expense of annual to their interests and happiness, the love millions in defending it with our fleets and of god is extinguished, and our own true armies, with our bounties and protecting | happiness is extinguished with it. when duties, is a cheap sacrifice compared to we labor most assiduously for the welfare that of our best feelings and principles, || of others, we are best promoting our own: which it is rapidly deteriorating. let --when we become careless of their in- those who have been most richly endow- | terests, we are moral suicides. all the ed with these inestimable treasures, ask | springs of pure enjoyment are stopped in a themselves whether they have not been | heart incrusted with selfishness. but robbed and spoiled of much of this pre- this is not all. by a careless insensibility cious inheritance during the last five years to other's sufferings we incur positive evil unsuccessful anti-slavery struggle ? let as well as privation of good. them ask themselves whether they can ourselves to the personal endurance of think or feel, speak or write about slave-those very sufferings which our negli- ry, with that life and energy, that glow | gence allows, or our wilfulness inflicts; of christian zeal and holy indignation, for, with what measure ye mete, it with which they thought and felt, spoke | shall be measured to you again.” it and wrote about it five years ago? let may be long ere we perceive the ad- them ask themselves whether they have vances of this retributive justice :—but if not experimentally felt that evil institu- the gospel be true, we must all feel its full tions corrupt good principles, as much as weight in time or eternity. it may be "evil communications corrupt good man- long ere we have any very alarming per- ners ?"—that they can no more live underception of the advances of this retributive a government which obstinately, against || justice, but we may be already sensible of light and conviction, upholds palpable and i the rapid progress of its certain precursor we expose genius of universal emancipation. fiat justitia ruat cælum. -insensibility and hardness of heart. | read the bible and make christians of 'em, and what greater evil can befall account- there would be less danger of their rising. able beings, living under the bright efful-|| and our unruly slaves would become pea- gence of the christian revelation, richly sible and quiet domestics. that they'd endowed with capacities widely to reflect || not be gittin in hoards on sundays to its beneficent rays, by a practice con- | make plots and contrive how to kill us; formable to its divine precepts of love and but they'd flock together to worship god, universal good will ? what greater evil and read their bibles. but its all a blast- can befall a people to whom the five ta- || ed lie. lents have been committed with the cer- “ they first want to shuffle the nigurs tain assurance that to whom much is giv-ll out of our hands. who cares for their en of them will much be required ? shaming us about our missionaries. i (conclusion next month.) reckon i know what about it. jist like the durn'd nigurs and injuns, that lives the olio. ten thousand miles off, knows any thing 'bout what we're a doin here. why they'll for the genius of universal emancipation. think we're all saints when they hear our a touch of the comic ! missionaries preach; and they'll naturly in a late number of the greensborough | want to come over here and get 'ligion patriot, of n. c. is what purports to be a where its plenty. and above all, to think vision of " wide awake,” in which he o- they'll tell us to give the nigurs larnin, verhears the conversation between “guz- and to make christians of 'em. did you zle," an elector, fond to excess of a drop of || ever hear the match of it? make a chris- the “o be joyful.” and a candidate for tian of a nigur, and larn him to read ! the general assembly.—guzzle declines jist like there's any goodness in a nigur. engaging to support the candidate, until like guoin to meetin or readin the bible he partakes of his whiskey, and hears his | does 'em any good. i know that's a lie, by sentiments in relation to the quakers, and myself." negroes. the candidate havingediscover- ed that guzzle is inimical to the claims in the above, each reader will determine whether there be more irony, or truth, of both, proceeds to develope his political for himself :-certain it is, however, that opiniors. many conceive it dangerous to instruct "i have been to the legislator these two the sable descendants of africa :—not so, years. and last session we past more the a. e. society of the u. s.—there, good laws, and got the nighest the pinni- | names known to the world of science cle of perfection, than all the 'semblies marshalled in the ranks, and under the that ever succeeded us. we past several | banner of virtue,are nobly appended to the acts about the nigurs: among the rest opposite sentiment. their philanthropy, we found it inexpedient to make the ni- || their wisdom, and their independence will gurs notlarn to read nor write. the not be forgotten ;-but 'a spontaneous, quaker men and some others tried their || and continued flow of gratitude will re- durndest to keep us from it: but they | vert to their memory, from a coming state could'nt do it. some said it was poorly of society, which will have no ear for the wuth while to send missionaries to the in- wily intrigues of the mere politician-no juns, and heathens, while we're a tryin to pleasure in placing "the bloood stained inake heathens of our nigurs. and that || wreath on the brow of the warrior”—nor it was scandulous to our 'semblies to pass || any desire to extenuate the deeds of the such a law; and a shame to try to make proud oppressor. folks blieve they might come over here, and be free, and find christianism, and then pass a law that did'nt let 'em larn to read kentucky. it appears that in the the bible. and they did'nt quit at that state of kentucky, the owners of slaves with their tarnal nonsense; but told us, who are executed for crimes receive pay (just like the thought we'd blieve it.) that for them from the state treasury, and our nigurs would be more likely to raise that , dollars have already been ructions 'mong us if we kept them igno- paid for that object. in a late legislative rant, and in a savage state; and that they | debate, it appeared that there were in the have nothing to prevent them from cut-|| state , slaves, and that they were ting our throats, while we're all asleep. owned by one-fifth of the tax paying but, say they, if we would larn them to ll whites; and an effort was made to alter g. genius of universal emancipation. fiat justitia ruat celum. the law, so as to relieve the non-slave- authorized agents. holding whites from the odious tax, but jacob janney-penn. avenue, washington, d. without effect.-w. intel. c. opposite barnard's hotel. william r. jones—no. , market-street, bal- timore, maryland. american anti-slavery society. abner m. plummer-newmarket, do. in view of the alarming facts which samuel brown-winchester, virginia. are now coming out on the subject of sla- jonathan taylor, jr.-purcell's store, do. rich'd mendenhall-jamestown, n. c. very, we would suggest the immediate thos. moore, p. m.-newgardens, do. convocation of every friend of light and thos. lundy-huntsville, surry co. do. liberty, in the city of philadelphia, to m. long, p. m.-long's mills, do. take it into solemn, and deliberate, yet ac- j. newlin, p. m.-lindley's store, do. b. swaim, esq.-new-salem, do. tive consideration. one judicious step rev. h. m'millan-chesterville, s. c. now, may save miles of travel through samuel holliman-wrightsboro', ga. human blood, in a few months to come.- thos. doan-newmarket, jeff. co. tenn. jas. jones, p. m.--unitia, blount co. do. stonington phenix. elijah embree, p. m.-pactolus, do. william bryant-nashville, do. the shelbyville (t.) freeman states, william mack-columbia, do. james askins-fayetteville do. that a plot for an insurrection among the james alexander- washington, hempstead co. blacks in and around fayetteville, in that arkansas ter. etate, had happily been discovered, in time rev. jesse haile-springfield, illinois. rev. john f. crow, p.m.-hanover, la. to preventits execution, through informa- smith & bulla-centreville, do. tion given by a female slave. rev. m. jamieson-mount-sterling, ky. joseph lormer-mount-washington, do. premium for rice. joseph b. chapman-waynesville, ohio. the sum of twenty dollars will be given dr. joseph stanton-springborough, do. as a premium, over and above the market price, william lewis-harrisville, do. for five casks of fresh rice, of good quality, a. baer, jr.--osnaburg, stark co. do. raised by free labor, and delivered in philadel thomas chandler-adrian, michigan ter. phia, to charles peirce, before the first of june william p. richards-wilmington, del. next, . joseph sharpless-no. , n. th street, phila- the gentleman above named, is well known as delphia, penn. a very respectable grocer in philadelphia, who joseph cassey–no. - s. th street, do. do. has, for several years past, made it a particular bu- a. marshall, esq.-westchester, do. siness to keep articles in his line that are exclu dr. e. michener-londongrove, do. sively the production of free labor. dr. b. fussell-kennett square, do. the premium, together with the market price, joel wierman-york springs, adams co. do. will be promptly paid, on the delivery of the rice, lindley coates-gap p. o. lan. co. do. accompanied by proper reference and vouchers jehu lewis-bethleham, wash, co. do. from some respectable person who is known in richard lundy-mount holly, n. j. philadelphia. theodore davisson-trenton, do. benjamin acton-salem, do. zachariah webster-plainfield, do. genius of universal emancipation. james wilson, jr:-alamouchy p. . sussex vol. xii. county, do. the object and character of this work are well mahlon day-no. pearl-st. n. y. city. known. it has been published ten years, and cir john lockwood-poughkeepsie, n. y. culated in all the states of this union, in canada, charles marriott-hudson, do, the west indies, europe and africa. it is exclu abijah purinton-troy, do. sively devoted to the subject of the abolition of sla thomas shotwell—marengo. do. very, on the american continent and islands. lyman a. spalding--lockport, do. terms of subscription. john i. wells & son-hartford, conn. the work will, henceforth, be issued monthly. r. t. robinson--vergennes, vt. it will be neatly printed on fine paper, and folded william loyd garrison, boston, mass. in the octavo form, each number making sixteen samuel rodman, jr.--new-bedford, do. william dean-salem, do. the price of subscription will be one dollar per rev. n. paul-london c. h. upper canada. annum, always to be paid in advance. james cropper--liverpool, england. subscribers who do not particularly specify the william b. bowler--port au prince, hayti. time they wish to receive the work, or notify the john b. salgues-aux cayes, do. editor of a desire to discontinue it before the expi jacob w. prout--monrovia, africa. ration of each current year, will be considered as engaged for the next succeeding one, and their postage. bills will be forwarded accordingly. the postage of the genius of universal eman- agents will be entitled to six copies for every cipation is now the same as that of weekly news five dollars remitted to the editor, in current mo papers. one cent and a half, for each paper, is ney of the united states. the highest that can be legally charged within the all letters and communications intended for | united states. if the distance be less than one this office, must be addressed, free of expense, to hundred miles, but one cent can be demanded. - benjamin lundy, washington, d.c. icp post-masters will please attend to this no- ip a few copies of the eleventh volume, com tice. the post-office in washington forwarda plete, for sale. it under this regulation. the large pages. genius of universal emancipation. edited by b. lundy--published in washington and baltimore-$ . per ann. "we hold these truths to be self-evident: that all inen are created equal, and endowed by their creator with certain inalienable rights; that among these are life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness."-declaration of independence, u.s. no. . vol. ii. third series.) february, . (whole number . vol. xii. the late stephen girard. color. &c., is situated near washita, louisiana, he gives we war not with disembodied spirits--we the following directions.—how cool and dispas- tread lightly on the ashes of the dead. but when || sionately tyrannical ! how steeled and adaman. erring mortals are worshipped merely for the gold tean the heart that could endite this in philadel. they have hoarded; when they are held up to the phia! public view as paragons of virtue, while oppression of twenty years, or on the decease of the said "i desire that, at the expiration of the said term marked their career; when pæans are chanted over | judge henry bree, should he not live so long, the their sepulchres, as an acknowledgement of their í land and improvements forming said settlement, triumph over the vices and baser passions of the the slaves thereon or thereto belonging, and all other heart, while their own recorded acts proclaim | appurtenant personal property, shall be sold, as #them the unrelenting and inexorable tyrants of|able, and the proceeds of the said sale or sales soon as the said corporation shall deem it advise- their species, it is time to raise our voice-we can shall be applied by the said corporation to such not" hold our peace." uses and purposes as they shall consider most like- the public has been informed of the recent de- || the inhabitants of the city of new orleans. but ly to promote the health and general prosperity of mise of the celebrated merchant and banker, ste- until the said sale shall be made, the said corpora- phen girard, of philadelphia. it is generally |tion shall pay all taxes, prevent waste or intru- known that his industry and economy were pro- | slaves, and their increase thereon, as to derive an sions, and so manage the said settlement and the verbial, and that he was immensely rich in this income, and the said income shall be applied from world's goods. we also learn that he very liberal- time to time, to the same uses and purposes, for ly bequeathed to various public institutions a large || habitants." the health and general prosperity of the said in- share of the wealth he had hoarded. for all this he has been justly eulogized, both when living || annual convention of the people of and since his death.--but, as a counterpart to all the virtue and generosity here recognized, we are the proceedings of this convention were re- painfully compelled to witness in his progress | ceived, in pamphlet form, a short time previous to through life, and even in the last act preceding his the issuing of our last number, but a particular exit from time to eternity, a disposition to tyran- | notice thereof was necessarily deferred. and our nise over and perpetually enslave his fellow crea- limits are so narrow that we can, now, tures! and yet, thousands, professing unbound- ||thing more than give the pamphlet a very brief re- ed philanthropy, are sounding loud the note of || view. admiration and praise, and earnestly pronouncing the delegates, consisting of fifteen in number, the most unqualified eulogiums upon his charac- || from new york, pennsylvania, delaware, mary- ler, without adverting to the dark and honor-| land, and virginia, met on the th of june, in the damning fact that, in a land of uniyersal liberty, || wesleyan church, lombard-street, philadelphia. he was the willing oppressor—the hereditary en the meeting was organized by the election of blaver—the unrepentant despot, who held in bon- || john bowens president, william whipper secre- dage during life, and ordered to be sold after death, || tary, and thomas l. jennings assistant secretary. more than thirty human beings !!* a committee was appointed to institute an in- but enough :-we leave the reader to make || quiry into the condition of the free people of color his or her own comments on the following extract in the u.s. &c. this committee subsequently from his will, which has been lately published in made a report, in which it is recommended to en- the philadelphia papers. after bequeathing to courage the canadian settlement ; to meet annu- the city of new-orleans “upwards of one thou- | ally in convention to devise measures for general sand arpens or acres of land, with the appurtenan- | improvement; to create a fund for the future use ces and improvements thereon, and also all the l of the convention; to memorialize the proper au- personal estate thereto belonging, and thereon re thorities relative to certain grievances; to encou- maining, including upwards of thirty slaves now on rage education, temperance, and economy; and, said settlement, and their increase,” which estate finally, to protest against the measures of the a- frican colonizacion society. * willing to give all credit wherever it is due, several white persons visited the convention, we cheerfully state, that he did emancipate one slave—a woman, named hannah-to whom he among whom were rev. s. s. jocelyn, of new- bequeathed the sum of two hundred dollars per haven; arthur tappan, of new-york; b. lun- year, during the term of her natural life. dy, of washington city; w. l. garrison, of do no- > genius of universal emancipation. fiat justicia ruat celum. boston; t. shipley, and j. l. pierce, of phila- || delivered on that day, and collections taken and delphia. forwarded to the treasurer at philadelphia, for a committee having been appointed to consi- | the general purposes of the convention.” it was der a proposition to establish a college, “on the also further resolved: “that the editors of the manual labor system, by which, in connexion 'genius of universal emancipation," "the li- with a scientific education,” the students may berator,' and 'african sentinel,' are our tried “also obtain a useful mechanical or agricultural friends, the fearless advocates of our rights, and profession," reported in favor thereof, and also of | promoters of our best interests, and are entitled to raising a fund of $ , for that purpose. they a prominent place in our affections—that the likewise informed the convention that a benevo- | principles emanating from said presses, ought to lent individual* had offered one thousand dollars be proclaimed throughout the world, and read by towarıls it. they recommended the establish- every friend of the rights of man--and that we ment of the institution at new-ilaven, connec:i- pledge ourselves to use all our influence in promot- cut. the report was received by the conven-ing the support and circulation of such vehicles." tion, and resolutions adopted to carry the proposi after recommending the people of color in the tion into effect. arthur tappan was chosen for u. s. to discontinue all public processions, and treasurer, and the rev. samuel e. cornish was passing a vote of gratitude to the anti-slavery appointed general agent, to collect funds. vari- societies in america and great britain, the con--"} ous committees were also nained to assist therein. vention adjourned, to meet again in philadelphia, a conventional board was organized, to attend on the first monday in june, . the board of oficers has issued an excellent to all necessary business during the recess of the convention. this board will have a president, address to the public, on behalf of the convention, secretary, treasurer, &c., and meet, when occa- which we shall notice more particularly at ano- sion requires, in philadelphia; but a vice-presi-ther time. dent and corresponding secretary will reside in each of the states represented. virginia legislature. we have before noticed the movements in the the formation of auxiliaries to this convention legislature of virginia, relative to certain propo- was recommended; and those societies, organiz- sitions for the abolition of slavery. many causes ed for promoting the emigration to canada, were invited to become such. have combined to awaken a spirit in the “ancient sundry resolutions were adopteil-ist, approv- the policy of her statesmen and citizens. dominion,” that looks to this important change in the ing of a proposition by junius c. morel and john p. thompson, for establishing a weekly journal writings of her patrick henry, her jefferson, and in philadelphia; d, complimenting their white others; the efforts of sundry members of her late friends for their attention ; d, recommending the state convention, among whom a campbell, a colored people of the united states " to set apart || labors and publications of various societies, reli- johnson, and a doddridge were conspicuous; the the fourth day of july, as a day of humiliation, gious and philanthropic; and the circulation of fasting, and prayer—and to beseech almighty god to interpose on [their] beha!f, that the shackles periodicals, &c., devoted to an investigation of the of slavery may be broken, and (their) sacred rights for the state of things here adverted to. important subject, had measurably paved the way obtained, † and that there be appropriate addresses late attempt at rebellion, on the part of sundry - and the *this individual was arthur tappan, of new- slaves, has convinced many, that the various ex- york, whose liberality, in contributing to benevo- positions, predictions, and warnings, conveyed lent and philanthropic purposes, is proverbial, few men living have, perhaps, distinguished through the channels above mentioned, were just themselves in this way more than him. he has, delineations and faithful heralds, to arouse them not only by this contribution, but also by many | from their wicked supineness, and induce them to others, entitled himself to the enviable appellation guard against the impending danger by the remo- of “ a friend of the oppressed.” | an excellent idea, this!-- what will the ty- val of its cause. it is hoped that the holy work, rants of the “old world” say to the curious--nay, now begun, will continue to progress, until this the ineffably ridiculous--spectacle, which this na- tion will henceforth present on each anniversary the land of our washington and jefferson--may fertile state, the land of the noble hearted—the of its “glorious birth-day?"--here we shall behold one part of the population revelling amid ruined be freed from the blighted curse that withers her palaces and castles; strewing around them the fairest flowers, turns her fertile fields to desert broken links of slavery's chains; trampling the wastes, and converts her free institutions into the fragments of mitres, crowns, and thrones; shout- ing the triumphs of victory; waving the ensigns habiliments of sorrow, bathed in tears, and sup- of freedom; and even offering up thanks and ado- plicating that same god, to deliver them from the rations to almighty god, for the overthrow of des- il grievous oppression inflicted by their brethren!!! potism, and the blessings of liberty which | -the theme would be worthy the pen of a they enjoy:-while the other moity, equally en- || shakspeare, and the scene the pencil of a ho- titled to every common privilege, is arrayed in the garth! genius of universal emancipation. fiat justitia ruat cælum. most odious aristocracies and grinding despotisms.is broken” in virginia,—and we may now hope a recent number of the enquirer, a paper publish- that slavery will, ere long, be annihilated within ed at richmond, contains the stirring language her borders.—and not only so; but we may in- exhibited in the following extract. some of the dulge the pleasing anticipation, that rive more ablest periodicals, both in virginia and kentucky, “free states” will soon adorn our splendid ga- are warmly enlisting in the sacred cause. the laxy of genuine republican commonwealths. the work will go on! district of columbia, too, will then be disenthrall- “ it is probable, from what we hear, that the ed, whatever may be the policy of an adams or a committee on the colored population will report doddridge ! (to the legislature now in session) some plan for getting rid of the free people of color--but is this “the following resolution was to-day submit- all that can be done? are we for ever to suffer ted in the select committee, by mr. faulkner, on the greatest evil which can scourge our land, pot we publish it for the pur- only to remain, but to increase in its dimensions? | pose of apprising the public, that there will be le- we may shut our eyes and avert our faces if we gislative action on the great question which so deeply concerns and engages all, and with a hope please,' says an eloquent south carolinian, on that it may stimulate other counties to follow the his return from the north a few weeks ago,) but there it is, the dark and growing evil at our doors! i example of loudon and albemarle, and call pub- and meet the question we must, at no distant day. i will of the people, and instructing their delegates. meetings for the purpose of ascertaining the god only knows what it is the part of wise men to “resolved, as the sense of this committee, that do on that momentous and appalling subject ;* of this i am very sure, that the difference--nothing the house, a scheme for the gradual emancipa. they adopt and recommend to the consideration of short of frightful--between all that exists on one side of the potomac, and all on the other, is owing scheme, however, shall steadily keep in view the tion of the slaves of the commonwealth; which to that cause alone. the disease is deep seated ; || rights of the present proprietors of slaves, to the it is at the heart's core; it is consuming, and has slaves now in esse, or an adequate compensation all along been consuming our vitals; and i could for their loss." laugh, if i could laugh on such a subject, at the ig- norance and folly of the politician, who ascribes [since the foregoing was in type, we learn that that to an act of the government, which is the in the legislature have passed a resolution appro- evitable effect of the eternal laws of nature. i priating $ , for the presenç year, and $ , what is to be done ? oh! my god, i don't know; but something must be done.' for next year, for the purpose of promoting the “yes, something must be done-and it is the emigration of the free people of color in virginia, part of no honest man to deny it-of no free press | besides $ , for the erection of a suitable to affect to conceal it. when this dark popula: shelter for their reception in liberia.-c.] tion is growing upon us; when every new census is but gathering its appalling numbers upon us; when within a period equal to that in which this federal constitution has been in cxistence, those numbers will increase to more than two millions we copy the following article from the friend in virginia ;—when our sister states are closing or advocate of truth, published in philadelphia. their doors on our blacks for sale, and when our | it expresses our views clearly upon the question whites are moving westwardly, in greater num- at issue in the legislature of virginia. that the bers than we like to hear of ;-when this, the fair- est land on all this continent, for soil and climate subject now agitated in the slaveholding states is and situation combined, might become a sort of one of greater importance than any thing which garden spot if it were worked by the hands of | has claimed their attention since the revolution, white men alone; can we, ought we, to sit quietly down, fold our arms, and say to each other: our readers will readily admit. well, well! this thing will not come to the worst the frankness with which the debate has been in our day. we will leave it to our children, and carried on, is highly creditable to the representan grandchildren, and great-grandchildren, to take tives of the people of virginia--and the feeling, care of themselves and brave the storm!' is this to act the part of wise men? heaven knows we with which the most thorough anti-slavery doca are no fanatics;-we detest the madness which trines have been received by the public press in actuated the amis des noirs.---but something that section is extraordinary, when we consider ought to be done—means sure, but gradual, sys- | the state of the public mind, in that respect, tematic, but discreet, ought to be adopted, for re- ducing the mass of evil which is pressing upon the twelve months ago. it is truly a most wonderful south, and will still more press upon her, the long- revolution ; and as revolutions never retrograde, er it is put off.” something honorable to the age and our country the richmond whig, of the d inst. contains must be the result. the remarks and resolutions below. “ the ice “the time has at length arrived when the sla- * not exactly so !--god has informed all “wisevery of the african race is acknowledged to be a men” what to do in such a case. question of engrossing interest and importance by well confessed :—but had a "yankee” said statesmen and politicians in the south. the spell , in south carolina, he might have got his head has been broken which sealed the lips of the ora- broke for it! tor, and restrained the effusions of reason and hu- “ no fanatics !"-we would ask thomasmanity. slavery has been denounced in the le-" ritchie, how long it is since he could brand every gislative hall of virginia, as a violation of the sa- one as a “fanatic,” who had the courage to say cred and inalienable rights of man. a compari- a word in favor of african emancipation "noson has been made between the progress of wealth fanaties," indeed !-g. u. e. and population in the free and slaveholding states, s virginia. e! a. genics of universal emancipation. fiat justitia ruat culum. and the rapid advancement of the former, compar- || did not believe such a character was to be found ed with the latter, has been traced to its true cause. || in the eastern states.' the question of abolition has been fearlessly met, “ . it is utterly impossible for us to avoid the and the acknowledgment openly and honorably consideration of this subject, which forces itself made, that something must be done, or virginia will upon our view, in such a manner that we cannot be deserted by her best and most intelligent citi- || avoid it. as well might the apostle have ai- zens. we rejoice in beholding our sister state alive tempted to close his eyes against the light which to the evils which are paralyzing her energies, and shone upon him from heaven, or to have turned a undermining the foundations of her prosperity.- deaf ear to the name which reached him from on and more especially we rejoice in the hope of yet high, as for this assembly to try to stifle the spirit seeing some measures adopted, which may avert of inquiry which is abroad in this land, as to the the impending calamities which must inevitably best means of freeing the state from the curse of result from a blind adherence to the present sys- | slavery. the monstrous consequences which arise tem. a few short extracts will show the absolute from the existence of slavery, have become expos- necessity that something should be done, to relieve ed to open day; the dangers arising from it stare us virginia from the burden and the curse of slavery. | in the face, and it becomes us as men, as freemen, "can we remain insensible to the startling and the representatives of freemen, rather to meet fact, that the increase of our slave population is and overcome them, than to attempt to escape by even now rooting out our free white yeomanry, evading them.'—more's speech in the house of dé- who are leaving the fair fields of their native legates. country for the west ; and is it too much to pre- “he then goes into an examination, in detail, dict that in fifty years its excess over the whites of the effects of slavery upon the white popula- will be so great, that the lower and middle divi- tion, as well as its degrading and demoralizing in- sions of the state must, by the natural operation of auence upon the slave, and shows that in the one circumstances, (to say nothing of violence,), be it produces a conscious feeling of violated rights, abandoned entirely by the latter, or maintained in which induces him to regard it no fault to appro- a condition of abject wretchedness, with their few | priate any part of the master's property, to his remaining proprietors crying in vain—-save us own use; and in the other an indisposition to from the body of this death'-remove this intole- engage in the cultivation of the soil, that species rable curse ?"--norfolk herald. of labour upon which the prosperity of every coun- « «virginia, the much loved, the venerated mo- try chiefly depends. he presents some very im- ther of us all, from being the first state in the portant statistical views of the rapid increase of great confederacy, is now the third, positively the the slave population, in the eastern counties, and fourth; and her declining fortunes have long been consequent declension of the efficient yeomanry, the source of melancholy reflection to her patriot- which are the strength and security of every state. ic sons. what, sir, is the cause of this decline? || the contrast in the condition of the free and whatever others may think, to my mind it is slaveholding states is fully admitted, and the true clear, that the answer to this interrogatory is, her cause assigned. “we learn,' he observes, 'from slave population. hinc illæ lachrymæ. here lies those who have ample means of deciding, that the the source of all her misfortunes. this prevented situation of the yeomanry of the middle and north- her onward march pari passu with her sister states ern states, is in every respect, different from that in their career of improvement. does any gen- of the same class of people in the slaveholding tleman doubt this ??--powell's speech in the house states. there the farmer cultivates the land with of delegates. his own hands, which produces all the necessa- “the following picture is drawn hy another ries, and many of the comforts of life, in abun- member of the house of delegates. dance. he rears up his children in habits of in- “so exhausted is our soil--so depressed our dustry, unexposed to the allurements of vice, and, markets, and so dear is slave labour, that it is as instead of being a burden, they assist him in his much as the master can do to clothe and feed his labors. if, sir, we compare the face of the coun- slaves--nay, sir, often more than he can do; for, try in virginia, with that of the northern states, if you will go into the credit stores and pop-shops, we shall find the result greatly to the disadvan- with which the whole country is thronged, you tage of the former. we shall see the old do- will find that, with very few exceptions, the slave | minion, though blessed by nature, with all the ad- holder has there become very deeply entangled-- vantages of a mild climate, a fruitful soil, and the embarrassment mainly incurred to clothe and fine navigable rivers, gradually declining in all feed his slaves. the slave is clothed and fed that that constitutes national wealth. he may labor for victuals and clothes a beauti “the picture of slavery in virginia, it will be ful operation! thus, sir, the master of the slave seen, is more highly colored, and tinged with absolutely belongs to the merchants, and has to deeper shades, by her own statesmen, than by labor--and labor hard for their benefit. he is the abolitionists of the north. their eyes are literally their bondsman. finally, when they opened to a full perception of their condition, and have abstracted from him all they can, his account the conviction of the necessity of applying an ade- is put in the lawyer's hand for collection, and he quate remedy, is deep and strong; whatever has to raise the money or go to jail. then steps || may be the immediate result of the discussion forward the paper shaver, another fungus of our now pending in the legislature of virginia, it can- present condition, and kindly proffers the money not fail to be ultimately productive of some mea- at thirty-three and a third per cent. thus the poor sures for abolishing slavery. it is, however, to master is finally stripped of all he has, to swell be feared that whatever measures may be adopt- the importance of these gentry. the very fact, || ed will be connected with some plan of coloniza- sir, that we see such cattle daily springing into tion, which will greatly lessen their utility. a importance from the dregs of society--he did not law declaring all children of slaves, born after a mean by dregs of society, the poor, but honest | fixed period, free, and providing for their educa- man--no, but he meant men lost to honor, virtue, tion, without any specific provisions respecting and to common honesty--this, he said, was their future location, would more effectually re- proof of the necessity of a change in our condi- | lieve the state from her present embarrassments, tion. we have been taught from our infancy to than any scheme of colonization in africa, or else chime the stale tune of 'yankee tricks, but he ll where. a genius of universal emancipation. maryland, fiat justitia ruat cælum. “it is well known that the colored people of this emigration of free blacks from other states into country generally are opposed to emigration to pennsylvania. but we presume nothing further africa. they have as strong attachments to the will be done in the premises. we cannot suppose land of their birth as ourselves, and are not easi- that pennsylvania, the first state in the union to ly reconciled to being separated from their native proclaim freedom to the slave, will now descend country, an:/ transported to a foreign land. even from that high moral standing which she has al- the virginians themselves are not willing to part ways occupied among her sister states, by deny- with their free people of color. memorials have ing to any class of men, on account of a difference been presented to the legislature from some of the of complexion, those privileges which her consti- counties, remonstrating against sending them out tution and her laws have guaranteed as the com- of the state. they are too important and useful mon right of all men. we cannot believe that a class of laborers to be spared. many of them she will now stain her statute book with any law, are tradesmen, or mechanics, whose places could founded on difference in color, unequal in its ope- not be supplied by white men; and their import- ration, and unjust in its principles." ance, therefore, in the neighborhoods in which they reside, is fully understood. besides, none of them have been inplicated in the late insurrec- tions and murders. they have remained quiet | mittee of the legislature of maryland has been from a late paper it appears that a joint com- and peaceable during the disturbances among the slaves; and in some instances they have been the appointed to investigate and report on the condi- means of preserving the lives of the whites. the tion of that state in reference to its colored popu- sober and reflecting part of the citizens of the lation.” south, therefore, perceive that no danger is to be the example of virginia is like to have an apprehended from their residence among them; but their usefulness presents the strongest induce awakening tendency : the fearless manner in ments for retaining them. if the virginia and which the subject of slavery has been handled in maryland legislatures, contrary to the principles the legislature of the “old dominion,” cannot but of sound morality and true policy, should pass arouse the entire country which is “cursed with any obnoxious law for the expulsion of their free people of color, such a law would be a dead letter slavery,” to a sense of its real condition. one upon their statute books. the good sense of | opinion appears to be held in common—“some- their citizens, motives of interest and of humanity | thing must be done” to purge the country of that towards an unoffending class, would prevent the greatest of all earthly ills—or all will be lost.- execution of such a law. from this state of feeling we cannot but antici- “a resolution has been offered to the legisla-pate, that the day is near, when the much abused cure of pennsylvania, directing the committee on the judiciary system to inquire into the expedien- and deeply degraded colored race, will receive a cy of making some provision for preventing the little justice at the hands of the whites. a. the census for . in page of this work, we gave the aggregate of the population of the united states, accompa- nied by some remarks, from a contemporary print, on the longevity of the african descendants, &c. below we insert a table, representing the numbers of the various classes, by states. and here we would make, at this time, one single observation of our own, viz.-let the reader first consider that the black or colored population is principally located near the seacoast ;-then look at virginia ! - louisiana !!-south carolina !!! states. whites, free colored. slaves. total. population to be repre- sented. maine,... new-hampshire, vermont, massachusetts, rhode island, connecticut, new-york, new-jersey, pennsylvania, delaware, maryland, virginia, north carolina, south carolina, georgia, alabama, mississippi, louisiana, tennessee, kentucky, ohio,.. indiana, illinois, missouri, , , , , , ] , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , | , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , genius of universal emancipation. mexico. liberty or death. fiat justitia ruat cælum. ated his feelings from those whom god had ap- it appears that a great degree of liberality | pointed him to serve.” exists in mexico, relative to religious matters. || the greensboro (n. c.) patriol” makes the very upon this abominable heterodoxy, the editor of an attempt was recently made to pay soine pertinent remarks below. it should be mention- distinguished marks of respect to one of the ed, that the present editor of the “patriot” is bishops, which occasioned a little criticism in | william swain, a native of north carolina, one of the public papers. one of the ortho- | and, for a short time (a few years since) assistant dor generals undertook to punish the editor. || editor of the genius of universal emancipation.- this produced a great excitement, and even it is gratifying to perceive that our friend swaim an insurrectionary movement in that section | still dares to speak out pretty freely, since the of country, which could be quelled only by legislature of that state applied its fetters and muzzle to the press. after noticing the subject, some popular concessions. the reign of su- somewhat in detail, and applying the language of perstition and priestcraft is over in mexico. the declaration of independence to the doctrines of slavites, he concludes, as follows: brazil “ now if god appointed' one part of the hu- this country, despotic as we call it, will be man race to be subservient to another, then those rid of the evil of slavery long before our bless- | sages who pledged their lives, their fortunes and ed "republican," "christian” nation. by a their sacred honor to sustain the principle that late law, all slaves imported from africa into all men are equal, must have been fools, and were acting under the influence of a sickly and that country, are to be free. the importers false humanity! the inference is irresistible. are to sufier corporeal punishment, and also || asserted that “slavery is of divine appointment this is the second time we have heard it gravely pay a fine of $ for each slave so introdu- but we are not entirely converted to the doctrine ced. sluvites! lowk about you—the whip| yeti, nor do we ever expect to be while we have confidence in the justice of god, or the radical is to be applied to your own backs!! principles of our government, "every man, who is neither a priest, nor has been priest-ridden, both of which classes believe it is stated in an ohio paper, that a colored that all things are of 'god's appointment,' will at once admit that slavery is wrong in principle. nian, who had "eloped" from slavery in ken- | and what surprises us most is, that a writer tucky, was seized at dayton, in that state, by amidst the ruins of fayetteville, should charge the man claiming hin as his “ property," and of the scriptures—which is admitted to be of the god with a sin which is condemned in every part threw himself from an upper story of a house, most aggravated nature, even by reprobates and by which he was killed. which has spread the most desolating contagion through our state! it would seem from the na- ture of this charge against omnipotence, and the good conduct of slaves-abominable circumstances under which it was made, that in sentiments. the midst of their despondency, they had deter- since the great fire, ac fayetteville, n. c. which || mined to take the advice of old job's wife-that a few months ago desolated the town, the papers is, “to curse god and die ! of that place have been induced to notice the good they are, at this time, destitute of the means of “ we should not stop here, if it were not that conduct of the slaves and free colored people, as defence. had they not given utterance to the sen- manifested upon that occasion. one of them (the timent since the day of their calamity, we should “observer") remarks as follows:- revolt at the idea of repelling it in such a way as to criminate them; but if they can find type “as a circumstance highly creditable to the cha- enough to propagate a false maxim, they certain- racter of our colored population, it ought not to be ly can find enough to defend it. we hope they forgotten, that among the discoveries of goods pil- | will soon be permanently re-established in busi- fered during and immediately after the fire, we have not heard of a single instance of any thing | sentiment if they dare!” ness; and then let them give utterance to such a being found in the possession of a negro." the annexed paragraph also appeared in one of the fayetteville papers, about the same time, this subject, it is well known, attracted the al- which, though bearing the most favorable testi- || tention of a large number of the enlightened ci- mony to the meritorious conduct of the people of tizens of great britain, long before it was scarce- color, contains an assumption of alınost a blas-ly thought of in these states. the london “ a- phemous character:- “the slaves and ot':er colored population, de- | celebrated granville sharp, planted the colony frican institulion,” at the head of which was the serve great credit for their conduct on that event- ful day. there was nothing like riot or disorder of sierra leone, many years since, on the west- among them, but they all seemed to work with a ern coast of africa. great calculations were zeal and intrepidity which manifested a hearty | made of the effect it would have in destroying sympathy, and that devotion to the interest of their | the slave trade; and, for masters so remarkable in the african character, number of years, before a sickly and a folse humanity had instilled the philanthropists of england were as sanguine into his bosom the poison of discontent, and alien. il in their hopes, in this particular, as are any of the african colonization, genius of universal emancipation. fiat justitia ruta cælum. t most active members of our“ american coloniza “the duty of the united states to them, is tion society,” now. but at length it was discover the same exactly as we owe to our colored fellow- ed, by those who watched the progress of events, || by letting them go free, by placing them beneath subjects in our slave colonies, viz. to obey god, that the "abolition of the slave trade” could not wise and equitable laws, and by loving them all, be accomplished by measures of this nature, aid- and treating them like brethren: that is to say, ed by any other system of foreign operations. || the unquestionable duty of the people of the uni- ted states is to emancipate their , , slaves, clarkson frankly admitted, in an able treatise || and to raise the , free colored people to that published in the year , that they had failed | estimation in their native country which is due to to realize their expectations; and he then urged them. the necessity of turning the public attention to “but the american colonization society de- the general abolition of slavery, as the only efficient and confines itself to the colonization in africa of liberately rejects both of these first great duties, means of putting an end to the foreign traffic in the free colored people. they say, in page , of human flesh. their th report, 'to abolition she could not look-and need not look.' it could do nothing for more than ten years, we have advocated in the slave states for the cause of humanity;' and the principle here recognized, as the true basis of || in page , emancipation, with the liberty to rational calculation in matters connected with the remain on this side of the atlantic, is but an act of dreamy madness.'” subject before us. and while we rejoice at the prospect of civilizing and christianizing that long || that in “letting the great crime of negro slave. he then reasons upon the subject, and insists benighted quarter of the globe, and approve the efforts of the colonization society, so far as they | less mument for “the great and sacred duty of ry alone,” and substituting an act of infinitely took to the removal of the southern colored people, || right, which they owe to all,” they injure the solely with their own consent, and their set- cause of truth and justice. after making some tlement in a way that will better their condition,- pointed observations upon this topic, he proceeds: yet we have never reposed the least faith in the “ the american colonization society is beau- efficiency of that scheme, either for the eradica- | tiful and beneficial as far as it supports the cause tion of slavery from the american soil, or the ex commenced at sierra leone, by introducing in- tinction of the murderous traffic on the high seas. to africa, civilization, commerce, and genuine it is, in fact, the extreme of folly to depend upon | trade--and by serving in love the emigrants who christianity--by checking the african slave & measure which, applied to such a magnificent choose to pass to liberia. purpose, is so insignificant anu futile in its opera- “but it powerfully tends to veil the existing tions—so palpably inadequate to the attainment and outrageous atrocity of negro slavery; and it corroborates against the people of color, whe- of the grand object in view. ther enslaved or free, one of the most base, these remarks were elicited by the perusal of groundless, and cruel prejudices, that has ever an article written by captain charles stuart, | disgraced the powerful, or afflicted the weak. “the following calculations may throw fur- and recently published in england, criticising the ther light upon the subject. views and proceedings of the “american colo “ the united states have about , , nization society.” it was received, a few weeks slaves, and about , free coloured people. “the american colonization society has ex- since, from a gentleman in new-york, who re- isted for years, and has exported yearly, up- quested its publication in this work. the great on an average, about persons. length of the article forbids its insertion entire ; “ meanwhile the natural yearly incrcase has been , souls; and nearly a million have but we give some extracts, which embrace the died in slavery!! main points and principal cogency of the argu “but it may be said this is only the beginning -more may be expected hereafter. let us see. “the average price of transporting each in- the writer commences with a brief historical dividual, is calculated at dollars: suppose it account of the society, thus: to be reduced to , and then, as , must “this society was formed in the u. states, || increase, , dollars would be yearly re- be exported yearly, in order, merely to prevent in . where is “its th annual report has just reached this i quisite, simply for transportation. this vast sum to come from? or suppose it country. “its object as expressed by itself (see th re- || supplied, still, in the mass of crime and wreich- port, page , app. , art. ,) • is in promote and | edness, as it now exists, there would be no de two millions of human beings every execute a plan for colonizing the free people of || years would still be born and die in slavery!! color, residing in the united states,' in africa, “but perhaps you wish to extinguish the or such other place as congress shall deem most crime in thirty years. expedient. “then you must begin by transporting at " the facts of the case are these : " . that the united states have about , ,- | inust have an annual income of upwards of ,- least , yearly. in order to do this, you enslaved blacks. “ . that they have about , free blacks. , dollars, and if you have not only to “ . that both these classes are rapidly in iransport , but also to purchase, you would pro- hably want yearly, twinly milions more!!- creasing. where are you to get this ?"* “ . that both are exceedingly depressed and degraded. * in jaztice to the members of the colonization ment. genius of universal emancipation. fiat justitia ruat cælum. , , , , states. united in the of slaves number number persons. coloured of free of both. increase yearly we shall not vouch for the correctness of all very few, comparatively, would find employment, the author's estimates. in the aggregate, they || by which they could procure even the actual ne- are believed to be far below the mark. no cal- cessaries of life, immediately on their arrival. he culation is made for the expenses of clothing, me concludes by a recapitulation of his statement of dicines, working tools, implements of husbandry, expenditures, in the following :- beasts of burden, building of houses, furniture, cooking utensils, provisions until they can raise something for their subsistence, and the number- less, nameless et ceteras required for the use of those who settle in an unimproved country, where society, many of whom we highly esteem, as genuine philanthropists, we here insert an extract from an address recently delivered before the lynchburgh (va.) auxiliary association, by charles l. mosely. his calculations look well, on paper ;-and " ," as he says, all that he proposes could be accomplished, the work might transported yearly go on in accordance with his views! but what by a. c. s. evidence have we, that the stony heart of ava- rice, in this republic, will yield to the requisition? total transported in none, none ! years by a. c. s. "the whole population of the united states, is estimated at something more than , , of human beings. the relative proportions of white and black population are as ten to two. if we could transport annually to the shores of africa, an amount of black population exactly equal to its increase (which is about , a year) while the whites were left to multiply uninterruptedly, then at the end of twenty-five years (the period average expense of of duplication) the result would be thus: the transporting each. white population will have increased to its full amount, and perhaps to a greater, by reason of the vacuum formed in society by the withdraw- al of the increase of the blacks, while the black population, which cannot increase, or rather, whose increase is constantly taken off, will be most sensibly diminished, so that the relative pro- portions between these two elasses will no lon- ger be as ten to two, but actually, or nearly, as twenty to one. if this process were continu- ed a second term of duplication, it would pro- duce the extraordinary result of white men to one black in the country—a state of things in which we should not only cease to feel the bur- dens which now hang heavily upon us, but ac- tually, regard the poor african as an object of curiosity, and not uneasiness. this purpose can be effected (always supposing that the demands of the society for transportation will be supplied by vo- luntary emancipation) by an annual expenditure of $ , , this sum can be raised by a time that slavery contribution of cents a head upon our white ould still last. population. how paltry the sum! how grand the object! if the attention of all the legisla- tures of the slaveholding states, could be duly awakened on the subject, their appropriations, added to the voluntary offerings of the patriot and philanthropist, would amply meet the re- quisite expenditure. why should we doubt it ? we hear the evils of slavery echoed from north to south--from east to west. the universal u. s. troops in the slave states. voice of the nation is heard lamenting the curse, we have said that, as the united states go- which has been entailed upon us, without our vernment is bound to assist the individual slave. wish or agency, by our ancestors. empty sound—an idle profession, without mean- is it an holding states (when necessary) in quelling slave ing? let us not libel the virtue and goodness insurrections, the people, in every portion of the of our country by so unworthy a supposition-union, are interested in the general abolition of let us strive to make known the principles of slavery, by which means, alone, the necessity of our society, and the purposes it seeks to effect, their ultimate interference will be certainly obvi- and we may then confidently expect that cheer- ing and animating support which a good cause ated. we do not say that the government of one always receives from a great people." state should dictate to another, in this matter; but * little more than half the average price of a grown slave.-ed. g. u. eman. , | , , , , , , , , , “synopsis of preceding calculations. , yearly. ed. at , transport- years, over crease in increase total in- excess of dolsj , . screase of the an. porting expense expense years. very in guish sla- in order porting nual in- jto extin. dollars* purchase of of trans of trans- purchase of expense of each. yearly, at , yearly. , tion and transporta- yrs. men, and men, wo- very. perish in sla- would still number that , , "| children. genius of universal emancipation. fiat justitia ruat cælum. we insist that all should aid in the accomplish-tress monroe to guard that city and its vicinity, ment of the desirable object, as far as possible, and to quiet the apprehensions of the citizens of that quarter generally. the necessity of their consistently with the constitutional regulations of remaining any longer at that position having ceas- the republic. ed, the company was ordered to bellona arsenal, but we have been told that no probability ex- where it relieved the company of the st regiment ists of a speedy call upon the citizens of the non- of artillery, which had been long stationed there. the relieved company was ordered to fortress slaveholding states; and that they cannot be di- monroe. rectly interested until that takes place. waiving “during the excitement which prevailed, in con, for the present, a discussion of sundry proposi- sequence of the disorderly conduct evinced by the tions, from the new-york courier and enquirer maryland, virginia and north carolina, the gar- colored population in the states of delaware, ánd other journals in the slaveholding interest, rison of fortress monroe was augmented by five which have advocated the increase of the standing companies, drawn from the northern posts on the army, for the purpose of stationing u. states troopsposable force, to afford protection to such parts seaboard, with a view of having at hand a dis- at the south to keep the slaves in check, we copy the of the country as might require it—that fortress following extract of a letter, to show that very being so situated as to possess all the requisite recently, a case in point has actually occurred. — facilities for promptly entering into any part of the country, where there was any probability our readers will make their own comments. all that the presence of a military force might be ne- we ask of them is, to reflect upon the subject. the cessary. the concentration of so large n portion letter is dated “trent bridge, n. c. nov. .” of the artillery at fortress monroe, afforded, at “the u. states troops in newbern are ordered the same time, the advantage of practising their to return to fortress monroe; it being supposed appropriate duties on an enlarged scale, that post there is no longer any danger’to be apprehended. being the established school of artillery?” it seems to be generally believed now, that no ac- lual danger has existed at any time: and had it "not interested.". not been for the tragedy, in southampton, none are the people of the united states, generally would in all probability have been feared. “not a single arrest has taken place in new- “not interested” in the abolition of slavery ? bern, and the black population have conducted what thinkest thou, gentle reader, of the follow- themselves in the most orderly manner." ing, from the spectator, a paper published at new- since writing the above, we have read the re- bern, north carolina !—the article is dated dec. port of the major general of the u. s. army, to th, .-- the secretary of war, for the past year. we “we understand that the president has compli- extract the following paragraphs, as an ample ed with the ladies' request, and ordered a com- text, for the commentary of our readers. will | pany of u. s. troops to march for this place. without debating the necessity of the measure, any now say, they “ are not interested” in the ge- or discussing the ladies' want of confidence in the neral abolition of slavery ? prowess of their natural protectors, implied in the “representations were made to the department application, we cannot but'applaud the ready of war, by the authorities of louisiana, that a courtesy of the president.” disposition was manifested by the people of color in that state to revolt, and that the presence of a prevention of slave insurrections. military force in new orleans was, in their opi- nion, necessary to ensure order, and to allay the no. iv. apprehensions of the inhabitants. the command taking leave of clarkson's very interesting ing officer of the troops at baton rouge was in- publication, we now copy from a pamphlet, issu- structed to proceed to the city of new-orleans and confer with the governor of the state, and ed by the english anti-slavery society, an ac- the authorities of the city, in reference to the sub count of the state of things in the island of trini. ject, and to adopt such measures as would be pro- dad, a short time since. among other important per and satisfactory. orders were given to the troops at the contiguous posts to be held in readi- items of information, this pamphlet presents us ness in case of necessity, and two companies of with a view of the condition of the free colored infantry were stationed in the city with an extra part of the laboring population, commencing with quantity of arms. “ in the month of august, a partial but sudden a large number who had been suddenly emanci- insurrection of the negroes in the county of south- pated. we take a few extracts, as follows:- ampton, va. took place, the intelligence of which "in the year , a large british being communicated by the mayor of norfolk to the commandant of fortress monroe, a detach- squadron, having on board a powerful ment of that garrison, consisting of three compa- land force, made a descent on different nies of artillery, under a field officer, was forth-parts of the coast of the southern united with ordered to the seat of the disturbances, where states. during these expeditions, some they arrived in the course of twenty-four hours, a distance of sixty miles. the insurrection having hundreds of american slaves joined the been quelled, the detachment returned to its quar- || british standard by invitation. when the ters at fortress monroe. “on the application of the authorities of new about disposing of these. campaign was over, a difficulty occurred it was at bern, in north carolina, under the excitement which prevailed after the late disturbances in length determined to fix them in trinidad, southampton, a company was detailed from for- || as free laborers. but an objection was genius of universal emancipation. fiat justitia ruat cælum. ces. started by the planters against receiving ployed by foreigners, this accounts for them. they were sure that no free ne their succeeding better than our country. gro would ever work for hire, and that, men, who are principally from the old isl. therefore, they would support themselves ands, and are unaccustomed to any other by plunder. sir ralph woodford the go-management than that of slaves; howe. vernor, however, resisted these prejudi-ver, they are coming into it fast; and it is he received them into the island, the general opinion, that if no importation and settled them where he supposed the is allowed, the slaves will soon give way. experiment could be most safely made. to a free population." the result has shown his discernment. we have much more interesting information these men are now earning their own from the various islands in the west indies, tend- livelihood, and with so much industry and ing to confirm the statements heretofore submitted good conduct, that the calumnies origin-to our readers; but we shall now take a view of ally spread against them have entirely | the state of things in the neighboring country of died away. their number in when mexico, as it existed previous to the abolition of they were settled, was , men, women slavery in the sugar districts, and also as we find and children. the official return of the it subsequent to that period. the best, and most number of these settlers, at the close of authentic article, that we can at present offer for , was , being an increase, in eight the perusal of the reader, is an extract of a letter years, of , at the rate of about - from the british envoy in mexico, to his govern- per cent. per annum; while the slaves, on ment, in the year . this valuable informa- the same island, have been decreasing at tion was embodied in the report of a committee, the rate of - per cent. per annum. to the american convention for the abolition of mr. mitchell, the superintendent of these slavery, at its biennial session held at the city of free negroes, himself a sugar planter, who washington, in december, . we copy the had resided in trinidad for years, says | whole report, which closes with some observa- he knows of no instance of a manumitter i tions in addition to the extract above alluded to.- slave not being able to maintain himself. washington, dec. th, . their easy circumstances rendering them to the american convention : independent, though they are ready to the committee, appointed to procure work for hire on sugar estates from sun- | information in relation to the culture of su- rise to sunset, yet they will not submit togar, cotton, &c., on this continent hy free the toil of the slave, who in many instan- || labor,-- es, is forced to work hours out of the respectfully slate,—that owing to the . the manunnitted slaves who do not inadequacy of the means to make the re- cultivate their own ground, generally ||quisite investigations, your coinmittee has work as journeymen tradesmen. they not been able since the last session of the are generally observant of the marriage convention to acquire much information tie. the women are careful of their child or any farther general facts. the follow- dren, and feed and clothe them well; and ing notice of the cultivation of sugar in they attend closely to their domestic con- mexico, to which your committee then the free settlers enjoy the rest of briefly adverted, has been obtained through sunday, and never work in their grounds; the medium of the london anti-slavery they generally hear a lecture from one of monthly reporter for august, . their preachers; and pass the rest of the is an extract of a letter from mr. ward, day quietly. mexican envoy of the british govern- "in the island of trinidad, there are ment, to the right honorable george upwards of , free people of color. canning, viz. there is not a single pauper amongst "verico, march , . them. they live independently and com sir, --the possibility of introducing a fortably, and nearly half of the property | system of free labor into the west india of the island is said to be in their hands. i-lands having been so much discussed in it is admitted by all, that they are highly england, i conceived that it might not be respectable in character, and are rapidly uninteresting to his majesty's govern- advancing in knowledge and refinement.” | ment to receive some details respecting it is stated in a recent co: mnunication the result of the experiment in this coun- from trinidad, "that the most work is try, where it certainly has had a fair trial. done by free blacks and people from the “i accordingly took advantage of mr. main, at a much cheaper rate than by | morier's prolonged stay here to visit the slaves; and as these are generally ero-ll valley of cuernavaca, and cuantla amil. cerns. genius of universal emancipation. fiat justitia ruat cælum. . sfee edia pas, which supplies a great part of the there was not a single slave in the year federation with sugar and coffee, although . not a single slave is at present employed “ the policy of the measure became in their cultivation, still more apparent on the breaking out of "i have the honor to enclose a sketch | the revolution in . of the observations which i was enabled "the planters who had not adopted to make upon this journey, together with the system of gradual emancipation be- such details as i have thought best calcu- fore that period saw themselves abandon- lated to show both the scale upon which ed, and were forced, in many instances, these estates are worked, and the com to give up working their estates, as their plete success with which the abolition of slaves took advantage of the approach of slavery has, in this instance, been attend the insurgents to join them en masse ; ed. while those who had provided themselves "the valley which extends almost un with a mixed cast of free laborers, retain- interruptedly from cuernavaca to cuant-| ed, even during the worst times, a suffi- la amilpas and jyncar (covering a space cient number of men to enable them to of about forty miles,) is situated on the continue to cultivate their lands, although road to acapulco, at the foot of the first | upon a smaller scale." range of mountains by which the descent the same work for september, , from the table land towards the south- || speaking of free and slave labor, remarks: west commences, about fifty miles from "the controversy is fast tending to its the capital. termination. the march of events will “ it is about , feet lower than the scarcely leave room much longer, either table land of mexico. the difference for misrepresentation or misapprehension. of temperature is proportionably great, so the facilities already given in bengal by that two days are sufficient to transport | lord w. bentinck, to the investment of the traveller into the very midst of tierra british capital and the developement of caliente. british skill in the cultivation of the soil ; " it is believed that the sugar-cane was the almost certainty that those fiscal regu- first planted there about one hundred | lations which have hitherto depressed the years ago; from that time the number of | growth of sugar in bengal, and prevented sugar-estates has gone on increasing, un- the large increase of its imports into this til there is now hardly an acre of ground country, will soon be repealed; the pros- on the whole plain which is not turned to pect of an early removal of the other re- account. strictions which still fetter the commerce “the cultivation was originally car- of our eastern possessions; the rapidly ried on entirely by slaves, who were pur increasing population and prosperity of chased at vera cruz, at from to hayti; be official statements of mr. dollars each. ward, as to the profitable culture of su- " it was found, however, that this sys- gar by free labor in mexico; and the ra- le tem was attended with considerable incon-pid extension of the manufacture of beet venience, it being impossible to secure a root sugar in france; a prelude as we sufficient supply of slaves during a war. conceive, to its introduction into this coun- the losses, likewise, at all times, were try and especially into ireland; all these great, as many of the slaves were unable i circumstances combined, afford a promise to support the fatigue and changes of tem- which can scarcely fail of seeing a death perature, to which they were exposed on blow inflicted on the culture of sugar by the journey from vera cruz to cuernava- slave labor, which all the misrepresenta- ca, and perished, either on the road, or i tions of all the slave holders in the world, soon after their arrival. with all their clamorous partisans in this "several of the great proprietors were country, cannot avert, or even long re- induced by these circumstances to give tard." liberty to a certain number of their slaves since their views have been directed annually, and by encouraging marriages to the subject, your committee are fully between them and the indians of the satisfied that its further investigation will country, to propagate a race of free labor- be highly important; and that at no very ers, who might be employed when a sup- distant period, the resulis of very interest- ply of slaves was no longer to be obtained ing erperiments nearer home may be ob. " this plan proved so eminently success- tained. respectfully submitted, ful that on some of the largest estate. b. lusty, chairman: dit wa se of id genics of universal emancipation. fiat justicia ruat cælum. ladies' repository. no more mangle lie: limbs, or the heavy iron of her felters cut into her flesh. she will be free ! philanthropic and literary. she will become educated, refined and virtuous; and her blessing will descend “like the dews of principally conducted by a lady. herinon" on the heads of those who have been female slaves. instrumental in rendering her such. and will our the following is the amount, as given by the country wonen, when there are so many more last census, of the number of females in the united thousands of their own sex suffering beneath the states, who are deprived by the cruel system of pitiless grasp of oppression, listen carelessly to slavery of the natural privileges of humanity, the story of their accumulated wrongs, and forget ranked with the furniture of the kitchen, or the that they themselves are aggrieved in the injuries beasts of the field-transferred like these from offered to their helpless sisters? we hesitate not owner to owner-fettered and driven in herds, to say that to every female in the united states with their brethren, through the country, to be attaches some portion of the stigma of female bold, or exposed in the public market-place-kept slavery. we all share in the disgrace, both of in gross mental darkness, irreligion, and degrada- the ignorance and degradation of the female slave, tion-subjected to the vile indignity and lacera- and of the iniquity of those, alike her sisters and tion of punishment by the horsewhip-torn at ours, who too often hold her in bondage. all the will of another from all the ties that make life therefore are interested, if not from motives of hu- precious to the female heart-denied the woman's manity, at least for their own sakes, in the aboli- privilege of ministering to the wants and comforts tion of slavery. and all, unitedly, should pro- of their own household—obliged to waste their mote such measures as may eventually effect so desirable an object. whole lives in toil for which they receive no com- pensation save a scanty and miserable sustenance the new year. -and condemned to entail all these evils on their there is no season more calculated to dispose hapless offspring. we have copied the statement as one of the strongest arguments we could use the mind to reflection, than the last moments of in urging the more favored of our sex, to use such the passing year, or the entering ones of the new. means as are in their power, to raise their helpless while the year yet lingered, seemed almost to form it is a fit time for retrospect. for the events, that sisters from a state of debasement, which is far a part of its existence, and still to remain present more disgraceful to those who look on in uncon- cerned selfishness , than to those who are degrad-mory, and in the impression, whether pleasing or with us, we now feel indeed to exist only in me- ed and rendered wretched by its influence. females-under years of age, , painful, which they may have left upon our minds. of and under , , then too, the mind is most prone to anticipation. of , , if we feel that during the past year we have fall- of , , en far short of our duty and our wishes—if our of , , of and upwards, hopes have been deceived, or sorrow has laid hea- vily upon our hearts, we look forward to the fu- total.............. , ture with fresh resolutions, with renewed ex- nine hundred and ninety-six thousand two hun- | pectations, and a rekindling of almost confidence, dred and eighty-four female victims to the severe that the pressure of calamity will speedily be tak- and unrelenting system of oppression that pollutes on away from us. yet to the poor slave, the our whole country with its guilt and infamy!- year opens with no brighter hopes than the many the whole number of slaves in the british colo- | weary ones that have gone by since first he wore nies is but , , yet the energies of nearly the the chains of bondage. it will pass away, and whole nation have been aroused in order to effect leave him, as on its entrance, still in fetters.- their manumission. our sisters there, have ex yet beyond that, even for him, there may be a erted themselves well and nobly, and the reward | brighter prospect. if the friends of emancipation which they have striven for will doubtlessly soon press on, and tire not in their efforts, he will yet be theirs. ere long the daughter of a much in- lift up a free brow to hail the light of some future jured race, shall no more, when she bends her lips year. we ask of them at this season, to send upon the brow of her young infant, mingle the back their thoughts in review over the past year, scalding lears of affliction for his future fate, with || and to inquire of themselves, whether they have the caresses of her love; no more shall she be severally done all that they might have done, lo compelled to listen to its piteous cries, without promote the cause of emancipation ?--if no op- being allowed to soothe them; no more shall the portunity of advancing its interests has been suf- rapacity of avarice have the power to tear it from fered to pass by unimproved--if indolence, or in- her arms, or to bear herself away from home and difference or weariness has not sometimes stolen all its loved ties for ever. the sharp lash shall || upon them, and given a listlessness to their exer- genius of universal emancipation. fiat justitia ruat colum. free ok len pre form lions? if it has been theirs, let them resolve up-|soon to be quench'd in blood ? oh god of peace! on more activity and perseverance for the future ; || must such wild scenes of carnage never cease ? is blood " pour'd out like water” still to be upon still greater self-denial and more untiring the price of man's high yearning to be free? efforts. they are all needed, and they must all || wo for the tyrant selfishness and pride, be made use of before the conquest over oppres- | that hath to man his holiest rights denied ! sion can be won. is life too poor in ills?-hath death so scant his fearful quiver stored, that men should pant to give the earth red graves ? ah! when shall the long eveyings. right we would recommend the female advocates of her nobler triumphs seek by moral light, emancipation, as one means by which they may and learn that even the sweets of liberty, much advance the cause for which they are inte-are bought with slaughter, at a price too high! rested, occasionally to devote a few hours during and when shall our own banner cease to wave its starry folds in mockery o’er the slave? the long evenings of the present season, to com- oh! blot upon our land, and heavy shame, posing, or transcribing from authors who have that e'er columbian should bear such name! written on the subject of slavery such extracts as that men, like beasts, should be enchain'd and may appear to them calculated to produce a good || for a base pittance of poor, sordid gold ; sold, effect, and to send them for insertion to some that woman's limbs beneath the scourge should newspaper or periodical, not expressly devoted to bleed, that subject; as by this means they might be read | the swollen pomp of luxury to feed ; by persons, who would have in no other way their and in the freest nation of the earth the licensed thief invade the household hearth, attention, or memory, awakened to the oppression the purest best affections of the heart, of their brethren and sisters. one of the best and the strong ties of kindred rend apart, things that can be done is to arouse the public and seizing, fiendlike, on his helpless prey, teak them for ever from their homes away, mind more fully and generally to the true nature oh when shall tyrants learn that human veins, of slavery, and to keep the subject continually bear pulses that were never meant for chains; before their attention. and loose their links, before the oppress'd one's band for the genius of universal emancipation. becomes a deadly wmpon in his hand ! our brethren found it such ;-in southern halls, new year's eve. the cold damp foot of desolation falls ; night! with its thousand stars, and the deep hush young gladsome eyes, that late were sparkling that makes its darkness solemn! the winds bright, rush with the free spirit's joyous gush of light; in troubled music, o'er the wooded hill, mothers, made happy by the bursts of glee, -and the wide plain, where creeps the fetter'd rill, from the gay creatures group'd about their knee ; in wintry silence; but a softer sound the brow of hoary eld-all, all are there, of melody from man's lit halls swells round. with the pale look of anguish and despair, no slumber yet to night! the hours fleet on, or smitten rudely to the reeking earth, with converse, song, and laughter's joyous tone; have deluged with their blood their own loved the young and gay are met in social mirth, hearth, or the home circle gathers round the hearth, alas, alas, for them! alas, for those, or swelling upwards from the house of prayer, who still in white-lipped terror wait their foes ! the voice of praise concludes the passing year. and wo for all the opp ssor's haughty guilt, 'tis almost midnight now ;-hark! hush!-the and the fresh blood his vengeful hand hath spilt ! bell! - oh heaven! in mercy yield them yet a space at once a note of triumph, and a knell! to speak with tears of penitence thy grace! a sudden silence-the quick breath is quelled, touch their steel'd hearts with thy dissolving the speaker's voice in mute suspension held, love, what thousand thoughts are in that moment and their vile stains of prejudice remove, press'd- that they may learn upon the negru's face past, present, future, crowding on the breast, a brother's lineaments, at last to trace, as stroke by stroke tolls 'on !--and then a start- and strike away the soul-degrading chains, a sudden lightening of the eye and heart, which long have hung upon his swollen veins ; a burst of joyous greeting--such as here that mad, relentless hatred may no more, we wish you, friends beloved,-a happy year! flood the red earth with streams of mingled gore, and other new years o'er our country rise, so speeds time on! scarce seems a moment sped, | with brighter aspect, and more cloudless skies. since first we hailed the year that now has fled. so speeds time on-but hath it left no trace, that future hours shall never more efface? apology for ladies' anti-slavery go turn to poland! may her sons forget, their desolated fields with carnage wet? associations. their bright, brief hopes,—their struggle fierce | by the author of “immediate, not gradual aboli-' and proud, tion,” fc. with the stern despot 'neath whose yoke they bowed, (concluded from page .) the lightning thrill that flash'd through every but it is not in mortal power,-in that breast, of individuals, or of nations, to provide a when wakening freedom waved her eagle frest, remedy for “the countless ills that filesh their hopes, upspringing almost from despair, and burning with a short illusive glare, is heir to,'--for the privation and suffer- . dic - wn e. genius of universal emancipation. fiat justitia ruat cælum. no narrow one. ing, the injustice and cruelty which man produce, has been objected to on various inflicts upon his fellow man. no,—it is grounds, especially on account of the not ;—nor will individuals or nations be great sacrifice of time which it required : held responsible for any but such as are but the sacrifice would be transient were inflicted by their own wilfulness, or per-| vigorous means once employed to bring petuated by their own negligence ;-for the plan into general operation. that none but such as they have power toʻex- great object which by strenuous exertions pel. might be speedily secured, may, probably, but the evil in question, enormous as without them, remain unaccomplished for it is, coinprising, as it does, all the crimes ages. what important good is secured which most disgrace, and all the miseries without sacrifice ? self-denial is the in- which most imbitter human existence; - dispensable price of all human virtue. upheld, as it is, by a mighiy host of pow-what rational hope is there left of the ex- erful interests and deep-rooted prejudices | tinction of slavery but by rendering it un- --we have the power expel. the profitable ? and how can we render it un- power which could most promptly expel profitable but by rejecting its produce ? inis mighty mischief, may be lodged in and how can such an extensive rejection hands which have no will to exert it; of its produce be obtained as shall render but the power effectially to destroy it is it un profitable, without direct appeals to diffused over a wide surface, and may be the hearts and understandings, the feel- roused and concentrated by humble exer- ings and principles of individuals, on the tions. though we have no voice in the folly, danger, and wickedness of uphold- senate, no influence in public meetings, - ing such a system of iniquity ? though no signatures of ours are attached we have seen the inefficacy of petition. anti-slavery petitions to the legislature, ing parliament even to enforce its own --yet we have a voice and an influence limited plans of melioration and gradual in a sphere, which, though restricted, is | abolition. even the late lamented pre- to the hearts and con- mier, the avowed opponent of slavery, de- sciences of our own sex, at least, we have clared that the numerous anti-slavery pe. unlimited access. by dispelling their iy-titions with which the table of the house norance, disseminating among ihem cor- of cornmons was last year loaded, ra rect information of the mature and conse- | ther added to the incumbrance than in- quences of west indian slavery, and dis- creased the power of government ;"- suading them from all participation in its they tended to create new obstacles and guilt, by a conscientious rejection of its lo aggravate old ones." we have seen produce, we may withdraw its resources the insolent scorn with which lord ba- and undermine its foundations. at pre-thurst's very cautious propositions have sent the work is making slow progress. | been rejected by the colonists. to con- with a few distinguished exceptions, we ciliate the planters, to disarm their pecuni- may take shame to ourselves that our | ary hostility to emancipation, it has been zeal and exertions in this righteous cause proposed to purchase the freedom of negro have been so little proportioned to its ur \infants. and very recently it has been geni claims. the cause needs earnest proposed, by gradual process, and by and deroted laborers, and it were better means apparently the most easy and un- abandon it altogether than to pursue it exceptionable, to purchase adult slaves by such tardy and indirect means as af- || also. “if," says a very humane and sen- ford no rational hope of success. sible writer,“ , persons would each let us emulate the truly christian zeal | contribute two pence per week, this would of the first institutor of ladies' anti-sla- raise upwards of , l annually; and very associations, and strive to our ut- this sum, valuing the slaves at l each, most ability to increase their activity and would redeemn more than of them to multiply their number. we do not all every year. if gold be an antitode to sla- possess equal talents or influence, but we very, is it not our duty to apply that anti- can each determine to make the best use dote ? though the principle of compen- of such as we have. the plan of dividing sation to the slaveholders, be exactly simi- large towns into districts, and of making lar to that which would indemnify the re- 'indiscriminate calls upon the inhabitants ceivers of stolen goods, when obliged to for the purpose of diffusing general in- restore to the true owners the property formation of the nature of slavery, and of they wrongfully obtained; yet if the ex- recommending a general rejection of its || isting slaves are to taste the sweets of free- : genius of universal emancipation. te org und ! ur cold fiat justitia ruat cælum. dom, every available method must at this guilty participation : guilty it is, and once be employed for their deliverance. where there is no consciousness of its if they ihemselves were determined to re- guilt, it is the part of christian duty to main in bondage, rather than admit the awaken thatconsciousness;—"thou shalt right to which their masters so unjustly not suffer sin upon thy brother,--thou pretend, this would certainly be very mag-shalt in any wise admonish him," is a di- nanimous on their part; but were we, who vine command. we have no moral righi suffer no personal inconvenience from to the produce of robbery and oppression. what they endure, to act thus, it would in the eye of. british law the receiver of only furnish another example of the facili- stolen goods is as criminal as the thief; ty of being great and dignified at the ex- and in the estimation of a purer law, the pense of others.” wilful consumer of slave produce may ap- and what reply is to be given to these pear more criminal than the slave-holder, apparently unexceptionable and generous because without the powerful temptation propositions ? they are altogether inad- of interest, he furnishes the latter with all missable. "no combined plan, such as the incitements io his inhuman oppression. the above, for aiding the work of emanci let none of us rest satisfied with indi- pation, would be allowed by his majesty's vidual abstinence from the produce of sla- governinent !!!" very. let all act with fidelity to their but we are not yet bereft of free choice own convictions, and strive, by well-timed between the productions of free and slave and judicious reasons, io press the duty labor. in the right direction of that upon others. and whatsoever our hand choice, there is still a wide field open for findeth to do, towards loosening the bonds unrestricted anti-slavery exertion. here, | of oppression, let us do it with all our then, let us work with redoubled dili- might. it may be that this apparently gence, and as our resources diminish in last remaining human resource for the ab- number, let those which remain be more olition of slavery (that of refusing its pro- strenuously exerted. although it is ad- || duce) is that which shall prosper ; it may mitted that arduous labor is indispensa. be that which, if diligently and faithfully bly requisite for the accomplishment of exerted, may be crowned with success. our object, yet we can imagine no other to whom, then, must we look for its faith- of equal importance, comprehending bless- || ful and diligent exertion, but to those who ings so great to existing and unborn mil- || have leisure and influence,-to those who lions, was ever accomplished at a price so are blessed with enlightened understand- cheap, by sacrifices so comparatively tri-|| ings, sound principles,-with tender con- fling as those now required for the extinc- sciences and feeling hearts, tion of west indian slavery : -o much let those who have been thus favored, more aggravated will be the condeinna- | remember that “to whom much is given, tion of withholding them. of them will much be required;"- that for “let us remember the utter helpless- all who are exempt from the necessity of ness of the objects of our sympathy,—daily labor for their daily bread, there is that they cannot plead for themselves, -- an assigned portion of labor for the good that they have none in the land of their cap- of others ;-that no christian is exempt tivity to plead for thein." let us remem- from the duty of doing to all men, to his ber the horror which the first faithful de- | utmost ability, whatsoever he would that lineation of their sufferings excited. let they should do unto him ;—that when us remember that though our feelings may the floods rise and the winds blow, as be blunted by familiarity with the often they will against all our houses, they will repeated story of their oppression, that op- stand or fall as we have practically obey- pression remains unmitigated; their bodied, or have only speculatively approved, ly torture from the lacerating scourge and the precepts of our divine lawgiver. galling chain-their mental anguish from for our own sakes then, as well as the the reckless tearing asunder of all the wretched objects of our sympathy, let us strongest ties of nature, are in no degree be earnest and persevering in the applica- abated by the abatement of our sympa- tion of that obvious antidote to slavery thy. let us also remember that we have which is within our own power. there all participated in their oppression by con- is satisfaction in vigorous exertion in a suming its produce. this consideration good cause, though its efficacy be not im- ought to lay us under peculiar obligationsmediately apparent; there is pleasure in to discountenance as well as to relinquish the approving testimony of conscience us wu bai m ber to irk ca ' genics of universal emancipation. next, , fiat justitia ruat cælum. that we are faithfully endeavoring to do | copious files of papers to the day of sailing. our part;—but in feeble, languid efforts, we are happy to state that the insurrec- there is no pleasure, no satisfaction, notion had nearly subsided. the injury to utility. property had been very great; upwards in a cause beset with such peculiar dis- of plantations had been destroyed, loss couragements, opposed by such power- of property said to be a million and a half ful interests, such inveterate prejudices ; l of dollars. which has no novelty, no allurements for about blacks were supposed to ambition or sordid interest, -no consider-have been killed, and had fled to the ations but those of christian duty can re- | mountains. sist the approaches of supineness and de at one time, it was said , ne. spondercy, and sustain that steady zeal groes were under arms. the greatest ex. and persevering labor which its exigencies ertions are made in all parts of the island demand. by the strong obligations, then, by the military to preserve order ; court of christian duty, let us stir up our own and martials are held in all parts for the trial cach other's slumbering humanity ;-by | of the blacks. the governor had visited these, let us animate each other io vigor- | several of the disturbed districts which had ous unwearied exertion in that plain course produced the happiest effects. the de. of duty which has been opened to us : tails given of the destruction of lives and above all, let us make earnest application property is most distressing. on the à to that divine power which alone can jan. martial law was continued for take away the heart of stone and give the days longer.-n. y. paper. heart of flesh. thus will our zeal be not premium for rice. only kept from declining, but will gradu- the sum of twenty dollars will be given ally brighten, till it comes to glow with as a premium, over and above the market price, true christian fervor, and the work be- for five casks of fresh rice, of good quality, fore us will become a labor of love instead raised by free labor, and delivered in philadel: phia, to charles peirce, before the first of june of constraint. the gentleman above named, is well known as the olio. a very respectable grocer in philadelphia, who has, for several years past, made it a particular bu- siness to keep articles in his line that are exclu- liberia. by the brig criterion, capt. sively the production of free labor. lowell , arrived at new-york, the liberia the premium, together with the market price, herald (published monthly) of october will be promptly paid, on the delivery of the rice, d and november d, have been re- || from some respectable person who is known in accompanied by proper referenee and vouchers ceived. the arrival of the criterion out, | philadelphia. is thus noticed in a paper of the latest date. arrival of the expedition.-it is genius of universal emancipation. with much pleasure we announce the ar- vol. xii. rival of the brig criterion, with forty-five the object and character of this work are well emigrants, after a passage of days. culated in all the states of this union, in canada, known. it has been published ten years, and cir. they are all in good health. among the west indies, europe and africa. it is exclu them are the rev. mr. cæsar and his sively devoted to the subject of the abolition of sla- lady, members of the episcopal church. very, on the american continent and islands. we are further pleased to learn that the work will, henceforth, be issued monthly. mrs. cæsar comes out under the patron- it will be neatly printed on fine paper, and folded age of a few ladies of philadelphia, as an in the octavo form, each number making sixteen instructress of a school. we should be proud to learn that as it is also mr. cæsar's | annum, always to be paid in advance. the price of subscription will be one dollar per intention to teach, some benevolent indi subscribers who do not particularly specify the viduals in the united staves had extend time they wish to receive the work, or notify the ed an open hand towards him also. editor of a desire to discontinue it before the expi- our ration of each current year, will be considered as friends in america can hardly conceive engaged for the next succeeding one, and their the great need we stand in of able instruc- bills will be forwarded accordingly. tors, and the many openings which daily | five dollars remitted to the editor, in current mo- agents will be entitled to six copies for every offer for the labor of teachers.--cin. am. ney of the united states. all letters and communications intended for late and important from jamaica.-by this office, must be addressed, free of expense, to benjamin lundy, washington, d. c. the brig montillo, which sailed from kings- lp a few copies of the eleventh volume, com- ton on the th january, we have received plete, for sale. the terms of subscription. large pages. genius of universal emancipation. edited by b. lundy-published in washington and baltimore $ . per ann. "we hold these truths to be self-evident: that all men are created equal, and endowed by their creator with certain inalienable rights; that among these are life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness.”--declaration of independence, u.s. no. . vol. ii. third series.) march, . [whole number . vol. xii. wilberforce settlement. no place, perhaps, in the northern or north- the editor of the genius of universal emanci- western portion of america presents a stronger pation recently visited this interesting settlement and richer soil, or a country more beautifully situ- of colored people, in the province of upper cana- || ated for agricultural pursuits, than this. it is co- da. the sole object, in doing this, was to obtain | vered with a heavy growth of timber, consisting correct information respecting the situation, cli- || of oak, hickory, sugar maple, beach, ash, poplar, mate, soil, the present prospects of the settlers, &c. || bass, &c., &c., with some cherry and walnut; and &c., with the view of publishing an accurate state- || along the streams may be seen a portion of elm ment thereof, as extensively as possible, for the and sycamore. the land, in general, is gently benefit of that oppressed and persecuted race in the united states. a very minute journal was rolling, though very much diversified. along the streams it is considerably uneven; yet there are kept, in passing through the province, from queenston, via the head of lake ontario and the no hills of magnitude; and between the water aforesaid settlement, to detroit, in order to bear courses, in some places, it is quite level. there in mind whatever might be observed, worthy of a are some fine springs, and the water is clear and place in the account thus to be published. this excellent. the soil appears, generally, to be a journal will shortly be inserted at length in the dark loam, intermixed with more or less clay and genius of universal emancipation. at present | gravel; but there is very little sand; and the our vierys must be confined to the state of things whole is deeply clothed with a black vegetable connecu d with the actual condition and prospects || kinds of grain, &c., produced north of the caroli- mouid, which renders it extremely fertile. all of the wilberforce settlement. we have heretofore noticed sundry statements, nas, succeed well here. the ground is entirely which originated in other papers, relative to the clear of stone on the surface, but there are quor- progress of this colony of colored exiles, who have ||ries (mostly of limestone) in the elevations, par- thus sought a refuge from the demon-spirit of per- ticularly along the streams. secution, in these states, as did the pilgrim fa markets for the produce of this part of the thers of american colonization, when a similar country will be convenient, as it is but a short spirit raged and trampled down the sacred rights distance either to lake erie, on the south, or cf. man, in the rotten empires of europe. but || lake huron on the north;—and the navigabls much that we were enabled to gather in that way waters of the thames approach within a few was uncertain and contradictory; of course little | miles of london, the seat of government for the dependance could be placed upon it. we now can district of the same name. manufacturing may vouch for the correctness of what we lay before also be extensively carried on, the various streams our readers. with which the country abounds affording excel- the wilberforce settlement is situated on the lent facilities for the application of water power. river au sable, in the district of london, upper on a reference to the map, it will be perceived canada. it commences twelve miles from the that the wilberforce settlement is very nearly in village of london, (london court house,) and the same latitude with albany, in the state of extends north-westwardly, along the road, lead- ing to goderich on lake huron, upwards of four new-york. but the climate is much more mild miles. the last mentioned place is about twen- than at that place, as there are no mountainous ele- ty-five or thirty miles from the au sable, wherevations to increase the rigors of winter, as there are about the middle of new-york and pennsyl- this road crosses it, north of which the colored people have made but one opening. the distance vania. an account of the state of the weather from york, u. c., to the settlement, by way of was kept at wilberforce, through the month of london, is one hundred and forty-eight miles- december, which is annexed to this article; and from queenston, or niagara falls, by the head it will be seen that the severity of the cold was of lake ontario, and london, about the same not greater than it is frequently known to be distance—from buffalo, (proceeding up lake erie much further to the south. at no time during lo port talbot, at the mouth of kettle creek,) | the present winter, has the snow fallen as deep, perhaps little more than one hundred miles, thir- || in this part of canada, as it has south of lake ty-seven miles, only, of which is travelled by land || erie ; and it has been observed, by old settlers, - from sandwich opposite detroit, by london, that it seldom or never does. one hundred and twenty-three miles, it will be recollected that the wilberforce set- genius of universal emancipation. are free ment. fiat justitia ruat cælum. tlement was commenced by a few colored persons | the government regulations, as now interpreted and equal. from cincinnati, ohio, who were induced to seek and administered, all an asylum there, from the storm of persecution every citizen, without distinction lof color or cast, that appeared to be gathering in that section of is entitled to all the privileges and immunities country and directing its force towards them.* that the most favored individual can claim. and the business was badly managed, at first. the there is no danger of an alteration in this state of persons who acted as agents contracted for more things while the european influence exists in the land than they could pay for according to agree-councils of the province, as it now does and will, a new bargain was then made, and ano- || doubtless, continue to do. ther failure to comply with the terms succeeded. there are, at this time, thirty-two families re- confidence in their ability to prosecute the busi- | siding in the settlement, which average about five ness successfully, was impaired. at length a individuals to each. (it is stated, by the settlers, smaller quantity of land has been secured to the that upwards of two thousand persons have visited company, and individuals have made purchases and intended to establish themselves at that place, on their own account. a number of very respect- || most of whom were necessitated to go to other able and intelligent men have taken up their resi- dence there. some of these are in good easy cir- parts of the province, where they could obtain em- ployment, not being able to support themselves cumstances-a few even wealthy and it is be-while they could clear the land, plant, &c.) lieved that every thing will go on well hereafter. four or five of the families, now there, arrived the members of the settlement have entered about twenty months since ;—the rest at later pe- into an association for mutual assistance, &c. || riods ; and some few of them quite recently, they have appointed a board of managers, of twenty-five families have purchased land; and which austin steward, formerly of rochester, | the most of them have erected tolerably comforta- new-york, is the president. the rev. benja- | ble houses, and cleared a few acres of ground. min paul, late of new-york city, is their treasu- | they have purchased nearly two thousand acres, rer; and the funds that may be collected, in the in the whole, two hundred of which are cleared, way of donation, &c., will be applied to the pur- || and about sixty sown with wheat. the settlers chase of land, and necessaries, for the settlement have cut a wide road, through seven miles and a and comfort of those who may be induced by per- | quarter of very thickly and heavily timhered land, secution, &c. to remove thither from the united || for the canada company,—the price for which states, while destitute of the means to support was placed to their credit in the purchase of their themselves or families. an agent has been com- several lots. it should also be remarked that, in missioned to proceed to england, with the view clearing, they leave no trees deadened and stand- of interesting the british government and people | ing, as it is customary with many in new settle- in the promotion of the desired object; and the ments; but cut all off, though the labor is great. friends of the maltreated african descendants may they have about one hundred head of cattle and nów look for the accomplishment of something swine, and a few horses. oxen are mostly used there, worthy of an intelligent people and the high with them, for hauling, ploughing, &c. they importance of the occasion. full confidence may have a good substantial saw-mill, erected on a be placed in those at present selected to manage | branch of the au sable, within the precints of the public concerns of the settlement; and the true their settlement, and, of course, they will hence friends of the oppressed could scarcely render a have no difficulty in procuring lumber for build- more acceptable service to the cause of philanthro- | ing. (their dwellings are, as yet, constructed of py, than by assisting, with pecuniary and other logs-some of them hewed—and a few have well means, the persecuted colored man in obtaining a shingled roofs.) there are one grist-mill and two residence there. under the liberal provisions of other saw-mills within eight or nine miles of the * in justice to the great mass of the citizens of settlement; and one grist-mill is part built with- ohio, it must be stated that, notwithstanding the in five or six miles of them.-several small stores political and moral fanaticism of a few misguided | are located also near by; and a tailor, shoemak- and highly prejudiced creatures, who had found their way into offices of brief authority ;" altho' er, and blacksmith reside among them. they they made as much noise (a momentary noise!) || have two good schools, for the education of their as the thundering artillery of the heathen jove; children; one of which is under the charge of and while a few of their intended victims of their thomas j. paul, son of the rev. b. paul, a youth terrible wrath were frightened into exile, not one has been actually forced to go out of the state of fine promise.* in the summer season a daugh- whatever their representations may hereafter do to prevent others coming in, from the south, there * such are the excellent regulations, and so is too much humanity in the citizens, generally, || high is the reputation, of this school, that a num- to drive out, against his will, a single well behav- || ber of respectable white people send their children ed colored man who is now there. the slavite to it, in preference to others that are conducted by ca, is hoped, comprise a lean minority white teachers. the following testimony to the in the great state of ohio. good conduct, &c., of its superintendent, is highly "fan genius of universal emancipation. fiat justitia ruat cælum. ter of the same gentleman—a quite accomplished || proceeding thither early next spring, if they have and amiable young woman-also teaches a school only the means of getting there. some appre- for girls. a sabbath school is likewise kept up | hension is felt that the priee of land will be rais- in the warm season, under the direction of austin || ed, when the aforesaid road shall be completed; steward. two regular meetings for religious wor but even should this be the case, emigrants will, ship are established among them, for the baptist | no doubt, be able to procure enough on favorable and the methodist denominations. a temper- terms, near by, if prepared to make prompt pay- ance society has also been organized, the members ment. many poor white settlers, in the neigh- of which have pledged themselves to exert their in- | borhood of wilberforce, offer to sell their im- fluence in discouraging both the vending and use provements, upon reasonable terms, in order to go of all kinds of ardent spirits. the settlers, gene- | further towards the frontier, where they may get rally, are sober, industrious, and thrifty. in their more land ; and colored persons, who are some- houses things mostly appear clean, neat, and com what forehanded, will find it very advantageous fortable. to purchase these improvements. they may be between the village of london and this settle- had at from $ , to $ , per acre, including ment the country is pretty thickly inhabited; and buildings, &c. unimproved land has heretofore within a few miles to the southwest of it there are sold at $ , per acre. a considerable number of white people, mostly we learn that there are several other settle- europeans, and their immediate descendants born ments of colored people in various parts of upper in canada. emigrants from the united states canada, among which may be enumerated the are beginning to settle about london, and to the following: one at lake simcoe, in the northeast- south of that place. twenty-five or thirty miles to ern part of the province-one at woolwich, on or the northwest, and about the same distance to near grand river, north of brantford, and thirty the northeast, there are likewise settlements, or forty miles from the head of lake ontario most of those composing which are said to be en- glish, irish, scotch, welsh, &c. &c. these euro- || about sixty-five miles below london, and fifty-five one at chatham creek, near the river thames, peans are, in general, very friendly to the colored or sixty above sandwich, opposite detroit-and people . while the “yankees” (as they denomi- another near malden, miles south of sand- nate all emigrants from these states) are still ac- wich, a little distance from the mouth of detroit tuated by their abominable prejudice against the river, and opposite brownstown, at the mouth of colored race, the irish, &c., are often heard to say huron river. this last is said to be composed of they prefer the people of color, as neighbors and three or four hundred persons; and there is a fer- citizens, to them. the natives, or canadians ry from brownstown to malden, where many of (born in the country) appear likewise quite as the emigrants cross when the river is not obstructa friendly to the colored population, as to the “yan- || ed by ice. kees.” it is believed these observations will also but the settlement at wilberforce will be, by very generally hold good, throughout the cana- das. far, the most important, as there are men of the canada company, from which the settlers known intelligence and public spirit there, who at wilberforce have purchased their land, is will give it a consequence, that probably will not, about to make a good road through the whole dis- at least very soon, be attached to the others. it will, tance from london to lake huron. it is now in indeed, be viewed by the colored people as a nucle- us, part finished to this settlement; and a great num- for an extensive emigration from the northern ber of laborers will find employment there the en- and middle parts of this union, especially from suing summer. some of the settlers will also want | virginia, and several contiguous states. many assistance in improving their lands; and good, in- | will go there, and obtain information that will in- dustrious, working colored men may do well by duce them to settle in other places, when the price of land shall rise and more new settlements be honorable to him. it is a copy of a certificate | opened. they will thus scatter over the pro- presented him on leaving the academy.- vince, some one way and some another; new york, april th, . this is to certify, that thomas j. paui attend- will stop here, as at a central point, which first ed my academy about six months; that during shall have attracted their attention, and where that time his attention to study was remarkably | they will find intelligent friends and brethren. diligent, his proficiency rapid, and his conduct ex- emplary; that i consider him well qualified to the following table, exhibiting the state of the instruct in the ordinary branches of english edu- weather, at wilberforce, from the d to the th cation; and that, on leaving me, he takes with him my wishes and prayers for his welfare, and of december last, (the coldest part of the season,) my confidence that, in the progress of life, he will was politely furnished by austin steward, one, conduct himself worthily and usefully. among the few, of the most intelligent and wor- jonathan b. kidder, teacher of classical and english academy in thy colored men in america. the thermometer new-york. was placed the whole time in the open air. but many genius of universal emancipation. | |ଟ , , , fiat justitia ruat cælum. Ştate of the weather at wilberforee, upper canada, we are glad to perceive that a relative of the from the d to the th of december, . great statesman himself (t. j. randolph,) has days of the degrees be- degrees | prevalence taken up the important subject in the legisla- month. low freez below of the wind. | ture, and appears disposed to advocate it warmly. ing point. cipher. in one of his speeches, he uses this emphatic lan- december , southerly. guage: "speaking as a virginian,” mr. r. said, do. he “would rather have the fame with posterity , do. arising from this, than from all the other great , do. , acts of that great man's life.” and he “thank- s. w. , do. ed the enlightened people of albemarle for af- , do. fording an opportunity to have it proved to the , n. world, that the illustrious example constantly be- , s. s. w. fore them, had been appreciated by his descend- ,! n. ants, and that they were now walking in his foot- , s. steps."* , w. it is with pleasure we also see it stated in the , . , w. newspapers that another member has determined , to immortalize his name in this holy undertaking. , w, the gentleman to whom we allude is a mr. , s moore. he used the following eloquent lan- , n. , e. guage :- s. “let me inquire, sir, what must be the esti- do. mation in which we shall be held by foreign na- , do. tions, if we fail even to make an effort to send through the early part of the month of janua- | joy the blessings of liberty? is it not due, sir, our slaves to some country where they may en- ry, , the mercury ranged at about one deg. to our character, as a moral, a just, a sincere, and below the freezing point, wind southwardly, for a number of days; and about the middle of the dience to those principles contained in our bill of a magnanimous people, that we should yield obe- month the weather was mild, and it thawed con- rights, and which we have solemnly declared to siderably. be applicable to, and obligatory on, all mankind ? can we be justified in the eyes of man, or of jefferson's plÁn. heaven, in withholding from our negroes, rights it will be recollected that, soon after the dety of all the human race ?--and that, too, in vio- which we have declared to be the common proper- cease of the justly celebrated thomas jefferson, || lation of the fundamental principles of our own something was said about a plan for the abolition government ? what must be thought of the of slavery, devised by him and left among his pa- | nations which have been struggling for freedom zeal which we profess to feel in behalf of those pers. it appears, from a recent debate in the across the ocean? will not the admiration we virginia legislature, that the substance of the expressed at the heroic exertions of the parisians, plan was as follows:- in their recent struggle for liberty, and the sym- to declare by law that, from and after the th pathy we professed to feel for the suffering po- landers, be regarded as mere hypocrisy and dis- july, , all the children of female slaves, born | simulation by those who know we do not prac- in virginia, should (the males at , and the fe- tise the doctrines which we preach? it matters males at ,) become public property, if detained not, sir, whether oppression be exercised over a by their owners in the state until they should ar- few individuals, or over many millions; it is as much tyranny in the one case as in the other; and, rive at those ages respectively—and be hired out in a moral point of view, the autocrat of russia until the net sum should be sufficient to defray || is not more deserving the name of a tyrant, for the expense of removal to a foreign country. having sent his hordes of barbarians to plant the blood-stained banner of despotism upon the walls proceeding upon the principle of this plan, of warsaw, amid the ruins of all that was dear twenty-six years would elapse before the law to free men, than the petty tyrant in any other would operate in a single case. the period quarter of the globe, who is equally regardless of would be quite too remote, and the mode of pro- only to our own character, but to the reputation the acknowledged rights of man. it is due, not ceeding would be too little in accordance with of our ancestorsthat we should make a de- stri :t justice, to suit our notions of propriety ; | odium of slavery. on the th day of june, termined effort to free our country from the yet we should be glad to see this proposition adopted, if nothing better can be devised-trust * another evidence of the propriety of the peo- ing to the wisdom of the people and future legis- | albemarle had petitioned the legislature; and ple's movements in such matters. the people of latures to vary the plan, and hasten the consumma this gentleman, as their representative, now felt at tion of the great work, when they become more liberty to act, though he had not before. let a fully acquainted with the manner in which they | majority of the constituents of the hon. j. q. may proceed with safety, as the authorities of n. | will feel at liberty to change his tune!-gen. adams also speak out their sentiments, and he too york and mexico have done. u. eman. genius of universal emancipation. decision of the virginia legislature. fiat justitia ruat cælum. , our ancestors, in order to escape the odium battle. the people, too, will be roused to action. which would attach to them in the estimation of petitions, memorials, and instructions will pour foreigners, as the owners of slaves, solemnly de- clared in the preamble to the constitution, which into the halls of legislation; and wo to the “mea- they then adopted, that the king, against whom ly mouth,” or the dough face,” that shall be re- they were then in rebellion, had prevented them | cognized as having figured there, when next the from excluding negroes from among them by law, by an inhuman use of his negative; and assign- || “people” assemble at the polls ! ed that as one of the grounds on which they jus- tified their rebellion. should we now refuse even we are pleased with the bold and decided stand to consider of the means of sending from among taken upon this subject, by the “richmond us, those very slaves whom our ancestors express- | whig.” this is one of the most popular and in- ed so much anxiety to have excluded from the | auential papers in virginia. the editor does state, every intelligent foreigner will conclude, either that our forefathers grossly calumniated not, by any means, go as far as we could wish ; the king of england, or that we are the degene- || but he manfully advocates the principle of uni- rate offspring of more worthy ancestors." versal emancipation. speaking of the late pro- ceedings in the legislature, above mentioned, he argues that the members, by their last vote, have the th of january, , will long be re “declared their belief that, at the proper time, and membered in virginia, as an important epoch in || in the proper mode, virginia ought to commence a legislative proceedings. on that memorable day system of gradual abolition.” he considers the a vote was taken in the general assembly of this result of the late discussion in the general as- state, on the question whether it would be expe- sembly, as decidedly “favorable to the cause” of dient, then, “ to make any legislative enactments | emancipation ; and, at the close of an article on for the abolition of slavery.” it was decided in the subject, he says: “the house of delegates the negative, by a vote of to . · but, on a have gone thus far, and in our opinion it had no motion for indefinite postponement, the vote stood | right to go farther. the public is not prepared to , showing a majority of eleven, in favor to go farther at this time. these are astonishing of acting upon the subject at a future period. it and animating results. they who will look back was on the following preamble and resolution, to the state of opinion five months ago, may well that the question was decided by the vote of | consider them almost miraculous.” to . it fully sanctions the principle of emanci- many other papers, in that state, now advo- pation. “ profoundly sensible of the great evils arising cate the same principles. among them the “ nor- from the condition of the colored population of folk herald” takes strong ground, and speaks fear- this commonwealth: induced by humanity as | lessly. we present a short extract from a late well as policy, to an immediate effort for the re- number of this print :- moval in the first place, as well of those who are now free, as of such as may hereafter become free: “can we remain insensible to the startling fact, believing that this effort, while it is in just ac- that the increase of our şlave population is even cordance with the sentiments of the community || now rooting out our free white yeomanry, who on the subject, will absorb all our present means; are leaving the fair fields of their native country and that a further action for the removal of the for the west ; and is it too much to predict that in slaves should await a more definite developement fifty years its excess over the whites will be so of public opinion : great, that the lower and middle divisions of the “resolved, as the opinion of this committee, || state must, by the natural operations of circum- that it is inexpedient, for the present, to make any stances, (to say nothing of violence,) be abandon- legislative enactments for the abolition of slavery.” | ed entirely by the latter, or maintained in a con- dition of abject wretchedness, with their few re- here we not only perceive that a majority of maining proprietors crying in vain-save us from eleven recorded their votes against an indefinite the body of this death-remove this intolerable curse ?” postponement of this important subject; but we also perceive that the very lean majority of five it is stated that many have been astonished at was opposed to immediate action. tru- | the developements in the speeches of the members ly! this is cheering news for the philanthropist.- of the virginia legislature, respecting the in- and when the enlightened statesmen of virginia crease of the slave population in the southern come to investigate the subject thoroughly, the states. this can be accounted for upon no other majority will soon be found in favor of the immedi- principle than that of wilful ignorance and volun-. ate adoption of measures for the total extinction tary blindness. the facts were always at hand of that despotic system, which has filled the land | which, had they opened their eyes to see them, with tyrants and vassals, paralyzed the arm of in- would have put them in possession of all the in- dustry, quenched the spirit of improvement, and formation they have acquired from this discussion. crimsoned her plains with the blood of women but they may thank the conductors of those “in- and children! at the next session of the vir- | cendiary” periodicals, who have, by their “vio- ginia legislature, we may look for still more im- lence,” and their “fanaticism,” roused them from portant movements. during the intervening pe- | their stupid insensibility. we must have more riod every meniber will prepare himself for the l! sucli“ incendiary publications !" genius of universal emancipation. fiat justitia ruat cælum. : # african slave trade. purchase of texas." free people of color in philadelphia. we extract from the philadelphia friend, the this old song, which had long since" grown following testimony in favor of the moral condition out of use," and was consigned to the “tomb of of the free peopie of color in that city. it is so the capulets,” has recently been revived, and set very common to represent these people, generally, | to a new tune! the richmond enquirer, whose as the pesis of society, that it gives us pleasuse to “high born” editor--strange as it will appear—is lay before our readers any fact that may go to re- || about to join the ranks of the “fanatics;” (won- move the prejudices thai exist against them, and der if john randolph and joe gales won't turn out which may tend to elevate them to that rank in next?) and in the overflowings of his zeal, like all the scale of being to which, notwithstanding their new political converts, presents us with a propo- hue, they are equally entitled with the whites.-c.sition, from one of his correspondents, “to pur- “many erroneous opinions have prevailed, || chase texas, and invite the free negroes to set- with regard to the true character and condition of ile there.” it is also imitated that they may, in the free colored people of pennsylvania. they have been represented as an idle and worthless that case, form a state, and ultimately be admitted class, furnishing inmates for our poor houses and into the union. penitentiaries. a few plain facts are sufficient to without discussing the question, (a grave one!) refute these gratuitous allegations. in the city and suburbs of philadelphia, by the census of why the colored people should go out of the union , they constituted about eleven per cent, or to be “admitted” in again, we would—“not dis- one ninth of the whole population. from the ac- courteously,” as friend sower of leesburg, va. count of the guardians of the poor, printed by or- der of the board, it appears that of the out-door would say-remind thomas ritchie, as we did poor receiving regular weekly supplies, in the first | thomas h. benton, that texas is now in very good month, , the time of the greatest need, the hands.-and, further, we tell these sapient pro- people of color were about one to twenty-three whites; or not quite four per cent, a disproportion jectors, that until “uncle sam” takes effectual of whites to colored, of more than two tv one in measures to “reform" himself, he should not be favor of the latter. when it is considered that intrusted with any more indian lands. they perform the lowest offices in the community that the avenues which are esteemed the most honorable and profile professions in society, are in a great measure, if not wholly, closed against the french and english governments, we are them—these facts are the more creditable to them. happy to perceive, have at length turned their al- one cause of this disproportion, which we pre- sume is but little known, but which is worthy oftention to the subject of the african slave trade, special notice, will be found in the numerous so- and have entered into a compact for the suppres- cieties among themselves for mutual aid. sion of this most detestable and infamous of all “ these societies expended, in one year, about | traffics. we trust many months will not be suf- six thousand dollars for the relief of the sick and the indigent of their own color, from funds raised | fered to pass by, ere the united states will form among themselves. a party also to this most righteous union in de-. “besides, the taxes paid by the colored people fence of suffering humanity and the sacred rights of philadelphia, exceeds in annount the sunis ex- the combined efforts and vigilance of pended out of the funds of the city for the relief of their poor. if my liinits permitied i could pro- the three greatest naval powers in the world, could ceed to show, by fair inferences from well ascer not fail of soon sweeping from the bosum of the tained facts, and by sound reasoning, based upon ocean those execrable marauders,—the slave- principles in political economy which are general- ly admitted, that so far from being a nuisance or dealers,—whose existence in these enlightened a burden upon the community, the free colored times is a foul blot upon the escutcheon of all ci- people of pennsylvania are a valuable acquisition | vilized nations. heretofore the only matter which to the state. perhaps these topics may be ex- amined at another time. one thing more i will has prevented the government of this country mention before i dismiss the subject. much has from uniting with great britain in an attempt to been said in favor of separating the two races, a- suppress the trade, has been the settled determin- frican and european. the condition of both, it is ation of the u. states not to sanction, in any contended, would be benefited by their living shape, a principle strenuously contended for by aparı, in separate communities. now so far from admitting the correctness of this opinion, i believe england, namely, the right of searching vessels the very reverse to be true. i think it may be on the high seas. conclusively shown that, in the present state of this difficulty may in some manner be obviated, it is to be hoped, however, that things, the condition of both is greatly benefitted | and the star spangled banner” of america, be by their living, as they now do, in the mutual ex- change of advantages. joined with the cross of england and the tricolor “the whites are elevated, in the scale of civili- || of france, in a generous effort to vindicate the zation and refinement, by the lower and most me- nial services being performed by the colored race. cause of the weak and the oppressed, and to put for if not performed by them, they would necessa- a final stop to a cruel and degrading and unrighte- rially have to be performed by whites. and on the other hand, the colored people are gradually receiv- the thews and the sinews" of an unoffending por- ous traffic--an unholy bartering of the "blood and ing that intellectual culture, which is derived from their intercourse with a people whose opportunities tion of the human family. of improvement have been greater than theirs." the english king thus alludes to the conven, of man. genius of universal emancipation. viator. grorgia. fiat justitia ruat cælum. their private funds, have been great in individual on the defenceless africans, in our country." instances, that came under the personal observa- || to say that a large portion of the states com- tion of posing our goverment, are entirely opposed to slavery, will not remove the stigma even in a previous number we briefly noticed the from those states, and still less from the na- law of georgia, offering a reward of five thousand dollars for the arrest of the editor of the bostontion at large, so long as its worst form is che- liberator. the friend, or advocate of truth, rished in a spot which is alike governed by thus pertinently alludes to the same subjeci.-c. them all, and the seat of their general legis- “the legislature of georgia, it seems, has pass-lature is suffered to be made the great mart ed an act offering a “reward of rive thousand for the traffic in human flesh. in allusion to dollars for the arrest, prosecution, and trial to conviction, under the laws of that state, of the this well known fact dr. torrey says:- editor or publisher of a certain paper called the “ the united states jail is frequently liberator, published in the town of boston and | occupied as a storehouse for the slave persons who shall utter, publish or circulate, with-merchants, and some of the rooms in a in the limits of the state of georgia, said paper tavern devoted chiefly to that use, are oc- called the liberator, or any other paper, pam-casionally so crowded, that the occupants the orators in the legislature of virginia would hardly have sufficient space to extend do well to be on their guard. for anything we themselves upon the floor." know, a reward may be offered for their appre the voice of the whole people should be hension and conviction. if the editor and pub- lishers of the liberator have made themselves lia-heard ou this subject in petitions innumera- ble to a prosecution under any existing law, by ble and repeated, till their object is attained the publication of that paper, how shall the states- men of virginia escape?' they have more than by the removal of this national disgrace. one confirmed the facts, and sustained the arguments of the principal objects of the volume, is to re- of the liberator. "if the publication of opinions commend measures for the relief and, educa- and arguments opposed to slavery be seditious in the one case, the uttering of them cannot be less tion of the slaves and the gradual abolition of so, in the other.” slavery. of his views respecting the meli- oration and final abolition of slavery, his own for the genius of universal emancipation. words will give the best explanation. torrey's portraiture of slavery. the above mentioned work, which has gone "let masters, without hesitation, be- come patrons, guardians, civil govern- through two editions, is a volume of about one let slaves be converted into te- hundred pages, written by dr. jesse torrey of || nants or indented servants (or laborers) philadelphia, and published in . it treats | bound for the present by the lamentable of slavery only as existing in the united crisis of existing circumstances. in com- states, and may be read with much interest | pliance with the loud and imperative de- by all who feel anxious for the honor and wel- | mands of justice and humanity, and the fare of their country. the author relates ma- l injunctions of policy and self-interest, let ny painfully interesting occurrences that came their toil be carefully and justly propor- under his own observation, during the visit to tioned to their bodily strength, and re- the south, that appears to have originated warded by a sufficiency of comfortable this volume, which display the evils of slave- nourishinent, clothing, and shelter. and, ry in a strong light and under a most appalling and diligence, let a reasonable sum be particularly in cases of correct behaviour aspect. the sketches given by him of the paid, monthly or annually, to those who scenes which he beheld at the city of wash-have discretion to make a proper use of it, ington, bis description of the cruelties and or allotted and reserved for the education misery as he there witnessed them, produced and eventual benefit of their children. let by the internal slave trade, and the facts he them be effectually protected from the ra- discloses respecting the frequency of the vages of distilled spirits. let them not be criine of kiduapping free persons, and selling bought and sold as the beasts of the har- them into illegal bondage, are sufficient to ness, without their consent, unless guilty make every american citizen hang his head of criminal conduct; and let this be decid- in shame for the country of his birth. dr. all the silver in the mines of potosi, let an ed by the laws of the country. nor for torrey is perfectly correct in asserting that ounce of iron ever be riveted on their “ every citizen in the republic, entitled to necks, wrists, or ancles ; for he who fa- the right of suffrage, is responsible for his 'shioned those sections of their bodies ne- proportionable quota of the miseries inflicted iver designed them for such barbarous pur- ors. genius of universal emancipation. fiat justitia ruat cælum. poses ! let the resounding lash, and the could not be “ ransomed” for a less sum than savage arts of torture and cruelty be laid millions of dollars. now would it be aside. the adoption of a discipline, || fair to empty the treasury of the nation in- founded on justice and reciprocal equity, to the coffers of the south as a reward for a will render these unnecessary. it is a ve- mere act of long-withheld justice to a body of ry important fact, in human nature, that men, in all conditions, perform their duty toiled solely for their benefit ? as a reward men who have for so long a series of years with much more alacrity and pleasure, when prompted by the exhilarating anti-for the disgrace with which for selfish pur- cipation of reward and advantage, than | poses they have stained our country—for re- by coercion, and the paralyzing inenace | nouncing their claims to a species of proper- of penalties and pain." ty to which no human laws could give them this plan appears to be something similar | the right of possession, which they have re- to that adopted by mr. steele of barbadoes, || tained during the whole time it was profitable with so much success. but that justice re- to them and of which the renunciation will quires the slaves to be “ ransomed” as dr. t. now be tenfold more advantageous than the re- expresses it, or compensation be made to tention ? besides by dr. torrey's plan what their masters for their emancipation, especial | would they lose except the privilege of tyran- ly after the inanner he proposes, is a very in- || nizing over their slaves ? the services of correct idea. the following are the principal | their laborers would still be theirs, only better arguments on which he grounds his opinion. || directed and far more valuable than before. “laws ought to be responsible for their | if compensation is to be made, it should be to own operations and results. if a law | the slave, for the long years of his unremu- were enacted authorizing the sale of all nerated coils. to what amount it is due to the debtors now in prison in the united || him, let our author himself state, from a page, states, for unconditional and perpetual servitude, with their posterity, and they nearer the commencement of the volume. should be accordingly sold, it would be "it is certain that the labor of a slave morally unjust with respect to the pur- is of more value than the expense of his chasers, but not the slaves, to proclaim an daily personal necessities, or he would immediate emancipation, without restor- | not be sold, (notwithstanding the risk of a ing the purchase money: that is, it would premature death,) for or dollars. be unjust not to restore it. hence the it is a logical truth, therefore, that the loss people of the united states, considered of liberty to an industrious prudent man, collectively as a nation, having confirmed || at the age of maturity, (without counting and legalized the transfer (or abdication) | the irksomeness of uncontrolled control) of the assumed power of african despots is equal to the loss of a capital of dol- and banditti, to their assigns in america, || lars and the interest of it during his life; which and now holding the sovereignty over the amount, or more, he might obtain laws in their own hands, are the master by a voluntary life-lease of his labor. aggressors upon the victims of those sa thus, if justice, uncontrolled by power vage tyrants, and are bound to make them and law, were the arbiter between a appropriate reparation. while justice is good slave at the age of years, and his rendered to the slave, renumeration is due master, she would find a balance due the to the holder, for the loss he sustains in || slave of $ , ." consequence of his prior confidence of the the subject of the internal slave trade, oc- continuation of his legal power over him.”|cupies principally the remaining part of the it is therefore the conviction of the author volume, with facts and observations relative to that it is the duty of the nation “to' ransom | kidnapping free persons of color. during every human creature held in bondage for life, || bis stay in washington, dr. t. was fortunate against his will, without accusation of crime; || enough to be the means of rescuing several at an equitable valuation of his worth to the individuals of the latter class from the hope- possessor under existing laws, within the ju- || less and interminable bondage into which they risdiction of the republic.” in the first place were about to be hurried. an act for which the whole number of , , slaves, at an he deserves the blessing of every friend of average price of* dollars, which would pro-emancipation, and which may shed a gleam of bably be the lowest "valuation of their worth happiness over the darkest moments of his to their possessors under existing laws," hlife. ! genius of universal emancipation. principally conducted by a lady. fiat justitia ruat cælum. ladies' repository. system, which holds themselves, as well as their slaves, in a species of bondage ; and shall female philanthropic and literary, aid be withheld from them in so doing? will our sisters rivet the chains of the captive with their bribe of gold, and render more difficult the abolition of a system, which is the source of so winter. much misery to thousands of their sex? we are this is a word whose sound excites many, and confident, that if they would but do all that it is very dissimilar ideas, in different bosoms. to ll in their power, and consequently their duty to do, some it speaks of gay festivity, to others of the slavery could not much longer exist in the uni- quieter, but more delightful, friendly gatherings ied states. if even those who are already in- round the social hearth. the invalid, and the terested in the cause of emancipation, would but querrulous complainer, it tells of painful and multiply societies among themselves, wherever wearisome moments; the studious, of renewed there is a sufficient number to form one (if it con- mental occupation and improvement; and un- sisted of no more than half a dozen persons) and friended poverty, of many dreary hours of suf- were earnest and persevering in their purposes, fering and want. by those unhappy beings who a striking change would ere long be manifest in pine in unmitigated bondage, its return will pro- | the state of public opinion. bably be almost unmarked. when the whole life is one unvaried round of wretchedness, the al the free cotton association. terations of seasons can make but little difference. for several months past we have heard but lit- the clear summer sunshine cannot enlighten the tle of the proceedings of this society. but we clouded bosom of the slave, nor the gloom and sincerely hope that no dificulty or discouragement mists of winter deepen the gross darkness of his may deter them from pursuing steadily, and with ignorance. but to those who feel the condition of | a zeal that can feel no weariness, the path of use- their enslaved fellow-creatures to be a drawback | fulness which they have marked out for themselves. upon their own happiness, this season offers the that they have many difficulties to contend best opportunity for active and efficient exertion; l with we are well aware; but they have notwith- and we call upon them, most earnestly, for re-l standing this effected so much, that we think they newed and unremitted efforts in their behalf. this may well be inspirited to continue the prosecution is no time for supineness-no time to falter or of their important object, even though obstacles relax in their labors. scarcely yet has the earth | and disappointments should seem to thicken settled quietly down upon the red graves of those around them. who have perished by the hands of the exaspera- we are glad to learn that the free dry goods ted slave; not yet have the hearts of those who store belonging to lydia white, of philadelphia, were made widows and orphans by the pitiless meets with considerable patronage. may the doom of retribution, been soothed and comforted present year multiply twenty fold, both the num- by the healing progress of slow-lapsing time. || ber of her customers, and her ability to supply and is it the part of american women to sit down them with unpolluted merchandise. and lament the past, or idly await the recurrence of such another scene of calamity, without using flavia gardiner. their utmost endeavors to remove the cause of we have been much interested by the follow- danger? not if they dread as they ought, the ing brief obituary notice of this individual, a co- awakening of man's wrathful passions!--not if lored woman, long resident at pittsburg, who died they shudder as we do, to look into the human on the th of the th month, at the very advan- soul when it is convulsed and deformed by rage, || ced age of one hundred and ten years. what a and revenge, and bloodthirstyness! not if they l volume of events must the hand of memory have feel, as woman's heart ever should feel, for the opened before her, until the eyes of her mind be- misery and unhappiness of others! will they came too dim longer to distinguish the blurred cling to a few paltry luxuries and comforts, when characters of its page! the prosperity or wretchediess, perhaps even the " the deceased was a native of the gold coast, life or death, of thousands of their fellow-creatures guinea, and was kidnapped by a party of whites, when she was about years old, whilst she was may be resting upon their self-tienial, and their | gathering shells on the seashore. she was thence exertions? will they drink the blood from the taken to kingston, in the island of jamaica, and veins of their fellow-creatures, and clothe them- sold as a slave, and lived in that place upwards of selves with their flesh, (for what else is the con- twenty years--she was then sold to a master that took her from kingston, to some other of the west sumption of slave produce) and yet say that india islands, and with whom she lived about ten they have no part in the guilt or the perpetuation | years, when she was sold to a man that brought of slavery? our southern brethren, many of breaking out of the revolutionary war. her to the colonies, about ten years before the she en- them, declare their wishes to rid themselves of a ll joyed good health generally, until a short time genius of universal emancipation. fiat justitia ruat cælum. before her decease, and has left behind her chil- | commonwealth of massachusetts, actuated by a dren, grand children, and great grand chil- | natural feeling for the welfare of our friends, have dren'; total now alive of her descendants, .- thought fit to associate for the diffusion of know- she was a person of great integrity, and her death || ledge, the suppression of vice and immorality, is much regretted, as well by the white, as the and for cherishing such virtues as will render us colored population of pittsburg." happy and useful to society, sensible of the gross this account has brought forcibly to our mind ignorance under which we have too long labored, some very fine lines by montgomery, in a little | able to accomplish the object of our union-we but trusting, by the blessing of god, we shall be english book called the negro's forget me not. || have therefore associated ourselves under the name we shall place them before our readers as an ap- of the afric-american female intelligence socie- propriate comment on the above paragraph ; and ty, and have adopted the following constitution. we hope their stirring and powerful appeal will art. st. the officers of this society shall be a president, vice-president, treasurer, secretary, not be unfelt. and a board of directors of five-all of whom inscription shall be annually elected. under the picture of an aged negro woman. art. d. regular meetings of the society shall art thou a woman? so am i; and all be held on the first thursday of every month, at li that woman can be, i have been, and am ; which each member shall pay twenty-five cents, a daughter, sister, consort, mother, widow. and pay twelve and a half cents at every monthly whiche'er of these thou art, o be the friend meeting thenceforth. of one who is what thou canst never be ! art. d. the money thus collected shall be ap- look on thyself, thy kindred, home, and country, || propriated for the purchasing of books, the hiring then fall upon thy knees, and cry " thank god, of a room and other contingencies. an english woman cannot be a slave !" art. th. the books and other articles pur- art thou a man? oh! i have known, have loved, chased by this society, shall be considered as the anu lost, all that to woman man can be ; society's property; and should the society cease to exist, said property shall be disposed of by auc- a father, brother, husband, son, who shared tion, and each member receive her proportional my freedom, and my wo in bondage. a childless widow now, a friendless slave, part of the proceeds accruing from such sale. hat shall i ask of thee, since i have nought art. th. all candidates for membership shall to lose but life's sad burden ; nought to gain be of a good moral character, and shall be elected b't heaven's repose-these are beyond thy power, by a majority of the votes of the society. art. th. all members who shall be absent at me thou canst neither wrong nor help; what then? the regular monthly meetings, shall be fined six go to the bosom of thy family, gather thy little children round thy knees, and a quarter cents, unless a satisfactory apology can be offered to the society. gaze on their innocence; their clear full eyes, art. th. any member of this society, of one all fixed on thine; and in their mother mark the loveliest look that woman's face can wear, year's standing, having regularly paid up her dues, who may be taken sick, shall receive one dollar her looks of love beholding them, and thee. per week out of the funds of the society as long then at the altar of your household joys, as consistent with the means of the institution. vow one by one, vow altoge: her, vow with heart and voice, eternal enmity art. th. in case any unforeseen and afflictive against oppression by your brethren's hands; event should happen to any of the members, it till man nor woman under britain's laws, shall be the duty of the society to aid them as far as in their power. nor son, nor daughter, born within her empire, shall buy, or sell, or hold, or be a slave! art. th. if any member shall neglect to pay her regular monthly assessment, such person shall be subject to a fine of twelve and a half cents per female associations. month until paid ; and if not paid at the end of a we are glad to find that associations, benevo- || year, she shall be removed therefrom by a vote of lent and literary appear to be multiplying among the society, and forfeit all claims thereto. our colored sisters. we learn by the liberator. || member to withdraw from the society, she may art. th. should circumstances cause any that one has recently been established at boston, | transfer her certificate of membership to any per- under the name of the afric-american female | son approved of by this institution. intelligence society. a literary association was by-laws. also some months since organized by some of the art. . each member who wishes to speak shall colored females of philadelphia. we wish them rise and address the chair. both success und a long career of usefulness.- art. d. while any member addresses the chair there shall be no interruption. we hail with delight every intimation that our art. d. if any member becomes sick, it shall afric american sisters are becoming more sensi- | be made known to the president, who will in- ble of the value of mental cultivation, and are struct the directors to visit the sick person, and devise means for her relief. exerting themselves to procure it. we have art. th. twelve members shall constitute a copied the preamble and such articles of the con- | quorum to transact business. stitution of the boston society as will best ex art. th. any person or persons who shall rash- plain their objects and be most useful to those ly sacrifice their own health, shall not be entitled to any aid or sympathy from the society. who may wish to imitate them. art. th. each meeting of this society shall be. constitution gin and end with prayer. of the afric-american female intelligence art. th. the treasurer shall make quarterly society of boston. reports of the state of the funds. preamble. art. th. the secretary shall read the proceed. whereas the subscribers, women of color of the kings of the last meeting at each succeeding one. genics of universal emancipation gertrude. fja: cz. l. for the germus of conversai Łaananton. • there's many a bear, uat yet will start, the confessions of the year. from its infibied slip, at night, as the lo nid form of ue rengeti slave, the gray old year-the dying year! cons in artans before the sight. h. ands were weil nyt run; tl.e slave was cristid, and his lekkers link, win there cane one by in priest y weed, drawn tighter than before; to ask of the deeds he'd €. and the body tarih again was drench'd yiw wij %, ere thou urais une jach, with the streams ci as doring gure. t:.y breiniren all have rode, the scenes that life has shown to thee, ah! know ther not that the tightes: band, c poni liine onward road.' mus! burst with the wides power ? that the more tie sare is oppress'd and wrongd, i've seen the sunbeam rise and sel, will be fiercer his rising hour? as it rose and set before ; and the hearts of men bent earthwardly, they may thirust him back with the arm of might, they may urer.ch the earth with his blood, as they have been evernore, but the best and purest of their own, the christian raised his hallow'd fants, will blend withi the sanguine flood. and bent the knee to god; but his hand was strong, and guilt and wrong "i could tell thee more, but my strength is gone, defaced the earth he trod. and my breath is wasting fast; • the indian by his forest streams, long e're the darkness io-night has fled, still chased the good red deer, will my life írom the earth have pass'd, or turn'd away to kneel and pray, but this, the sum of all i have learn'd, with the christian's faith and fear : ere i go i will tell to thee; the hunting knife he flung aside, if tyrants would hope for a tranquil heart, he dropped the warrior blade, they must let the oppress'd go free.' and delved for bread, the soil o'er which his fathers idly strayed. • the white man gaw that gold was there, for the genius of universal emancipation. and sought with savage hand, an apologue. to drive his guiltless brother forth, the wise and enlightened rabbi sa. a wanderer o'er the land. muel ben john, whose memory be blessed, i saw-and gave the tale of shame, to swell on history's page; had three sons. his house was the abode a blot upon columbia's name, of hospitality, and the stranger was daily for many a future age. nourished at his table. his herds fed up- *with aching brow, and wearied limb, on a hundred hills, and rivers of plenty the slave his toil pursued; and oft i saw the cruel scourge flowed around his feet. the voice of the deep in his blood embrued, wretched also blessed him, and his praise he till’d oppression's soil, where men was in the assemblies of the people. yet for liberty had bled, for all these things he was not happy, and and the cagle wing of freedom waved, in mockery o'er his head. the lip of the scorner was shot out against “the earth was fill'd with the triumph-shout him. domestic dissensions embittered his of men who burst their chains ; peace. he had forgotten to do justly in but his, the heaviest of them all, his own household, and when his neigh- still lay on his burning veins. in his master's halls there was luxury, bors extolled his virtues, they stopped and wealth, and mental light; suddenly and laid their hand upon their but the very book of the christian law, lips. his was hidden from him in night. youngest son was weak, and ill-favoured in his father's eyes, and his 'in his master's halls there was wine and mirth, heart turned not towards him with the and songs for the newly free; but his own low cabin was desolate affection of a parent; but he placed the of all but miscry. covering as of a leper upon his lip, that he felt it all--and to bitterness all men should turn aside from his path. his heart within him turn'd, while the panting wish for liberty, way, and he gave him to be a bondman like a fire in his bosom burn'd. in the house of one of his brethren. for “the haunting thought of his wrongs grew changed a time the youth bore with the injustice to a darker and fiercer hue ; patiently, but the yoke of his servitude till the horrible shape it sometimes wore, at last familiar grew. pressed with an intolerable weight upon there was darkness all within his heart, his shoulders, and the cry of his weeping and madness in his soul, came up daily into the ear of his father. and the demon spark in his bosom nursed, the heart of the other of his brethren blazed up beyond control. melted also because of his anguish, and be "then came a scene-oh! such a scene!- i would i might forget besought his father for him. then arose the ringing sound of the midnight scream, the rabbi samuel ben john, with whom and the hearth-stone redly wet ! be peace, and went unto the house of his the mother slain, while she shriek'd in vain for her infant's baby life, son, saying, lo! all these years hath and the flying form of the frighted child, thy brother served thee, and thou has struck down by the bloody knife. thriven and grown rich upon the fruit of genius of universal emancipation, fiat justitia ruat cælum. his labors : release him therefor now, i among the whites of st. domingo, as well pray thee, and let him go. but the elder | as the blacks, that toussant never broke son answered, i will not; and he took his his word. accordingly, the british ge- brother and scourged him before the face | neral, trusting the promise of the negro of his father. also the other son be-chief, did not scruple to go to him with sought his brother that he would release only two or three attendants, though it the younger from his bonds; but he was a considerable distance from his own would not hearken unto him. and the army, and he had to pass through a coun- hearts of the young men waxed wroth || try full of negroes who had very lately iowards each other, and there was discord | been his mortal enemies. meanwhile and bitterness between their houses.- mons. roleme, the french commission- then the rabbi samuel ben john, whoseer , wrote a letter to toussant, urging him memory be blessed, took sackcloth and to seize the british general and detain girded himself , and sat in the dust mourn him as a prisoner. of this plot the gene- ing. and his daughter came and bowed ral received information by the way, but herself before him. and she opened her proceeded forward nevertheless. when mouth and spake, saying, not the general ma and and his attendants ar- heart of my father be troubled. lo look rived at toussant's head quarters, he was now round about thee, and consider the food | not to be seen. the general was de- that is upon thy table, and the raiment sired to wait, and after much delay, the that is upon the forms of thine household. | negro chief did not still appear. gene- is it not the toil of thy son for whom thoural maitland's mind began to misgive him, mournest that hath supplied thee with | as was natural, upon a reception seeming- these things ? and thou hast also bought | ly so uncivil, and so much falling in with them with thy money from the hands of the warning he had received. but at his brother whom thy son serveth. now length toussant came out, with two let- therefore, if thou, and my brother, and all ters open in his hand.—"there, general," his household, will no more buy of the said the upright chief, " read these before fruits of the labor of thy son who is in we talk together; the one is a letter just bondage, then will he whom he serveth, | received from roleme, and the other my break off from his neck the yoke of op- | answer. i would not come to you till i pression. and her advice seemed good had written my answer to him, that you in the ears of her father, and in the ears may see how safe you are with me, and of his son, and they followed it. and the how incapable i am of baseness.” storehouses of the elder were filled with general maitland read the letters, and goods, but no man bought of them, and found the one, an artful attempt to excite he lacked many things; and his wife and toussant to seize his guest, as an act of his daughters murmured because of their duty to the republic ; the other, a noble and want. then he arose and came to his indignant refusal. toussant's answer to father, and to his brother, and said unto roleme was in the following noble strain : them-lo, i have sinned against my bro ." what, have i not passed my word to ther, but i have repented me of mine ini." the british general; how then can you quity, and have let him go free. then" suppose that i will cover myself with his father and both his brethren took him, "dishonor by breaking it? his reliance and kissed him, and forgave him. and on my good faith leads him to put him- there was joy in the heart of the rabbi "self in my power, and i should be fore- samuel ben john, whose memory be ver infamous were i to act as you advise. blessed, and in the hearts of all his house i am faithfully devoted to the republic, hold. "but will not serve it at the expense of my conscience." che olio. “o freedom! first delight of human kind." : toussant, the negro chief. dryden. in during the short interval of || sharon t'urner, in his interesting peace between england and france, “history of the anglo-saxons," says, “ it maitland, the british general who had was then (during the reign of pope gre- been at war with toussant, went to his gory i.) the practice of europe to make camp in the country, in order to settle use of slaves, and to buy and sell them ; some points with him previous to the em- and this traffic was carried on, even in the barkation of his troops. it was a proverb ll western capital of the christian church, ( c. ( ancient slavery in england. } genius of universal emancipation. fiat justitia ruat cælum. very. passing through the market at rome the the generous gifts which they appear to white skins, the flowing locks, and beau-have made them. the grants of land tiful countenances of some youths who | from masters to their servants were very were standing there for sale, interested common; gilds or social confederations, gregory's sensibility. to his inquiries were established. the tradesmen of the from what country they had been brought, || anglo-saxons were, for the most part, the answer was, from britain, whose in- men in a servile state ; but by degrees the habitants were all of that fair complex- | manumission of slaves increased the num. ion. were they pagans or christians ? | ber of the independent part of the lower was his next question : a proof not only of orders.” his ignorance of the state of england, but when the statute st edward vi. c. . also, that up to that time it had occupied was made, which ordained, that all idle no part of his attention ; but thus brought|vagabonds should be made slaves, and fed as it were to a personal knowledge of it upon bread, water, or small drink, and re- by these few representatives of its inhabi- || fuse of meat ;-should wear a ring round tants, he exclaimed, on hearing that they | their necks, arms, or legs; and should be were still idolators, with a deep sigh, compelled by beating, chaining, or other- • what a pity that such a beauteous fron-wise, to perform the work assigned them, tispiece should possess a mind so void of were it ever so vile;—the spirit of the na- eternal grace.' the name of their nation tion could not brook this condition, even being mentioned to be angles, his ear in the most abandoned rogues, and there- caught the verbal coincidence—the bene-fore this statute was repealed in two years volent wish for their improvement darted afterwards, rd and th of edward vi. c. into his mind, and he expressed his own . feelings, and excited those of his auditors, by remarking—'it suits them well, they | rhode island the first against sla- have angel faces, and ought to be the co- heirs of the angels in heaven.' from the providence american. "the different classes of society among our venerable fellow townsman, moses the anglo-saxons were such as belonged brown, has copied, in his own hand, and to birth, office, or property, and such as sent us for publication, a document, be- were occupied by a freeman, a freedman, lieved to be the first act of any govern- or one of the servile description. it is to ment designed to prevent enslaving the be lamented, in the review of these differ- | blacks. it is honorable to the state.- ent classes, that a large proportion of the our respected correspondent accompanies anglo-saxon population was in a state the copy, with some appropriate remarks, of abject slavery; they were bought and exhibiting a remarkable instance of vigor sold with land, and were conveyed in the ous intellect and active philanthropy, grants of it promiscuously with the cattle an extreme age, when, in the common and other property upon it: and in the course of nature, the strength of man-fail- anglo-saxon wills, these wretched beings | eth, and he becomes as a child. were given away precisely as we now dis for the daily advertiser and american. pose of our plate, our furniture, or our observing in the transcribed state re- money. cord, an ancient act of our government, at length the custom of manumission, i send a copy for publication, as it shows and the diffusion of christianity, melio- | the inhabitants of that day had a much rated the condition of the anglo-saxon better idea of liberty and the rights of man slaves. sometimes individuals from be- | than too many of their descendants now nevolence, gave their slaves their freedom have; and that too, at a time when ro- -sometimes piety procured a manumis- ger williams was gone to england, so not sion. but the most interesting kind of enacted by him, which i mention because emancipation appears in those writings || the just credit due to others of our ances- which announce to us, that the slavestors has not only been neglected, but has had purchased their own liberty, or that been ascribed to him, by writers respecting of their family. the anglo-saxon laws our liberties, civil and religious. it will, recognized the liberation of slaves, and i hope, serve as a momento to our mem- placed them under legal protection. thebers of congress, to do all they can to re- liberal feelings of our ancestors to their move the reproach which lies on the con- enslaved domestics are not only evinced gregs of the united states, by suffering in the frequent manumissions, but also in il slavery, and kidnapping of people of color genius of universal emancipation. fiat justitia ruat cælum. and selling them into slavery, to continue | people of colour in that commonwealth. in the city of washington, under their im- || the bill appropriates for the object $ . mediate government, to the disgrace of for the present year, and $ , for the united states, and of every state in the year ; and the emigrants to be the general government, that does not in- | transported to some place beyond the li- struct their members to use their endea-mits of the united states, left to the discre- vors to have that black stain removed from tion of the central board. this board is our country to consist of the governor, treasurer, and “at a general court, held at war- | auditor, ex officio, who are clothed with wick the th of may, . the power of appointing agencies at nor- “whereas there is a common course folk, petersburg, or other places. -nat. practised among english men; to buy ne-intelligencer. groes to that end they may have them for service or slaves for ever; for the prevent the slave trade.-some of the bri- ing of such practices among us, let it be || tish vessels on the coast of africa, being ordered that no black mankind or white in pursuit of a slave vessel, the villains being shall be forced by covenant, bond or on board of her threw slaves into the otherwise, to serve any man or his assign-sea, manacled together, four of whom ees longer than ten years, or until they were picked up and saved. we hope come to be twenty-four years of age, if | that all nations will soon agree to regard they be taken in under fourteen, from the this trade outlawed, so that the simple time of their coming within the liberties || fact of being caught with slaves on board of this colony-at the end or term of ten | shall cause the death of every person en- years to set them free, as the manner is gaged in the business. a few well-armed with english servants. and that man vessels would then soon end this infernal that will not let them go free, or shall sell business, -and it must be seized with & them away elsewhere, to that end that strong hand.- . they may be enslaved to others for a long- er time, he or they shall forfeit to the colo- errors in the. census relating to the ny pounds." slaves in the free states.-in obedience to the credit of the members that to a late resolution of the house of repre- enacted this law, i subjoin their names, sentatives of the united states, mr. li- from the record. vingston has given an explanation of the the general officers were john smith, | returns of the census which represented president. thomas olney, general as- || several slaves, as living in some of the sistant, from providence. samuel gorton, | free states. of the four in massachusetts, from warwick. john geeen, general is said to be years old or upwards, corder. randal holden, treasurer. in the family of joseph cummings, of an- hugh bewett, gen. sergeant. dover, essex county; and one of about the commissioners were, from provi- || the same age in the family of prince dence, robert williams, gregory dexter, walker, in barre, worcester county. richard waterman, thomas harris, wil- | the oiher two were set down as slaves by liam wickenden, and hugh bewett - mistake. the six returned as slaves in from warwick, samuel gorton, john maine are all free. the few slaves, who wickes, john smith, randal holden, || still remain in the eastern states and john green, jr. and ezekiel holliman. other states, where slavery is not allowed, are those who are unable, through age or maryland.-it may be expected, we | infirmity, to provide for their own support, think, that the legislature of this state, at and are allowed to depend upon their mas- the present session, will pass a strong law ters. there have been no slaves in mas- to prevent the introduction of slaves and | sachusetts for more than fifty years. the ingress of free persons of color, and also making liberal provisions for the coloniza- tion and comfort of such of the latter as shall for circulating seditious pamphlets, im- be willing to remove to africa.--niles. prisonment, pillory, and whipping-for the second offence, death; for teaching a virginia legiblature.-free ne- black to read or write, or to sell him books groes.--a bill has passed the house of or pamphlets, subjects a white to a fine of delegates of virginia, by a vote of to dollars, a free negro to fine, imprison- , providing for the removal of the freell ment, and whipping, and a slave to one legislation in north carolina. genius of universal emancipation fiat justitia ruat cælum. next, . lashes. slaves may be emancipated if authorized agents. the owner gives bonds in a thousand dol jacob janney-penn. avenue, washington, d. lars for each that they shall behave well c. opposite barnard's hotel. william r. jones—no. , market-street, bal- while in the state, and leave it in ninety timore, maryland. days never to return. if they neglect to abner m. plummer-newmarket, do. leave, they are to be sold, and a legal title samuel brown-winchester, virginia. is assured to the purchaser. jonathan taylor, jr.-purcell's store, do rich'd mendenhall-jamestown, n. c. thos. moore, p. m. -newgarden, do. the african colonists at monrovia have thos. lundy-huntsville, surry co. do. established a reading room. editors and m. long, p. m.-long's mills, do. j. newlin, p. m.-lindley's store, da others, friendly to the cause of education, b. swaim, esq.--new-salem, do. are invited to forward papers and books for rev. h. m'millan,chesterville, s. c. the use of the room, samuel holliman-wrightsboro', ga. thos. doan-newmarket, jeff. co. tenn. jas. jones, p. m.—unitia, blount co. do. virginia. the bill from the house elijah embree, p. m.-pactolus, do. of delegates, appropriating $ , for william bryant-nashville, do. the present year, and $ , for next william mack, columbia, do. james askins-fayetteville do. year, to be applied to the removal, with james alexander- washington, hempstead co their own consent, of the free colored peo arkansas ter. ple of virginia, to some place without rev. jesse haile-springfield, illinois. the jurisdiction of the united states, has rev. john f. crow, p. m.--hanover, ia. smith & bulla-centreville, do. been rejected in the senate of that state. rev. m. jamieson-mount-sterling, ky. joseph lormer—mount-washington, do. premium for rice. joseph b. chapman-waynesville, ohio. the sum of twenty dollars will be given dr. joseph stanton-springborough, do. a premium, over and above the market price, william lewis-harrisville, do. for five casks of fresh rice, of good quality, a. baer, jr.-osnaburg, stark co. do. raised by free labor, and delivered in philadel thomas chandler-adrian, michigan ter. phia, to charles peirce, before the first of june william p. richards-wilmington, del. joseph sharpless-no. , n. th street, phili- the gentleman above named, is well known as delphia, penn. a very respectable grocer in philadelphia, who joseph cassey-no. s. th street, do. do. has, for several years past, made it a particular bu a. marshall, esq.-westchester, do. siness to keep articles in his line that are exclu dr. e. michener-londongrove, do. sively the production of free labor. dr. b. fussell — kennett square, do. the premium, together with the market price, joel wierman-york springs, adams co. do.. will be promptly paid, on the delivery of the rice, lindley coates-gap p. o. lan. co. do. accompanied by proper reference and vouchers jehu lewis-bethleham, wash. co. do. from some respectable person who is known in richard lundy-mount holly, n.j. philadelphia. theodore davisson-trenton, do. benjamin acton-salem, do. the zachariah webster-plainfield, do. genius of universal emancipation. james wilson, jr.--alamouchy p. . sussex vol. xii. county, do. the object and character of this work are wel mahlon day-no. pearl-st. n. y. city. known. it has been published ten years, and cir john lockwood-poughkeepsie, n. y. culated in all the states of this union, in canada, charles marriott-hudson, do. the west indies, europe and africa. it is exclu- a bijah purinton-troy, do. sively devoted to the subject of the abolition of sla- thomas shotwell-marengo. do. sery, on the american continent and islands. lyman a. spalding-lockport, do. terms of subscription. john i. wells & son-hartford, conn. the work will, henceforth, be issued monthly. r. t. robinson-vergennes, vt. it will be neatly printed on fine paper, and folded william loyd garrison-boston, mass. in the octavo form, each number making sixteen samuel rodman, jr.--new-bedford, do. large pages. william dean-salem, do. the price of subscription will be one dollar per rev. n. paul--london c. h. upper canada. annum, always to be paid in advance. subscribers who do not particularly specify the james cropper--liverpool, england. william b. bowler-port au prince, hayti. time they wish to receive the work, or notify the editor of a desire to discontinue it before the expi- john b. salgues--aux cayes, do. jacob w. prout--monrovia, africa. ration of each current year, will be considered as engaged for the next succeeding one, and their postage bills will be forwarded accordingly. the postage of the genius of universal eman- agents will be entitled to six copies for every cipation is now the same as that of weekly news- five dollars remitted to the editor, in current mo papers. one cent and a half, for each paper, is ney of the united states. the highest that can be legally charged within the all letters and communications intended for united states. if the distance be less than one this office, must be addressed, free of expense, to hundred miles, but one cent can be demanded.- benjamin lundy, washington, d.c. do post-masters will please attend to this no- dp a few copies of the eleventh vchime, com tice. the post-office in washington forwards plete, for sale. it under this regulation genius of universal emancipation. edited by b. lundy-published in washington and baltimore—$ . per ann. "we hold these truths to be self-evident: that all men are created equal, and endowed by their creator with certain inalienable rights; that among these are life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness."-declaration of independence, u.s. no. . vol. ii. third sÉries.) april, . (whole number . vol. xii. tour in upper canada. this expounder of the revenue laws (he was a in the last number of the genius of universal || deputy) exacted about seven dollars, for duties emancipation we inserted a statement of the pro- and fees on a few books and pamphlets, with a ceedings of the colored emigrants at the wilber-| little writing paper. i was afterwards told that force settlement, in the province of upper cana-| the demand was illegal; but i had not, then, da. the writer, having travelled through that | leisure to contest it. province, from queenston to detroit, and made it is known, to the intelligent reader, that many inquiries and observations, thinks it advise- || queenston is situated on the west bank of the able to publish the result thereof, for the infor-niagara river, about seven miles below the cele- mation of such as are now. turning their eyes | brated falls, at the foot of what is called “the towards that region, as a place of refuge for the mountain,” which extends from the head of lake persecuted colored people of these states. as ontario, in upper canada, far east, and parallel this tour was performed in the winter, however, with the southern shore of said lake. this there was no opportunity to judge of the quality“ mountain” is nothing more than the old bank or of the soil, (except in a few instances,) but by | margin of the lake ; and there can be no doubt the timber, shrubbery, &c., which could be seen that the great falls were once at the verge of above the snow. to supply the deficiency in this elevation, near the place where the village of personal observation, minute inquiry was very || queenston now stands. in process of time, how. frequently made; and it is believed that this, || ever, the water has cut away the earth and rock, together with a pretty general knowledge of the for the space of seven miles ! and it is still pro. various growth that may be expected on light | gressing-slowly, but steadily-towards the outlet or heavy soils, has furnished the means of form- of lake erie. the village of queenston is to. ing correct opinions, and drawing tolerably accu- || lerably well situated, and appears to be in a re- rate conclusions, upon the particular point here ther improving condition. there are a number of adverted to. as much brevity has been used, in mercantile stores, some mechanics' shops and tą the narration, as would be consistent with a clear || verns, and a few public buildings; but there does view of matters and things connected with the not seem to be any very extensive business car. purposes of the tour ;—though, upon some occa- ried on there. some of the buildings are of brick sions, the reader may, at first, think that more and stone; but a large proportion consist of prolixity has been indulged than was absolutely wood. before taking leave of the place, it should necessary. be mentioned, that the heights, back of queens- the notes of this tour, commenced at queens- | ton, were the scene of an engagement between ton, where the author arrived at the date first the united states and british armies, in the time mentioned therein. we insert them as follows: of the last war; and that it was here the cele- queenston, u, c., january th, . brated general brock lost his life. his monument having taken lodgings at lewiston, n. y. last is erected near the spot where he fell, in a very evening, i crossed the river, to queenston, imme- || conspicuous situation, from the top of which there diately after breakfast, this morning. the wea- is a grand view of the upper part of lake onta. ther had been severely cold, for several weeks rio, and the circumjacent country for a great dis- past, and much ice was collected on the margin tance around. of the river. we had some difficulty in getting about the middle of the day, i got all things into the ferry boat-but, at length, found our- | arranged, and took the stage, for hamilton.- selves safe on the canada shore. i had scarcely || there being a sufficiency of snow, the stage-box put my trunk down, at the stage office door, when was placed on runners, and we travelled on fine- a man, of quite an ordinary appearance, stepped || ly. the weather was moderate, and being de up to it, and, giving it a jerk one side, abruptly || sirous to note every thing of importance as we. said, in a tone of authority: "open that.” i un- | passed along, i took a stand with the driver, on derstood him he was the custom house officer the front of the vehicle. -and it was his business to see that travellers do proceeding along near the foot of the “moun-. not smuggle goods into the province, under the ap- tain,” in a westerly direction, we have, on our pellation of "baggage,” to defraud the revenue. || right hand, a beautiful, level, and exceedingly although i had nothing to sell, except a few in-| fertile country, partly clothed with a thick forest, complete volumes, or files, of my periodical work, ll and partly checquered with fine farms,—and on genius of universal emancipation. fiat justitia ruat cælum. two weekly news- our left a stupendous ridge, of almost feet mechanics' shops, &c., &c. perpendicular height, faced, in places, with a wallpapers are also issued. my stay was short, and of limestone rock, on the summit of which strag- i did not learn what encouragement is given to gling pines, scrubby oaks, and dwarf cedars, oc the arts and sciences; what attention paid to the casionally appear. (the traveller, who has education of youth ; or what regulations exist, crossed the “american bottom,” above kaskas- || relative to the duties of religion. the stage roads, kia, in illinois, has seen a good sample of this from queenston and york to detroit, here come ridge, in the old bank of the mississippi.) about | together. this place is about equidistant from three miles from queenston, is situated the little the two first mentioned. the stage runs daily in village of st. davids. there are a few neat hou- the summer, and tri-weekly in the winter, as far ses here,-but not much business seems to be west as brantford; and the mail is carried through, doing. five miles further on, we come to ten to detroit, three times a week. the country, a- mile creek. here are a few scattering houses, round here, is said to be thickly settled, and many giving the place the appearance of a village. it of the inhabitants wealthy. situated near the is, however, of little consequence. from thence, || lake, the advantages of commerce are great; and the distance is three miles to st. catherines, where | both town and country must improve. something more like business appears to be going between and o'clock, in the morning, our on. we see nothing there, however, worthy of stage driver notified the passengers that he was particular notice. the next place of note is ha- ||“ ready to go.” all of them huddled into the milton, situated near the head of lake ontario, and comfortable enclosure, but myself. i again took forty-eight miles west of queenston. we ar a standing place, with our jehu,-from whence i rived here about half past o'clock in the even could “see what was to be seen,” as we traversed ing, and took lodgings at a tolerably passable the “king's dominions.” we now take the road tavern, which is kept as a stage house. towards detroit, bearing a little more to the south the country, through which we passed to-day, || of west, than before. the weather is tolerably exhibited a sameness of appearance, the whole good for the season. the snow is not as deep as distance. the fine and level alluvion, on our to the eastward. we soon find ourselves rising right, alternately presented heavy, dense forests, the "mountain ;” and here we leave the beauti- and numerous fields and improvements. the ful alluvial country, bordering the lake. the whole is clear of stone, as i was told, on the sur road is good, up the hill, though the ascent is face. the timber, on this tract, consists of oak, steep. the view of burlington bay, and the hickory, sugar maple, beach, ash, elm, bass, &c., || head of lake ontario, together with the vast ex- &c., indicating a strong, rich soil. the appear tent of country adjacent, as we rise this proud ance of the inhabitants, their style of building, eminence, is grand and sublime! on reaching improving farms, and general mode of living, is the top of the hill, we have before us a different much like what we meet with in the western | kind of a country from that we have just left.--- parts of new-york. a large proportion of them we have no “mountain” to descend, but are have, indeed, emigrated from the united states. | presented with fine level and beautifully rolling some english, scotch, and irish, are to be found || land, though the soil is, evidently, of a lighter cast: the white emigrants from the u. there is a good deal of pine timber, mingled with states are all termed “ yankees.” the produc- the oak, &c. proceeding about seven miles, we tions of the soil are about the same, here, as in come to the village of ancaster. in future time new-york, new-jersey, pennsylvania, &c. the it will, probably, be more noted for classical re- country being thickly settled, game is scarce.- ference, than any thing else-some little matter fish are plenty in the lakes and streams. the || having occurred here, during the late war, which water is pure and wholesome. land sells too | history recognizes. it is an insignificant place, high, in this section, for the poorer class of emi- and little note was taken of it. the land, grants. the wealthy may find advantageous about here, is somewhat hilly, and lightly timber- locations, for the investment of capital. ed-soil rather inferior, no doubt. we now pass january th. through a country considerably diversified, as re- at day-light, this morning, i took a walk out, || lates to soil and settlement. in some places the to view the town. hamilton is, truly, a beauti- | pine timber is very plenty ; in others the general fully situated village. it is laid off on a kind of varieties of oak, &c., &c., prevail. some par- secondary elevation, a short distance from the ticular sections are well watered and fertile, and foot of the “mountain,” so often before alluded to. some are sandy and barren. there are nume- the plat of the town is delightful. there are rous fine farms on the road. some handsome buildings in the place, though not after a few hours' ride, we come to the thriv- many for public uses. they have a neat courting village of brantford. this place is situated house and jail-several pretty good inns-about twenty-five miles west of hamilton. it takes its a dozen mercanti stores-a fair proportion of name from brant's ford, across grand river, im- among them. genius of universal emancipation. fiat justitia ruat cælum. ve- mediately in the neighborhood of the town. here |“ free” government, where they can tyrannize over is a large settlement of the mohawk indians. the colored man with impunity! and take up their they are quite a civilized people. they have a abode among monarchists, where all are “free village, about two miles to the east of this place, and equal !” they would act 'wisely to assume where there is a meeting for worship, at which fewer airs, and submit, cheerfully, like good liege an episcopal clergyman regularly officiates.— " subjects,” to the regulations adopted by the go- it is called the “mohawk parsonage.” this vernment of their choice. place is the residence of the celebrated brant fa- the village of brantford is quite a neat and mily, one of whom was, a short time since, return- stirring little place. it has an episcopal church, ed as a member of the provincial parliament.- and one or more schools. it is situated on the it appeared, however, that a few illegal votes bank of the river, which is, here, a stream of some were given for him, and his seat was denied him. i importance, though not navigable for large vés- but i heard several white persons remark, that if sels. there is a handsome bridge erected over it, he offers again, as a candidate, he will, no doubt, | opposite the town. a grist-mill, running four pair be fairly elected. he is a full blooded indian, of stones, is located within its limits; and several well educated, and, as the white people say, saw-mills are in operation, near by. there are ry much of the gentleman.” until now, i saw about a dozen mercantile stores, (several of which, very few of the african race in canada. a con- however, are very small,) a considerable number siderable number of them reside in brantford. of mechanics' shops, that make a good appear- there appears, also, to be a good deal of mixture ance, and two pretty good taverns, in the village. of american, european, and african blood (but they talk of cutting a canal, from this place to especially the two first) in this section of country. | erie and ontario. intersect the welland canal, between the lakes the tout ensemble of the as the stage would not leave brantford before the morning of the th, and being myself, a little country, around, is handsome ; but, from the ap- unwell, i was detained at a public house. the soil, on the uplands, is very light. the river bot- pearance of the timber, &c., i incline to think the accommodation was good. toms are, no doubt, more fertile. the settlements january th. on either side of the road, for some distance, are this being the first day of the week, the places of business are closed, and all is still and quiet. beyond the indian reservation, are extensive, and quite dense. the inhabitants, mixture of on our arrival, yesterday, many indians were in europeans and americans. a settlement of co- town, and a few of them staid about the taverns lored people is located a few miles to the north of pretty late in the evening. some of them, as well | this place, which goes by the name of woolwich. as the blacks and whites, drank quite freely; and || there is said to be a considerable number of emi- i learn, this morning, that a fracas occurred in grants from the u. s. there ; and they are repre- our landlord's bar-room, among the heterogeneous | sented as doing well. assemblage there. having retired early, i knew january th. nothing of it. the blame was thrown upon the the stage set out, pretty early this morning, "negroes,” by the bar-keeper, who was a "yan- for london c. h. in the direction of detroit.- - kee” of “high pressure" prejudice, but it did not the weather had been mild, for a day or two, but amount to much ; and, to-day, very few indians was now cold and frosty. the snow was so light, or blacks are to be seen in the public places. that the sleighing was very poor. we crossed by the way, it may not be amiss to observe, the river on the bridge, before mentioned, and that the white emigrants, from the united states, went some distance up along its western bank.- retain all the prejudice, here, that they formerly | then, rising the hill, we took leave of it, and en- held against the colored people in their native | tered a level, thinly timbered, tract of country, country. and the latter, being admitted to equal | through which we passed several miles, without privileges with them, under this government, are | meeting with a single house. the timber, here, accused of being “saucy." perhaps there is some consists, solely, of scrub oak. scarcely a bush, of ground for the charge; for when we reflect that || any other kind, is to be seen; and the land is, the colored people are now released from the probably, a good deal sterile. the high lands, shackles of degradation, and yet frequently pro near the river, on either side, exhibit a rather voked by the taunts, and gibes, and supercilious || dwarfish growth of timber, of various species.- treatment, of the “yankees,” we need not won || very little pine is met with in its vicinity. oak, der at their indulging their resentment, sometimes, || hickory, &c., predominates. there is, also, some too far, and even behaving with impropriety. but hazel to be seen, in places. although the gene- when the whites,themselves, clear their skirts of the ral appearance is unfavorable to the idea of a fer- guilt of being “saucy,” in their deportment to tile country, i was told that the land, for the most wards the blacks, i apprehend that we shall hear || part, produces well. i noticed some stacks of little more of this kind of complaint. indeed, if very fine timothy hay, by the road side, and our good republicans choose to leave their ll the corn stalks were large in some of the fields genius of universal emancipation. fiat justitia ruat cælum. that we passed by. about five or six miles west of descends as it extends southwestward. the re- brantford, the land is, evidently, of a better qua- ||gular and elegant wall of trees, on either hand, lity. it becomes more rolling, better watered, and || whose spiral tops reach (seemingly) to the hea- the timber is diversified. a little white pine is inter-vens—their beautiful evergreen hue—the deep, mixed with it. proceeding fifteen or twenty miles | impervious shade, beneath their small and straight further still, we entered a very rich tract of country; yet intertwining branches--all, viewed together, and i learn that it extends a considerable distance appears at once pleasing, sublime, and solemn.- in every direction. oak, hickory, beach, ash, sugar some of the trees are very large; and in no other tree, bass, elm, &c., are the prevailing kinds of tim-place have i ever seen a forest so compact-such a ber. there is a little poplar, walnut, and cherry, vast quantity of timber on any particular space of and also some elder, and sumach, (but no pine,) in | ground. after proceeding five or six miles, over a this particular section. the land lies exceedingly || tract of country in which stumps are by far more nu- well; and the soil is unquestionably strong. the merous than corn hills should be! we lose the pine society of friends have a settlement, at a place timber again, and find ourselves in a rich country of called norwich, a little to the south of our road, and || beautiful rolling land, well settled, and handsome- about twenty-five miles from brantford. the ly cultivated. we several times pass within country, through which we now pass, is newly sight of the river, which gradually increases in and thinly settled; and the roads are bad. size as we proceed towards its mouth, but it is at a distance of thirty miles from the last men- not yet navigable for vessels of burden. at tioned place, we come to a tavern and stage house. about o'clock in the evening, we arrived at the here the country has been long settled. we see stage house of hiram martin, three miles south fine farms, and comfortable dwellings, as we pass of london c. h. and sixty miles from brantford. along; and the land lies well for cultivation. it for a great part of the distance, the snow was is also said to be of a good quality. we are now near the head waters of the river thames, the light, (except in the woods,) and the roads were principal branch of which flows within a mile of rough. the body of a curtained coach had been the stage house, just adverted to. the character placed on sleigh runners, for the accommodation of of the inhabitants is much the same, in this part our stage passengers; but, for my own part, i rode of canada, as further to the eastward ; and their the whole day on the outside, standing all the while on my feet. the weather was mild, in the latter general mode of living is, likewise, very similar. five miles from the aforesaid stage house, we part of the day, and the snow melted considerably. cross a fine stream, called ingersoll's creek. it (to be continued.) falls into the thames, a mile or more to the north of our road. this place has the appearance of a the colony at liberia. small village. they have a fine grist-mill, a saw by a recent arrival from the american colony, mill, a store, and sundry mechanics' shops; and in africa, the “liberia herald,” of december i should suppose that a good deal of business is | d, has been received in washington. the done there. passing on, somewhat further, we following extract from an article in that paper, have a view of the thames. it may, here, bel (which we copy from the national intelligencer,) called a good large mill stream. its banks are shows that our old friend, russwurm, is betrayed bold and dry; and its waters are clear and trans- | into some errors, by his zeal in favor of african parent. its course is somewhat serpentine, yet colonization. we must set him right. our road, henceforth, keeps near it, occasionally, “from late occurrences at the south, (the vir- for a great distance. although the river is too ginia insurrection, &c.,) which we deplore as much small to navigate, to much advantage, thus far, i that a new impulse will be given to the noble as any man possibly can, we are led to conclude, was informed that logs are frequently rafted down | scheme of colonization. facts speak louder than it in the spring season. for a few miles back, || words : and when we predicted, months before, we passed through a high, rolling section of coun- that the late coercive measures, pursued by the try. the timber is of various kinds, among the free states, we were laughed at by many who state of ohio, would have to be adopted by all which a small proportion is white pine. we, || were opposed to emigration. but how stand here, see what is very uncommon-pine, beach, | facts at present? ohio has put her prohibitory hickory, oak, ash, &c., mingled together . the operation, and the rest of the free states will laws, which were suffered to go unenforced, into inhabitants say the land is rich, and produces || shortly follow her example. and where, then, handsomely. a short distance further westward, will the thousands of free persons of color, and our road leads us into a dense forest, exclusively | ready to free them, flee for shelter ?. can they all the thousands of slaves, whose masters stand of white pine. for miles, there is scarcely a go to canada ? it is folly to think, much more stick of any other description in view. the to say so. can they, will they flee to hayti? mind of man can hardly imagine a more interest- || the experiment has been already tried, and hun- ing wilderness scene, than is here presented to dreds have returned back, with these words in their mouths: "if we are to be slaves, let us be the eye of the tourist. the road very gradually || slaves in america.'” genius of universal emancipation. fiat justitia ruat cælum. it is difficult to find, in all the journals under ancestors, are doing well. but it is folly to ex- the darkest prejudice, or the rankest slavite influ- | pect that all of those who wish to remove from ence, a more distorted and erroneous view of this country, will consent to go thither. if many things, in as few words, than is here given. had leave these states, they must have places to locate the editor of the herald been a south carolina | themselves much nearer at hand. they must, also, planter, instead of the conductor of a free afri- || have a choice of country and clime. vain will can press--had he been an american slaveholder, || be the attempt to promote an extensive emigra. instead of a pioneer in the great work of african tion, upon any other principle. and it is an ab- emancipation, and african improvement,-we | solute fact that canada will suit our northern, and should not have wondered at his using the lan- | mexico and hayti our southern, colored people, guage here quoted; for, in that case, he would be generally, much better than any portion of afri- anxious to send all the free colored people to ca. in either of those countries they will be con- africa, out of his way. but that he (a man of | sidered “free and equal” with all others; and, color himself) should give currency to statements || if orderly and industrious, may soon become re- so utterly untrue, and, with seeming approbation, spectable and wealthy citizens. circulate the odious doctrines and foul slanders, the following very flattering account of mon- invented and propagated despotic knaves, to | rovia, is extracted from the statement of captain injure the people of color,—is almost incredible. william abels, of the schooner margaret mercer, we can make all due allowance for his ignorance lately returned from a voyage to africa. he ar- of what is doing here, occasioned by the distance || rived there on the th of december, and was de- of his location, and the consequent inconvenience | tained about thirteen days. we make no com- of procuring correct information. but this will ment. not wholly screen him from the charge of unfair “ there are about two hundred buildings in ness. he may not know that ohio has not “put | the town of monrovia, extending along the cape her odious prohibitory laws, which were suffered | montserado, not far from a mile and a quarter. to go unenforced, into operation.” he may not stores, (the first story of many of them being most of these are good substantial houses and know that, (whatever a few persons, surcharged of stone,) and some of them handsome, spacious, with the tyranny and cowardice of prejudice, may || painted, and with venitian blinds. nothing have said)—not a single free state has yet shut its struck me as more remarkable than the great doors against the suffering exiles from the south, tion, dress, and general appearance in every re- superiority, in intelligence, manners, conversa- nor fully evinced the disposition to do so.* but he || spect, of the people over their colored brethren does know that the language he quotes, respecting in america. (was capt. abels ever in hayti ?] the emigration to hayti, is absurd and ridiculous so much was i pleased with what i saw, that i observed to the people, should i make a true re- --that it carries a glaring falsehood on its face,- | port it would hardlý be credited in the u. states. that it has been refuted a thousand times.- || among all that i conversed with, i did not find a " slaves,” in hayti !!! that an intelligent man, discontented person, or hear one express a desire to return to america. i saw no intemperance, nor like john b. russwurm, should quote such lan- || did i hear a profane word uttered by any one." guage, approvingly, at this day, is astonishing: - it is little better than a wilful perversion of truth. | more libelling !"- it is moral treason against the cause of his colored ington !! brethren. the emigrants to hayti are doing well. every reader of the genius of universal eman- those who talked of slavery, there were mostly the || cipation knows that the editor has been, several drunken vagabonds from new-york,philadelphia, || months, from home. due allowance will, there- &c. whose vagraney was discouraged and punished. || fore, be made, for any seeming neglect in prompt- we are not surprised to perceive that such edi-| ly noticing occurrences in the district of colum- cors as those of the “ national intelligencer,” se- bia, and places contiguous. he has, at present, lect stuff like the foregoing for the palates of their very important objects in view, which require readers. the proverb: “it is my vocation, hal,” || his attention abroad for the space of a few months applies to them, in cases of this nature. but the enemies of freedom have permis- that the ignorant dunces should have copied from an african paper, what they should have sion, of course, to make what use of his name known to be false information, respecting ameri- they please--for a time. briefly: i am subjected to the charge of another can affairs ! is amusing, though quite in character. “libel,” for pleading the cause of the oppressed! it is gratifying to us , in common with every the “ penalty» will, probably, be inflicted when i 'well wisher of the descendants of africans, to learn that those who have been so enterprising as tread the soil, “sacred to liberty'--the city of washington!!! to establish a colony in the land of their remote what grounds the advocates of slavery have * some new propositions have, it is true, been taken, in this proceeding against me, i do not introduced into the legislature of pennsylvania and ohio; but they could not in either case, ob- precisely know. if my health continues, they tain a majority to act upon them. shall have an opportunity to put their laws in force, -doings at wash- to come. genius of universal emancipation. legislative movements in virginia. fiat jusitia ruat cælum. may now be orthodox, with the unreflecting, -- but, to return from this brief digression. we but a “protective system” will soon be called for, || put the question, fairly and candidly, to our south- that shall protect man and woman (though || ern friends : if the advantages of a system of free their skins be dark) in the enjoyment of “life, || labor are now apparent, in the grain-growing sec- liberty, and the pursuit of happiness." tions of our country, why should not similar advuna tages result from the adoption of this same system, in their eyes are opening. it has been one of the prime objects of the ge- the sugar, rice, and cotton districts ? this is an nius of universal emancipation, to advocate the || tention of every citizen. it is not dificult of solu- important query-one that should engage the at- doctrine that free labor is more valuable than that of slaves. many of our southern friends, the light of experience, in addition to reason, phi- tion. on the contrary, we can avail ourselves of having become fully satisfied of the truth of this, losophy, and common sense. it has, indeed, been and also that they may, with safety, abolish the slave system, are promulgating the same senti- || proven, to the satisfaction of many, that the ad- vantages are equally great, in the one case, as in ments, and zealously urging the adoption of mea- sures that shall, eventually, produce the desired rican press shall make it their duty to collect facts the other; and when the conductors of the ame- change. we have, several times, copied detach- and disseminate information upon this interest- ed paragraphs from the “constitutional whig,” || ing subject, we shall soon witness the commence- published at richmond, virginia. this paper ment of a revolution in public sentiment, gene- exercises a high degree of influence in a large por- | rally, to which even that occasioned by the inven- tion of the state ; and the opinions advanced there- in, will have great weight with the citizens thereof. we shall indulge the hope, that the day is nog tion of the steam engine will bear no comparison. the editor of that paper lately undertook to show that the great southern excitement, relative larly engage the attention of all. far distant, when these thing will more particu- to the tariff, had its origin in the evils connected with slavery. this is an absolute fact, which the genius of universal emancipation long since it appears, from the proceedings of the vir- predicted would be seen and acknowledged by ginia legislature, that the members of that body our statesmen. the language of the whig is so are not yet quite prepared to adopt efficient mea- much to the point, we copy it as follows: sures for the prevention of trouble with the slave • slavery is not only a million of degrees | population. they talk of the “free negroes,” more ruinous to the prosperity of the south “ african colonization,” &c., &c., but the slaves- than the tariff, but it is the very cause which | from whom, only, can they experience either diffi- makes the tariff itself oppressive-if it be culty or danger-they must not be meddled with ! oppressive, which we do not see, and do not they are “ property,” and the “owner” may believe. is not the entire non-slaveholding do what he pleases with it!”–although it is quarter of the union flourishing under the t'ariff to an extent without any parallel in the known to be more dangerous than gunpowder- history of the world ? would prosperity more destructive than the pestilence-yet it must cease precisely at the ohio and at mason and be let alone! it is to be hoped, however, that this dixon's line, and decay begin, if slavery did || state of things cannot last long. some of the not exert an influence to produce it ?" **** * this truth is too striking to be overlooked continue to urge upon the attention of the people newspapers, and particularly the richmond whig, --too important to be neglected-- invin- cible to be combatred. the people of vir- and their representatives further and more impor- tant measures that shall finally abolish the slave ginia, if they have not already, will see, ac- knowledge, and avail themselves of it.” system, wholly and totally. let these patriotic it is truly pleasing to perceive, that southern philanthropists still extend their efforts, and the politicians, as well as moralists and religious pro- | public mind will soon be sufficiently enlightened- fessors, are becoming sensible of the truth of such they must, eventually, succeed. *opinions as are here inculcated. americans, ge- we learn that a bill passed the house of de- nerally, will also, in due time, be impressed with || legates, at the late session, appropriating the sum the positive certainty of another important poli- l of $ , for the present year, and $ , for tical axiom, which we have before offered to their the year , towards the removal of free color- consideration, viz. that every contest relative led persons from that commonwealth. they must to the election of a president of the u. states, for be transported to “some place beyond the limits of many years past, has turned upon that great the united siates," which place shall be designat- pivot, the question of slavery. it will likewise, ed by a “central board,” consisting of the go- as a matter of course, have a decided bearing up-vernor, treasurer, and auditor, ex officio, who are on future contests, of this nature, while it conti- || authorised to appoint agencies, &c. from this, it nues to exist in this republic. we shall not, how- would seem that some of the virginia statesmen ever, dwell upon this topic, now, “sufficient | begin to entertain doubts of the practicability of unto the day is the evil thereof." removing all the colored people to“ africa. that genius of universal emancipation. fiat justitia ruat cælum. tee for his orderly and peaceful demeanor, be free on their arriving at those ages re- but too strongly in contrast with the dangerspectively. which must ever be apprehended from the we are pleased to learn, by a hasty glance at slaves, where they are numerous, and all the law of the state, as at last enacted, that the re-. hope of obtaining the rights which nature it- | moval of colored persons, therein provided for, is self teaches them are theirs, shall have been .cut off. the awful massacre at southampton not confined to africa. the first clause in the act was not the work of free blacks, nor have states that the person's authorized shall “ remove they been in any way implicated in its guilt from the state of maryland the people of color degraded and depraved slaves alone, were now free, and such as shall hereafter become so, the brutal perpetrators. to the colony of liberia in africa, or such other your memorialists entertaining the views | place or places, out of the limits of this state, as which they have here expressed, cannot but re- they may approve of, and the person or persons so gard with deep solicitude the proposition now to be removed shall consent to go to,” &c. the before your honorable body, to prohibit ma- | law, here alluded to, possesses many very objec- numission except on condition of removal to tionable features; but we have not room to point africa, or some other place out of the state. them out at present. to the friends of humanity generally, and to the friends of colonization in particular, it might be supposed the very agitation of such a slave insurrections in jamaica. measure would be unwelcome. its adoption it is known to our readers that the british by giving a compulsory, and therefore an odi-government, being fully satisfied of the prac- ous, character to the colonization scheme, ticability of abolishing the system of slavery would only increase the prejudice against it, already wide spread among the blacks, and in its west india colonies, has some time in all probability put an end to voluntary emi-since, taken measures preparatory thereto, gration. to those who from friendship for and demanded of the colonists the establish- the colonization society, may advocate the ment of regulations in accordance. but, it prohibitory measure now before your honora- ble body, your memorialists would respectful- | appears that the demoniac spirit of oppres- ly say-let a generation grow up on the soilsio had too strong a footh in their callous of their nativity, let there be seen what time hearts, and that they did not comply with the is wanting to show the example of a well or- | requisition until the blacks, being painfully dered, well governed community there--in the meantime, let every thing be done here wearied, and their patience exhausted, deter- by facilitating emancipation, and by affordingmined to take the matter in their own hands, the advantages of a plain education, and all and raised a formidable rebellion against the will be accomplished towards the removal of local authorities. this was, undoubtedly, the black population that is practicable con- sistently with justice and humanity. their motive; yet every act of insubordination was, your memorialists believing that slavery of course, considered an offence against cannot be interminable, that the day is ap- the general government, and must be pu- proaching when the light of divine truth will || nished, accordingly. by the latest accounts, shine with yet brighter lustre, and men boast at the time of writing this article, the commo- ing of freedom will no longer enslave their tion bad, in a great measure subsided; but, fellow men, but obeying the heavenly injunc- tion will " undo the heavy burdens, and let the still great apprehensions were felt for the ſu- oppressed go free,” cannot but be desirous | ture. the tyrants will not yield while a pos- that the blessings of mental cultivation should sibility exists of holding on to the rod, and the be extended to the now neglected african. oppressed are determined that they shall education may make a villain more accom- plished, but its almost invariable effect is to wield it no longer. the following is extract- soften and humanize the character. under | ed from a late newspaper. this is the “ its happy influence, the slave would become a ges" of oppression.! better servant, and at the same time be better " jamaica. we have awful details of the qualified to provide for himself when emanci- late proceedings of the slaves in this island. pated. one hundred and fifty estates had been laid your memorialists do therefore respectfully i waste by fire-some of them the most exten- pray, that a law may be passed by your ho- sive in the island--and the whole damage, norable body, providing that all slaves, born from this cause, is put down at fifteen millions on or after the th day of july, , shall be of dollars! more than two thousand slaves free on their attaining - males, the age of had been killed or executed-hung up by twenty-eight years, and females, the age of scores, and without much ceremony, or shot twenty-one years with a further proviso, that | down at sight; and a great number had been unless they are taught to read-males before | flogged a la militaire." they attain the age of twenty-one years, and "a kingston paper, of jan. , says: “it females, the age of eighteen years--they shall ll is evident that the neck of the rebellion is bro- wa- genius of universal emancipation. fiat justitia rnat calum. ken; but whether the measures that have servers of what transpires, relative to this been pursued [a compromise ?) will induce momentous subject. it is to be hoped that the rebels who have taken shelter in the woods to return to duty, or not, time only can show.'' | they will still take an interest in the proceed- ings calculated to extricate us from the evils retrospection. of the "accursed system,” and lend us a help- it may frequently be profitable for us toing hand, when occasion may require. look back upon the scenes, connected with “ the very doctrines thou hast propulga- our past labors; and even to moralize a little ted for years, in the genius of 'universal emancipation, and which would, a short time upon their results. the editor of this work since, have cost thee thy head, in virginia, has ever steadily pursued the one grand ob- are now proclaimed on the floor of their ca- ject which first engaged his attention. more pitol, by statesmen of the first talents. too than ten years have elapsed, since he unfurl- much cannot be said in praise of this noble- ed the broad banner, upon which was inscrib- || and abolitionists, are, indeed, now unani- ness of soul, exhibited by them. slavites ed the significant motto of “ universal eman-mous in the opinion, that "something must be cipation," in the slave-holding section of | done”--that they are on the surface of a tre- the united states. early the whole of that mendous volcano, which ere long must swal- low up all that is lovely in the ó old dominion,' period has been riſe with difficulty and trou- unless prompt measures be taken to avert ble. apathy, of the most chilling character, the catastrophe.”' on the one hand, --and slander, persecution, and abuse, without measure, on the other, - national anti-slavery society." comprised a part of the discouragements to an institution has been lately organized at contend against, and the obstacles to sur- | boston, with the above title. we have not mount. for a long time, the public press seen its constitution-but hope it may be was comparatively silent; or, if heard at all, more successful than the thousand and one it was generally in a tone of condemnation of associations, formed for similar purposes, in what was denominated the “enthusiastic," various parts of the united states, within the fanatical,” or the “incendiary” course last thirty or forty years. these have, in- pursued! but what is the state of affairs at deed, been very useful—they have done much present? there are now hundreds of zeal- | good—but, like other good things, they have ous advocates, warmly enlisted in the good | generally been too short-lived. hitherto, the icy barriers of unconcern are they have, for the most part, been founded on dissolved, and hearts once ossified by the un a basis very different from that of missiona- natural congelation, are pouring forth the ry, temperance, and colonization societies. streams of sympathy and ardent entreaty. they have, in very few instances, made any the press has burst the bonds that held it in permanent regulation to obtain and employ durance, and scorning the tyrant's control, || funds. it is presumed that the society re- dares to promulgate the truth, in defiancecently established, as above mentioned, will of all the power and malignity of despotism. proceed more upon the principle of those the statesmen of the slaveholding regionr have just enumerated, in this respect. should it caught the spirit of the times; and the balls acquire considerable funds, and establish aux- of legislation resound with the same “ enthu- iliaries, and go to work in good earnest, suc- siastic” language--the same " fanatical” pro cess will, ne doubt, attend it. it is very de- positions—the same “incendiary” expres-sirable that the experiment should be made. sion of opinion, &c., that were, very recently, || but the principal branch of such an institu- made the basis of charges, subjecting the wri- tion should be located farther to the south-- ter of this to the harshest denunciations, to at least as far as new-york, or philadelphia. pecuniary penalties, and to the most violent when the spational” feeling shall be a little personal abuse! these things are worthy | more enlisted in the good cause, the seat of of record. they shall be treasured up for the general government will be the proper future use. place for its permanent establishment, the foregoing reflections were occasioned by the perusal of a letter, very recently, from a friend in the state of new-york. from the savannah “georgian” states that dr. the following extract, it would appear that | j. bradley, of oglethorpe co., recently eman- some person, at a distance, are allentive ob- || cipated slaves and sent them to liberia, the cause. emancipation, ( genius of universal emancipation. fiat justitia ruat cælum. encouragement of free labor. to the people of color. it appropriates could the legislatures of our slaveholding states twenty thousand dollars, and authorizes be prevailed upon to offer the sum of “$ , " | a loan, not exceeding two hundred thou- as a premium, to induce about planters, in the sand dollars, and places these sums at south, to change their plan of coercive labor, for the disposal of the commissioners, to be one more consistent with reason and the nature of applied to the removal of people of color, man,-it would do thirty-five thousand times as now free, or who may hereafter become much good, as to expend that sum in transporting | so, to liberia, or elsewhere, with their free blacks to foreign countries. there would be consent, and to provide for their support no more impropriety in making such an appropri- after such removal, as far as may be ation, than in adopting a tariff of duties on foreign | necessary in the opinion of the commis- merchandise, to protect our infant manufactures. sioners. it requires that, in all cases of it would enable them to defray the little extra ex- manumission, ihe person liberated shall pense in changing their plan, (the destruction of || be removed beyond the limits of the state, whip "property,” &c., and the substitution of a with or without the consent of such per- little improved food and clothing, at first,) and, in son, but the option is given to renounce a short time, they would find it operating vastly | the right to freedom and to remain a slave, to their advantage. instead of the necessity of | and authority is vested in the orphans' doubling the premium, for a second year, (with court, to grant permission, from year to the further prospect of doubling annually!) it | year, to such persons as it deems worthy might then be reduced at least one half—and after of it, to remain in the state. the com- that period, the business would“ protect itself. missioners are also authorised in their dis- cretion, to hire out such manumitted "free sugar and molasses." slaves, until their wages shall produce under this head a correspondent of the libera- || a sum sufficient to defray the expenses tor' states the fact, that works are in progress at attending their removal, and necessary jaffery, n. h., "for preparing, on a large scale, support at the place of removal. sugar and molasses from potatoes, which are worth the second is entitled an act relating on the spot cents per bushel. it is calculated to free negroes and slaves. it prohibits that a nett profit of cents per bushel will be made. the removal of any free negro or mulatto a bushel will yield lbs. of sugar.” the last into the state. it provides that, if any number of silliman's journal gives the process of such shall come into, and shall remain ten manufacturing sugar from potatoes. days in the state, they shall be subject to let the slavites look out! “diana of the ephe- || a fine of fifty dollars for every week they sians” is in great danger! shall remain, and authorises a sale for such time as may be necessary to pay the penalty. it prohibits, under a penal- in a preceding page we briefly adverted to the ty, the employing any such free negro proceedings in the maryland legislature in re- or mulatto, but excludes from its opera- ference to the free people of color resident in that | tion, mariners and drivers of wagons from since those remarks were in type, we neighboring states, or servants travelling find the following abstract or analysis of the laws with their masters. in question running the rounds of the press, and it prohibits the bringing slaves into the as a matter of information, have laid them before state for sale, after the first day of june our readers, until such time as our leisure (as here- | next, under the penalty of forfeiture of the tofore intimated) will enable us to examine the slaves, and a provision is made for their provisions of these acts more thoroughly. removal to liberia, or elsewhere beyond the limits of the state, with a provision since the request which we made the reserving former rights to proprietors of other day to the editors of the baltimore islands in the potomac, and to authorise american, asking information relative to any one owning tracts of land in mary- this law, (or rather these laws, for there land and other adjoining states within ten are two of them,) a friend has shown us | miles of each other, to remove slaves from the baltimore patriot, containing them at one tract to another, for purposes of culti- full length. they together occupy, invation. that paper, about three columns and a there are various other provisions relat- quarter. we avail ourselves of the fol-ing to keeping arms, attending religious lowing abstract, which we find in the worship, buying and selling, &c., which richmond whig: we do not consider of consequence here to the first is entitled an act relating il specify. maryland legislature. state. free negroes in maryland. genius of universal emancipation. fiat justitia ruat cælum. ladies' repository. perform a mother's duties in the education of their children. philanthropic and literary. they are not suffered to acquire the ability of reading even the doctrines of the christian reli- principally conducted by a lady. gion. they are not allowed, except under very limited restrictions, even to join in public worship. females in the united states. “think of these things, and act as your feel. they have but few opportunities for instruction of any kind. they are morally as well as men. ings and judgment dictate.” tally ignorant. their food and clothing are of in the united states and the territories there the meanest sort ; and the supplies allowed them are , , female inhabitants. this is the of both are sometimes exceeding scanty. we amount given by the census of . of this will briefly recapitulate our positions. they number, , , are protected in the possession may be torn from all they love; sold; scourg. of the rights and privileges that belong to them, | ed; tasked to the utmost of their strength; driv- both as human beings and as females. these en out by the horsewhip to the labors of the field; are free white persons. another portion consists of , individuals. they are ignorant ; degraded; not suffered to be come enlightened ; they receive no compensation the following is a short description of their con- for their years of toil but a bare sustenance; they dition. are classed only with the household chattel or the their limbs and flesh are not their own proper- unreasoning brute. they are slaves. ty. the laws declare them to belong to other the remaining number, , , are nominally persons. they may be sold at the pleasure of | free; but they do actually suffer from a species, if their owners, either by private bargain or by pub- we may so term it, of reflected slavery. the lic auction ; or they may be seized and sold to shadow of that great upas tree falls upon them defray the debts of their masters. like a brandmark of scorn, deepening the dark hue they may be purchased by regular dealers in of their cheeks to a stain of ignominy. the pre- human flesh, and hawked about the country for judice of others is their tyrant, and though he sale, manacled and driven in herds; or they may, may not scourge them with whips, or bind them without the shadow of an offence, be thrust into || with fetters, they suffer most severely the penal- prison, to be released by becoming the property || ties of his unlawful ban. their color too, near of some fresh purchaser. the regions of slavery, frequently endangers their against this system of sale and transfer to dis- being kidnapped, torn from their families and tant parts of the country, they have no protection. | friends, and sold into perpetual bondage. the authority of the parent is powerless to res- such are the three principal classes into which cue his daughter from the fangs of the ruffian who | the females of the united states are divided. those has torn her shrieking from his clasp ; and the who compose the second portion, suffer under a power of the husband, son, or brother, is equally | system of oppression, of which the sketch we have unavailing. they dare not offer the slightest re- || drawn, is only the bare outline. some of them sistance, on the peril of their lives, to the hand | are, doubtless, treated with as much lenity as the that would separate them. she may at any mo- nature of their bondage will admit of. others ment be torn from them for ever. are doomed to drain the flowing cup of wretched. the maternal tie is of no more avail; as they ness to the last drop of its bitter dregs; to endure themselves are not their own property, so nei- | all the sufferings inflicted by merciless tyranny. ther are their children. they may be at all ages || and that all are not used with barbarous inhu- taken from their mother and sold to different per-manity is owing to no merit in their condition- sons. her affection cannot shield them. to no protection that the laws afford them; it de- they may, whenever their master or mistress pends only upon the character of their possessors, sees proper to order the infliction of that punish- || and is attended with no certainty of continuance. ment, be lacerated by scourging with the horse- the slave system is hideous in its fairest aspect. whip it sanctions or conceals the most impious injus- they must submit to be drudges of the lowest || tice, and the most savage cruelty. why then is order; they may be made to toil with men, and it permitted to disgrace our country with its vile- as men, at the most laborious employments, with ness? why are so many hundred thousand fe- out being themselves benefitted by their labor. male victims made to suffer beneath its oppres- they cannot devote themselves to the duties of sion? is it not because of the hardheartedness of their household ; their time is not under their own their sisters? because they who are free and control; therefore they cannot fill properly the happy themselves, take no thought for the wrongs station of a wife. of those who are pining in bondage? there can they are compelled to remain in gross igno- be no doubt that the free females in the united rance; therefore they must be incompetent to || states, do possess sufficient moral influence, if it genius of universal emancipation. fiat justitia ruat colum. our gratification, however, would have been ty—if something is not done to arrest this threat- much increased, had the wish to render justice to lening evil, alike ruinous to their peace and safe- those who have so long worn the yoke of an un- ty, and that of the commonwealth. they en- treąt you by all the tender sympathies of their righteous servitude, prompted or at least formed nature, by the love which they bear you, and by some part of the object of their petition. let their fervent aspirations to almighty god, to ex- them not in their terror learn to detest those whom ert your wisdom and independence, in the adop- tion of such measures, as in time will extirpate they have so long wronged, nor forget how many | slavery from the state, and restore tranquillity to have been found faithful. neither let them for- | them and the country.” get that it was only long withholden justice that could thus convert men into ruthless destroying for the genius of universal emancipation. john woolman. monsters. their slaves have not, as is asserted by meek, humble, sinless as a very child ! the above mentioned gentlemen, been “reared such wert thou, and though unbeheld, i seem and sustained by their bounty,” but by a scanty oft times to gaze upon thy features mild, portion of the products of their owń toil. we of that kind eye, that knew not how to shed, thy grave, yet gentle lip, and the soft beam may however have done our sisters wrong in sup-|| a glance of aught save love, on any human head. y posing them to be actuated only by selfish mo servant of jesus! christian! not alone lives. they may perhaps have not deemed it po in name and creed, with practice differing wide; litic or needful to embody such feelings in their thou didst not in thy conduct fear to own, his self-denying precepts for thy guide. petition. be that as it may, we earnestly desire | stern only to thyself, all others felt for them the accomplishment of their wishes, and || thy strong rebuke was love, not meant to crush, a speedy return of security and peacefulness. but melt. we believe their appeal will not be unavailing, thou who didst pour o'er all the human kind, and we hope it will be repeated and echoed until the gushing fervor of thy sympathy! its object is attained. e'en the unreasoning brute, failed not to find, a pleader for his happiness in thee. "mr. speaker: i feel it to be my duty as well as thy heart was moved for every breathing thing, my privilege to bring this subject to the conside- || by careless man exposed to needless suffering. ration of the house. the number and character but most the wrongs and sufferings of the slave; of the subscribers to this memorial, entitle it to at- stirred the deep fountains of thy pitying heart; 'tention and i am authorised to state, from a let- ter which i received from a highly esteemed and and still thy hand was stretch'd to aid and save, much valued friend, accompanying the memorial, | in their existence, and could'st hold no more until it seem'd that thou had'st taken a part that if an opportunity had been afforded, it would || a separate life from them, as thou had'st done be- have been much more numerously subscribed by fore. the ladies of the county; and coming, as it does, from a county owning one-tenth of the entire | how the sweet pathos of thy eloquence, slave population west of the mountains—i do hope beautiful in its simplicity, went forth that it will receive the respectful consideration to entreating for them ! that this vile offence, which it is entitled, and that it will be referred. so unbeseeming of our country's worth, “the memorialists do not wish to mingle in the might be removed, before the threat'ning cloud, political transactions of the country, but they have thou saw'st o'erhanging it, should burst in storm an unquestionable right to be heard on a subject and blood. deeply interesting to themselves and their pos- terity, as well as the community generally. that so may thy name be reverenced ! thou wert orsa of those whose virtues link us to our kind, slavery is a curse, is conceded by all. this evil they have long feſt, and it is daily increasing in by our best sympathies; thy day is done, strength, and numbers. daily and hourly expos- but its soft twilight lingers still behind ed, even in their households, to objects of fear, in thy pure memory; and we bless thee yet reared and sustained by their bounty, they cannot for the example fair thou hast before us set. longer sit under their own vine and fig-tree, with none to make them afraid.' the bloody tragedy of southampton, has awakened horrors for the genius of universal emancipation. that appal the stoutest heart; but to females ex- old and young. posed as they are, represent horrors tenfold more it is stated by the last census, that of terrible. “they call upon this house, through me, as one the female slave population of the united of their representatives, - ---as legislators, parents, states, , are below the age of ten fathers , husbands and brothers, to arrest this de- years, and have attained or surpass- solating scourge-like the locust of egypt, threat- ||ed that of one hundred. it would be a ening to devour all that is green, and all that is lovely-by providing a speedy and efficient reme most affecting spectacle to behold these dy. "they tell you that they love virginia, their two portions gathered together and sēt own native state, their mountains, their green apart in separate groups. the hundreds hills and valleys. it is the land of their birth with which every tender recollection of their in- over whose brows have passed the chang- fancy, as well as their advancing years, are most es of so many revolving seasons, the great- intimately and indissolubly connected. it is the er part of whose many years have worn land which contains the graves of their fathers and mothers: but that all these ties must be torn away in unalleviated servitude, and who asunder-and that they shall be compelled to fly | now are lingering on the very verge of to foreign lands in pursuit of happiness and safe- || another world with their last hours em- gertrude. genius of universal emancipation. fiat justitia ruat culum. agnes. our country. bittered by the thought that they have and the forms that he has gifted with an left only the mantle of their evil destiny | imperishable spirit and the high capaci- as a legacy to their descendants; and the ties of intellect, will not join eagerly and many thousands who are just entering | devotedly in the task of rescuing those upon life, as yet unconscious of the mi-minds from the darkness that now en- serable doom that is already fastened up-thrall them, of loosing the fetters that on them, but even now in their infancy, crush both mind and limb with the unen- taught to con sharp lessons of scorn, and durable weight of their cruelty and degra- wrong, and suffering. those aged ones | dation ! are beyond our help. their cup, bitter as it has been, bitter as the last few re- maining drops yet may be, is almost drain- || extract from the new year's address of the new- ed. and whether life be hurried to its hampshire observer.-written by a lady. close by ungentle treatment, or be foster- here freedom dwells, but inly grieves to hear the chains of slavery clanking on her ear! no ed till it goes gradually out, it must ere | slaves in a land of freedom ?-can there be long cease to animate their bosoms. || a part in bondage held, where all are free ? they must die as they have lived, the slaves in a land of freedom ? let us see. victims of man's injustice, and bear with | a hateful blot on her illustrious name ! we blush to own the fact-our country's shame! them even to the sepulchre, the scorned yet some there are, who scarcely deem it sin, name of slave. the toils of a life stretch-|| since afric's sons are 'guilty of a skin ed far beyond the longest date allotted by not colored like their own. –there comes a day · when all disguises shall be rent away,' the psalmist, have not been sufficient for || and right and wrong appear in colors true, - their ransom; and it is painſul to think, remember-friends of slavery-to you! that even amidst their gray hairs, they | will ye not bid the woes of bondage cease ? o then to you would conscience whisper peace : have no security against contempt, or un- or if the evil must, as yet, remain, kindness, or cruelty. even those forms, || add not abuse to slavery's galling chain. worn and feeble as they are, should the i tremble for my country,' once declared conscience of any one who calls himself. a patriot, whose voice no more is heard, (in highest post of honor once, and trust,) their owner, let his hand dare to apply the i tremble, when i think that god is just.' lash, may be made to shrink beneath its some gabriel from heaven, yet may be torture. (appalling thought!) commissioned vengefully. and so too may the young and delicate cne olio. ones of those many infants. the life, the toils, the various miseries from which the others are now just escaping, these are “canst thou, and honor'd with a christian's name, buy what is woman-born, and feel no shame; but beginning to experience. oh, must trade in the blood of innocence, and plead it be that their lives, too, are to wear away expedience as a warrant for the deed ? in hopeless, benighted, miserable bond- from the village record. ge? must they too go down fettered to the accursed slave trade is raging; the grave ? or shall the strong appeal of we know of no properer name for it; and their sex and helplessness not be made in thousands and tens of thousands are an- vain ? will not woman plead for them ? || nually carried into the west indies. the plead that they may be treated as be- number who die of disease-brutality- comes the sex; that the hand of oppres- | broken-hearted, or starved, is countless. sion may be lifted from their necks; that in the last washington paper we see the gentle virtues of her nature may be the slave trade still prevails, and makes allowed to spring up in their bosoms ; | its head quarters in the district of co- and instead of growing into womanhood, lumbia. cash and the highest prices, are with characters distorted with ignorance, | offered publicly in the newspapers, for rudeness, and, too often, alas, depravity, || slaves, male and female. they may be moulded by education into feminine usefulness and excellence. is from jamaica. capt. percival, of not this an object worth striving for? | u. s. schr. porpoise, arrived at pensaco- would not its accomplishment be a rich la, left jamaica jan. , and informs the reward to every female in our country for editors of the pensacola gazette that the exertions of half a life-time? light || about , slaves must have been in- for darkness-freedoom for slavery–hap- volved in the late insurrection. property piness for misery---smiles and comfort, in- | had greatly depreciated. slaves that stead of tears and squalid wretchedness! | were formerly estimated at from to who that loves their omnipotent creator, ll have fallen to and . genius of universal emancipation. fiat justitia ruat cælum. in former days we used to hear folks authorized agents. talk of the advantages of slavery, and jacob janney-penn. avenue, washington, d. that indiana was shortsighted,' for not c. opposite barnard's hotel. william r. jones-no. , market-street, bal. admitting slaves—that they (the slaves) timore, maryland. would 'clear off the soil and improve the anber m. plummer-newmarket, do. state,' &c. but we will venture to say samuel brown-winchester, virginia. that not a man in indiana wishes such jonathan taylor, jr.-purcell's store, do. rich'd mendenhall-jamestown, n. c. work done here, as is frequently done in thos. moore, p. m.-newgarden, do. the slave-states.- indiana times.' thos, lundy-huntsville, surry co. do. m. long, p. m.-long's mills, do. j. newlin, p.m.-lindley's store, do. abolition of slavery. at the late b. swaim, esq.--new-salem, do. rev. h. m'millan--chesterville, $. c. meeting of the british conference, it was samuel holliman--wrightsboro', ga. unanimously resolved 'that it be recom- thos. doan--newmarket, jeff. co. tenn. mended to all who now are or hereafter jns. jones, p. m.-unitia, blount co. do. may be possessed of the elective franchise, elijah embree, p. m.-pactolus, do. william bryant-nashville, do. to give their votes and interests to such william mack-columbia, do, persons only as shall unite, with other james askins-fayetteville do. qualifications for a british senator, a cor james alexander-washington, hempstead co. dial desire and firm determination to prc- arkansas ter. rev. jesse haile--springfield, illinois. mote the entire and early extinction of rev. john f. crow, p. m.-hanover, ia. negro slavery.' smith & bulla-centreville, do. rev. m. jamieson-mount-sterling, ky. premium for rice. joseph lormer—mount-washington, do. the sum of twenty dollars will be given as joseph b. chapman-waynesville, ohio. a premium, over and above the market price, for dr. joseph stanton-springborough, do. five casks of fresh rice, of good quality, raised william lewis-harrisville, do. by free labor, and delivered in philadelphia, to a. baer, jr.-osnaburg, stark co. do. charles peirce, before the first of june next, . thomas chandler adrian, michigan ter. the gentleman above named, is well known as william p. richards wilmington, del. a very respectable grocer in philadelphia, who joseph sharpless-no. , n. th street, philo has, for several years past, made it a particular bu delphia, penn. siness to keep articles in his line that are exclu joseph cassey-no.- s. th street, do. do. sively the production of free labor. a. marshall , esq.-westchester, do. the premium, together with the market price, dr. e. michener-londongrove, do. will be promptly paid, on the delivery of the rice, dr. b. fussell-kennett square, do. accompanied by proper reference and vouchers joel wierman-york springs, adams co. do from some respectable person who is known in lindley coates-gap p. o. lan. co, do, philadelphia. jehu lewis-bethleham, wash. co. do. richard lundy-mount holly, n. j. theodore davisson-trenton, do. genius of universal emancipaton. benjamin acton-salem, do. vol. xii. zachariah webster-plainfield, do. the object and character of this work are well james wilson, jr.-alamouchy p. o. sussez known. it has been published ten years, and county, do. circulated in all the states of this union, in ca mahlon day“no. pearl-st. n. y. city. nada, the west indies, europe and africa. it is john lockwood-poughkeepsie, n. y. exclusively devoted to the subject of the abolition charles marriott-hudson, do. of slavery, on the american continent and abijah purinton—troy, do. islands. thomas shotwell-marengo. do. lyman a. spalding-lockport, do. the work will, henceforth, be issued monthly. john i. wells & son-hartford, conn, it will be neatly printed on fine paper, and folded r.t. robinson-vergennes, vt. in the octavo form, each number making sixteen william loyd garrison-boston, mass. large pages. samuel rodman, jr.--new-bedford, do. the price of subscription will be one dollar per william dean-salem, do. annum, always to be paid in advance. rev. n. paul-london c. h. upper canada subscribers who do not particularly specify the james cropper--liverpool, england. time they wish to receive the work, or notify the william b. bowler-port au prince, hayti.. editor of a desire to discontinue it before the ex john b. salgues—aux cayes, do. piration of each current year, will be considered jacob w. prout--monrovia, africa. as engaged for the next succeeding one, and their bills will be forwarded accordingly. postage. agents will be entitled to six copies for every the postage of the genius of universal eman. five dollars remitted to the editor, in current mo- cipation is now the same as that of weekly news ney of the united states. papers. one cent and a half, for each paper, is au letters and communications intended for the highest that can be legally charged within the united states. if the distance be less than ons this office, must be addressed, free of expense, to benjamin lundy, washington, d.c. hundred miles, but one cent can be demanded.-- lp post-masters will please attend to this no. ilp a few copies of the eleventh volume, com tice. the post-office in washington forwards plete, for sale. it under this regulation. the terms of subscription. genius of universal emancipation. edited by b. lundy--published in washington and baltimore-$ . per ann. “we hold these truths to be self-evident: that all men are created equal, and endowed by their creator with certain inalienable rights; that among these are life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness."-declaration of independence, u.s. no. . vol. ii, third series.) may, . (whole number . vol. xii. ikp this being the last regular number of the baggage, sat out, on foot, for the village of lon- present volume of the genius of universal eman- || don. i had to go back, the way we came the day cipation, the editor wishes to inform his readers, || before, - miles. here the road turns at right that he must necessarily be from home a short | angles, and leads directly northwest, about two time longer, -but that he will have proper ar miles to the forks of the river thames, immedi- rangements made for the continuance of the pub-ately above which the village is situated. i reach- lication. the first number of the thirteenth vo ed that place about o'clock, a. m., crossing a lime will not, however, be issued before the next handsome bridge over the main branch of the forrth of july. in the meantime, a supplement, || thames, being desirous to proceed to the wil- of four, pages, will be printed, with the title-page | berforce settlement, before night, which my in- and index, and forwarded to subscribers in the formation led me to suppose was about sixteen course of the month of june. miles further to the northwest, and as the wea- in consequence of the editor's absence, he has ther was mild, the snow melting, and the walking been unable to attend to many important subjects unusually laborious, i made very little stay in that should have been noticed. among the rest, london. a description of the place will be given the proceedings of certain members of congress, hereafter. i saw several colored people, in the relative to the abolition of slavery in the district | village; and when they learned my object in of columbia, have been but slightly touched.-- | visiting that part of the country, one of them this subject will lose none of its interest by a few | kindly volunteered to accompany me to wilber- months' postponement. we hope soon to be in force. we crossed the northern branch of the a situation to examine it fairly, and to expose the river, (over which there is also a fine bridge,) a fallacious and anti-republican doctrines of cer- short distance from its junction with the main tain conspicuous characters, who are now looked || stream, and travelled four or five miles through a up to as the oracles of democracy and the very country greatly diversified by hill and dale, pre- pillars of our country's fame. one of them has, senting a rich soil and fine timber, also good plan- indeed, assumed the office of conservator gene- || tations and healthy looking inhabitants, we ral of the public peace, and to show his tact at || passed numerous water courses, on some of which compromise, recommends the “dough-face” sys- mills were erected. at length the land became tem of policy, by which two millions of human more level;-yet it was somewhat rolling, and beings are denominated cattle, and seven or well timbered. not a stick of pine, cedar, or eight millions more are recommended to give up hemlock, is here to be seen; (except a few white peir own rights, that these “cattle” may be kept || pines, a little north of london;) but the prevail- in due subjection to their lordly, self-styled “ own- | ing growth is sugar tree, bass, hickory, elm, ash, others have, also, acted in a manner quite oak, and beach, with a little poplar, cherry, wal- as exceptionable ; for which they will not be for- | nut, &c. in some places we also see the wild gotten. plumb, thorn, elder, sumach, and other shrubbe- the handsome addition made to our subscrip- || ry, common to the richest soil. several kinds of tion list within a few months past, gives the as burs and some thistles occasionally attract our surance that our labors will not go unrequited, || attention. there are very few vines of any de. entirely, though we may not have fully come up scription. no rock or stone are to be found, ex- to the standard of our duty in many respects. cept in quarries, below the surface. the snow, the paper has now a greater circulation than at here, was about inches deep, in the woods ; any former period; and it will be the future aim || but in the fields and openings it was little more of the proprietor to make it more and more inte- || than half that depth, as the weather had long resting, as the means are furnished, and as the || been fair and moderate, and the sun had dissolv- holy work progresses to which it is, and will be,'||ed it considerably where it could act upon it.-- strictly devoted, the farms, adjoining the road, were mostly new; though a few of them had been opened several years past. the population, i understand, con. (concluded from page .) sists principally of europeans and their descend- january th. ants. their style of living and improvement, is i took an early breakfast this morning, and af- || very much like hat of the inhabitants on the ier making some little arrangement relative to my ll western frontiers of the united states. the sa ers." tour in upper canada genius of universal emancipation. fiat justitia ruat celum, tion of the country, has a good farm, and appears | canals, or short rail roads, it will be an easy mat- to be in easy circumstances. one of the finest ter for the citizens of this place to extend and springs of water that i have ever seen, rises near facilitate their commercial intercourse in almost his dwelling. the stream issuing from it turns a every direction. mill, a short distance from its source. my kind having noted whatevor i conceived to be the entertainer took me in his sleigh, about ten miles | most important, as far as my limited time would towards london, and i reached the village a little permit, i left the interesting village of london, before o'clock in the morning. and proceeded to the stage house of hiram mar- it has been observed, in another part of this tin, in the evening, with the view of resuming my journal that london is the seat of justice for lon-journey towards detroit. as the stage would not don district, in upper canada. it is situated on go on before morning, and having too much bag- a high bluff, immediately above the confluence of || gage to carry on foot, i engaged lodgings there. the two principal branches of the river thames, january d. as aforesaid; the scite is commanding and beau- at about o'clock, in the morning, our stage tiful; and the town is rapidly improving. the officer had his riding vehicle in readiness. the ac- public buildings are not yet numerous; but they commodation was not exactly what a new york have a large and elegant court house, built of belle, or a philadelphia dandy, would look for. brick, and rough-cast, which is finished, also two we had a crazy old coach box, fastened to as houses for public worship, now building, both of crazy a pair of sleigh runners; and trunks, boxes, good size. there are three hotels in the place, and bars of iron, were stowed in, promiscously, one of which, particularly, is very commodious with men, women, and children! but our jehu a good deal of business appears to be doing. was a real yankee-said he was up to anything, they have six general mercantile stores: one in the way of trade-and on he went. i had (as apothecary; one grocery; one watchmaker; one usual) taken a seat beside the driver, where i gunsmith; one tanner and currier ; one cooper; had the opportunity to see what was to be seen, three tailors; three saddlers and harness mak- as we passed along. the night was not dark, as the moon shone brightly. the weather was ers; two wagonmakers; one house and sign very cold, but the snow was nearly gone, in ma. painter; four shoemakers; two blacksmiths; one cabinet-maker; two joiners; one sash-ma- ny places; and we had disagreeable riding. the land was rolling-in some parts well timbered, ker; one chair-maker; a number of carpenters, and in others cleared for farms. we crossed a brick-layers, masons, &c., &c. of the profes- | number of handsome streams, from which i infer sions, there are two physicians, and two lawyers, that the country, about here, is well watered.-- resident there. a weekly newspaper is issued. some time before day, we reached the village of they have three religious congregations, and se-delaware, or tiffanyville. here is a pretty good veral schools. some of the private dwellings are tavern, and some mills. the place is intended neat and elegant. there are several compact for a village, but is scarcely entitled to the name, blocks of buildings, and many new houses erect- as yet. it is situated on the bank of the thames, ing. the whole number, at present, may be es ten or twelve miles below london, where there is cimated at about -of which i counted up a considerable fall in the water. our landlord-- wards of fifty unfinished outside. more than half a fat western new-yorker--expressed the opi- of the others also had a new appearance. near- | nion that the water power, at this place, was near- ly the whole are frame, wooden buildings ; many ly equal in value to that at rochester. in this, of them two stories high, and some neatly paint-|| however, he must have been mistaken. there is ed. a considerable number of the inhabitants of an elegant bridge over the river, at this place.-- this place are emigrants from the united states. we now crossed to the right bank, or north side, among them, i learn, there are about or || and passed through a fine rich country, bordering colored people. a glance at its geographical po- | the river, or within a short distance of it. five sition-the beauty and fertility of the country | miles further on, there is a little pine timber. around it—the advantages of water power, ap- | we soon lose sight of this, however, and meet plicable to milling and manufacturing, in its neigh- with a general variety of oak, sugar tree, hick- borhood (where several mills are now in opera- ory, beach, &c., &c. daylight now presents us tion)—its contiguity to the navigable waters of with a fairer view of the landscape ; and in some the lakes, eric, st. clair, and huron, &c., &c., are few places the snow is so far gone, that the dark sufficient to convince the intelligent observer, that rich soil is to be seen. the country is thickly london must, ere long, become a place of wealth settled, with europeans and natives of both ca- and importance. it is situated but about twenty | nada and the states. a few colored people are to miles from port talbot, on lake erie; and there be seen, but their number is small. at length, is a good road the whole distance. heavy arti we reached griffith's stage house, miles from cles of produce, lumber, &c., may be taken down tiffanyville. here we stopped for breakfast, and the thames; and indeed, with the aid of a few to change horses. genius of universal emancipation. fiat justitia ruat cælum. ic may not be amiss to mention that, among | beautiful level plain, on the southern bank of the our passengers, this morning, was an english | river, and the land, for several miles above and lady, with her two small children, who had re- || below, is fenced in, for farming. there are cently arrived at new-york, and was now going, || about houses in the place, mostly frame and without any other attendant, to meet her husband, | log, with shingled roofs. some of them are two at detroit—he having come over and established stories high ; and their village makes, upon the himself in business there, some months before.— || whole, quite as decent a show as many of ours of perhaps there are not many american ladies, that similar size. the number of inhabitants, i learn, would fancy such an undertaking. she appeared is nearly . they have two white missionaries, very genteel and respectable, and all took an in or preachers, of the morarian sect, from bethle- terest in her situation. she did not complain of hem, in pennsylvania ; and also a white school- & want of attention on the part of any one. master. i did not understand that they had more when our breakfast was over, the stage went than one school among them. their church, or on again. it had been relieved of a portion of meeting house, is large, and has a high steeple. - the freight, and also a few of the passengers. not having been in the town, myself, i did nog but we had, in lieu thereof, other sources of vex- learn much about the business done in it; and ation. they had given us a dull span of horses ; || can say nothing about that, without too great and the ground was bare in many places. for liability to err. i suppose, however, from the in- my own part, i got along well—i did not grieve formation that i obtained, the greater part of the at all-as these circumstances gave me numerous inhabitants are agriculturalists. and, it is said, opportunities to indulge my pedestrian propensi-| they have wheat, corn, stock, &c., &c., in abun- ties !-it must be confessed, however, that the dance. their land is very fertile, along the river idea of having paid for a ride, and still being al- | bottoms; but that more elevated, (though it lies most necessitated to walk, was calculated to occa. || handsomely,) appears rather sandy, and conse- sion a few ill-natured reflections, which required quently must be of somewhat an inferior quality. a little philosophical consideration to repress. the passing through this reservation, we came to fine soil exhibited a great variety as we passed along | farm ; and, after travelling a few miles, arrived to-day. in some places the land lies low, and | at howard's bridge, miles from ward's tavern, a little before dark. here we crossed the south occasionally it appears a little swampy ; in others there are more elevated ridges, where the side of the thames, again. there is a store kept soil is rather light and sandy. the former is at this place, by an englishman, who was once clothed with heavy timber, among which is to engaged in 'the inland trade betiveen st. louis and the northern parts of mexico. a tavern and be seen ash, beach, &c., intermingled with white pine; the latter presents a more thin growth, stage house is also kept here, and we took lodg- principally of oak, and hickory, with a portionings for the night. in the course of the evening, of chestnut. our next stopping place is ward's i was agreeably entertained by a conversation stage house, miles from griffith's. here we with the young merchant, just alluded to. he had called to see the english lady, before men- changed horses-made a tolerable bargain of it, and went on somewhat better. we now soon came tioned, but she had retired early, and he did not to an indian reservation, and went six miles with obtain an interview with her. the country has out a half dozen houses on our road. this tract || improvements have been made. the river is not been long settled about here, and some valuable belongs to the moravian tribe. in the central large, but of sufficient depth to float vessels of part of it, on the same side of the river that our considerable burthen. road is located, was the scite of the old moravian town, destroyed by the u. s. troops during the january d. last war. this act has been justly condemned, | fore day; and we got on our way at about half the stage passengers were called up again be- even by warriors, as the moravians were a peace- || past o'clock. our "stage” now assumed the able people, and, it is believed, took no part || shape of an uncovered sleigh. we proceeded whatever in the contest. we passed over the || along the bank of the thames, for the greater ground where their town formerly stood. the view of its remaining vestiges brought to mind | mill, miles from howard's bridge. there is part of the time, until we came to mcgregor's many circumstances, relative to the unjust treat- ment of the native americans, by the avaricious | large, and does a good deal of business. the a store and post-office kept here. the mill is adventurers from europe, and their descendants. || morning was cold, and we had permission to sit (but i have not leisure to dwell upon this sub- || by a fire in a kitchen, a short time, while the ject, now.) the indians have, since the destruc- || mail was assorted. the owner of the establish- tion of their town, as aforesaid, built another, on ment (if i mistake not) is a scotchman. he is the opposite side of the river, which is in view of wealthy, and had a number of hired house ser- the ruins of the first. it makes a very handsome || vants. among the rest, i observed an aged appearance as we pass along. it is laid out in a french creole. he was kind and communica- genius of universal emancipation. b fiat justitia ruat cælum. tive; and, from the manner in which he appear- || old yankee pioneer; he had weathered many a ed to be employed, i should judge that he was as storm in “these here parts,” when the country as fairly entitled to the appellation of “ lord of the was new;" and he “knowed there was no dan- kitchen," as the proprietor was to that of “lord || ger.” i did not doubt the truth of his statement; take of the manor.” after a few minutes' delay, we +but i thought the english lady, with all her hurried into the stage sleigh, and went on to the courage, could hardly believe him. she did not little village of chatham. it was now daylight, || express any alarm,--yet she looked more serious, and we stopped again for a few minutes. there and paid more close attention to her children, e is a store, and also a tavern and stage house, kept than usual, while the sleigh and horses were both in this place; and i was told that the country || galloping sideways! having thus travelled or was thickly settled around. i had previously been skated miles, on the river and lake, we found til informed that a considerable settlement of colored ourselves opposite a point where the stage road s people is located here ; but i had not leisure to comes to the bank, and a stage house is crected. stop long, and did not learn any thing very par- here we had to “go ashore,” and change horses. ticularly about it. the country, through which || a tolerably passable tavern is kept at this place, .) we passed this morning, varies but little in ap- || by a creole, of the name of reoum. the land pearance from that last noted. i learn that there | is flat and swampy, for a considerable distance are many french and creole inhabitants, in these from the lake. (a small strip, only, along its parts. the major portion of the population is margin, in many places, is susceptible of cultiva- composed of these and europeans. but few tion.) consequently, the settlements are few in “yankees” are to be found here. a very fine number. nearly the whole population in this mill stream flows through this place, called chat- part of the country, bordering the river and lake, ham creek. its bottoms are wide and exceed- are french creoles and colored persons. the lat- ingly fertile. from chatham we went five miles, ter are not even comparatively numerous. we and stopped, for breakfast, at the house of l. | of travelling. the ice was said to be sufficiently now were necessitated to adopt a different mode goss. a pretty good tavern is kept by this gen- strong about miles further on our way, but tleman, on the bank of the thames. here our below that the lake was open; and as there was horses were changed, and the snow was so far no stage house near the place where we must gone that we left our road, and took the river. | leave the ice--and the ground, in many parts of the ice was sufficiently strong, and we proceed- the country, being entirely bare—we took a stage ed at a rapid rate. never was there a better wagon, and proceeded along the margin of the * rail-road” put in order for travelling! on the lake. it should be observed, that immediately on way, we passed several sloops and schooners—the shores of this lake, as well as those of our some bound up the river, and some bound down western lakes, generally, considerable embank- -and, to use a landsman's phrase, there was no ments are raised by the action of the waves, con- doubt that they were all“ bound” fast. we had sisting, principally, of pebble stones and fine sand, little opportunity of viewing the country, as well-though in many places a great deal of drift passed along-our present road being regularly | wood is deposited, with the other washings of excavated some fifteen or twenty feet—but i learn those inland oceans. and as the constant flow. kinat it still continues well timbered, and fertile.- ing of the streams deepens the channels of their the whole distance, bordering the river, exhi- || various outlets, the waters gradually recede, and bits a dense population, consisting of a mixture widen these embankments. the land thus form- of french creoles and europeans, with a few | ed, or elevated, affords not only the means of lo- americans from the u. s. as above mentioned.- cating pretty good roads, but in many places ex- some african descendants are, likewise, scatter- || tensive farms,--though the soil is of a very in- ed through their settlements. as we proceedferior quality. we now progressed rather slow. down the river, the banks are lower, and the ly. our stage wagon (a coach i should call it,- country around is more flat, and somewhat for although it was old, tottering, and ragged, it marshy. after travelling in this way, about six was once as new and spruce a stage coach as we teen miles, we came to the estuary of the thames, || need wish to see !) was drawn by a pair of steeds, and went seven miles, southwardly, on lake st. whose sinews, one would think, were made of clair. we kept along near the shore, for the || whalebone, and whose hides were completely lash- greater part of the time, though we occasionally proof! our driver had the worst of the business bore off nearly a mile from it. the lake was -but he had more philosophy about him than frozen over almost as far as the eye could reach, || falls to the lot of every one—and he managed his and the ice was firm where we went on it. but travelling-machine quite adroitly. i had another the wind was strong, the ice smooth, and our “fine chance" to walk, and being fond of it, did sleigh was frequently blown nearly half way not let a murmur escape me,-though a little around, so that we had if not a perilous--a ra- grumbling was heard among the other passen- ther disagreeable ride of it. our jehu was an ii gers. we got along, upon the whole, tolerably the genius op universal emancipation. fiat justitia ruat cælum. well; and after travelling miles, with our below this ferry, and is said to be a place of con- spiritless donkies, we halted at another creole ta- siderable business. there is, also, a large settle- vern, kept as a sort of stage house, and exchang-ment of colored people, about or miles low- ed them for a pretty good span of horses. it was er still, near the village of malden, or amherst- chen nearly night, and we had yet twelve miles to || burg, at the junction of detroit river and lake go, before taking lodgings. the road follows the erie. i was desirous to see both those places, lake shore, and the bank of detroit river, the and to investigate, particularly, the condition of whole distance. the sky was clear, and, of the latter. i was informed that there are up- course, the evening was not very dark. as we wards of colored settlers there--nearly or passed on, the land became more rolling, and the quite all from the united states--and that they farms more numerous. i was informed that the are, in the general way, doing well. the land, inhabitants were, still, mostly creoles. a few | in that section of the country, is represented as europeans and yankees have settled down being rather flat, and somewhat swampy; but, among them. there were, also, a small number in the main, it is said to be very rich and produc- of colored people, in different places, but no re tive. we made preparations to cross the river, gular settlement of them in this particular section in the early part of the forenoon; and though of the country. when we came to the foot of the the ice rendered it somewhat difficult, we suc- lake, or near it, we passed a place, where the wa- ceeded, and landed safely in detroit. in a few ter had previously overflowed the bank, for a hours afterwards, the ice covered the whole sur- considerable distance. it was now frozen solid, || face of the river, and completely interdicted all and presented us with a road, almost equal to a communication with the other shore. i must not “m'adamized” turnpike. unluckily, our old | omit to mention, that among the number of those stage played us a trick, that caused a little deten- who crossed, thus opportunely, were the english tion. while going at a good gait on this beau-| lady and her children, who had travelled with us tiful highway, one of the fore wheels broke loose || the last two days. she found her husband, as and ran off, tilting the venerable coach much more she expected; and they were mutually gratified aslant than was desirable to any of our compa- || to meet each other in good health and spirits. ny. jehu reined up the horses, as soon as he having now finished my tour through this part could, and several of us scampered after the elop- of upper canada, and accomplished the object ing wheel. it was well that this happened on of it, as far as the season of the year, the mode of the ice, as the axletree slid along, until the car-travelling, and the time i could devote to it, would riage was stopped without injury. having re- permit, i shall close my diary, with a few gene- paired damages, we proceeded on our way, and || ral observations. soon came to more rolling land again. we now the reader of this journal has been informed, took leave of the lake; and, following the bank | that my sole motive, in performing the tour, was of the river, we reached the ferry, opposite de to investigate the state of things, generally, in troit, at about o'clock in the evening. for the that part of the country, as far as my very limit- last few miles, we had an excellent road ; and the ed means would allow, with the view of publish- country is well settled. the banks of the river | ing the result thereof, for the benefit of such co- are high ; the land lies well; and i was told that lored persons in the united states as may wish the soil is of a good quality, and produces abun-| to remove thither. i had intended visiting the dantly when properly cultivated. we took || seat of government for that province, and making lodgings at a tavern, kept by a gentleman of the some inquiries of their statesmen and politicians, name of house, who likewise keeps a stage of- || but found it impracticable, as the time could not fice, and a ferry. all were gratified in finding | be spared. neither had i leisure to make ac- comfortable quarters, after performing a journey || quaintance with those exercising the local authori- of sixty-nine miles, through the inclement wea-ty, or to examine public works of any description, ther, and over the kind of road, that we had to where i went. the view i have taken is, indeed, encounter to-day. extremely superficial ;-yet i hope the investiga- january th. tion will not be without its use. i have carefully although the weather had been mild, and con noted the appearance of the country through sequently the river, at this place, had been clear which i passed. the general character of its jn- of ice for a number of days,--it was now very | habitants has been delineated, by comparison with cold, and somewhat stormy. the ice was run those of our states, from which a pretty correct ning, early this morning; and fearing the river | idea may be formed thereof. the geographical would soon close again, by which means i might || position of several colored settlements has been be too long detained, i determined on crossing it, stated, and that at wilberforce particularly and before visiting some other settlements on the ca-minutely described. and the peculiar advantages nada side, as i had previously intended. the of that part of the country—its fine climate, variety village of sandwich is situated about two miles | ofagricultural productions, convenienceof markets, genius of universal emancipation. fiat justitia ruat cælum. &c., &c., have been adverted to. it remains for friend garrison, (in his paper of march d, me to say that, from every investigation that i | ,) relative to the purchase of slaves for eman- have been able to make, and all the information | cipation. had he copied the article, upon which i could obtain, by frequent conversation and in- || he comments so unceremoniously, all would have quiry among many intelligent persons, both those been fair. as he did not do this, his readers are who were friendly and those who were inimical | left to draw the most unfavorable conclusions, to our colored people, that the country in question when, in fact, neither he nor they have the least will be very suitable for them, particularly those cause for it. the article in question was insert- north of the carolinas, if they choose to locate ed in the genius of universal emancipation, for themselves therein. the same rights and privi- || january, , under the head of “ the surplus leges will be guaranteed to them, as to other revenue.” the editor of the “liberator” is british subjects; and many of the white inhabit now requested to copy it, exactly as it stands in the ants of this republic have voluntarily exchanged genius,—with just such comments as he then their citizenship, here, for the immunities they may please to make. but he must be careful in may there enjoy. i would not urge-i would not what he says. our tight-built bark has wea- ask a single free man to go, who is not so disposed. thered too many storms to be blown ashore easi- my business is, to give him information. if he || ly. the genius of universal emancipation has can profit by it, i shall rejoice-if he negleots to never advocated the proposition for “buying pay attention to it, he does but exercise a perfect the slaves,” in the sense in which the “liberator” right, which it would be highly improper for me here presents the subject. it could not be dono to question him about. believing, however, that without the most palpable inconsistency-the there are many, among the persecuted colored most glaring dereliction of principle. people of the states south of the delaware, who we would not censure our friend unsparingly, are extremely desirous to change their situation, nor impede, for a moment, the chivalric wing of and would be glad of such information as i have his eagle spirit; but when he descends to the here collected, i shall be amply remunerated for earth, his course is, sometimes, rather headlong the hardship and expense of my cold and toilsome and reckless. when mounted on his mettlesome journey, if i can be successful in laying it, gene- hobby, scorning to touch the reins, and leaning forward with his cap extended in one hand, and a sally, before them. b. lundy. barbed goad in the other, (to say nothing of the rowels at his heels,) he thinks of neither rocks kidnapping propensities. nor quagmires, but rides as though he would dis- the editor of the genius of universal eman- tance the winds ! cipation recently passed through columbia, ohio, in pursuing the path that others have beaten :- it is true, he may be safe on his way from upper canada to the lower part but should he penetrate the wilderness of despot- of that state. while at one of the principal ho- ism, where forests are dense, and mountains are tels, in columbia, he became slightly acquainted || high, and bridgeless streams are wide and deep,- with sundry persons employed in the stage office, where serpents and crocodiles abound, and even and elsewhere, who boldly denounced the friends the tigers prowl at noon,—he must, at least,phi of emancipation, and all their measures. they losophise a little, as he goes along. we like tho were plainly dealt with; and we learn that some fearless daring of an independent spirit; and wo of them were several days afterwards engaged in also like the prudence of a skilful engineer, when seeking and examining old files of newspapers, to in the neighborhood of a steam boiler, almost rea- ascertain the terms and actual amount of the dy to explode with a force of more than two mil- s geward,» offered by georgian despots, and | lions of pounds, avoirdupois! the simile may others, for the apprehension and delivery into be somewhat mal-appropos,—but our friend gar- their custody of persons known to publish and rison will understand it. circulate among them what they please to deno- minate “incendiary publications.” that it was the intention of those heartless villains, to have we extract from the “ palladi m," paper kidnapped the editor, and carried him to the south, published at richmond, indiana, a notice of a could they have assured themselves of the “re- case of kidnapping, which recently occurred at ward," there is not the least doubt. even in what are denominated “free states,” the most pro- the middle of march. that place. the statement was published about fligate tyrants and desperadoes abound. let the a colored boy, belonging to this place, about people look to it. years of age, has lately disappeared, under cir- cumstances calculated to induce the belief that he has been kidnapped, by a man of the name of the editor of the genius of universal eman- harris, who is about years of age, feet or inches high, black hair and cyes, dark complex- cipation is, not only, "sorry and surprised,” but || ion, and rather stoop-shouldered. said harris also a little indignant, at the remarks of his ll came to this neighborhood in the early part of the kidnapping emancipation by purchase. genius of universal emancipation. ven. fiat justitia kuat cælum. the doctrines preached by a majority of its agents, we shall not be surprised if the mexicans may are far more agreeable to the advocates of slave- yet be induced to drive oui every slavite in tex- ry, than to the friends of universal emancipation. || as. the advocates of the hellish system, in this like all other institutions, founded merely upon | country, are watching their opportunity to make popular whim, it has had a mushroom growth, and an attempt to wrest that fine territory from the will have a mushroom existence. like the cele- || mexican republic. but let them beware! tho brated “ african institution,” of england, it has moment that our government enlists in the out- been exceedingly popular, and had its heralds and rageous crusade, a mine is sprung beneath the trumpeters, who have proclaimed its importance, | seat of slavite power, that shall scatter it, with when paid for so doing. and many have been its miserable advocates, to the four winds of hea- astounded by their loud and incessant din of- “great is diana of the ephesians!" but a change is taking place in public opinion. some at the request of the editor of the "liberator,” who have been among the most ardent advocates we copy an article addressed to the “virginia of that institution, are beginning to see that it is society," of columbia, s. c., by nat. field, of not calculated, of itself, to effect the abolition of indiana. the writer holds out a bold front. his slavery; and they are patriotically extending their | reference to “haman” and his "gallows," is pe- views to other means, for the accomplishment of culiarly appropriate. the great and important object. we could men- from the liberator. tion the names of many distinguished individu- vigilance society, columbia, . c. als, who have thus become convinced of its impo- jeffersonville, ( indiana,) feb. , . tency, though they still adhere to it, as an auxilia gentlemen-- you have introduced into ry that is calculated to awaken and arrest the the columns of the telescope a very unwar- public attention, in some degree. this is the rantable commentary upon a letter addressed light in which we ever have viewed it. and by me to the society. had you published should the philanthropic clarkson and wilber- jiny letter, ali injustice and trouble would have been obviated. the course you have pursu- force survive the rockings of the pending refor-ed, 'betrays you to be shallow, ignorant and mation, a few more fleeting years, they will dis- enthusiastic, laboring under strong delusion.' cover that the american colonization society is i am satisfied now that the suspicion, which now based upon the self-same principle that the i have for some time entertained, is well english african institution formerly was,--and, founded, viz. that a junta has been formed in unless it changes ground entirely, and keeps pace the liberty of the press, and as a salvo for south carolina for the purpose of abridging with the march of public opinion, it will, eventu- your unconstitutional proceeding, pronounce ally, be abandoned, as that institution has been, || every rational appeal to the magnanimous and even by the very venerable and pious philanthro- | philanthropic citizens of your state, an 'in- pists whose feelings have been enlisted in its fa- || cendiary publication. this, no doubt, will vor, as above mentioned. go down very well, where the people are dis- tracted with a political deliriuin, with wild vagaries about nullification, state rights, it is said that a gentleman, of the name of mc south carolina are not free, but are restrice- &c. . i am now convinced that the presses in clure, residing in newport, ky., made a donation ||ed by political juntas, whose tyranvical con- to the american colonization society, a short duct, hypocritical pretensions to republican- time since, of ten thousand dollars. a good exam- | ism, and contempt for the federal constilu- ple, this, for those who are engaged in a still bet- tion, have converted them into a mere scab upon the confederacy. my object in ad. dressing the vigilance association was to ab- tain their consent to read a pamphlet of mine, and if they conceived it admissible to the pub- a young gentleman from mississippi, now in lic mind of their state, to inform me of it. “as brazoria, texas, writes thus:- you had offered a large reward for the distri- “the emigration of north americans to tex-butors of anti-slave papers, i was disposed as, and the introduction of black servants, (slaves,] to treat you respectfully; and to guard against haye been prohibited by the mexican govern an infraction of your laws and settled policy, in relation slavery, i wished, by a frank, it is said that much discontent exists among legal and manly course, sanctioned by your the colonists, on this account; and even resistance approbation, to present an address to the en- is talked of! “they will, first, remonstrate," lightened christian community of south ca- rolina, upon the subject of emancipation, and says this writer; "and if this fails, their future || not to your slaves, who could not read it if i movement will depend upon the decision of the did. the society well know that i disavow- question: are they able to cope with the mex-ed any intention of exciting their slaves, or ican power ?” of putting any thing into their hands that i liberality. ter cause. the texas country. ment." genius of universal emancipation. fiat justitia ruat cælum. might write. if you deny this, i request you schools for colored children. to show the contrary by publishing my letter. the proceedings of the colored people of pitts- you state that i'threatened' to distribute my || burgh, pa., are important, and will be read with pamphlet in south carolina: this i deny. i asked your permission to do it, which you interest by the friends of the african race. let have refused, and condemned it without ever measures of this nature be generally adopted, and seeing it! we shall soon see a change in the dark aspect of you seem to think that a desire of fame is public sentiment, now involved in tenfold gloom the secret spring of iny conduct. how en-by the ignorance of all classes, relative to the in- viable the fame of being known through the || tellectual capacity of the man of color. when south as an incendiary —to be denounced knowledge forces the understanding, prejudice as a 'wretch,' 'deluded,' shallow brained ignoramus,' &c. great fame, truly!! the must yield; and the abominable doctrines relat- wretch who set fire to the temple of diana, ing to african inferiority, and the “necessity" perpetuated his name as an incendiary :' || of african degradation, will be exploded. but now-a-days, iſ a freeman of this repub- from the pittsburgh statesman. lic writes a temperate and rational address to colored children. christians and philanthropists upon a subject we insert the proceedings of a meeting, of the greatesi magnitude, in which their attended by many of the respectable co- character for consistency and moral justice is lored people of this city, as also the con- involved, he is forthwith stigmatized as an 'incendiary,' lusting after fame!! and if he stitution adopted by them in reference to from the cha- dare to assert the inaxion of our venerable | the subject of education. forefathers, that all men are created free and racter of those who presided, and of those equal,' and that no man has a right to tram- | appointed to fill the several offices, we ple upon the inalienable rights of another, he are satisfied that these proceedings and is branded as a traitor and insurgent,' and this movement were spontaneous and vo- threatened with the gallows and divers other luntary—that they have not been super- punishments; and that by men who profess | induced by any suggestions or promises to be iinbued with the spirit of the imınortal of aid from the whites, and that the co- rutledge, marion, sumpter, &c. there is always catching before 'hanging,' gentlemen; lored people alone, are entitled to the cre- and while you are building gallowses, remem- dit of originating for themselves a plan of ber haman; and rest assured that when education, and they alone are responsible you, by your plans of reward, bring a citizen || for its progress and the fulfilment of its of this state under a gallows (which you objects. we are aware of the prejudice erect) for the exercise of a constitutional | that exists in the minds of many in re- privilege, your inquisitorial banditti will ne- ver take hold of another in the same way. ference to this subject, and that it would i sincerely wish you well , gentleinen, and be folly to attempt to reason against the tender you this remark as good advice, and chilling effects of those invidious feelings pray god that you may see the folly of your which are habituated into a passion, and high-handed measures. i am now satisfied, which grow out of the natural and dis- and nover expect to trouble you again. itinctive characteristics which disseminate asked you to sanction a constitutional privi. ll and divide the whites and the blacks.--- lege, which you have denied, and i acquiesce. but we would nevertheless hope, that for in writing to you for the grant of this privi- lege, my language inay have been too poign- an object so laudable as that of the educa- ant for your nice sensibilities; but pardontion of their offspring, by colored teachers, me when i tell you that it was penned under and in schools of their own, they will the influence of feelings excited by reading meet with encouragement and liberality your reward offered for the authors of papers even from a white population. it is a upon slavery. in conclusion, i can assure matter worthy, at least, of the considera- you, gentlemen, that my pamphlet is not in- tion of the public, whether the establish- cendiary--that it was published in kentucky, (louisville) by slaveholding printers, and is | ment of a school to be opened exclusively well received by slaveholders in that state, | for the children of colored people, be not and read with pleasure ; and they entertain | an object worthy of public support? we no fears of its doing any mischief; and they are told it is the design of the colored are men of as much intelligence as any of people, in a limited degree, to solicit such your honorable body. i would not thus have || support; and although they may expect, iroubled you, had you not indulged in charg- in some instances, to be coolly received, os unauthorized by my letter, and rashly || and to have their project looked upon with condemned my pamphlet without seeing it. i am, gentlemen, a jaundiced and suspicious eye, yet we very respectfully, trust, that in no instance will their recep- your obedient servant, tion be so cold as to wither their prospecta nat. field. or blast their undertaking genius of universal evancipation. fiat justitia ruat cælum. friends' school in africa. ments for the advancement and improvement of we were not until lately aware that the sub- human beings. these disadvantages, which they in common with other uncivilized nations ject of education in africa had claimed the at- labor under, is with them cruelly increased, by tention of the society of friends in england.- that oppression, which, wherever exercised, has from the second report of their “commitee un a natural tendency to fetter, to depress, and to blunt the powers of the mind; and it is very african instruction, we have made some ex- unfair, and a great aggravation of the cruelty, tracts which we think will be interesting to our to reflect on the victims of it, as lacking ability readers, and more especially so as the person who | for any other station than that which they have been suffered to fill." appears most deeply interested in the subject is a “in the school at leopold, there was a little female. it is from her letters that our extracts | boy, who in the course of six months had learn- are principally taken. but we should perhaps led to read in the testament; and in the neigh- preface with such a sketch of the concern, as the boring town of charlotte, was a very little girl apparently not more than five or six years of report before us affords. in the year , han- age, who read to me the account of the sick of nah kilham, the friend alluded to, and ann | the palsy, restored, very agreeably, and had on- thomson, her brother and another friend, accom- ly had about fifteen months instruction. these are instances of memory; yet even as to me. panied by two natives who had been prepared to mory such instances are not frequent in these act as teachers, set sail for africa, with the inten- schools. the number of bible and testament tion of making a temporary residence there, and readers is generally small in proportion to the number of scholars; and this i do believe must establishing schools. for this purpose h. kil- | be attributed to the children not well understand- ham had previously for several years given much || ing the english language, for they really appear of her attention to the study and translation of very zealous and lively in their application; and the wolof (or jaloof ) and mandingo languages, | effect, than it can be whilst they are learning i long to see that application exercised to more in the former of which she had prepared a set of mere lists of words, but few of which convey to elementary books for the use of the schools, with their mind any definite sense or meaning. translations of selected portions of the scriptures, “there is one thing particularly pleasant in the both of them accompanied by the english read-healthy and cheerful; and there is an air of friends schools; the children generally look clean and these she had the satisfaction to find, ap ly confidence in the people where we meet with peared to answer their purpose extremely well, them in the villages, and in their own cottages, and to be well understood by the natives. in a which is pleasant to see. “it seems very evideni, from what we hear, letter dated from bathurst, she says: that civilization is prevented, or has been pre- “i have the consolation to find, that the hum- vented, along the coast, by the prevalence of ble attempt upon which i have entered, with re the horrid traffic in men; and the interior, north gard to the reduction of the african languages of the line, is much more civilized than near to a written form, appears quite likely to answer the coast, the interior of the south appears to the design of presenting an intelligible picture to be little known. i wish the sceptics as to afri. the natives." " sandame, one of the native teach- il can capacity could have seen a foulah man, ers, has been reading out of the scripture les- of striking and intelligent countenance, who was sons to some natives, at their request, which they here the other day, and have heard his melodi- appear to understand. “i have began to talk a ous reading of arabian manuscript." little wolof to the children, and long to teach it here is a distressing picture of somo of tho to them from their books." miseries which owe their origin to the system of and again, in another letter she remarks :- “it is evident that the book is quite intelligi- | ers, that in giving their support to that system slavery ; and let it be remembered by our read- ble to the natives. dongo karry, on hearing a few sentences, exclaimed, “ah! that is jaloof, || they are also abetting all the horrors of the slave translating them for himself into english ; and trade. when a few passages of scripture were read, he cried out with emphasis, “great and good-great witness to conceive the wretched state in which “j. r. says it is impossible for any but an eye- and good! the girls, who had any previous | the poor victims of slavery are brought in from knowledge of letters, (acquired at sierra leone,) are learning very fast to read the jaloof.” of the captured vessels; and indeed, in a school in this colony which has been formed since the the school she says, “our school for girls was opened here on the th inst. just four weeks af- || rest, chiefly from new importations of these poor ter our landing. we had the first morning eight || the state of impoverishment, from sickness, in little slaves, it makes one's heart droop to see scholars, and have now twenty-two." which some of them still remain. when i points the following extracts are from letters dated | ed out the healthier looking girls, and asked gloucester, sierra leone. the schools alluded | where they came from, they were all either to are some that were previously established, and found to be the children of soldiers or born in the colony. the great girls have to carry these not under the direction of the society of friends. poor sick children about on their backs for a “ if my heart might speak from what my eye long time: many are six months before their has seen, i would say, i am fully convinced that strength can be restored, and many die. dr. it is not any inferiority in the african mind, or ritchie told me, in the gambia, that a person natural capacity, that has kept them in so de- seeing them landed here from the slave vessels, pressed a state in the scale of society; but the | (he had himself resided here) would pronounce lack of those advantages which are, in the usual at once, from their state, that half of them could order of providence, made use of as instru- || not live. i am told, that the distressing sick- genius of universal emancipation. fiat justitia ruat cælum. constancl. ness and wretchedness of the children who are even childhood's smile of gladness, thus brought in, is sometimes such that they do on his cheek is faint and dim; not want to live, but desire only to die.” shame, and toil, and wrongs, and sadness, these are all life has for him ; here is a pleasanter picture, and we think a a bitter cup, and flowing to the brim. very interesting one. “four of us took a walk from regent to ah! were such his fate, fond mother! on whose brow thy lips are prest; leicester mountain, one evening; and having to return to regent, 'to lodge, we set out while | if with savage hand another, the sun was yet shining rather strongly: we from thine arms that boy might wrest, rested on an old tree on the side of a hill, as the oh! think what grief would fill thy sorrowing breast. ascent was rather steep. from a hut which was near, the people came out to speak to us, and canst thou with her enslaver with very lively, pleasant countenances, and take a mean and cruel part? brought two litile wooden benches for us to sit | cast away the power to save her, down upon, and a very fine pine-apple for our and with cold and stony heart, refreshment; we thought it was the finest we behold the tear drops of her anguish start? had tasted in africa, and perhaps it was not mere- ly our weariness made us think so. no! as thou would'st hope in heaven most pine- by thy side that boy to see! apples we have seen grow wild, and this i think, was from their own little garden. they offered let thy aid to her be given, who is sunk in misery, us a second, but the first was sufficient for us, and after staying a little while there we pro- that her sad heart may yet rejoice with thee. ceeded on our way." we will add one more extract, expressive of the following is part of a little english book h. k.'s feelings towards the country. for children, called “i cannot but sincerely desire and hope that a friends settlement may one day be formed at pity the negro, sierra leone. how gladly would i return to or, an address to children on the subject of slavery. it for a season, should the way appear as plain my dear children-i wish to speak to you before me as it appeared to be previous to this on a subject which may be, perhaps, quite visit: : which, although it be a time rather for new to you. silent thought and feeling, than for the accom- a few years ago i met with the son of a ſe- plishment of any thing that could serve either the dear children or the people, yet i am satis- male negro slave, who came from the w. in- fied in having moved at the season that seemed | dies, and who had been a slave there hijnself. best so far as i could see; and i feel this place he was an intelligent man, could read well, for the present quite like home to me: so much and had learnt dr. watts's hymns by heart , that even if i should never return, my heart when he was a little boy; and my mother will often be here, as in a scene that cannot be brought him to our house to give him a bible. forgotten." it was the hearing him talk that first made me for the genius of universal emancipation. think of these things about which i wish you to be interested. an appeal for the slave. mother! with thine infant sleeping “do you know where sugar comes from ? peacefully upon thy knee, it does not grow in england, but is brought think of one, far distant, weeping, from a country a great way off across the sea, as she bends in love like thee, from the very place where this man was born. over the couch of helpless infancy. but this sugar is not planted and gathered in, thou while oer thy young boy bending, as wheat is here, by free people who are paid thinking of his future years, for their work: no, it is cultivated by slaves, with thy joy and hope art blending by poor black africans, who are bought and sometimes even to starting tears sold like brute beasts, who are compelled to anxious solicitude, and doubts, and fears. labor without wages, under the lash of a cart yet his future opens brightly, whip; and who are marked with red hot as uncertain things may be ; thou wilt guide his young steps rightly, irons, flogged and chained at the pleasure of their owners. and the wise and good, with thee, shall be the guardians of his destiny. “the man i told you of had lost his right eye; it was put out when he was a little boy but that sad one, as she hushes her poor infant's wailing cry, by his overseer, who, because the poor child and the gloomy future rushes stood in his way, knocked him down, and he painfully before her eye, fell into a sugar pan, in the bottom of which sees no fair hopes illume its clouded sky. was a little boiling sugar. had the pan been full he must have been killed. we asked on his brow she gazes, knowing that a stamp of shame is there; him many questions. he told us that the that his young hopes, ere their blowing, severest flogging he ever received, was gir- shall be crush'd with toil and care, en him for crying when he was parted from and the rude chains his swelling pulse must wear. bis mother. the following is his own ac- the soft limbs she loads with blessings count of the event. the rude scourge may lacerate; • my mother lived a slave from the fif. and her care and fond caressings, teenth year of her age, (i suppose) till her be exchanged for scornful hate, death. she came from a part of the gold and all the ills that o'er the slave await. coast called anamaboo, but exactly where i genius of universal emancipation, a. b. wilberforce settlement. fiat jusitia ruat cælum. cannot tell. she was a favorite with our fiercer hands are those, my jewel, housekeeper, and in many things was favor- that shall tear me far from thea. ed, which may in some measure account for day and night, long years of anguish, the advantages i enjoyed above what falls to i could bear to droop and grieve: the common lot of slaves. my inother was but if thou, my boy, should'st languish, one of the house cooks. i was looked upon who shall watch thee ?-who relieve ? as one of the happiest little slaves in the will they force me over waters? place; iny mother could be kind to me; the shall wide hills betwixt us rise ? housekeeper* was good to me; but as all tyrants! have they sons and daughters, human happiness must have an end, so it and bereave a mother's eyes? happened that the last night approached will thou, when long years roll o'er thee, when my mother's bosomn should pillow my years of toil, and wo, and scorn, head. a gentleman from the island of bar still remember her who bore thee? badoes came to our house, and some dish at still when thou art most forlorn the table happening to piease him, he said he if thou hear'st the name of mother would give a hundred guineas for a slave that springing from young lips at play, could dress a dish like that. (slaves were thrilling start, because another not so dear then as they have been since.) said what thou hast ceased to say? my inaster instantly replied, 'you shall have break, thou heart, whose joys are perished, the slave who dressed that dish for the sum." break ere end this last sad night; the bargain was concluded at table, and the ere i leave the child i've cherish'd, next day my mother left me for ever. black break:-nor see to-morrow's light. children, as well as white, will cry when either grieved or vexed; grief, like all of the afri- can race, i felt severely; and severely was i punished ;-that day i writhed beneath the the olio. lash.' "in an account which he wrote at the re- from the liberator. quest of iny mother, he adds, “the smart of the wounds is gone, but the marks still re- main; and as the recollection passes over mr. garrison i find that the wilber- my mind, not all the ice in greenland would force settement has far exceeded the ex- cool my burning brain. let this suffice-ipectations of many, (especially our ene. can say no more. let those who have mo-|| mies,) in its rapid growth, within the thers, love, honor, and obey them. father of course of two years. it appears that the mércies! thou knowest it, and thou alone, the extensive emigration from the united agonizing thrill that pervades this heart, when | states has augmented that settlement to i hear an affectionate child, say—mother.' "if you, my dear children, now understand, about , souls, within this short space in some degree, what slavery is, i hope you of time. what a vast difference be. are wishing to hear what you can do to tween this and the colony of liberia on help the poor slaves. the western coast of africa ! the colo- • as slavery is sin, we have a strict com- | nization society has been straining to ac- mand not to be partakers of it; for in the complish in sixteen years, what has been the first epistle of st. paul to timothy, v. , | done in about sixteen months, besides the it is written, • neither be partakers of other men's sins. now you all, i fear, eat west || advantage it has had over these patriotio india sugar, though it is cultivated at the ex settlers. hundreds of dollars have been pense of the blood and tears of your fellow- || collected and lavished, and continue to be creatures; and it is by the extensive con wasted upon that colony, where, before sumption of that article that slavery is chief- half, or i may say two thirds, of its emi. ly maintained. but, now that you know these grants become naturalized to the climate, things, i think you will no longer be able to || they are swept away as with a besom of hear this sugar." destruction. not so with the settlement of wilberforce. they have the salubri- ous air of the high latitudes—they prefer supposed to be addressed by the negro woman toll going there, because they are not exposed her child, on the night before she left him. to the danger of the seas, nor the enor- fare thee well! my child of sorrow! comfort of my drcary heart, mous expense of transportation ; and, be. now i clasp thee, but to-morrow sides, they are received there by the ca- sees me wandering far apart. nadians as brethren and fellow-subjects to oh! the hands that fiercely cruel, his majesty king william iv; whose tore my flesh with agony, laws are not so hard to them as the laws * it was this housekeeper, who was a scotch: il about ten millions of majesties, callod of the u. states, made and executed by woman, who, unknown to her master, taught him to read. freemen, or free tramplers upon the rights lines ؛ genius of universal emancipation. edited by b. lundy-published in washington and baltimore -$ . per ann. “ we hold these truths to be self-evident: that all men are created equal, and endowed by their creator with certain inalienable rights; that among these are life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness.”—dec. ind. u, s. addenda to vol, xii. -august, . the editor to his patrons. it is well known that a political revolution has when the matter was prepared for the may || agitated the mexican republic for some months number of this work, it was intimated that the past. few in this country, however, appear to first number of the thirteenth volume would ap- be fully acquainted with either the true cause, pear in the month of july, following. i was then or the actual progress thereof. while it is rep- making an arrangement to visit the eastern parts resented by many as a inere contest for power, of the mexican republic, and expected to re- among rival chieftains, the most absurd and con- turn in season to superintend the printing, &c. tradictory statementz are heralded through the myself. but having been detained a little longer | newspapers, relative to the motives and proceed- than i had anticipated, it was necessarily delay-ings of the disputants in the arena of combat. ed. and as it has not been in my power to begin the origin and cause of the late movements it at the period that i intended, i have determined ! of the party, headed by santa anna, (who first to issue another extra half sheet, as a gratuity to raised the standard of opposition to the measures the patrons of the work. the new volume will of government at vera cruz,) was the belief, be commenced immediately after i return to generally entertained and expressed, that the washington, and the publication continued reg- | executive officers bau acted illegally and uncon- ularly, it is hoped, thereafter. btwelve | stitutionally; and also that they had determined sheets will be furnished for a year's subscription. || to curtail the civil authority by shielding them- this extra is printed at cincinnati, ohio, as i selves with the bayonets of the soldiery. as shall be detained yet a few weeks from home. soon as the people at large perceived that sanla i hope. for the indulgence of my friends and | anna had taken the same steps which he did some patrons, when i inform them that, since i penned || years before, in the case of iturbide's usurpation, the last article for their perusal, i have travelled they joined him very generally, and the execu- wore than four thousand miles, through our slave tive officers, with the exception of the vice pres- holding states, and in mexico,—about four nun- ident, resiyned their seats. a cessation of hos- dred of which were performed on foot, and alone, tilities then took place, for the purpose of refer- under the fervid rays of a burning sun. during ing the whole cause of dispute to the decision this period, i frequently reposed on the ground, of the ballot box..* it may, in truth, be said that at night, with no other canopy than the starry the contest is between the democracy and the heavens and the dewy atmosphere. my object aristocracy of the country, the latter has was, the investigation of matters connected with hitherto generally maintained the ascendancy;t the system of slavery, and the establishment of but the former must inevitably, and speedily, another asylum for the maltreated and persecu- unite the moral with the physical power, and ted man of color. the result of my enquiries rule the nation. the march of intelligence and and observations will he communicated in the intellectual and moral improvement is steady future pages of this publication, and rapid; and, at the same time, a detestation mexico-texas-colonization. *since the foregoing was written, we learn that the the editor of the genius of universal eman- ties in the south has expired, and that hostilities period of the armistice between the contending par. cipation having recently paid a short visit to the were renewed. the presidential election takes eastern part of the state of coahuila and texas, place in september next, which it is to be hoped will terminate these dissertions, and restore tranquility in the republic of mexico, with the view of in- and prosperity to the nation. vestigating the condition of that section of coun- +a portion of this aristocracy is composed of the try, &c. had an opportunity of obtaining some| priesthood, which yet possesses a limited and linger. information, and making a few casual observa-ling influence in the political councils, and over the mass of the people. but the power of this class is tions, relative to the aspect of political affairs, fast waning, and even now is wholly deprived of its as well as the situation and prospects of the in- potency in some parts of the republic. in the state habitants generally. and believing that a brief legislative stations, by law. of zacatecas, the clergy are rendered inelligible to and a paper, published review of the state of things, there, may not belin coahuila and texas, has recently nost severely uninteresting to the inquisitive reader, the follow-l criticised the conduct of the parish priest, denounc- ing him in no measured terms, and setting his author- ing hasty remarks are submitted. ity at nought, with perfect impunity. genius of universal emancipation. fiat justitia ruat cælum. terprise, the system of african slavery was tole- omits the enumeration, as above;--but if he is rated by the mexican government, and the col- | not as mad as the inmate of a lunatic asylum, onists were mostly slaveholders. in the year he must know that the odds are here under-rated. , this foul blot was partially erased from the he likewise omits another important calculation, national escutcheon, by a legal enactment. all viz.--in case of a rebellion in texas, neither the children, born within the limits of the republic, || mexicans, nor the indians, nor the english, can after that period, are to be free; and all slaves for one moment, believe it proceeds from the will subsequently introduced, as such, were to be im- of the colonists, alone; but that the machina- mediately liberated. yet the colonists, in ma- tions of the slavites in the united states must be ny instances, evaded the provisions and penal- || at the bottom of it: and, viewing it in this light, ties of the law, by taking them in under inden-| the last would—as the allies of mexico-act ac- tures for ninety-nine years. at the last session ofcordingly, should it become necessary on any ac- thé legislature, a new colonization law was count whatever. enacted, which confirms the previous regulations probibiting the introduction of slaves, &c. and more “independence." declaring all “indentures," for personal services, the signs of the times would seem to indicate null and void at'the expiration of ten years. this that two or more of the states of this republic has sorely disappointed the slave holding colo- are resolved to throw off the shackles of union, nists. they had petitioned the legislature for some extension of their despotic privileges, -and || of the most fiery politicians of south carolina and declare themselves independent.” some were answered by this important curtailment therereof!-it is probable, therefore, that the and georgia have wrought up the slaveholders character of the emigration, henceforth, will be of those states to a pitch of phrenzy, that bor- ders on open rebellion against the general govern- greatly changed. few slaveholders will settle there in future; and no slaves will be taken in, ment. the ostensible cause of this is the tariff otherwise than clandestinely. there are now a regulations, &c. the true one is a dread of the considerable number of slaves in the country, || preponderating influence and power of the “ free but very few free colored people. the migra- | states, and an apprehension that they them- tion of the latter has never been encouraged by || selves will not much longer be able to rule the those who have superintended the business of nation, as they have been wont to do. colonization. but it is believed that the time is were it not for the direful scenes which the not far distant, when the door will be fairly open-| event would inevitably bring to our view, we ed for their admittance; and it may safely be would almost say to these furious madcaps: go asserted, that no country in the world holds outon-put your threats in execution—the sooner superior advantages for them, or is as well suited the better--slavery will be abolished in your section to their state and condition and their natural of the country, at least, fifty years the earlier by it! constitutions. but we forbear; and would fain indulge the hope, a particular description of part of the texas that a returning sense of reason may yet induce them to pause in their reckless career; and thus country, the general character of the popula- postpone, if not wholly avoid, the calamities of tion, &c. &c. may be expected in the next num- ber of the genius of universal emancipation. || factious insurrectionary strife. while such in- servile commotion, added to the consequences of flammatory language is frequently used, howev- texas independent. er, as that contained in the paragraphs below, some wag, recently from austin's colony, has even in the public assemblies of the people, it will been quizzing the editor the richmond, va.l be difficult to foresee tbe final result of the tem- “compiler,” (who, by the way, is no other than pestuous raging of their angry passions. a polit- the "fanatical” old gentleman of the “rich ndical and mural “ fanatacism” propels the actors enquirer,”') and filling his pericranium with tru-l in the tragic drama forward, and some of them ly sublime ideas of the independence of texas. would even glory in their self-immolation on the he descants most logically and learnedly on the altar of martial delusion. what effect must the advantages of an independent government,|| expression of sentiments like the following have there, and the prodigious feats of valor, which upon the slaves, when heard, repeated, and com- his fancy recognizes in a handful of colonists, in mented upon, by the intelligent and discerning a contest with a hundred thousand, or so, of|| among them? did ever a walker, or a nat tur- mexican soldiei's! for convenience sake, hener say anything better calculated to rouse genius of universal emancipation. fiat justitia ruat calum. as a slave for a single moment. them, and induce them to resist the power of their i have never, i repeat, advocated the purchase oppressors ? of a slave, in such way as to sanction the prin- terrible!—one of the south carolina orators: ||ciple of slavery.-yet i would willingly incur a mr. r. barnwell smith, thus magnificently bawled on the th ot july-who does not feel chilling fear," || almost any pecuniary sacrifice, (in addition to at such an outcry? several thousand dollars which i have already "revolution! šir, i feel no chilling fears, no appal- ling terrors come over me at the sound. on the con- || sacrificed,) to rid my country of the foul re- trary, i feel my mind elate, and my spirits rise, as at proach and the impending calamity that awaits the rushing gale which bears me over the waves of a stormy ocean. what, sir, has the people ever gain- | it, in consequence of upholding that “accursed ed but by revolution?' what have tyrants ever con- | system.” in passing an "irrevocable” edict, the ceded but to revolution? from the beginning of effect of which should totally and forever abolish time, liberty bas been acquired but at the price of blood, and that shed in revolution. slavery, and as a condition thereofto appropriate "no, sir! she came into existence, like the fabled || funds with the view of their distribution as dona- harvest of the dragon's teeth, covered all over with the panoply of war-with her breast plate and bel tions to the citizens of a state who may have met on, and her spear glittering for the destruction | been compelled to give up their slaves, would be of tyrants. very different things from that of purchasing such word to the brave and free. let tyrants curse it, || sent of their holders. “revolution! sir, it is the dearest and the holiest only as could be obtained by the voluntary con- and the fearful tremble at it. it may liſt the storm, on which the proud bird of freedom loves to rock and i do not consider it necessary to dwell upon soar; but who will not take it, with all its troubles this subject. my sentiments have ever been ad- and trials, rather than the cold, accursed living death of slavery."-niles' register. verse to the principle that tolerates the mon- strous anomaly in our free institutions—that purchase of slaves-again. man can be viewed as the property of man. i deny in looking over a file of the liberator, since its correctness, in toto. i have asserted—and the have had an opportunity of seeing it again, | assertion has been recorded, an hundred times, perceive that the editor has complied with my that no man can, in justice, hold another request, in copying the article relative to the tbe purchase of slaves, upon which he had previously laws,” established by any community, to up- animadverted. he also accompanies it with a hold a system of personal slavery, are founded few additional remarks, in which he still expres-on nothing better than the resolves of ses his regret that any proposition for the pur- | a band of high-way robbers. it is sustain- chase of slaves should be countenanced. ed, in this country, upon no other ground than now, if my friend will look a little deeper what ignorance, prejudice, and despotism have in'o the matter, i think he will discover that he || denominated “expediency." could the argu- is still mistaken, with respect to my sentiments.ments of reason and justice prevail, every slave have i ever advocated the purchase of a slave, holder, refusing to liverate a slave, would be sub- by the government, strictly speaking? no such ||ject to the same, or an infinitely greater penalty thing! inexpressing my satisfaction at the prop- than would be inflicted on a man for retaining a osition of the editor of the new york american, || horse, when demanded, which he had purchased i only approved it so far as it looked to the “rre- knowing the animal to have been stolen. vocable” extinction of slavery, and was some months since, the following article was thereby calculated to awaken the public attention || put in my hands by an esteemed friend, residing to the subject. the paragraph, quoted from the at new bedford, massachusetts. he had just new york whig, was noticed for no other pur- | received it from a gentleman in england. i en- pose, as was plainly evident, than to place the sealtertain strong objections to the plan here propo- of condemnation upon it. sed, but have not room for them in this sheet.- but let us have a fair understanding about this. while the attention of the reader is drawn to the matter of “purchasing” slaves. does william | subject, it may be a fit occasion to lay the propo- lloyd garrison object to it under any and every | sition before him. let all read, reflect, and circumstance? suppose, for instance, his father, || judge for themselves. mother, sister, or brother, were held in slavery purchasing the freedom of, and giving by some “barbarian,” in the turkish or alge- rine dominions.--would he, in the absence of all hope of obtaining their liberation by other the measures hitherto either proposed or means, consent to their bóransom,” by the pay-|| amelioration or extinction of slavery in its adopted by the british government, for the ment of a sum of money? the question is a colonies, appear to be merely prospective, and fair one; let him and every reader solve it. in anticipation of beneficial results, at some a christian education to slave children. genius of universal emancipation. fiat justitia ruat cælum. c, tỷ y cada s. future and indefinite period, dependent on con- ||dom, would tend to ameliorate and improve tingencies, which many intervening circum- | their dispositions and in some degree reconcile stances may either greatly protract,* or to-them to their present unhappy condition, an- tally annihilate. ticipating the possibility of their children re- considering the imperfection of all human deeming them also. systems, and the frailties of human nature, the first years expense of purchasing the operating on mankind variously, from the sev- || freedom of the children in the british west eral conditions or situations of life in which indies, of two years, (say from ten to twelve they may have been placed, and that it is only years old) would not probably exceed four hun- about half a century that the injustice and dred thousand pounds; the next, and probably horrors of the slave system have so general- | the four or five succeeding years, each about ly engaged the attention of the public, it two hundred thousand pounds, after that pe- must be allowed much is due to the present || riod, from some of the freed females becoming slave proprietors: therefore it would be a no- mothers, the expense would annually decrease, ble act of justice for government immediately || till all slavery terminated. an additional to purchase the freedom of all the slave chil- || impost duty on west india sugar, making it dren in its colonies, both male and female equal to the duty on east india sugar, would now of the age (say) from ten to twelve years, it is estimated, be more than ample to defray and to continue to purchase the freedom of the expenses of such purchases. every other slave child, on its attaining such milford, mo. th, . determined age, all at a fair relative value, to be fixed by commissioners appointed for that special purpose, and, when so purchased, to "asylum for" tyrants. be immediately apprenticed out by said com strange, indeed, will it sound in the ears of an missioners, to suitable masters and mistresses,|| european,--yet it is not more strange than true, till they attain the age of twenty-one. such that the most profligate and despotic oppressors masters and mistresses, to be required to givell in the known world are now looking to this re- these apprentices a christian education, and to send them to a place of worship on sabbath | public, as a government the most congenial to days. their principles, and which will afford them the by this plan (where no objection should ap- surest protection in the exercise of their usurpa- pear to the commissioners either from bar- tion anıl tyranny! the proud maxim, so long barity or any other cause) they would proba-l inscribed on the front of our national banner-- bly be induced to apprentice the same chil- dren to their original proprietors, which might|| if not superseded by, must now be coupled with, an assylum for the oppressed of all nations”- generally be returning them back into their own families, but in a better and more pro-| the words that stand at the head of this article!! tected character, and affording the original | alas, for the inconsistency of poor human na- proprietor the advantage of free, over slaveture! a shame and a curse attends the generation labor. that supports a system of such unparrallelled the commissioners, in fixing the price of hypocrisy! the slave children, should be governed by the intrinsic value of each when presented, which we have various accounts from the island of would make it the interest of the slave pro- ||jamacai, and other west india colonies, which prietors to foster and encourage their nursing || leave no doubt on the minds of intelligent per- mothers and care takers, to bring their chil- | sons, that the period of a general emancipation dren to market in the best possible condition, of the slave holding population is drawing near. and thereby abate some of the severity of fe- since the late rebellion in jamaica, the urgent male labor. entreaties of the philanthropists of england, and by adopting this plan, we may not only an- ticipate, in a few years, the rearing up in our the stubborn refusal of the colonial authorities colonies of a useful and enlightened order of to comply with the requisitions of the parent society, with habits of life congenial to the government, have roused the dormant energies comforts and happiness of a christian com- of the british ministry, and a determined reso- munity, many of whom would, doubtless,lution has been formed to compel the colonists to manunit by purchase their relatives and || abandon the horrid system of cruelty so long friends; but also bring within human calcula- tion the day when slavery would be totally practised by them, and to adopt a plan for the extinguished in those colonies. cultivation of their lands by free labor. as we carrying into effect these benevolent views, might naturally expect, this has given great of- would afford the parent slaves much consola-| fence to the corrupt enslavers of the colored tion, from knowing that their children were population ; and they are loud in their com- to be made partakers of the blessings of free- || plaints and denunciations of the british philau- *verified by the reluctance of the colonial assem- | thropists and statesmen. several statements blies to adopi the recommendations of the british || have appeared in the newspapers of late, relative government. bez erului chana self genius of universal emancipation. sentiments in north carolina. fiat justitia ruat cælum. to the intention of many planters to remove to the united states, where, they suppose they will a few months since, an excellent address was be able to hold their slave “property,” without delivered before the youth of the university of molestation, and pursue the same measures of north carolina, by a young gentleman of the grinding oppression that they have been accus- name of gaston. the high merit of the pro- tomed to. a southern paper, of recent date, || duction has elicited the warmest eulogiums even has this paragraph: of the southern press, although it contains the -we learn that a considerable number of the most wealthy inhabitants of jamaica have determined to most pointed denunciations of the systen of abandon that island, and remore to the united states. | slavery. a charleston paper speaks of it in the british colonial system, alias, the "american terms of the most unqualified praise : and the system" of england and the condition of the slave population-have reduced estates to one tenth the baltimore patriot introduces it thus:-- value they once possessed." mr. gaston, in his excellent address to the youth and a new-york paper contained the follow- of the university of north carolina, holds this lan- guage: ing article, a short time since :-- “on you will devolve the duty which has been too “ ex officio informations have been filed against the long neglected, but which cannot with impunity be editor of the bahama argus, for a libel on the gov- | neglected much longer, of providing for the mitiga- ernor. he has been condemned to imprisonnient by | tion, and (is it too much to hope for in north car; a jury composed of black and white men; and there | olina?) for the ultimate extirpation of the worst evil are no less than five other prosecutions of a similar that afflicts the southern part of our confederacy:- kind hanging over his head, as well as two, each, over|| full well do you know to what i refer, for on this nine individuals on the island. subject there is with all of us, a morbid sensitiveness "in the island of dominica the same mode of pro- which gives warning even of an approach to it. dis- cedure has been resorted to by the governor, against guise the truth as we may, and throw the blame where individuals there. we will, it is slavery which, more than any other “in the island of st. lucia distraction prevailed, cause, keeps us back in the career of improvement.-, amounting almost to civil war. business was entire. it stilles industry, and represses enterprise-itis fatal ly suspended; the merchants and shop keepers refu. to economy and providence-it discourages skill-im- sed to open their shops; the governor laid an en bar- pairs our strength as a community, and poisons mor- go on all vessels in port, and caused some individuals | als at the fountain head. how this evil is to be en- to be arrested because they had written to martinique countered, how subdued, is indeed a difficult and del- that a draft on the government in england, which he llicate enquiry, which this is not the time to examine, had sent thither for the purchase of provisions, would nor the occasion to discuss. i felt, however, that i not be accepted, and in consequence of which the could not discharge my duty without referring to this governor of martinique refused to cash the bill or subject, as one which ought to engage the prudence, suffer provisions to be shipped. the governor then || moderation, and firmness of those who, sooner or la- issued a proclamation commanding the inhabitants ter, must act decisively upon it." to open their shops, which they naturally disregarded. matters, it would seem, were proceeding to extrem- ities; for the papers say that cannon were planted in " slavery and the press." such a position as to command the town, when some orders from england induced the governor to re- would that we had a few more as clear-sighted tract, and for the moment nothing serious ensued. **the sole cause of all this dissatisfaction and dis- || editors as the gentleman who conducts the ver. content, is the orders transmitted from england, in mont telegraph.” then should we soon witness regard to the slave population. the orders on the a change in public opinion that would eventual- same subject, from france, have also caused no little discontent and distress in martinique and gauda || ly seal the death-warrant for the demon of afri. loupe.” can oppression in these states. this is his lan- from what we see here stated, it is easy to guage.- professors of religion! read and reflect. conjecture--that west india slavery is near “a few weeks since we had the gratifica- ly at an end; that a considerable accession to tion of seeing in the columns of that valuable the number of slaveites, in this country, may| paper, the new-york evangelist, a depart- soon be expected from thence; and that our ment especially devoted to the subject of sla- "free" government will, in all probability, be very; and from the character of the pieces in- the last abode of the demon spirit of african oppresserted we believed the editor to have taken a decided and christian stand against this sion in the western hemisphere. how long the great national sin. this department of the gorgon monster shall find a resting place in this paper, especially a certain article from a new and of light and liberty,” and what oceans of|| bedford, (mass.) paper, as the proprietor in- innocent blood must flow to satiate his hellish) forins us, has been the subject of much com- thirst, is a part of the tale which remains to be plaint from their southern friends and subscri- told. bers. accordingly, instead of a “slavery we have some accounts of proceedings in the department,” we find in the last evangelist british parliament, also sundry addresses, reso- || the expediency of entire silence on the subject letters from southern correspondents, arguing lations, &c. &c., adopted by the anti-slavery | of slavery. silence on the subject of slavery! societies, which are very interesting; but their if ever there was a sin that made it the duty insertion must be postponed until the publication of all christian people, and all christian ed. of our next paper. itors, to speak out, in a tone of remonstrance genius of universal emancipation. ja scau ence t- it fiat justitia ruat cæluin. that should be heard, it is the sin of holding matters worthy of record, slaves. what doctrine is this, that the peo the editor of the new york american, ple of the north must be silent with regard to a system of crime and guilt, the most fearfully | speaking of the late southampton slave heinous the civilized world has ever known, insurrection, very emphatically says: and in which, by our connection with the south, “we detest slavery-we have striven, and we are in some measure participators? “let ever shall strive, against its extension in these us at the south,” says the correspondent of the united states: but, where it exists, and evangelist, “manage this subject. let me without any fault of those who are cursed with beg of you to remain silent." and how do it, we would go to the utmost length to sustain “they at the south” manage the subject? the the rights and safety of those whom circuw- absolute silence of all their papers, in refer-stances have placed in the relation of mas- to the criminality of slavery, answers.ters. such too is, we are sure, the feeling of the extreme and increasing rigor of their all sound thinking men in the free states; and slave laws answers. the degradation, and upon the slightest intimation that they are re- ignorance, and viciousness, and wretchedness quired, arms, money, men, will be poured of the suffering blacks answer. the late | forth in profusion for the defence of our alarming insurrections and the horrible exe- || southern brethren. cutions that have followed, tell how they at the let them not doubt this. would to god south manage the subject of slavery. the infatuated beings who have thus broken our religious papers are indeed almost all out in mad revolt, that must issue in such astonishingly silent on this subject. the in- bloody retribution upon themselves, could be dian question may be meddled with, sabbath made equally sensible, that in such a cause, mails may be protested against, intemperance the whole white population of the union is may be denounced, the morals of the nation banded against them. may be guarded with a jealous eye, but slavery nothing more is here proposed than what -touch not that! we have within a few our constitution and laws would authorize months seen a southern state trampling on some of the rights of a few indian tribes, and and enjoin.-but will this editor as freely ex- sending their missionaries to prison, and theert himself to prevent such acts, by the adop- religious press is at once arrayed against the tion of pacific measures, to punish their oppressors, and treats them with a severity which garrison never exceeded in his denun- authors, by violent means, when committed? ciations of slavery. and yet this severity will he not reflectia little, and see that all in reference to indian oppression is all very those who support the slave holding system proper, but “garrison is a madman!”. what,||(and he himself supports it) are in “fault”? we would ask, is the expatriation of a few tribes, in comparison with the perpetual bond- || that system may be peaceably abolished; and age of more than two millions of human beings? | this would obviate all the difficulty apprehend- instead of fixing the guilt of slavery whereed with respect to it. it ought to lie, at the door of its supporters and apologists, we often notice in our religious iclusively by the african colonization plan?- but how shall this be accomplished?-ex papers assertions that the people of the south have the curse entailed upon them, and would | never! our statesmen and intelligence-mon- gladly be rid of their slaves if they could. itgers must, therefore, look to some other sour- is all a farce. the slave-holders, as a body, ces for the requisite means. it is the es. do not wish to be rid of their slaves. they make no provision for their emancipation, ei-pecial duty of editors to inform themselves, ther now or at any future time. they ex-||and acquaint the public with every thing that press no such intention, they have no such in- || will be interesting on that point. it is sick. tention. and the people of the north, by their ſening to hear the language now used by some criminal silence, are countenancing it all. never, never, until the press can be brought to of them. we do not here allude to the bear on the point, and fasten the charge of guilt “american.”) the conductors of the “bos- upon the system of slave-holding, can there beton courier,” n. york “commercial adverti- a hope for the reformation of the evil. it is ser," and many other papers of high reputa- indeed mortifying to compare the apathy of american christians on this subject with the tion, speak of that as the only method of decision and perseverance of our english breth-effecting the object!—"blind guides,” indeed, ren. they neither palliate the crime of slave are these! holding, nor acknowledge any of its absurd claims. if we had here a few such publications movements in virginia, as the london new baptist miscellany, to speak and to speak loudly on this subject, our the wheeling gasette, of aug. th, contains christian slave-holders would soon find upon a memorial to the legislature, urging the abo- what ground they stand.” lition of slavery in that state, or, at least, in the a l e genius of universal emancipation. fiat justitia ruat cælun. ness. western part of it. this memorial is well writ-|| scripts. james eliza john capitein, an afri- ten it shall appear in our next number. can, was carried as a slave to holland, wbere he acquired several learned languages, and took degrees in theology at the university of leyden. from the liberator. he was sent out as a calvanistic minister to guinea. ignatius sancho (listinguished himself a song to the sad one. as a literary character in england, died ,-- by a lady. thomas fuller, an african, who, although una- | will sing—but to whom shall my numbers be ble to read or write, performed difficult arithmet- poured ? ical calculations with amazing facility. belin- to the happy? the honored? the brave? da, after being a slave for forty years in massa- to the phantom of beauty, by thousands adored? chusetts, addressed, in , an eloquent petition no-l'll sing to the poor, tettered slave. to the legislature of that state, for the freedom behold him in sadness and bending with toil! of herself and daughter. the petition has been he burdens the air with his sigh; preserved in one of the volumes of the american his sweat and his tears are bedewing the soil museum. othello published, in , at balti- he has not a hope but to die. more, an eloquent essay against the slavery of and life is to him but a wearisome way, africans. in darkness and bitterness trod, while tyranny shuts from his bosom the ray brief notices. that beams from the volume of god, cuba.-an order has been issued by the captain he knows not the promise so sweetly revealed general of the island of cuba, probibiting the intro- for those who in sorrow may sow - duction of free persons of color. all vessels bring. that he may lay open his wounds to be healed ing such, as passengers or otherwise, will be compel. by one who has balın for each woe. led to take them away, and not only support them, but a guard also, during their stay in any of the ports the image of christ is withheld from his sight; of cuba. in none does that beauty appear, introduction of slaves.—the georgian informs us where power and compassion and meekness unite that the laws of tke state against the introduction of the name is blasphemed in his ear. slaves for the purpose of speculation, are evaded by so, i will go out from the world and its mirth, the parties closing the transaction, and transferring the bill of sale on the other side of the river, when the whose brightness will soon become dim; i'll sit down by him who is crushed to the earth, new purchaser of course legally introduces his pur. and cheer up his heart with a hynn. chase as his own property. this is a regular busi- l'll bid bim look up where his cheek may be dried the lexington, va. “union of the th july in the light of eternity's sun;- says:—"the hon. gabriel s. moore, late governor where the veil of the flesh tbrown forever aside, of alabama, senator in congress, &c., passed thro' the black and the white shall be one. this place on monday last, returning to his residence and constituents. he travelled with great republi. i'll tell him the stripes he is suffering here can simplicity and equality. no glittering equipage; are marked in a record on bigh, no show of circumstances to indicate his high estate- against their rash giver, as fire, to appear but rode in a common waggon, drawn by four good- when the chains of the slave are cast by. ly steeds and driven by a black servant. the hon. i'll teach bim the prayer of forgiveness and love, senator was accompanied in this vehicle by a ne- gro'woman and two or three mulatto children.” of him who in anguish below, foresaw the dread dealings of justice above, and prayed for his murderous foe. terms of subscription yes, i will go out where in sadness he gropes, genius universal emancipation. benighted his weary life-long, to kindle his desolate heart with new hopes, the work will, henceforth, be issued monthly. it and put in his mouth a new song. will be neatly printed on fine paper, and folded in the octavo form, each number making sixteen large pages. newburyport. h. f. g. the price of subscription will be one dollar per annum, always to be paid in advance. capacity of blacks. subscribers who do not particularly specify the time they wish to receive the work, or notify the ed- a number of instances are cited of celebrated itor of a desire to discontinue it before the expiration black men who have distinguished themselves, of each current year, will be considered as engaged notwithstanding every disadvantage. among|| for the next succeeding one, and their bills will be them are: hannibal, an african, who rose to the forwarded accordingly. rank of lieutenant-general in the russian corps agents will be entitled to six copies for every five of artillery. francis williams, a black, born dollars remitted to the editor, in current money of in jamaica, was educated in the university of cambridge. after his return to jamaica, hefice, must be addressed, free of expense, to benja- all letters and communications intended for this of. taught latin and the mathematics. anthony min lundy, washington, d.c. 'williams amo, born at guinea, took the degree of doctor in philosophy at the university of contents of this addenda. wittemburg, and distinguished himself in met the editor to his patrons; mexico-texas–colo- aphysics; he was also skilled in the learned nization, page , . texas independent; more languages. job ben solomon, son of the ma independence,” . _purchase of slaves-again, . honetan king of banda, was taken in , and « assylum for” tyrants, . sentiments in sold in maryland. he found his way to eng-| worthy of record; movements in virginia, . n. carolina; slavery and the press, . matters a land, and became acquainted with sir hanse sloane, for whom he translated arabic manu- tices; terms of subscription, . song to the sad one; capacity of blacks; brief no- to the of o. . carpent genius of universal emancipation. edited by b. lundy--published in washington and baltimore-$ . per ann. "we hold these truths to be self-evident: that all men are created equal, and endowed by their creator with certain inalienable rights; that among these are life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness."--declaration of independence, u.s. supplement to no. , volume xii. wilberforce settlement, u. c. yeomanry renovate the famished soil of the " ge- late advices from this settlement inform us, nerous south," and her“ desert wastes” shall exhi- that mr. israel lewis, the former agent of the bit the verdant bloom which the author of na- colony, has resigned, and that the board of trus ture designed they should wear, tees are appointed ho kev. james s.arpe, ús agent, to fill the yacancy. the rev. george bourne. mr. sharpe, we are further informed, is now on we rejoice to find that this veteran in the a tour making collections in aid of this important cause of african emancipation is again in the settlement. we trust the hearts of all friends field. his labors in virginia, many years since, to the persecuted colored race—the heart of every | procured for him the most bitter persecutions, philanthropist-will be opened to his appeals in || from the advocates of slavery, among whom were favor of this effort to form a resting place, a"city of classed a large number of his presbyterian bre- refuge,” for this people, where they may till their || thren. one of the most respectable clergymen of own lands, and partake of the fruits of their la- || that sect, in ohio, recently informed the writer of bor, in peace and in quietness---and where also this article, that he once stood alone in his favor, they may enjoy every privilege which is the in- when bourne was called before an ecclesiastical herent right of all men, whatever may be the co- || council, under a charge of heresy in combatting lor of their skin. the sin of slaveholding. he was condemned; (as was the apostle of emancipation, benjamin the united states' telegraph." lay, at an early period, by the quakers ;) and so it seems that the celebrated duff green has relentless were his persecutors, that he was com. not much improved, in a moral point of view, al- || pelled to leave the southern states. until very though the screws of modern political “reform" || lately, he has since resided in canada ; but he is have been applied to him. in a late number of now at the editorial desk in new york, and pub.. his paper, the u. s. telegraph, he devotes seve lishes a very spirited journal, entitled “ the proa ral columns to the subject of african enanci sa- || tes testant.” we have nothing to say about his reli- tion, in which he strenuously advocates the prin- i gious sentiments; but his remarks, on the sub- ciple and practice of slavery. unfortunately for ject of slavery, bear the impress of a strong and this dismantled priest, and lame-duck politician, vigorous mind, and the clearest perception of rea- he takes up the pe to plead for african tyranny, son and justice. may he be as fortunate as the when his influence is waning, and “the sceptre patriarch, lay, who lived to witness the abolition hath departed from judas.” (the quotation of slavery by that society which almost unanimously may not be literal, but it reads well enough here.) condemned him for advocating it! already have when he published his pamphlet, in missouri, | the western presbyterians taken strong ground, to prove the legality of slavery, from the scrip some of their ablest clergymen and lay members tures! the sacerdotal robe had fallen from his are marshalling under the holy ensign raised by shoulders, and if our information be correct, his the philanthropist, bourne. they have vowed, baptist brethren had placed another in the pulpit before high heaven, to prosecute the sacred work which he had previously occupied. so with his to its consummation. that they will succeed is political friends at present. they have discard- | absolutely certain. and may heaven, in mercy, ed him from their councils.--none have confi- | hasten the glorious period. dence in one so unprincipled-so lost to christiani we understand that bourne's celebrated work, ty, republicanism, and even the feelings of hu- | entitled “ the book and slavery irreconcilable,” is manity. believing that little harm can.result about to be reprinted. it should be in the hands from his efforts to thwart our purposes, we shall of every religious professor, at least, in the slave- devote but a small space to a notice of the stand || holding section of the united states and the west he has taken. indeed the slavites of this nation, | indies. it will, doubtless, be extensively patron- of every grade--whether in the seat of power or ised. out of it-might as well essay to blow out the evils of the accursed system."}, sunlight, as to extinguish the rays of moral and political reformation that are now penetrating the we find the following pertinent article in the darkness of their despotism. slavery must go boston daily advocate. the florence (al.) ga- down.---and then shall a free and industrious | zette designates the overseer as “an upright man genius of universal emancipation. fiat justitia ruat cælum. slaveholder; and hence his theory was head and the heart of the writer. mine, better than his practice. it is apparent, on the subject of the slavery of negroes, moreover, that he had clearer views of have long since been in possession of the the impolicy of the slave-system, than of public, and time has only served to give its guilt. but he never dishonored his them stronger root. the love of justice judgement, or perverted his good sense, by and the love of country plead equally the attempting to prove the lawfulness of hold cause of these people, and it is a moral ing the colored race in bondage. he ne- reproach to us that they should have yer, as many professors of religion have pleaded it so long in vain, and should shamelessly done, arrayed texts of scrip. have produced not a single effort, nay i ture in support of cruelty, robbery and op- fear not much serious willingness, to re- pression. while he seemed inclined to lieve them and ourselves from our present the vulgar opinion, that the blacks were condition of moral and political reproba- intellectually inferior to the whites, he did tion. from those of a former generation, not draw the impious conclusion that who were in the fulness of age when i they were made to be hewers of wood and came into public life, which was while drawers of water to their superiors. he our controversy with england was on frankly admitted that slavery was inde-paper only, i soon saw that nothing was fensible ; that its existence was disgrace-to be hoped. nursed and educated in the ful and dangerous to the nation; and daily habit of seeing the degraded condi- that strenuous efforts ought to be made tion, both bodily and mental, of those un. for its extirpation. on this subject, he e-fortunate beings, not reflecting that that vinced more sympathetic feeling and moral | degradation was very much the work of courage, than all the other presidents of themselves and their fathers, few minds the united states have manifested col-had yet doubted but that they were as le- lectively. gitimate subjects of property as their there are three capital errors in the fol- || horses or cattle. the quiet and mono- lowing letter. . jefferson proposes the tonous course of colonial life had been dis- * emancipation of those born after a cer- turbed by no alarm, and little reflection on tain day,' but evidently gives over the pa- the value of liberty; and when alarm was rents of these children to remediless bond-taken at an enterprize on their own, it age. but the compassion of the nation was not easy to carry them the whole should embrace both parents and children, length of the principles which they invok- and break those galling fetters whiched for themselves. in the first or se- bind the present generation, as well as cond session of the legislature, after i be- those which are forged for the limbs of the came a member, i drew to this subject the hext. . his plan is to expatriate as fast | attention of col. bland, one of the oldest, as we emancipate the slaves; but this must | ablest, and most respected members, and tend only to impoverish the south by with-||he undertook to move for certain mode- drawing an able-bodied and really valuable rate extensions of :he protection of the population, and cannot be consummated || laws to these people. [seconded his mo- without great injustice and expense. . tion, and, as a younger member, was he objects to immediate abolition, thereby more spared in the debate : but he was disregarding the immutable principles of denounced as an enemy to his country, justice which admit of no compromise with and was treated with the grossest indeco. fraud and cruelty. if, instead of urging rum. from an early stage of our revo- his friend still to remain a slaveholder, he lution, other and more distant duties were had encouraged him to follow the dictates assigned me, so that from that time till of his conscience, and employ,his slaves as my return from europe in , and i free laborers, how much wiser and better may say, till i returned to reside at home would have been his advice; and if jeffer- in , i had little opportunity of know- son himself had manumitted his own ing the progress of public sentment here, slaves for conscience sake, what an all-on this subject. i had always hoped that conquering influence must have ever at the younger generation, receiving their tended his illustrious example ! early impressions after the flame of liberty monticello, aug. , - . had been kindled in every breast, and had dear sir-your favor of july , was become, as it were, the vital spirit of eve- duly received, and was read with pecu- | ry american, that the generous tempera- liar pleasure. the sentiments breathed ment of youth, analogous to the motion of through the whole do honor to both the their blood, and above the suggestions of genius of universal emancipation. fiat justitia ruat cælum. avarice, would have sympathised with or- no. i have overlived the generation pression wherever found, and proved their with which mutual labors and perils be- love of liberty beyond their own share of got mutual confidence and influence.- it. but my intercourse with them, since this enterprise is for the young ; for those my return, has not been sufficient to ascer- || who can follow it up and bear it through tain that they had made towards this point to its consummation. it shall have all the progress i had hoped. your solitary my prayers, and these are the only wea- but welcome voice is the first which has pons of an old man. but in the mean brought this sound to my ear; and i time, are you right in abandoning this have considered the general silence which property, and your country with it? i prevails on this subject as indicating an think not. my opinion has ever been apathy unfavorable to every hope. yet that, until more can be done for them, we the hour of emancipation is advancing in should endeavor, with those whom for- the march of time. it will come; and, tune has thrown on our hands, to feed whether brought on by the generous en- and clothe them well, protect them from ergy of our own minds, or by the bloody | ill usage, require such reasonable labor process of st. domingo, excited and con. only as is performed voluntarily by free- ducted by the power of our present ene men, and be led by no repugnancies to ab- my, if once stationed permanently within | dicate them and our duties to them. the our country and offering asylum and arms laws do not permit us to turn them loose, to the oppressed, is a leaf of our history | if that were for their good ; and to com- not yet turned over. mute them for other property is to com- as to the method by which this diffi- mit them to those whose usage of them cult work is to be effected, if permitted to we cannoi control. i hope then, my dear be done by ourselves, i have seen no pro- sir, you will reconcile yourself to your position so expedient on the whole, as country and its unfortunate condition ; that of emancipation of those born after a that you will not lessen its stock of sound certain day, and of their education and disposition by withdrawing your portion expatriation at a proper age. this would from the mass; that, on the contrary, give time for a gradual extinction of that you will come forward in the public coun- species of labor and substitution of ano-cils, insinuate and inculcate it, softly but ther, and lessen the severity of the shocksteadily, through the medium of writing which an operation so fundamental ne- and conversation, associate others in your ver fails to produce. the idea of eman- labors, and when the phalanx is formed, cipating the whole at once, the old as bring on and press the proposition perse. well as the young, and retaining them veringly until its accomplishment. it is here, is of those only who have not an encouraging observation that no goo the guide of either knowledge or experi- measure was ever proposed, which, ence of the subject. for men, probably duly pursued, failed to prevail in the end. of any color, but of this color we know, we have proof of this in the history of brought up from their infancy without the endeavors of the british parliament necessity, forethought or forecast, are by to suppress that very trade, which brought their habits rendered as incapable as chil- | this evil on us; and you will be suppori- dren of taking care of themselves, and are ed by the religious precept 'be not wea- extinguished promptly whenever industry ried in well doing.' that your success is necessary for raising the young. [?] in may be as speedy and complete, as it will the mean time, they are pests in society be of honorable and immortal consolation by their idleness and the depredations to to yourself, i shall as fervently and sin- which this leads them. their amalga- cerely pray, as i assure you of my great mation with the other color produces a | friendship and respect. degradation to which no lover of his coun- th. jefferson. try--no lever of excellence in the human character--can innocently consent. errata. a vexatious error occurrerl in a par i am sensible of the partialities with of our impression for may, through an oversight. which you have looked towards me, as in correcting the proof. in the introductory re- marks to mr. nat. field's letter to certain citizens the person who should undertake this of s. carolina, the term “ virginia society of s. salutary but arduous work. but this, my || c.," is used for “ vigilance society,” &c. as, dear sir, is like bidding old priam to i however, the term is afterwards correctly used, it buckle the armor of hector “trementibus that the title, “ virginia society," was an error of must have been apparent to every careful reader ævo humeris et inutile ferrum cingi.'-- || the press. the library of the swers omnibus, artibus class . p book ***** fra lima , pamphleto ou aarey contents g the light plume. letters on the mccemiti ga perompo ixlinotin bdminl manu; bith ihnytte m.competition p renters for dubstituting laut hestia for e hedia lugar - kypeetina i puém q animeu panja ae, inne apically ti fumue to the east belia traile, by ko: prinsep. apredly ind warty, hy dife, effectant quitallo aneand, my linu - . thou oldb letters on the necessity of a prompt extinction op british colonial slavery; chiefly addressed to the more influential classÉs. “whatsoever thy hand findeth to ho, do it with all thy might.“ to which are added, thoughts on compensation. london: sold by hatchard and son, piccadilly, and by t. combe and son, leicester. mdcccxxvi. tak advertisement. since the prospectus of the following: woški vaš issued, its title and contents: hăvě :undergone considerable alter- ation, consequent upon :the: ehange produced in some of the writer's views of the subject, by' a correspondence with one of the most able and devoted leaders of the anti-slavery society. from this privilege however, it is feared that the following pages will evince that the writer has profited but very partially. laura z lego glasi on ebon ga l printed by combe and son, leicester. , .. table of contents. letter i. to the great leaders of the anti-slavery society. west indian slavery essentially the same at the present moment as before the issue of the orders in council, &c. p. ... inadequacy of the remedy proposed by gradual eman- cipation. ... fundamental principle lost in the proposition of gradual emancipation. ... injurious effects of delay. ... wretched consequences of the admission of just principles without a prompt conformity to their requisitions illustrated in the conduct of france respecting the slave-trade. .. investi- gation of the conduct of emancipated slavęs.in america, &c. . in st. domingo. ... safety, and: expediency of immediate emancipation the inevitable result of this investigation. .. preparatory schcol of discipline unnecessary.ard impracti- cable. . letter ii: to those who are tired of the subject of west indian slavery. -p.: : declension of anti-slavery zeal where least to be expected. ... necessity of pressing this “trite and backened subject” still more closely on the public attention. ... awful respon- sibility incurred by acquaintance with its nature and conse- quences. ... danger of trifling with known duty. ... dives and lazarus. . letter iii. to the more influential classes of the christian public... p. . necessity of bringing christian sympathy and principle into more vigourous operation ... reproachful disproportion between the evil of slavery and the efforts hitherto made for its destruction. ...folly of expecting its destruction with- out the strenuous exertion of rational means. .. . tropical free labour company. . .immediate emancipation required on the ground of divine command. ..as explicit in the case of the negro slave as in that of the israelites under egyptian bondage. ... inconsistency and hypocrisy of reprobating the slave trade whilst we uphold slavery. ..objections to the substitution of east for west indian sugar. ..process of west indian sugar cultivation. .. its destructive con- sequences. ..criminality of west india sugar consump- tion. . antu com contents. p. . ea letter iv. on the most efficient meuns of deepening and extending the public interest in the speedy extinction of west indian slavery. strict propriety and great importance of employing the christian pulpit in the anti-slavery cause. .. peter the hermit. . . picture of west indian slavery drawn by the colonists themselves. .. the malignant hostility of slavery to christianity. . influence of slavery upon missionaries. ..moravians. .. duty of denouncing from the chris- tian pulpit this anti-christian tyranny. . letter v. on the importance of associations for the purpose of obtaining the cooperation of the humbler classes. p. . successful result of personal visits for the purpose of dif- fusing wider information on the nature of slavery. .. ad- vantage of this general extension.--their probable influence on the next general electior. - , resolations of the calne meeting. . letter vi to the finsts. of. immediate emancipation. p. . incitements to zeal and equrage. .. cautions against spu- rious candour. .. necessity of more numerous and urgent petitions to parliament. ..caution against the imposition of slave-cultivated sugar for the produce of free labour.- strongly marked discouragement of the sale of west india sugar recommended. .. encouragement to perseverance in the work of emancipation from the certain evidence of its accordance with the divine will. ... miraculous inter- vention not to be expected. . emancipation not to be suspended on the successful issue of commercial speculations, it may be effected by a speedier process. . .force of public opinion. thoughts on compensation, p. . misapplication of public sympathy. . . its injurious effects. .. claims of the slave - holders to compen- sation groundless and audacious. .. on civil and poli- tical as well as moral principles. ..passions of the colo- nists exasperated by all attempts at conciliation and conces- sion. ..origin of west indian slavery. .. original grants and permissions founded in fraud and falsehood. .. charters all forfeited. .. ultimate advantage resulting to the planter from emancipation. .. superior profitableness of free to slave labour. .. compensation justly due to the slave not to the slave-holder, . nard vine wat rexert ace soc letter i. an earnest appeal to thb great leaders of the anti-slavery society: in appealing to the great leaders of the anti- slavery society, we appeal to the concentrated wisdom and virtue of the nation consequently the language of great deference and respect is justly due. none can appreciate more justly than we do, the talents and virtues of those whom we thus presume to address; their disinterested, perse- vering exertions, in the great cause of humanity and justice are beyond all praise; but no emi- nence in virtue or talent exclude a liability to error; imperfection is inseparable from humanity : -the ablest, the wisest, the best men, who in different ages have been an ornament and a bles- sing to society, have been partially wise, imper- fectly good; on some important point of opinion b many or practice, the most enlightened have been in the dark; the most acute and discerning, deceived ; the most sincere and upright, opposed to the truth. in the great conflict of right against might, you have borne the heat and burden of the day ; you have stemmed the strong torrent of west- indian interest and prejudice; you have rowed hard against wind and tide, “ toiled all the night and (have, as yet) taken nothing.” ask your- selves why the persevering exertion of so much zeal, of so much talent, in a cause so just and so righteous, should have been so little availing. the appalling “view of negro slavery exist- ing in the british colonies,” drawn up and cir- culated by your committee, in april, , is circulated again in ! had any important change, any change worth noticing taken place in the system.--it would, of course, as a matter of justice, have been recorded. but notwithstanding the petitions to parliament, for its mitigation and gradual abolition; notwithstanding the orders in council, and meliorating measures, recommended two years ago, to the colonial legislators; still, the view of negro slavery," as it exists in , is precisely the same as it existed in -- and such, without miraculous invention, will it, in all human probability, remain to the end of the cen- tury- unless some important change be effected in the sentiments and measures of the abolition- ists ; -unless there be a greater agreement between * si hanc bane, of the , e, mrse eversing resent of pod redress the evil they have exposed, and the remedy they propose for it. the evil they have exposed is of the most enormous and flagitious nature; it involves, ac- cording to their own statement, the worst crimes which can disgrace, and the severest sufferings which can afflict our fellow-creatures ;-—" it out- rages every feeling of humanity, every recognised principle both of the british constitution and of the christian religion.” the abolitionists have in- formed us that the objects of their sympathy, have, " themselves or their parents, been the victims of the slave-trade. they were obtained by no law- ful means, but by the most undisguised rapinë, the most atrocious fraud. torn from their homes, from every dear relation in life, barbarously mana- cled, or driven like' herds of cattle to the sea-shore, crowded into the pestilential holds of slave-ships, transported to our colonies, where they are branded like cattle with hot irons ;—separated and sold with- out regard to family ties, to the highest bidder ;- compelled to labour, night as well as the day, for the sole benefit of their owners, from whom they re- ceive no wages ; — subjected, for any, or for no offence, at the caprice of their master or his dele- gate, to have their persons shamefully exposed and barbarously tortured, with the cart whip, an in- strumeut of dreadful severity, which cruelly lace- rates the flesh of the sufferer ;-denied the means of legal redress, even in cases of the most atrocious . t: barbarity, by the rejection of their evidence in the colonial courts,” &c. &c. —therefore, this sys- tem of barefaced injustice and merciless oppres- sion, is only to be mitigated and gradually abo- lished!! - what agreement we ask, is there between such promises and such conclusions ? an impenetrable veil of mystery and delusion seems to envelope and screen this enormity from merited and prompt destruction. the wisest and the best seem to be withheld from applying to it, not their own superior wisdom and exalted prin- ciples merely, but that common sense and common justice which govern common mortals in their ordinary transactions. on the subject of west- indian slavery, a theme in the abstract, so inex- haustibly fruitful of eloquent declamation and powerful argument, the wisest and the best, when they come to the practical application of their own cogent reasonings, seem to reverse their ordinary every day conclusions. “ no effectual steps (the abolitionists inform us) have taken, since the extinction of the slave trade (eighteen years ago) either by this country or the colonists for softening the rigour of negro bondage” or for putting an end to “ a condition of society, which outrages every feeling of humanity, every re- cognized principle both of the british constitution and the christian religion.”—and therefore they yet been .. see a brief view of the nature and effects of negro slavery," published by the anti-slaiery society. still propose only to mitigate and gradually to abolish it!! suffer, we entreat you, the word of serious and earnest remonstrance. compel yourselves to examine afresh, the ground you have taken as gradual abolitionists,—and see whether it be such as affords any rational hope of success ;-see whether it be not hollow and treacherous ground, which it is high time to abandon. hollow and treacherous we are confident that it is—and dan- gerous also,--dangerous to your own principles, as well as treacherous to the cause you have em- braced. the proposition for gradual emancipa- tion is, we are confident, secretly sapping the foundation of public virtue, paralizing its resolu- tion, familiarizing and reconciling us to crime; rendering us a nation of hypocrites,--empty preluders to humanity and justice, who expose and reprobate crime, not to extirpate but to tolerate and foster it ;—who plead, for the op- pressed and miserable, not to rescue, but to abandon them. this pusillanimous proposition is operating like a powerful opiate on our feel- ings and principles ;—it is neutralizing our sym- pathy, palsying our exertion, and benumbing our charity in behalf of the poor negro like the touch of the torpedo. without the spirit of prophecy we confidently predict that the mitigation and gradual abolition of west-india slavery will, humanly speaking, never be obtained ; and tir moreover, that if the great leaders of the anti- slavery society, remain satisfied with no higher aim, they themselves, the most enlightened and humane, will find their feelings and their prin- ciples gradually, imperceptibly accommodated, like those of the planters, to the existing state of things ;-the wisest and the best, on this trite and hackneyed subject, will come to have “ eyes that see not-ears that hear not-hearts that un- derstand not.” such is the inevitable conse- quence of tampering with conviction ; of familiar knowledge of abuses, long acquaintance with oppression and cruelty which are only partially and feebly resisted. if west-indią slavery be the monstrous in- justice and atrocity which you have represented it, with what consistency can the friends of humanity and justice tolerate and tamper with it? we wish to be temperate,—to reason rather than declaim on a business so momentous,-but the mysterious incongruity in the language and conduct of the gradual abolitionists, seems to justify some warmth of remonstrance. their language has been in the highest degree, calculated to rouse, and stimulate, general indignation against slavery. they have represented it as involving crimes of the deepest die, as a concentration,- the very focal point of all crimes. consistency requires that the disclosure of its enormity should be followed up, by determined and unremitting iei ibe w e nation- i deomed exertions for its speedy and utter extinction.--it had been better never to have known the horrors of the system, than having known, to tolerate and cherish it. the exposure of its iniquity, so long as it is suffered to exist, only occasions an increase of crime and suffering ;-an increase of crime in those, who .passively sanction, as well as those who actively support it, in as much as sins against light and knowledge are greater than those of ignorance:--the sufferings of the slaves will be aggravated by the bitter disappointment of those hopes of redress which the public ex position of their wrongs excited, and the rigours of their bondage will be increased, so long as gradual emancipation, is hanging, in terrorem, over the heads of the planters, who, exasperated by british interference and fearing more decided hostility, will determine to make the most of their slave property whilst they have it in possession, by extracting all the advantage they possibly can out of it. the work of emancipation, if it be not vigourously pursued, had better never have been meddled with. insurrections have increased in consequence of the knowledge obtained by the slaves of the public sympathy and of the inter- position of the british government in their favour ;--they claimed the benefit of that inter- position-and have been massacred or executed, or doomed to endure the protracted torture of a . by all thousand lashes--and to labour in chains during the residue of their lives, for their audacity.!!! after all that has been said and written about the shameful degradation, the enormous wrongs of the poor negro, what has he gained our declamation against the atrocious injustice and cruelty of which he is the victim? worse than nothing. his tyrants have only strength- ened their fortifications and entrenched themselves deeper against future attacks, by organizing a powerful body of supporters in this country, backed with a capital of two millions, whereby the ramifications of the slave-holding interest are greatly extended and the chains of the slave more strongly rivetted. “ but there must be time allowed for the seed sown in the cause of emancipation to take root." yes, but it has had time to take root-and to bring forth abundantly,-- and its produce has been suffered unprofitably to perish. by the information which has been so copiously diffused on the nature and effects of west indian slavery, the public sympathy and indignation have been powerfully awakened—to no purpose~no right direction has been given to them and they are rapidly subsiding into the most torpid insen- sibility. “but great moral revolutions must be effected bider mied copt el posare onlined . the to remune ped and see the sentences passed on the insurgents at demerara. www a to keep up by slow degree.” why must they? there is a warmth of feeling and an energy of principle awakened by the first powerful conviction of the duty and necessity of such revolutions which would facilitate and expedite their accomplish- ment. but this warmth of feeling and energy of principle will gradually subside if not kept alive by those vigourous exertions to which they in- stinctively prompt; and when they have sub- sided, the work of reformation will indeed be effected by slow degrees. reason, humanity, justice, religion in such a case as this, all unite in calling for dispatch, not delay. the spirit of an enterprise it must advance,--if it be a just and righteous one, the more rapidly, the better. “ but deeply rooted prejudices are not hastily eradicated ;-long established interests, however unjust in their origin, are not violently to be de- stroyed.” why are they not? deeply rooted prejudices, the longer they are suffered to grow, will strike their roots the deeper; and long es- tablished corrupt interests, ill-gotten, or ill-re- tained possessions, are never voluntarily relin- quished. the futile and audacious claims of the slave-holders to the detention of their captives, or to remuneration for their loss, have been often exposed and indignantly repelled. it has been proved that the labour of the slave, on the lowest calculation of its value, replaces his cost, sup- . a j; xe posing it to have been so high as £ , in seven years. this consideration however, let it ever be remembered, has no bearing whatever on the justice of the question. the slave did not sell himself,~consequently his purchaser has no right to an equivalent out of his labour. but the planter will be ruined by the im- mediate liberation of his slaves.” if, by the ruin of the planter, is meant only his temporary em- barrassment and humiliation ;---we candidly say "'tis a consumation devoutly to be wished.”— 'tis the natural, the necessary means of his cor- rection, and improvement,--the only cure for his pride and his insolence, his sordid selfishness and hardheartness. - when were long established habits of robbery, oppression and cruelty aban- doned without humiliation and suffering ?-when was vice cured without punishment ?-on the petty robber it falls with unsparing hand. is theft criminal only in the poor? is the crime cancelled when committed by the rich on the persons of the poor? shall the poor man, who steals a sheep, forfeit his life for it? and shall the rich man who steals his brother, or (which is the same thing) detains him in unjust and cruel bondage (being stolen) shall he be held guiltless ? shall he be required to make no restitution till restitution be attended with no loss tilri rast w abit fusce ther as < see “the west-indies as they are," by the rev. r. bickell, p. . late ablatt or inconvenience ? shall “ the stolen captive” never be reclaimed,—the helpless prey never taken out of the hands of the robber,-till an equivalent be provided, till no loss accompany the restitution ? “ but the planters purchased their slaves, or they obtained them by inheritance, and therefore consider them as their rightful property.” and can the payment of any sum, for an article over which the seller had no right, impart any right to the pur- chaser ? impossible ! if justice be any thing more than an empty name, -a mere nose of wax, which may be mould- ed and fitted to any face, the holder of the slave, whether he obtained him by purchase, or by inheritance, is as guilty as the original thief. the right of the slave to his own freedom is inherent in himself ;he does not lose his right because a robber and a tyrant wrest it from him. god made him free- and appointed the bounds of his habitation in the wild regions of africa, the wretch who stole him thence, could, by no possible means, either acquire, or transmit, the right to make a slave of him, or to keep him in slavery. he has a right to his liberty; through whatever number of - transfers the usurpation of it may have passed his right is undiminshed —and so is the crime of witholding it. “ but of what advantage is it to contend for his right, if he cannot obtain it? his possessor will not voluntarily restore it;— the law will not compel him,—and the slave himself has no power of reclaiming it.” but though his possessor re- fuses voluntarily to liberate him ;- though he be unable to assert his own liberty; though british law has hitherto declined to award it because it has never yet been demanded; - it may yet be had for asking. it could not be withheld by the british government from the united claims of humanity, justice and religion, if boldly and per- severingly urged. the abolitionists have hi- therto gained nothing for their poor clients, be- cause they have asked too little. “ but immediate emancipation is regarded by the sober and dispassionate, as a wild and imprac- ticable theory, scarcely entitled to a serious thought.” — wild and extravagant as it may ap- pear in some quarters, in others, it is rapidly gaining ground--and we trust the time is not far distant when this startling proposition will cease to alarm the most sober and dispassionate, and be unanimously adopted by every friend of justice and humanity. negro slavery, being, (according to the declared convictions of the gradual abolitionists) “ an oul- pages ) hoe vera rage of every feeling of humanity, every recog- nized principle both of the british constitution and of the christian religion”-its existence on bri- tish ground, must be regarded by them as an open mockery of her laws, - an impious defiance of her religion ;-they must see it pointing with the finger of scorn and derision to her pretended equal administration of justice, -- her high chris- tian profession;- writing on her criminal courts · tyranny,”- on her christian temples “ hypo- crisy ;” — displaying with insulting triumph, its broad license to commit injustice, robbery and sacrilege, in comparison of which the crimes which crowd our prisons and furnish the execu- tioner with ceaseless occupation are slight and venia). for a long season the public were unac- quainted with the real nature of this abomination; - it is an infernal birth, which has for ages, thriven in darkness ;—at length it has been dragged to light;- rather, it has with blind and frantic infatuation, obtruded and forced itself into light. the frightful monster, with hideous hissings, has darted into public view, unfolded its enormous coils, stretched the full length of its horrid de- formity in broad day-light. it has reared its brazen front, displayed its poisoned fangs — and has menaced and defied both earth and heaven. d witness, the late transactions in barbadoes and demerara : trial of the missionary smith ; language of the colonists on the receipt of the orders in counsel, &c. &c. - and shall we suffer it to live to continue its ra. vages, - to taint the moral atmosphere around it with poisonous infection, - to blast with pesti- ferous breath every principle of justice, humanitý and religion within its reach? or shall we with cruel and imbecile lenity, instead of crushing it at once, condemn it to die by inches, doom it to gradual destruction, - to lingering torments ? you admit that it is worthy of death, — that its protracted existence is protracted crime and mi- sery, disgrace and infamy. and can crime and misery be too soon arrested ? can disgrace and infamy be too soon obliterated ? slavery is the one grand impediment to the moral renovation both of the negro and his master. if the slaves are kept in bondage for another generation, they will not be at all better prepared for freedom than they now are,- are, - nor will their tyrants be at all more willing to relinquish their pre- tended right to them. no good reason can be given for suffering slavery in the british colonies to exist for another year which cannot be given for its existence for interminable ages. in the proposition for gradual emancipation there is a manifest dereliction of the fundamental principle on which emancipation is grounded, à tacit denial of that unqualified right of the slave to freedom on which rests all the justice of his enfranchisement, by acceding to his remaining in slavery until he shall be better qualified for freedom, or until, by a stipulated quantity of labour he shall, in a course of years, have worked out or purchased his own freedom,—the right of his possessor is recognised to hold him in bondage ; and the same sort of reasoning which can justify the withstanding his liberty for a year or a day, will justify the witholding it for ever. “but gradual emancipation, is defended on the ground of expediency rather than that of strict justice.” but by quitting the high ground of justice, for that of expediency, the impregnable bulwarks of the cause are surrounded, and its advocates, instead of struggling for eternal prin- ciples of right,-contend for a delusive phantom, -an ignis-fatuus which will perpetually elude for gradual emancipation, what- ever may be said of its expediency, will be found utterly unattainable. the proposition has done nothing, and will do nothing but deceive and betray ;-deceive its individual advocates with vain imaginations of the utility of their la- bours--and betray the cause of emancipation into the hands of its enemies. an emancipation so gradual as would have been attained by a law se- curing the freedom of all negro children born after a specific time has been solicited in vain. we are bold enough to predict that the solici, tation of a law for the prompt and complete ex- tinction of slavery would meet a more successful issue. by the last discussion of the question in their grasp ep parliament, the planters are said to have gained a complete triumph. with insolent audacity they resist the authority of the british legislature, and set at nought both its recommendations, and its laws. they assume the control of absolute mo- narchs, lawless tyrants,—they hold no party with justice,-make no concession to humanity. they have the power and are determined to surrender no modicum of it to treaty or remonstrance. had the best concerted measures for the mi- tigation and gradual abolition of colonial slavery been fully acceded to by the british government, --and the colonists, instead of openly resisting, had, from motives of policy, appeared to acquiesce; -still they would have contrived to evade their operation. no plans of melioration or gradual emancipation have any chance of taking effect in such a soil. what says the report of mr. cooper after a residence of three years on the estate of a planter who invested him with full authority to improve the condition of his slaves ? « he could do nothing.–the habits and prejudices of the colonists, independently of their laws, ren- dered improvement impracticable.” what says the journal of the martyred missionary smith ? “ the (slave) system is incapable of improvement,_it must be a bolished altogether.' the proposition of gradual instead of imme- diate emancipation has utterly failed as far as t were ale bezberdhed styperces rgards the conciliation of the planters, they hav- ing as vehemently protested against the one as the other. the exercise of unlimited power having so completely blinded their understand- ings, hardened their hearts and subjected them to the tyranny of their own lawless passions, that it will be found far more difficult to subject them, than their slaves, to the restraints of reason and justice. if conduct is ever to be regarded as the surest test of principle, how high, in the scale of morals does the poor negro mount above his master! patience, fortitude, magnanimity, bound- less gratitude to his benefactor, - forgiveness of injuries ;-are his ordinary characteristics :'-and • the following anecdote is selected, from many others of a similar character, from the “ west indies as they are.” “in the city of kingston, where there are eight or ten thousand slaves, and a greater number of free blacks and free people of colour, there was a strong guard kept all the holidays, and fearful rumours were afloat, of the horrid and diabolical intentions of the slaves. it was said that they were all to rise on a certain night, to set fire to the city in ten places, and murder all the white people as they should come out of their dwellings. the free blacks and people of colour were also suspected of being inclined to join them. but an incident happened, just before the commencement of the holidays, which completely satisfied my mind that all those fears were idle dreams. a fire occurred within fifty yards of my own residence; it broke out about ten o'clock at night, and as i was retiring to my bed-chamber, i heard the exclamations of the mistress of the house, crying fire! fire! soon after the drums beat, and the church bell struckout, giving the alarm. i ran up stairs, and from a back gallery could clearly perceive the fire, which was very alarming. though с if in spite of the brutal ignorance, the heathen darkness in which his task-master would bind him, - he should happily hear and embrace the glad tidings of the gospel—then might the high- est professor of religion look to the slave for prac- tical illustrations of its transforming efficacy. what though, whilst forcibly withheld, (as the far life by i never gave full credit to the rumours of the horrid inten- tions of the negroes, yet i was somewhat staggered, and hardly knew what to do, being the only white person in the house. i considered, however, that if the fire was not got under in half an hour, it would reach us, and we should be burnt out or perish in the flames; so that if a conspiracy were taking place i might as well be murdered as burnt; and that moreover, i should have some chance of my fighting for it; so i resolved to go out and do my best. calling therefore my own black servant, and arming myself, i proceeded to the conflagration, and found very few whites indeed, but many people of colour and blacks, free persons as well as slaves, who were all busily employed in carrying water, and otherwise assisting to extinguish the burning mass. i remained there till the fire was got under, and i never saw people behave better than the free people of colour and the slaves did. it may be truly said, that they saved the city from much damage, for it was in great danger. they prevented the flames spreading before the firemen or soldiers arrived at the spot; for as to the few whites who were there, they did little or nothing. had the slaves and people of colour then been inclined to mischief, they had an excellent opportunity, for there were no armed men to prevent their extending the fire. on the contrary, however, they and they only, put a stop to it, and by so doing, completely shewed that they were not deserving of the infamous insinuations spread abroad to the injury of their character." the following anecdote was inserted in a respectable pro- vincial paper, published a few weeks since. - when the late, te minds a theft upon greater proportion of them are) from all know- ledge of the true religion, he be justly charged with propensities to theft and idleness,—how can such propensities, in his circumstances, be re- garded as crime? the master commits the person of the slave, in holding him in unjust and cruel bondage, com- pared to the enormity of which, all othÉr thefts are slight and venial;- and it is preposterous to accuse a human being of idleness, from whom every stimulant to labour is withheld, but that of the cart-whip! it is the slave-owners (generally speaking) far more than the slaves, who have proved themselves unqua- lified for liberty who stand most in need of coer- cion — who are most deficient in religion and morals. the great majority not only reject reli- gion themselves, but, like the dog in the manger, exclude their poor captives from all participation in its blessing. with a few honourable excep- edward rushton, of liverpool, early in life, was engaged in the sea service, he was one day detached with a boat's crew, of which quimina, a negro, for whom he had contracted a friendship, and whom he had taught to read, was one. the boat upset, and rushton attempted to reach a small water cask, a point of safety which quimina had already attained. the poor african, with a warmth of generosity to which tu- tored minds would probably have been strangers, seeing that his benefactor was too much exhausted to reach the cask, pushed it from himself towards him, bade him "good bye,' and sunk to rise no more." c tions, the evidences are so palpable of the pro- fligacy and impiety of slave-holders ;- in barba- does and demerara these evidences have recently been so infamously marked, in their outrage of all law and justice,—their malignant hostility to reli- gion,—their bitter persecution of its ministers, their savage and relentless barbarity towards the wretched victims of their lawless power, when feebly struggling, not for the recovery of their rightful possession, but merely for that little dole of charity, that modicum of mercy, which the british government had dealt out to them,- that there can be no question, in the estimation of impartial justice, which of the two parties, the slave or his master, may be most safely entrusted with liberty. we may as well close our ears and our hearts for ever to the deep groans of these , of our oppressed and abused fellow-creatures, as persist in pleading for their gradual emancipation. from the first moment when the jus- tice of their emancipation was ad- mitted, every day's dela y is deducting something from the conviction of its adding something to the duty, and difficulty of its accomplishment. had the colonists acceded to the meliorating measures recommended by the british government, eman- cipation (humanly speaking) might for ever have been despaired of. for what is the present grand opposing plea of the west indians and their nu- merous partizans ? that their slaves are more contented and happy than the british peasantry; —that emancipation would be cruelty instead of kindness! - how then would they exclaim against the aggravated barbarity of emancipation had the condition of slavery, by the adoption of the proposed improvements, been rendered still more felicitous ? the true friends of emancipa- tion may congratulate themselves that the colonists have resisted and scouted these same meliorating propositions, since their adoption would, in all human probability, have been fatal to their object.—at all events, they would greatly have retarded it by rendering the duty less obviously urgent. we have seen in the conduct of france, what has been the result of the proposition of gradual abolition, as applied to the slave trade ;-what consequences have followed a full recognition of the principles of justice without their immediate adoption,-a distinct avowal of guilt without its instant abandonment. the late king of france, in the definitive treaty of peace signed in , (after the first fall of bonaparte) admitted that the slave trade was “repugnant to the principles of natural justice”—and agreed to relinquish it in five years from the date of this admission!! the five years demanded by france, and granted by the british ambassador to continue (or rather to create a new slave trade; for france had not, at that time, a foot of ground on the habitable globe to be cultivated by the toil and blood of a single negro:-she had no property embarked in that commerce of human misery; all her colonies had been conquered; and in them all, the slave trade had been abolished by the irreversible decree of great britain, the absolute possessor of them): the five years granted to france to pursue this new created traffic in the bones and muscles of living men, has long since expired, yet it is still pursued in full vigour. the fiend-like cruelty, with which it is carried on by that country is lit- tle known and less regarded by our own. look at the th and th reports of the african insti- tution, to see in what manner his most christian majesty carries on this merchandize in • slaves and souls of men'-years after their sovereign had stipulated to abandon it!' does the example of france in illustration of the principle of gradual abolition, as applied to the slave trade, afford no warning to us against its application to slavery? his late - most christian majesty,” in , admitted the slave trade to be “repugnant to the principles of natural justice," and agreed to relinquish it in five years : ---yet still it is carried on by france, with in- creased avidity and aggravated cruelty. mr. c p het en to . than sice by pened at "see montgomery's “ voyage of the blind." canning, in , admitted, “ that it is expedient to adopt effectual and decisive measures, for melio- rating the condition of the slave population in his majesty's colonies, and preparing them for a par- ticipation in those civil rights and privileges, which are enjoyed by other classes of his majesty's sub- jects.”—yet slavery, in unmitigated rigour still exists in the british colonies. the abolitionists are said to have gained something, by these con- cessions of france and of the british minister. what have they gained—but the conviction that all their labours to disclose the enormities both of the slave trade and of slavery, have been utterly fruitless-worse than lost labour? the trade has been carried on with keener avidity, with more relentless barbarity since the concession of france than before. and may not similar results be anticipated from all the labours of the anti-slavery society, to disclose the enormities of slavery in the british colonies, so long as they aim only at its gradual abolition? an action had better never have been proved and admitted to be criminal, if after having been so proved and admitted it is still to be publicly sanctioned and legalized. it is better to sin in ignorance, or by secret conni- vance, than to sin against conviction by public licence-better for the criminal-better for society -since by the latter course, the culprit is em- boldened and rendered irreclaimable, and crime instead of being winked at, is publicly authorized as crime. are we not fully warranted in the conclusion that gradual emancipation has no ground either of justice or expediency, to stand upon ? may we not reasonably call for its abandonment on this ground, if on no other, (viz.) that it is making no progress, that it is literally standing still, that its supporters however earnest, however indefati- gable, are labouring in vain,-spending precious time and precious talents to no purpose. from this delusion,—this " baseless fabric of a vision,” it is devoutly to be hoped they will speedily awake. the restoration of the poor negroes' liberty must be the beginning of our colonial reform, the first act of justice, the pledge of our sincerity. it is the only solid foundation, on which the refor- mation of the slave, and the still more needful reformation of his usurping owner, can be built. recent transactions prove incontestibly, that slavery has a far more malignant influence upon the latter,-in as much as moral degradation is worse than physical. the perversion of mind, hardness of heart, and moral depravity consequent on slave-holding ;-its shocking effects on the higher and cultivated classes ;-" on men of edu- cation and liberal attainments”;-and even upon the softer sex, in obliterating their natural tender- : e at un carpa hoch. hoe the . e ness, and substituting in its place a disgusting and ferocious cruelty ;-is delineated with tempe- rate, yet dreadful accuracy, by the very intelligent and benevolent adam hodgson in his “ letters from north america. but the grand objection to immediate eman- cipation, that, which with the great leaders of the anti-slavery society is said to outweigh all the rest, is the interest of the slave himself. were he in a fit state to be intrusted with the full posses- sion of his liberty, it is freely admitted that we have no right to withhold it a day-no, “not a single hour, on account of any intermediate ad- vantage to be derived from his labour.” that he is in a fit state to be intrusted with the full possession of his liberty has been abundantly pro- ved by the laborious investigations of one of the most cautious and dispassionate of your own body.' it is true indeed, that the avowed object of his indefatigable labours is to recommend gradual emancipation, but the facts which he has brought forward and the powerful reasoning which he has built upon them, fully establish the conviction that all apprehensions of danger from immediate & see letter th, pages and . h such at least, is the declared conviction of the member for norwich. see “ thoughts on the necessity of improving the con- dition of the slave in the british colonies, with a view to their ultimate emancipation," by t. clarkson, esq., weit మద, at the serc emancipation are groundless and futile. familiar as his important " thoughts” upon the subject must be to every well informed abolitionist, some passages present such irrefragable proof of the safety with which the slave may be entrusted with liberty, both as it regards himself and his master, that we cannot withhold their insertion. “ in examining a period comprehending the last forty years, i find no less than six or seven in- stances of the emancipation of african slaves in bodies. the first occurred at the close of the first american war. a number of slaves had run away from their north american masters and joined the british army. when peace arrived, their services were no longer wanted. to leave them behind to fall again into the hands of their former masters would have been great cruelty as well as injustice. it was therefore determined to give them their liberty, to disband them in nova scotia, and to settle them there upon grants of land as british subjects and as free men. the nova scotians on learning their destination were alarmed. they could not bear the thought of having such a number of free blacks among them, particularly as they understood the use of arms. government however, persevering in its intention, distributed them into the country, to the amount of two thousand and upwards. to gain their livelihood, some worked upon little portions of land of their own ; others worked as carpenters; wers. bu patri of question wor supi rodiord. i others became fishermen. in process of time they raised places of worship of their own, and had ministers of their own from their own body, they lead a harmless life, and gained the charac- ter of an industrious and honest people, from their white neighbours, a few years afterwards the climate being found too cold for their consti- tutions, a number of them, to the amount of between thirteen and fourteen hundred, volun- teered to form a new colony, which was then first thought of, at sierra leone. and they are to be found there, they or their descendants, most of them in independent, and some in affluent cir- cumstances, at the present day.' “ the second case may be taken from what occurred at the close of the second, or last ame- rican war. some hundreds of slaves joined the british standard, by invitation, in the southern states of america. when the campaign was over, the same difficulty occurred about disposing of these as in the former case. it was determined at length to ship them to trinidad as free la- bourers. but here, an objection was started against receiving them, on a different ground from that which had been started in nova scotia. the planters of trinidad were sure that no free negroes would ever work, and therefore that the slaves in question would, if made free and settled among them, support themselves by plunder. sir ralph woodford, however, the governor of the island, resisted the outcry of these prejudices. he re- ceived them into the island and settled them where he supposed the experiment would be most safely made. the result has shewn his discern- ment. these very men, formerly slaves in the southern states of america and afterwards emancipated in a body at trinidad, are now earn- ing their own livelihood, and with so much industry and good conduct, that the calumnies originally spread against them have entirely died away.” “ a third case comprehends those negroes which composed our west-indian black regiments. certain of these regiments were tran-ported to sierra leone and disbanded there, and the indivi- duals composing them received their discharge as free men. this happened in the spring of . many hundreds of them were set at liberty at once upon this occasion. some of these were after- wards marched into the interior, where they founded waterloo, hastings, and other villages. they were all settled by grants given them by government. it appears from accounts received from sir charles m.carthy, the governor of sierra leone, that they have conducted themselves to his satisfaction, and that they will prove a valuable addition to that colony." “ a fourth case may comprehend what we call the captured negroes in the colony last men- tioned. these are totally distinct from those ish » here twaida sex alcom * not either in the first or last cases which have been mentioned. these were taken out of slave ships captured at different times from the commence- ment of the abolition of the slave trade to the present moment, and on being landed they were made free. after having been recruited in their health they were marched in bodies into the in- terior, where they were taught to form villages and to cultivate land for themselves. they were made free as they were landed from the vessels, from fifty to two or three hundred at a time. they oc- cupy at present twelve towns, in which they have both their churches and their schools. regent's town having been one of the first established, has become a pattern for industry and good exam- ple. the people there have now fallen entirely into the habits of english society. they are de- cently and respectably dressed. they attend divine worship regularly. they exhibit an orderly and moral conduct. many of them after having supplied their own wants for the year, have a surplus produce in hand for the purchase of com- forts or superfluities.” “ here then are four cases of slaves, either africans or descendants of africans, emancipated in considerable bodies at a time. i have kept them by themselves, because they are of a different complexion from those which i intend should follow. it will be said that the three first cases are not strictly analogous to that of our west indian slaves, whose emancipation we are seeking. it will be contended that the slaves in our west indian colonies have been constantly in an abject and degraded state. their faculties are benumbed. they have contracted all the vices of slavery. they are become habitually thieves and liars. their bosoms burn with revenge against the whites. how then can persons in such a state be fit to receive their freedom? the slaves, comprehended in the three cases above mentioned, found in the british army a school which fitted them by degrees for making a good use of their liberty. while there, they were never out of the reach of discipline, and yet were daily left to act as free men. they obtained also in this prepara- tory school some knowledge of the customs of eivilized life. hence it will be said, they were in a state much more favourable for undergoing a change in their condition than the west indian slaves. i admit the difference between the two situations. but as' a comparison has been insti- tuted it must not be forgotten, that if there was less danger in emancipating the other slaves, because they had received something like a pre- paratory education for the change, there was far more in another point of view, because they were all acquainted with the use of arms. this is a con- sideration of great importance. would our west indian planters be as much at their ease as they now are, if their slaves had acquired a know- histle ander the ledge of the use of arms ? would they think them on this account more or less fit for eman- cipation?” “ it will be said again, that the fourth case, consisting of the sierra leone captured negroes, is not strictly analogous to the one in point. these had probably been slaves but a short time, when they were returned to the rank of free men. little or no change therefore could have been effected in their disposition and character; and as they were never carried to the west indies, they never contracted the bad habits, or degrading vices of slavery there. it will therefore be contended, that they were better, or less hazardous subjects for emancipation, than the slaves in our colonies. i admit this objection, i give it its full weight. i admit it to be less hazardous to emancipate a new than an old slave. yet the case of the sierra leone captured negroes is a very strong one. they were all africans. they were all slaves. they must have contracted as mortal a hatred of the whites from their sufferings on board ship, by fetters, whips, and suffocation in the hold, as the west indian slaves from those severities which are attached to their bondage upon shore. under these circumstamces then we find them made free; ;- not after any preparatory disicipline, but almost suddenly, — not singly, but in bodies at a time. we find them also settled or made to live under the unnatural government of the whites; - and what is moreextraordinary, we find their present number as compared with that of the whites in the same colony, nearly as one hundred and fifty to one." . * of this. 意 ​“ it will be said, lastly, that all the four cases put together prove nothing. they give us nothing like a positive assurance, that the negro slaves in our colonies would pass through the ordeal of emancipation without danger to their masters or the community at large, certainly not. nor if these instances had been far more numerous than they are, could they, in this world of accidents, have given us a moral certainty they afford however a hope, that emancipation is practicable without danger. they afford ground for believing, that there is a pecu- liar softness, plasticity, and pliability in the african character.” “ the fifth case may comprehend the slaves of st. domingo, as they were made free at differ- ent intervals in the course of the french revolu- tion. to do justice to this case i must give a brief history of the circumstances connected with it. when the french revolution which decreed equality of rights to all citizens, had taken place, the free people of colour in st. domingo, many of whom were persons of large property and liberal education, petitioned the national as- sembly, that they might enjoy the same privileges as the whites there. at length their petition was irte news red as a . ast to the feed the te koop mably kne ad. 'ustic tesc "), whi granted, but in terms so ambiguous as to occasion disturbances and bloodshed between the whites and people of colour. in , the people of colour petitioned the assembly again, the result of which was a more explicit decree, determining that the people of colour in all the french islands were entitled to all the rights of citizenship, pro- vided they were born of free parents. the news of this decree had no sooner arrived at the cape, than it produced an indignation almost amounting to phrenzy among the whites. they trampled under foot the national cockade, and with difficulty were prevented from seizing all the french mer- chant-ships in the roads. the two parties armed against each other. horrible massacres and con- flagrations followed, the reports of which, when brought to the mother country, were so terrible, that the assembly abolished the decree in favour of the free people of colour in the sme year. the news of the rescinding of this decree pro- duced as much irritation among the people of colour, as the news of the passing of it had done among the whites, and hostilities were renewed between them. new battles, massacres, and burnings, took place. when these events be- came known in france, the conventional as- sembly knew not what other course to take than to do justice, whatever might be the consequences. they resolved accordingly that the decree of , which had been both made and reversed d by the preceding assembly in the same year, should stand good, and appointed santhonax and polverel to repair in person to st. domingo, to act as commissioners, to enforce the decree, and to keep the peace. in , the same divisions and bad blood continuing, the commissioners, who had little more power than the authority which their commission gave them, resolved to call in the negro slaves in the neighbourhood to their assistance, and issued a proclamation, pro- mising freedom to all the blacks who were willing to range themselves under the banners of the re- public. the result was, that a considerable num- ber of slaves came in and were enfranchised. soon after this transaction polverel left his col- league at the cape, and visited the capital of the south, where, finding the minds of the slaves to be in an unsettled state, in consequence of their having become acquainted with the riots at the cape, and the proclamation of santhonax, and being convinced that emancipation could neither be stopped nor retarded, and that it was absolutely necessary for the personal safety of the white planters, that it should be extended to the whole island, drew up a proclamation to that effect, and exhorted the planters to patronize it, they having become pretty generally convinced by this time that their own personal safety was concerned in the measure. in , the conventional as- sembly of france passed a decree for the abolition ww veu demany carose of slavery throughout the whole of the french colonies.” “ i shall now inquire how those who were li- berated on these several occasions conducted themselves after this change in their situation, whether they used their freedom properly, or whether they abused it. with respect to those emancipated in the north, we have nothing to communicate. they were made free for military purposes only; and we have no clue whereby to find what became of them afterwards. respecting those emancipated in the south, and those di- rectly afterwards in the west, by the proclamation of polverel, we are able to give a very pleasing account. fortunately for our views, colonel malenfant, who was resident in the island at the time, has made us acquainted with their general conduct and character. his account, though short, is quite sufficient for our purpose. . after this public act of emancipation (says he) by pol- verel, the negroes remained quiet both in the south and the west, and they continued to work upon all the plantations. there were estates, indeed, which had neither owners nor managers residing upon them, for some had been put in prison, and others, fearing the same fate, had fled. yet upon these estates, though abandoned, the negroes continued their labours, where there were any inferior agents to guide them; and on those estates where no white men were left to d - at direct them they planted provisions; but upon all the plantations where the whites resided, the blacks continued to labour as quietly as before.' ridiculing the notion entertained in france, that the negroes would not work without compulsion, he alludes to others who had been liberated by the same proclamation, more immediately under his own cognizance. “if (says he) you will take care not to speak to them of their return to sla- very, but talk to them about their liberty, you may with this little word chain them down to their labour. how did toussaint succeed? how did i succeed before his time in the plain of the cul de saç, and on the plantation gourand, more than eight months after liberty had been granted by polverel to the slaves ? let those who knew me at that time be asked. they will all reply, that not a single negro upon that plan- tation, consisting of more than four hundred and fifty labourers, refused to work; and yet this plantation was thought to be under the worst dis- cipline, and the slaves the most idle of any in the plain. i, myself, inspired the same activity into three other plantations, of which i had the ma- nagement.' such was the conduct of the negroes for the first nine months after their liberation, or up to the middle of . let us pursue the subject, and see how they conducted themselves after this period.” yang tite ne bat both ated nc elres , de xhelore ; i have during the year and part of , i learn nothing about them, good, bad, or indif- ferent, though i have ransacked the french his- torians for this purpose. had there, however, been any thing in the way of outrage, i should have heard of it: and let me take this opportunity of setting my readers right, if, for want of knowing the dates of occurrences, they should have con- nected certain outrages, which assuredly took place in st. domingo, with the emancipation of the slaves. the great massacres and conflagrations, which have made so frightful a picture in the his- tory or this unhappy island, had been all effected before the proclamations of santhonax and pol- verel. they had all taken place in the days of slavery. they had been occasioned, too, not originally by the slaves, but by quarrels between the white and coloured planters, and between the royalist and the revolutionists, who, for the pur- pose of reeking their vengeance upon each other, called in the aid of their respective slaves. i re- peat, then, that during the years and , i find nothing wherewith to reproach the emanci- pated negroes in the way of outrage. there is every reason to believe, that they conducted them- selves, during this period, in as orderly a manner as before." “i come now to the latter part of the year ; here, happily, a clue is furnished, by which i have an opportunity of pursuing my inquiry leader with pleasure. we shall find, that from this time there was no want of industry in those who had been emancipated, no want of obedience in them as hired servants: they maintained a respectable character. let us first appeal to malenfant. · the colony (says he) was flourishing under toussaint. the whites lived happily and in peace on their estates, and the negroes continued to work for them. now, toussaint became general- in-chief of the armies of st. domingo, a little before the end of , and remained in power till , or till the invasion of the island by the french expedition of buonaparte, under le clerc.. malenfant means therefore to state, that from the latter end of to , a period of six years, the planters kept possession of their estates ; that they lived upon them peaceably; and finally, that the negroes, though they had been all set free, continued to be their labourers. can there be any account more favourable to our views than this, after so sudden an emancipation ?” “ i appeal next to general lacroix, who pub- lished his · memoirs for a history of st. do- mingo,' at paris, in . he informs us, that when santhonax, who had been recalled to france, returned to the colony in , he was as- tonished at the state in which he found it on his return. the same author tells us, that in the next year ( ) the most wonderful progress had been made in agriculture. • the colony ua has bee dhe ved zda (says he) marched, as by enchantment, towards its ancient splendour; cultivation prospered ; every day produced perceptible proofs of its pro- gress. the city of the cape, and the plantations of the north, rose up again visibly to the eye!' now i am far from wishing to attribute all this wonderful improvement to the mere act of the emancipation of the slaves. but i must be al- lowed to maintain, that unless the negroes, who were made free, had done their part as labourers, both by working regularly and industriously, and by obeying the directions of their superintendants, the colony could never have gone on, as relates to cultivation, with the rapidity described.” “ the next witness to whom i shall appeal, is the estimable general vincent, who lives now at paris, though at an advanced age. he was sta- tioned in st. domingo during the time both of santhonax and toussaint. he was also a pro- prietor of estates in the island. he was the man who planned the renovation of its agriculture after the abolition of slavery, and one of the great in- struments in bringing it to the perfection men- tioned by lacroix. in the year , he was called upon by toussaint to repair to paris, to lay before the directory the new constitution, which had been agreed upon in st. domingo. he obeyed the summons. he arrived in france just at the moment of the peace of amiens, and found, to his inexpressible surprise and grief, that buo- naparte was preparing an immense armament, to be commanded by le clerc, for the purpose of restoring slavery in st. domingo. he lost no time in seeing the first consul, and he had the courage to say at this interview, what, perhaps no other man in france would have dared to say at this particular moment. he remonstrated against the expedition ;-he told him to his face, that though the army destined for this purpose was composed of the brilliant conquerors of europe, it could do nothing in the antilles. he stated that the expedition was totally unnecessary, and therefore criminal; for every thing was going on well in st. domingo. the proprietors were in peaceable possession of their estates; cultivation was making rapid progress; the blacks were indus- trious, and beyond example happy. he conjured him therefore in the name of humanity, not to reverse this beautiful state of shings. but, alas! his efforts were ineffectual. the die had been cast: and the only reward which he received from buonaparte for his manly and faithful represen- tations, was banishment to the isle of elba.” “ having carried my examination into the conduct of the negroes after their liberation to , or to the invasion of the island by le clerc, i must leave a blank of nearly two years. it cannot be expected during a war, in which every man was called to arms to defend his own per- sonal liberty, and that of every individual of his ܕ e ciel liect here the legane this h family, that he should see plantations cultivated as quietly as before, or even cultivated at all. but this was not the fault of the emancipated negroes, but of their former masters. it was owing to the prejudices of the latter, that this frightful invasion took place ; — prejudices, indeed, common to all planters where slavery obtains. accustomed to the use of arbitrary power, they could no longer brook the loss of their whips. accustomed to look down upon the negroes as an inferior race of beings, or as the reptiles of the earth, they could not bear, peaceably as these had conducted themselves, to come into that familiar contact with them, as free labourers, which the change of their situation required. they considered them, too, as pro- perty lost, but which was to be recovered. in an evil hour, they prevailed upon buonaparte, by false representations and promises of pecuniary support, to restore things to their former state. the hellish expedition at length arrived upon the shores of st. domingo: a scene of blood and torture followed, such as history had never before disclosed ; though "planned executed by the whites. but the french were not the authors of tearing to pieces the negroes alive by bloodhounds-or of suffocating them by hundreds at a time in the holds of ships,-or of drowning them, whole cargoes, by scuttling and sinking the vessels ;- but the . and planters. till that time the planters ive their all. whic retained their property, and then it was,—but not till then, that they lost in fine, the french were driven from the island, and in , dessalines was proclaimed emperor of this fine territory. in process of time; the negro troops were disbanded except such as were retained for the peace-estab- lishment of the army. they who were disbanded, returned to cultivation. as they were free when they became soldiers, so they continued to be free when they became labourers again. from that time to this, there has been no want of subordi- nation or industry among them. they or their descendants are still the persons, by whom the plains and valleys of st. domingo are still culti- vated, and they are reported to follow their occupa- tions still, and with as fair a character as other free labourers in any other quarter of the globe. we have now seen, that the emancipated negroes never abused their liberty, from the year , (the era of their general emancipation) to the pre- sent day,-a period of thirty years.” let the conviction which this brief narrative must force upon every unprejudiced reader be carefully cherished, -let it be honestly and boldly avowed. let every tongue give expression to the judgment of his understanding and the feel- ings of his heart, and declare that the oppressed and calumniated negroes in our own colonies, mont bu sited the tuce t subst activo મ beraged et the are not only entitled to present liberty ;-may not only be safely entrusted with ;- but that it is in- justice and cruelty (not prudence and humanity) to withhold it for a day, or, (to use the ex- pression of the worthy member for norwich), for “a single hour.” we do not follow our author in the statement of his two succeeding cases because they do not directly bear upon the subject in question—that of complete emancipation. we make no apo- logy for these long, though somewhat abreviated quotations from these important “ thoughts." much as they have been read and applauded for the strong sense, powerful argument and striking facts which they exhibit, it is evident they have been read and applauded too superficially. we cannot but believe that their benevolent author intended them to produce convictions in the minds of his readers far beyond those which he pro- fesses to establish. when they were first pub- lished the public mind would have revolted at the avowed project of immediate emancipation; but subsequent events have been preparing the way for its reception-have been forcing the conviction of its expediency and necessity. the writer of the work from which we have made these large extracts, must, we doubt not, have designed to bring the public indirectly and un- suspectingly to this conviction. he must have cast these lucubrations like “bread upon the ! . waters,” trusting that it would be “found after many days;" trusting that his occult meaning would, in time, be developed ;--that the evi- dence of his facts and the force of his reasoning would, at length, be fully admitted, and that immediate emancipation would, be seen to be both safe and expedient and neces- sary. let such as still contend for a preparatory school of moral discipline, enquire who are to be its superintendents ;-where is to be found the requisite authority for carrying its provisions into execution ? the persons to whose absolute con- troul the pupils must be intrusted, during the in- terval of their probation, have proved themselves not trust-worthy. judging from experience, we may, without breach of charity, expect as a matter of course, that the slave masters would do their utmost to defeat the object of this prepara- tory discipline, and to render it abortive. they have, it is now apparent, themselves devised plots and instigated insurrections for the purpose of evading the orders in k council and meliorating measures re- commended by the british govern- ment. and may they not reasonably be ex- pected to devise fresh plots, to instigate fresh in- surrections for the purpose of defeating a measure k see the article jamaica, in the pamphlet entitled “ the slave colonies of great britain." still more abhorrent to their prejudices and sup- posed interests—that of forthwith preparing their captives for liberty? are men who can perse- cute to the death the disinterested and devoted ministers of religion ;-who can, in open day, pull down places of worship ;-who trample bibles under foot;' who defy and menace all authority ; -- who triumph and exult, like maniacs, in their devastations and outrages; who punish in their slaves, the most exalted vir- tues, as the most atrocious crimes; who immure in dungeons the noble minded negroes, who, in despite both of bribes and threatnings, firmly re- fuse to bear false witness—to criminate the guilt- less ;” are such men proper superintendants of a system of moral and religious education designed to prepare their slaves for freedom? we need not enumerate all the frightful items in the long catalogue of crimes with which the slave-masters stand accused and convicted. we only protest against the farther delegation of absolute power to hands which have so tremendously abused it. but were it otherwise. did slave-holding pro- duce fruits of a less malignant, less virulently poisonous quality ;-- did it present no decided hostility to this preparatory school for slave eman- see an authentic report of the debate on mr. buxton's motion relative to the demolition of the methodist chapel." page . see the “ anti-slavery reporter." no, . page . ! cipation ; did it even accede to, and shew a dis- position to favour the design-still, must we pro- test against it, as a farther violation of the rights of justice ;--as a farther protraction of our cruel aggressions ; - as an arbitrary assumption, or rather retention of power, which we have no right to exercise. “ but, if we have reason to believe that the liberated slave would abuse the sudden restoration of his liberty, it would surely be right and just and humane not to restore it to him suddenly.” no, we cannot accede to the justice even of this assumption. it leads to the invasion of a pro- vince which does not belong to us,—that of futu- rity. prescience is no human attribute. man is a very limited, short-sighted creature, and it is well both for individuals and for society, that very precise and explicit laws have been promulgated for the regulation of his conduct;— that the lan- guage of the decalogue is express and imperative, and that the christian exposition of it is express and imperative also. thou shalt not steal," includes a prohibition of all kinds and degrees of injustice, however modified, by whatever pretexts recommended. it does not admit the suspension of a clearly defined obligation, until we can ascer- tain what will be its precise consequences ;-it does not admit of our withholding from a fellow- creature his just right, until we can positively assure ourselves what use he will make of it;it de i hash rowce tours bar and rainoi t and refu does not admit of our detaining a fellow-creature in slavery who has once had the calamity to be unjustly deprived of his liberty, until we are sure that he will not abuse its restoration. it requires us to do our own duty and to leave the conse- quences, -guarding of course, as carefully as we can, against anticipated evil, -but not suspending the discharge of our own obligation on any un- certain contingencies involved in its performance. the indefatigable philanthropist from whose thoughts” we have made such copious extracts, has (happily for our views) so arranged his own powerful arguments as to make them prove (as we have already observed) much more than he pro- fesses to establish. he has proved, as far as reasoning from facts and experience can prove, that the injured creatures whose cause he so ably advocates, may not only be safely intrusted with liberty after passing through a preparatory school of discipline, but that they may be safely intrusted with it before. in short, he has proved too much for gradual abolitionists he has proved that the slaves in our own colonies may now safely be intrusted with liberty,--consequently that they ought now to be intrusted with it,—and that every additional day and hour that it is withheld, aggravates the guilt of those who have the power to restore it, and refuse its exertion. nevertheless, had all these very important and satisfactory proofs been forum withheld of the safety with which immediate emancipation may be effected; still we should have contended with equal confidence for the jus- tice and urgent necessity of the measure. the power we possess to hold them in slavery having been unjustly acquired, must of necessity be unjustly retained the public understanding has been sufficiently enlightened to see the impolicy of slavery ; -- the public feeling has been sufficiently awakened to revolt at its barbarity; public virtue has admitted that it stands impiously opposed to the laws of god-insolently defying the laws of the land :- it has been arraigned and condemned at the bar of justice and policy, of humanity and religion. what is it then which upholds and cherishes the pest? it is gradual abolition. but for this pro- position, sentence of death would, long since, have been executed. neither the government nor the people of england could have endured its exist- ence, after having been so tried and so convicted, had not humanity to the slave,—his pre- sent supposed incapacity for freedom, been admitted in bar of speedy-instant exe- cution. we never for a moment suspected the sin- cerity with which the abolitionists have advanced this plea ;-we believe them to be most sincere, but on this one point, most mistaken. we be- lieve them to be most upright and earnest in the baie a. the suere is me h bytt by cause they have so disinterestedly and nobly es- poused, — but most deluded as to the means of obtaining a successful issue. we do not forget who they are to whom we have the temerity to apply this language; - that they are, many of them, persons of exalted rank, preeminent talent, distinguished virtue ; – that they are the wise and the good ; - the wisest and the best :- and we are aware that by applying such language to such characters we must incur the charge of extreme ignorance and extreme ar- rogance ;- nevertheless, we dare not withhold it. happily for the world, the laws of humanity and justice are clearly defined; the requisitions of religion and conscience are intelligible to the simplest understanding. “ the way-faring man though a fool” need not "err therein.” such, may be less liable to err on the subject in ques- tion, than those who are accustomed to deep reasoning and subtile argumentation, to look at all the bearings aud connexions of a simple propo- sition, till the plainest truths become invovled in intricate mazes of uncertainty, and the most ob- vious duties suspended or evaded by doubtful casuistry. the gradual abolitionists, though perfectly sincere in the belief that our west indian slaves are not in a fit state for immediate emancipation, may, nevertheless, have been unconsciously mis- led by the prejudices, the misrepresentations, the e artful glosses, the palpable falshoods of the west indian party. our readers, we trust, will not forget, in the short sketch with which we have presented them of the invasion, by leclerc, of st. domingo, to what tremendous mistakes and destructive consequences the prejudices of slave- holders may lead. many of the leading abo- litionists are personally acquainted with west- indian proprietors who are “men of education and liberal attainments" -- of humanity-and re- ligion; by which means their judgments are in- sensibly biassed. these accomplished, humane, and pious slave-holders assert that their slaves are incapable of making a right use of their freedom; - that immediate emancipation would be de- structive of their own happiness, as well as the property and lives of their masters ;-and men of such high character must be believed ;-those who are in habits of intimacy with them cannot with- hold their assent:- but we can—and we do, withhold qurs. we would neither assert nor insinuate that these gentlemen are aware of the falsehood of their own representations. many of them, we: have no doubt, are themselves deceived ; --- they believe the lie which they so industriously propa- gate. prejudice and interest have so blinded their understandings and perverted their judg- ment as to render their minds, on this subject, inaccessible to truth. they are not impartial > witnesses,-consequently their evidence is not to be relied upon ;—the evidence we have quoted above, proves that it is not. “ we owe these poor victims of our rapacious avarice and cruel injustice a debt,” - truly, the debt is an appalling one ;-and every year, every month, every day, that we delay to do our utmost to discharge this debt, we are adding largely to its extent. the righteous law of our creator has not been impressed on our hearts ;—promulgated in thun- der and flame from mount sinai;-illustrated and enforced by the express word, the solemn injunc- tions of the son of god himself, - to be cast be- hind the back, or trifled with, with impunity. we may neglect the warnings, forget the denun- ciations of divine justice ;-—we may lull our con-. sciences asleep, and say in our infidel hearts, be- cause judgment is not speedily executed upon the oppressor, “god doth not regard.” but the decree has passed the lip of truth-“with what measure mete it shall be measured to you again.” and he hath solemnly pronounced—“ heaven and earth shall pass away, but my words shall not pass away.” though we forget or neglect the warning, its exe- cution will not be thereby rendered the less certain. who then, who believes in divine revelation, -who that is convinced that the globe we inhabit ye - any is constantly subject to omniscient inspection; that all the varied actors in its busy fluctuating scenes, will individually appear at the tribunal of divine justice, there to “ give account of their stewardship;”- to receive everlastingly “ accord- ing to the deeds done in the body;"—to await the fulfilment of the unchangeable decree, above cited;, who, that really believes these solemn truths, but, must tremble at the dreadful individual responsi- bility, which every one of us is incurring by with- holding our utmost exertions for the immediate emancipation of our west indian slaves ? * what, (says, the objector) would you let them loose upon their masters ?-turn them adrift , upon society without resources, - without means of support but depredation and plunder?” no, certainly. the measure we so earnestly urge would most effectually obviate a catastrophe so dreadful — the near approach of which, from a general insurrection of the slaves, should they much longer be suffered to remain such, cannot but be anticipated. it is not a violent but a legal emancipation, for which we contend ; accompa-. nied as it would be, by wise and effectual pro- visional restraints and regulations. the requi- sitions of justice on behalf of our west-indian negroes would not be satisfied by the simple act of immediate emancipation. we owe them a deep debt, for having so long withheld from them their just rights, for subjecting them to so long a t uiti sold com course of shameful degradation and bitter suffer- ing. we owe them guardianhip, protec- tion, and provision, (where necessary) as well as liberty. “ as some compensation for injuries committed, we owe them the attempt to confer upon them every benefit in our power. we owe them especially, instruction in the doc- trines and morals of christianity. but still, should we fail to bring one single slave to the pro- fession of the truths of christianity, or to the en- joyment of its blessings--not one iota the less do we owe freedom to every slave we possess. his right to himself does not depend on his con- version ; nor although he should continue a hea- then to the day of his death, would the injustice of our detaining him in slavery be at all dimi- nished.' the liberty of the slave being his unqua- lified right,--it must, of necessity, be an unqualified wrong to withold it. let this simple obvious inference of common sense and common justice unite all the friends of humanity in one common object—that of a speedy and complete emancipation, on * see the speech of w. smith, esq. at the general meet- ing of the anti-slavery society, june, , . 出 ​以 ​是​, letter ii. to those who are tired of the subject of west- indian slavery. those, to whom the following appeal is particu- larly directed, are not, we lament to say, exclu- sively confined to the selfish unfeeling multitude, nor to the heterogeneous mass of mere nominal christians. many who stand high in general estimation for benevolence and piety ;-many who have joined the anti-slavery standard; who have pleaded with such forcible eloquence the cause of the oppressed negro as to have blown the slumbering embers of pity, in other bosoms, into a fervid glow,-have suffered them to be extinguished in their own. many who have been awakened to the enor- mous guilt of human slavery,—who have been roused into a just sense of the disgraceful hypo- crisy of suffering it to exist in a christian country, -who have been alarmed by fearful anticipations of the retributive justice, the righteous vengeance impending over a nation whose practice, in this respect, so impiously opposes and mocks its pro- fession,--appear to have sunk into a deep slum- ber of selfish insensibility, of cruel apathy to crimes and sufferings in which they imagine they have no immediate share. from this slumber so reproachful to their hearts, their understandings and their principles, we must endeavour to rouse them. you are tired of the subject of west indian- slavery ; ---- you are wearied and disgusted with reiterated details of atrocities and miseries which you imagine you have no power to redress ; un- expected difficulties and delays have arisen in the way ofemancipation--and its attainment appears so remote and uncertain that you abandon it in de- spair ;-it ceases to interest-and is at length become an object of disgust. west indian slavery, is, it is true, a trite and hackneyed subject, but it must become more trite and hackneyed before it can be suffered to rest. after all the disclosures of the enormity of the system, of its wretched impolicy as well as wick- edness—the crime and disgrace of suffering it to continue are inexpressibly aggravated. the know- ledge obtained of this execrable tyranny, would, one should have imagined, in a civilized and christian country, have been followed up by earnest enquiries after the most certain means of putting a speedy end to it. if one expedient failed, another, we might confidently have expect- ed, would have been promptly resorted to;- acquiescence or indifference under such an ac- cumulation of guilty responsibility-one would have imagined impossible ;--but that we should not only continue passively to acquiesce in this atrocious system- but actively to support it at an enormous expense out of our own pockets of upwards , , , annually,!! is an unsolvable paradox. what a humiliating picture of apathy and imbecility, of inconsistency and hypocrisy does such conduct exhibit! we have exhausted ail the powers of language in expressions of abhor- rence of slavery-we petition parliament for its abolition-whilst we are actively as well as pas- sively supporting it at the expense of our money, our character and our principles. we pretend to commisserate the wretched condition of the en- slaved negro, whilst by our daily habits we are riveting his chains ;-gratifying our appetite with the very luxury, the cultivation of which constitu- tes the most barbarous severity of his oppression. after all that has been said and written upon this inhuman business, it is evident that the public mind has never yet been properly impress- ed with it. our understandings have been informed and our feelings excited-but the crime of making or of holding slaves in an enlightened, a free and a christian country has never yet been properly felt—has never yet sufficiently penetrated our hearts or taken hold of our consciences. we acknowledge it to be a national crime, but have not felt it to be an individual crime ;--though its shame and its guilt rest with all who suffer them- selves to be indifferent or supine;with all who employ not their best exertions to put a speedy end to it. we execrate the injustice and cruelty of west indian slave-holders, but perceive not that we are in fact more guilty than they-be- cause, with less temptation, with less excuse, we are confederates in the crime. the west indians have large property embarked in slavery, --they imagine that its destruction would involve them in ruin ;-but we, who consume its produce, are its chief abettors and supporters. we must remind you who are tired of the sub- ject of west indian slavery, that the emancipation of its wretched victims is not a matter of option in which a christian may engage or decline, and be equally innocent. by withdrawing his interest from this arduous work, he betrays a solemn trust, disgraces his christian principles, and deserts a cause peculiarly his own. "the lord executeth righteous- ness and judgment for all that are oppressed”. he invited you to become some of the honoured instruments of executing his righteousness and judgment for the most oppress- ed of his creatures. he caused you to become acquainted with their oppression, their hard and cruel bondage. he touched your hearts with sympathy for their bitter sufferings. he gave you zeal and ability to plead their cause,-to stir up the hearts of the people, to excite a general insurrection of feeling and principle in their be- half,—which, had it been kept alive, must shortly have insured their deliverance. but you have suffered the very considerations which should have braced your resolution and stimulated your exertion to relax and infeeble them. you have allowed your familiarity with west indian enor- mities to end in indifference; your confirmed knowledge of the most barbarous oppression, to extinguish your sympathy for its helpless victims. no longer urged on by impetuous feeling, by the ardour of a new enterprize, you have grown languid and weary. you have been so effeminately delicate, so fastidiously selfish, as to shut your ears to the enormous wrongs and sufferings of , , of your fellow creatures, because there is no novelty in the relation, because the sound has become monotonous. but we must, in spite of your weariness and disgust, do our utmost to force back your attention and to fix it upon the crimes and miseries of slavery, until the means are not only discovered, but vigourously applied, for putting an end to them. we must, to the ut- most of our power, ring changes upon this subject of weariness and disgust, until the sound and the sense shall have reached every ear andevery under- standing—penetrated all hearts, made of “penetra- ble stuff,”-all consciences, but such as are "seared, as with a hot iron;"—till the duty of immediate emancipation, is not only admitted in general terms, but its promotion, by every means in our power, is felt, individually, to be of imperative and urgent obligation ;-in short, until all who have any pretensions to religion and humanity are ac- tually engaged in it, with all their heart and with all their soul. by so doing, we are confident we shall render essential service to our country ;-we shall give practical efficacy to its best principles, exalt its moral character and thereby enlarge and secure its prosperity and happiness. by fixing general and individual attention upon this great and righteous work, until it be finally accomplished, we are persuaded that we shall be doing more for the cause of morality and religion, more for the best interests of society, than was ever effected by the most impressive dis- sertations on abstract principles of virtue. one instance of practical righteousness outweighs all the mere speculative knowledge in the world. it is better to do one good action, than merely to admit the propriety of a thousand. it is better thoroughly to discharge one paramount obligation of christian charity, than to be superficially occu- pied with the whole range. • whatsoever thy hand findeth to do, do it with all thy might. thus the way of duty will be cleared, the path farther opened, -- increased light will shine upon it--greater strength and alacrity will be found in pursuing it. for want of such a method, many “ disquiet themselves in vain,”—“toil all the night (and day also) and take nothing;” — build upon their high christian profession “hay and stubble”- abortive schemes, unsubstantial purposes of good, instead of those solid works of righteousness, of justice and mercy, which would follow them to that tribunal where they will be “judged ac- cording to their works." and therefore, on this trite and hackneyed subject of slavery, though we want no more knowledge, - we want a great deal more convic- tion, to prevent our being the worse for our know- ledge. we are the worse for our knowledge, so long as it urges us to condemn this inhuman system in words only, and leaves us at liberty practically to encourage it. all our fine reason- ing and pathetic declamation against slavery in . the abstract, whilst we decline to put forth a finger to liberate the slave,-only prove us to be eloquent hypocrites. with christians, whose hearts are true to their principles, their acquaintance with the nature of west-indian slavery would have · been immediately succeeded by earnest inquiries for the most speedy and effectual means of its extinction ;-the discovery of those means would have been instantly followed up by their vigorous application :- this would be the natural - the necessary consequence. there is a lesson of deep and solemn import in that emphatic injunction, “ take heed how ye hear; for unto him that hath shall be given, but, from him that hath not, shall be taken away that which he hath.” this admonitory warning ap- plies to every perception of truth, every convic- tion of duty, every glow of benevolence, every pleading of compassion. these are not imparted as graceful embellishments of our nature, to kindle self-complacent satisfaction, but to stimulate to useful and beneficent exertion, — to render us willing agents of the divine purposes,—“ fellow workers with god.” they are implanted for use, not for ornament;- if their purpose be not an- swered they will be withdrawn :- the mind once divinely illuminated will become darkened, — the heart once divinely tendered, will become insen- sibly obdurated ;--from those who trifle with con- victions of duty, who suffer their compassion for sufferings which they have the power to redress, to evaporate in useless declamation; who, when empowered to arrest the arm of injus- ticè, to rescue the victims of oppression, decline to interpose; - from these, on whom the evi- dences of truth, the convictions of duty, the re- quisitions of justice and the pleadings of humanity have operated in vain ; - from these will be “ taken away that which they have.” there are times and seasons in the moral as well as natural world of which it is our wisdom and our interest to take advantage, -- which it is dangerous—often fatal to neglect. as surely as suffering the appointed season for ploughing and sowing to pass idly over, will be followed by famine, so surely will the neglect of the appointed season and prescribed means of moral renovation be followed by corresponding consequences. “to him that knoweth to do good, and doeth it not, to him it is sin,”-sin, for which he must suffer the just punishment, - punishment proportioned to the magnitude of the evil which his cruel indif- ference or procrastination is the means of per- petuating. for all the information which has been so widely diffused on the subject of colonial slavery; —for all the sympathy which its wretched vic- tims have excited --we are accountable. it is at our own peril that we trifle with our knowledge and convictions respecting it. for sins of ignorance there is mercy; -- for patient suffering there is rich recompense. a glo- rious redemption in eternity, if not in time, may await the meek and unresisting victims of oppres- sion. but upon sins against light and knowledge punishment will fall in heavy inflictions. who knew his lord's will and did it not, will be beaten with many stripes.” that it is the divine will that this abomination should be he swept away, that the time is fully come for its utter extirpation, may be clearly ascertained by the full blaze of truth which has been made to shine upon it;- by the strong evidence which has been forced upon the public mind of its mise- rable impolicy and wasteful prodigality, as well as horrid injustice. it was not without design that so many great and good men have been called to devote their time and talents to the detection and exposure of that “refuge of lies'( behind which it has endeavoured to screen itself from public in- dignation ;) — to drag it forth from all its dark hiding places of fraud and artifice, to strip it of every disguise, and to expose every feature of its horrid deformity to the broad day-light of truth;- it was not merely to gratify curiosity, to fill the imagination with horrid images, to appal and over- whelm every feeling mind with unavailing grief and shame and indignation, that the real nature of west-indian slavery has been so clearly ex- posed.--no,-it was to excite our abhorrence for the purpose of rousing and stimulating our best exertions for its speedy and utter extinction. but though our eyes have been wide opened to this enormity ;-—though we have revolted with horror at the frightful mass of crime and misery which it has presented ;-though we have shud- dered at the dreadful extremes of depravity at which human nature has arrived under its malign influence;--though we have admitted that it is as - impolitic as wicked-as repugnant to every maxim of enlightened interest as to every feeling of compassion, every principle of religion and justice; —though we have the means put into our own hands of expelling from our country this scourge of humanity, of obliterating this foul blot, this brand of infamy from our national character, -there it still remains, deepened and aggravated a hundred-fold by our empty professions of guilt, our fruitless professions of repentance. on this appalling subject, the convictions of judgment, the compunctions of conscience, the tender feel- ings of pity, the stern requisitions of justice, the solemn obligations of religion-have hitherto been admitted in vain. surely, no force of language can justly portray the odious combination of vices, the imbecility, cruelty and hypocricy which must stamp our character, if we continue supinely to suffer the , , victims of west indian injustice, to remain in slavery in aggravated slavery-tantalized with hope, which is to be extinguished in despair. “ there is a time (a right time) for every thing under the sun.” we believe that the right time is fully come for the extinction of british slavery. we believe, moreover, that the present moments are critical,--that the right time being come for the execution of this righteous work-it is dangerous to trifle with it. we believe it must be now, on never, as far as our agency is concerned. the f work lies straight before us, we are invited, but not compelled to it. the purposes of divine mercy towards the despised outcasts of the great family will not be frustrated, but other means may be employed in their accomplishment, and we may be left to abide the fate of unprofitable, dis- obedient servants. we are invited by every ar- gument which can convince, every motive which can persuade, every consideration which can sti- mulate the exertion of moral agents, accountable creatures christians, most especially, — but we are not forced upon the work. we we may know our obligations, and feel their weight-yet refuse to discharge them,--but it is at our peril that we do so. that an institution so repugnant to every prin- ciple of humanity and justice, --so impiously op- posed both to natural and revealed religion, should have been suffered to exist for so many ages, unknown or disregarded by the christian world, is an inscrutable mystery ;- but the long-con- tinued existence of every other moral and physical evil is an inscrutable mystery also. infinite power, wisdom and goodness, could, doubtless, by the simple volition of his will, expel from the universe, evil, of every description—and this we are assured will be the final issue of his dispen- sations. in the mean time, the permi ssion of evil is essentially connected with our present probationary state — and instead of inquiring why almighty power and goodness are not mira- culously exerted in extirpating slavery and every other species of oppression and suffering from the face of the earth, let us rather inquire into our own duties, and learn how we ourselves are re- quired to act in relation to that mighty mass of moral and physical evil with which we are sur- rounded ;-especially towards that which is con- centrated with such dreadful force in the british west indies. “woe unto the world because of offences; for offences must come; but woe unto them by whom they come”-and by whom they ore perpetuated. some well-meaning persons have not scrupled to declare, that the evil in question, is too gigantic for human encounter,--that it can be vanquished by no power but that of omnipotence;- the hitherto unsuccessful issue of the anti-slavery exertions has been presumptuously referred to the divine will ;- the time for accomplishing their object, it has been said, has not yet arrived -- and instead of ascribing their failure to a deficiency of general interest and co-operation, impiously call in question the divine goodness and expect the intervention of miracles to supply the place of the right exertion of the various talents and capacities with which we have been entrusted. what great reformations were ever effected without the stren- uous exertion of human means? though it be true, that “the good that is done in the earth, “the lord docth it," —he doeth it nevertheless, through human instrumentality,--by enlightening the understanding and influencing the will of his intelligent creatures. to supply the millions of the human race with food produced from the ground on which we tread, is, we are sure, the work of omnipotence; but we do not therefore conclude that the puny labours of man, the ope- rations of ploughing and sowing, may therefore be dispensed with. rich harvests in the moral as in the natural world, are the result of diligent, well-directed, persevering exertion, though it be god alone, in both, who “ giveth the increase.” the difficulties which obstruct the work of emancipation furnish no just cause of discourage- ment; they ought rather to be considered as tests of sincerity. abhorrence of slavery. is an involun- tary consequence of its exposure; but its ex- tinction must be a work of labour and difficulty proportioned to its strength and deeply-rooted te- nacity. shall we therefore abandon it, because it is connected with no present interest of our own? --because there is nothing to bind us to it but the generous sympathies of nature, the tender plead- ings of pity, the strong ties of christian obligation? why the divine image, in these oppressed africans, has been so long suffered to be trodden under foot,---why their sufferings have been hi- therto so little known and so little regarded—is no concern of ours. the veil of ignorance being ' now withdrawn-the horrid "secrets of their prison house” being now disclosed - it is at our peril that we make light of them. the arm that go- verns the universe, let us remember, is an al- mighty arm; - it lifteth up and casteth down nations as well as individuals. the father of all the families of the earth “ will do right”—he is a god of justice and judgment as well as mercy: all the powers of nature are his obedient mi nisters. — “ he speaketh, and it is done; he commandeth and it standeth fast.”. how soon may our vaunted pre-eminence among the nations be lost. how soon may we exchange the proud station of command for that of subserviency,—the character of masters for that of slaves. from a quarter the most unexpected-at a moment the least thought of, the instruments of our humilia- tion and punishment may arrive. to dispel our infatuated dreams of endless prosperity and secu- rity, divine judgments may be commissioned to break in upon us, (as formerly upon the secure and voluptuous chaldeans) in a moment, without warning ;--- or they may proceed by silent, un- perceived, yet unerring progress towards the cer- tain accomplishment of their unsuspected purpose. but though national judgments may be long suspended or averted, not an individual can escape the visitations of retributive justice in that eternal world to which we are hastening. there, •“ judgment will be laid to the line, and justice to the plummet;"_there, if not here--we must ex- perience the strict fulfilment of the divine warn- ing—“with what measure ye mete, it shall be measured to you again." and from the awful parable of dives and lazarus, we may derivep ro- fitable notice of the kind and degree of punish- ment which will hereafter fall, not on the tyrant and the oppressor alone, but on such as have been regardless or negligent of the sufferings of the afflicted and destitute. this parable may have a much wider application than we are generally aware. it may unfold the future destiny not only of the slave and the slave-holder, - but its design may not be at all distorted by supposing; it may also indicate the separate abodes of the cultivator and the careless unfeeling consumer of west-indian produce. the first idea may be offensive and revolting, but a little reflection will prove that there is nothing fanatical or extravagant in the supposition. for what were the different characteristics of dives and lazarus, which placed such an impassable gulph between them? no greater crime, no more palpable offence is charged or insinuated against the former, but those of selfish indulgence, thoughtless insensibility, or unfeeling neglect of a fellow creature's priva- tions and sufferings; nor is any virtue exhibited in the latter, but that of patient endurance of those privations and sufferings :-yet is divine justice represented as placing these two charac- ters, in the next life, at an infinite distance from each other,--the one in torments--the other, in blessedness. the omniscient arbiter, judgeth not as man judgeth. - man looketh on the outward appearance, but the lord looketh at the heart.” -- that which is highly esteemed among men, is abomination in the sight of god." he acquits where man condemns---he condemns where man acquits. a poor outcast from soci- ety,-a loathsome beggar,-(whom modern re- finement regards as a public nuisance,—whom modern justice suffers not to beg at the rich man's gate, for the crumbs which fall from his table, but sentences to prison as a criminal)-is carried by angels into abraham's bosom ;--the rich man, on the contrary,-respected, applauded, probably, by his contemporaries for his hospi- tality, his generosity,-his splendid and costly entertainment of his rich friends and neigh- bours ;—who had a conscience, it might be too scrupulously tender to encourage beggars --who was too observant of his social duties to suffer even the crumbs which fell from his table to be given a poor lazarus—he lifts up his eyes in torments ! that omniscient eye, which, with ineffable tenderness, and compassion, wept over jerusalem, foreseeing the awful impending consequence of her obdurate impenitence,-taking into account the eternal duration of human existence, the transitory nature of time, the comparatively short duration of the most protracted corporeal suffer- ings,--the strict responsibility of man for every talent entrusted to him ;—for light and knowledge, for mental, moral, and christian cultivation ;--for all the discoveries of duty, all the capacities and means of doing good ;-ordaining that to whom much is given, of him will much be required :- that omniscient eye, may discern in the free-born, illuminated, highly favoured sons of britain, more than in the enslaved, benighted, afflicted children of africa, to call for compassion, for mourning and lamentation. possibly, those to whom this appeal is parti- cularly directed may regard it in no other light than that of a declamatory invective, uncalled for and unmerited by the parties addressed, who, having expressed their abhorrence of slavery, and petitioned parliament for its mitigation and gra- dual abolition, imagine that they have fully dis- charged their consciences and done all respecting it which duty requires of them. but the slavery against which they have petitioned still exists in unmitigated rigour. the voice of the people has, as yet been very partially and feebly exerted against this enormity ;-s partially and so feebly, that its supporters have argued from thence, that the sense of the country is with, and not against them. “but the people (it may be said) the great mass of society, admitting they have the power, by the reiterated and more unanimous expression of their abhorrence of slavery, to put an end to it, have not the principle to exert that power ;-they are not to be wrought upon by abstract con- siderations of humanity and justice ;- they are governed by custom and interest.” the great mass of society inherit the same intelligent nature, the same capacities and feelings with the more en- lightened and conscientious—and may be wrought upon by the same motives and principles of action. the people, the great mass of society, who appear so inert, so little accessible to any appeals but those of passion or interest, are nevertheless ca- pable of a much higher and better influence. they may be moved, powerfully moved, by a sense of justice, by feelings of compassion, by motives of moral and religious obligation,-were proper means employed to bring these feelings and motives into exercise. were persons of ability and influence,-such as we are now ad- dressing,—who have been qualified to labour in the great vineyard,—to enlighten the ignorant, to teach the thoughtless to reflect ;-were such as these faithfully occupying the five and ten talents with which they have been entrusted, such a general and deep abhorrence of this baneful insti- tution might soon be excited and expressed, as could not fail to be decisive with the british legislature. such is the preponderating weight of west indian influence, that without such a strong expression of public feeling and public principle, no radical change of colonial policy is to be expected. but besides the incitement of more general and earnest petitions and re- monstrances to parliament against slavery, there de ge is one simple and obvious means of discounte- nancing it which lies within the reach of every individual,--which every individual of common humanity is bound to adopt and to urge upon all within the reach of his influence, (viz) the sub- stitution of the produce of free for that of slave labour. but whilst this simple and obvious means of undermining and extirpating slavery is so generally neglected by the more influential class, and so little exertion is made, even by such as adopt it themselves, to bring it into general operation - we believe they are incurring a heavy weight of guilty responsibility. how much of the bitter sufferings of their enslaved fellow creatures, they will have to answer for, who have the power thus to excite and to keep alive the public feeling in their behalf and neglect to exert it, is not for us to ascertain; but we are forewarned that we are in the strict- est sense responsible for neglected as well as abused talents,-for the good which we have ability to do, and leave undone, as well as for the positive evil which we do. sloth and infidelity often assume the guise of humility. “how little (they exclaim) can human effort accomplish with regard to the wide extent and appalling magnitude of crime and misery which have from age to age deformed and afflicted the world! how perplexing is the attempt to reconcile the present state of things with the di- vine attributes --- with the infinite goodness and be ca infier hion lof st c love, as well as wisdom and power of the great governor of the universe! he hath all power in heaven and in earth. he doeth his own plea- sure-none can resist his will: “ he turneth the hearts of the people like rivers of water. but what can the puny efforts of man effect with regard to that mighty mass of sin and suffering which seems to cover the earth as the waters cover the sea ? to the few whose hearts have been in some degree softened by the tendering influences of religion, that sin and that suffering are the occasion of mourning and painful sym- pathy : they are anxiously solicitous to restrain the one and to heal the other. a love of recti- tude, the awakened sensibilities of humanity, as well as a sense of duty, stimulate their exertions; -but alas ! what do they atchieve? here and there, they do a little — a very little; the refor- mation theyeffect, the relief they administer, is but deducting, drops as it were, from the overwhelming flood of moral and physical evil:—and yet, a single effort of the divine will—a word, from the mouth of him, who “speaks and it is done,” would re- store virtue and happiness through all the bounds of the creation! westand appalled at the fright- ful accumulation of crime on the one hand, we weep over the heart-rending extent and variety of suffering on the other, yet it is little, almost no- thing which human effort can do towards the dimi- nution of either! in reference to this terrible evil of slavery, the most prolific source of crime and misery — ;- what has been accomplished by years of persevering unremitted labour? our compassion for the wretched slave can bear no proportion to that of his heavenly father, -his divine redeemer ;-yet still he is suffered to re- main in hopeless bondage still he is suffered to be disinherited of his birthright, and degraded below the level of the brute !" probably there are few minds, accustomed to reflection, in which thoughts like these do not occa- sionally pass—and what is their practical tendency? a folding of the hands in slothful apathy, or in hopeless despair. but what will the humble- minded believing christian say to such reason- ings? he will say, “ get thee behind me satan,” she will resist them. he sees that their ten- dency is to negligence, to unbelief, to atheism. he knows that “here we see through a glass darkly”—that the dispensations of providence are to us, in our present state, veiled in clouds and darkness, --nevertheless, he has the fullest assu- rance that “the judge of all the earth will do right,” — and a ray of heavenly light clearly points out his own path of duty. the course he is to follow has been illuminated by the footsteps of his lord and master ;- pursuing that radiant track, he is certain to join the triumphs of his glorious leader, who, though invisible, is “ "going on conquering and to conquer ;”—who “reigns king of kings and lord of lords,”—who “must reign, until all things are subdued under him,”- until “ all things that offend” are gathered out of his kingdom ;-till sin is vanquished, and “ death swallowed up of life.” in the mean time, for purposes inscrutable to finite comprehension, the tares are suffered to grow with the wheat, sin and suffering are both permitted ;-- and the busi- ness of his humble followers is, to “ eschew evil and to do good;" — their duty and high privilege is to become " co-workers with god.” to in- struct the ignorant—to reform the vicious—to feed the hungry- to clothe the naked — to relieve the stranger—to visit the prisoner-and to redeem the captive, are, according to their ability, their chosen and happiest employments. they will not: with- hold their hand because they can do so little, but will faithfully employ their one, or their ten talents in promoting the cause of righteousness, upon earth ;—and however slow its apparent progress- whatever powers of earth or hell. may resist it- they will go right onward in the path of duty, well knowing, that whilst they are so engaged- stronger is he that is for them than all which can combine against them. those whom we are now especially addressing, may still object to the particular exertions which we so earnestly recommend, that they are confi- dently persuaded their great object will never be by such means accomplished. certainly it will not;— if those means are not brought into ope- ration ;-if the exertion of them continues to be generally discouraged. but we rejoice in the conviction that this will not be the case, for should the more influential classes remain inert or opposed to the measures in question; others, we doubt not, will be raised up to supply their “ lack of ser- vice;”—“ if they hold their peace, the very stones will cry out:”-humbler, but more devoted and labc rious agents will take the places which they ought to occupy. uncertainty, must, of necessity, ever attach to human efforts;-nevertheless, in the great work of emancipation we are bound to exert them to the uttermost, in dependence on that power which alone can render them successful. to use the fervid language of one of the most able and de- voted leaders in this righteous cause ;-" every heart and hand and tongue and pen should unite in promoting public meet- ings;-in exhibiting before them sla- very in its true and horrific colours; - and in multiplying petitions to both houses of parliament, until parlia- ment and government are convinced, which they are not at present, that the public voice is decidedly in favor of extinguishing slavery:"we must add-of extinguishing it promptly. letter iii. to the more influential classes of the christian public. in appealing to the christian public on the subject of west indian slavery, we have no adequate medium through which to convey our convictions of its urgent claims to a deeper atten- tion in this quarter than has hitherto been bestow- ed upon it. “ argument and eloquence have been employed to exhaustion” in the exposure of its impolicy and wickedness,mits hostility to every recognised principle of the british consti- tution, - its impious violation of the laws of nature and of god. yet the crime and disgrace so broadly exposed, so eloquently deplored, so generally execrated ; - against which we have protested and petitioned-still exists. and we believe it will continue to exist until christian feeling is more deeply interested, until christian principle is more earnestly exerted for its extinc- tion. if slavery in the british colonies be ever eradicated without violence and blood-shed, it must be through the awakened energy, the con- straining force of christian obligation; through the authority of laws which have been long since promulgated;—which are as old as the world ;- which were impressed upon the very frame and constitution of man, written on “fleshly tables of the heart” by thc supreme lawgiver, before they were written on tables of stone. in the christian code, their obligations are extended and enforced by considerations the most persuasive and solemn by which the human mind can be affected. these laws are uncompromising and peremptory. this is their explicit imperative language- thou shalt not kill., »-"thou shalt not steal.”—and how are these prohibitions interpreted to the christian? thou shalt thyself. “by this shall all men know that ye are my disciples. if ye love one ano- ther. of what kind and of what degree is the love which constitutes this infallible criterion ? it is no other in kind, -no other in degree, than that which thou bearest thyself. “all things whatsoever ye would that men should do unto you, do ye, even so unto them,? must it not follow then, of necessity, that the christian,-he to whom the name truly belongs, - he who would be acknowledged as such on the love thy neighbour as great day of distinction, of final separation be- tween the sheep and the goats, must take a deeper interest than he has hitherto done, in the cause of the enslaved african ?- must, in short, make it is own? --keep alive his compassionate sympathy,-exert himself in his behalf, with such zeal and perseverance as he would implore for himself were he to exchange places with the slave? with the nature of his slavery we are but too familiarly acquainted. we have heard of his cruel wrongs and bitter sufferings till we cease to be affected by them. the numberless well au- thenticated details of west indian barbarity may produce upon their hearers similar results to those which a long residence in the country almost invariably effects,-a lowering of the standard both of feeling and of principle,--a searing of the conscience and a hardening of the heart. but no such consequence would ensue were the knowledge of these enormities followed up by determined and persevering exertions to destroy their prolific root. our interest in the arduous work would deepen in proportion to the earnest- ness of our labours. we are become so cold and heartless in the cause of emancipation because we are so idle. having once been awakened to a just sense of the enormity of the individual as well as national crime of slavery ;-having seen the complicated injury, the dreadful extent of suffering which it entails on one party, the appal- g ling depth of guilt into which it plunges the other ;-—that it degrades the image of god on one hand into a brute animal-transforms it on the other, into a fiend ;-that it obliterates in the more immediate agents of this infernal system, every vestige of humanity, extirpates every feeling of compassion,-converts the “milk of human kind- ness” into gall and wormwood-into corrosive and deadly moral poison-and renders man to his fellow man à monster of cruelty more fell and remorseless than the tiger or hyena:---having seen that it dooms hundreds of thousands to hope- less misery in the present life ;-that it plunges countless multitudes into final perdition :-it might have been expected as a matter of course-of ne- cessity, that every christian would combine his best exertions to put the speediest termination to a system so terribly destructive of human virtue and happiness. but hitherto they seem only to have contemplated the evil as a frightful phantas- magoria, a scenic representation of horrors exhibi- ted for stage effect,- for the mere purpose of strong and transient excitement. at most, they seem to have consideration the pictures presented by it of human degradation, crime and misery, as a history of past enormities, of scarcely credible brutalities which marked the long gone by ages of ignorance and barbarism. they never yet seem to have beheld them as faithful representa tions of the present actually existing state of things in the british empire, in the very heart of christendom ;-much less, do they seem ever to have suspected that they are all individually implicated in their wilful encouragement and support ;-otherwise, how could so profound an apathy have prevaded the more conscientious por- tion of the community on a subject so calculated to rouse and to keep alive its intense interest ? where their own interest is at stake, they can reason wisely, act consistently, vigourously, per- severingly, -consequently, with the reasonable prospect of a successful issue. but, where the interest temporal and eternal, of , of their enslaved fellow creatures, whom they are bound by their christian profession to love as themselves, is at issue-then, though they have most elo- quently pleaded their cause in public meetings, described them as degraded below the brutes,- subjected to a tyranny so severe, to outrages so barbarous, that every feeling of humanity has re- coiled at the relation,—the heart has sickened at the horrid catalogue “of ills which man inflicts upon his fellow man”-and the listener has blush- ed and hung his head, to think himself a man.” yet, when from declamation, they come to ac- tion, -- when from appaling descriptions of op- pression and cruelty-duty calls to administer relief-then, what a reproachful contrast do their reasonings and actions present to those of which self-interest is the object. instead of pursuing g the natural, obvious, and certain method of de- stroying this inhuman tyranny, by ceasing to en- courage it themselves, and by using their best exertions to engage all within the reach of their influence in the same resolution of withdrawing its support by refusing its produce; - instead of striving by every possible means to keep alive and to increase the public interest in the cause of emancipation, by inciting the people to renewed and more earnest petitions to parliament, for jus- tice, strict, impartial justice, to all the subjects of british government, without distinction of co- lour ;—to rescue, as it becomes a christian le gislature, the weak and helpless from the grasp of oppression ;-instead of this, too many, even of the high professing christian world, seem to have closed their eyes, and gone to sleep over the dread- ful history of west-indian barbarity, and left its wretched victims carelessly to their fate. alas ! how grossly may we flatter ourselves with the imaginary possession of virtues to which we have no real pretension, by mistaking feeling for prin- ciple— transient impulses of humanity for the virtue of charity we know that human nature is versatile, selfish, indolent;- that however eagerly it may start in the cause of suffering humanity, when spurred on by indignant abhorrence of oppression and involuntary sympathy with the oppressed, that it will soon relax when those impulses are withdrawn. we know how powerfully it is wrought upon by novelty, and how difficult it is to prevent familiarity with crime and suffering from begetting indifference: and we also know that no important good can be secured without thwarting and overcoming this natural instability. we know that all the great momentous objects of our regard - death, judgment, eternity, are fami- liar themes, and that neither our own true in- terest nor that of our fellow-creatures, can be pro- moted, unless principle be made to supply the transient ebullitions of passion and feeling. and we know that the poor negro, after all the elo- quent commiseration which his enormous wrongs have called forth, -will, notwithstanding, be left, from generation to generation, in the grasp of his ruthless oppressor, unless violence be done to this selfish supineness ;- unless christian principle re- kindle our zeal in his cause, and quicken our tardy humanity. the enfranchisement of eight hundred thou- sand of our fellow-creatures from the galling yoke of west-indian bondage will be found no easy atchievement. all who are really in earnest in the cause of these defenceless outcasts, will prove it by their conduct as well as their language. we have no rational ground to expect that their de.. liverance will ever be accomplished, without la- borious persevering effort. the double chair which binds them in moral and corporeal slavery, will not fall off of itself--its strong rivets will not be loosened by declamatory invectives. the great and difficult work of emancipation must be ef- fected, like all other great and difficult works, by the diligent application of rational and appropriate means. by the conduct and language of some pro- fessed enemies of slavery, one would imagine they expected this mighty revolution would be effected without effort,-by magic, - by some self-moving mysterious process in direct contradiction to the established order of things. “ the work (they tell us) is in progress, and will be accomplished by the gradual advance of knowledge and moral improvement.” though they take no active in- terest in it themselves, but, on the contrary, do their utmost to retard it, by continuing to con- sume the productions of slavery, and to discourage those who are using their utmost exertions to pre- vent that consumption, the same mode of rea- soning and acting applied to the common business of life, would lead the farmer to sit still in the confident expectation of a plentiful harvest, though he neither ploughed his fields, nor sowed them with grain ;- they would lead the sick man to presume on the recovery of his health by per- sisting in those very courses which had engen- dered his disease ;— they would lead the man whose house was on fire to expect the confla- gration would be stopped by fanning, instead of throwing water on the flame. it is vain to urge in their excuse that they are not convinced that abstinence from the productions of slavery will ever effect its destruction. it is one important means which it is the duty of every man of com- mon humanity to exert to the uttermost as a tes- timony of his own abhorrence of the system, and his determination to do all in his own power to destroy it. and though the operation of this single means, however generally exerted, might fail in itself, to effect its speedy and complete de- struction, yet, in conjunction with stronger remon- strances, more earnest petitions to the legislature, we may reasonably hope that another session of parliament would not be suffered to pass without its accomplishment. we have heard the insolent contempt with which the orders in council, the recommendations and the commands of government, have been re- ceived by the colonists ;-and we have seen that their language of insult and threatened rebellion, instead of meeting with its deserved chastisement, has, on the contrary, been succeeded by additional concessions in their favour, and by a reduction of the duties on west indian produce !!! by what other means then, but the rejection of that produce, and by earnest appeal to par- liament for the assertion of its own dignity ; for the establishment of national honour and security, by the administration of equal law and equal jus- tice through all the bounds of the british empire, -can we expect that west indian slavery will ever be extinguished ? is it by commercial spe- culations ? ---by more, enlightened and accurate calculations of interest?- by the establishment of a “tropical free labour company”?~are we to leave , , of our fellow creatures in the hands of their merciless task-masters, until their liberation becomes the inevitable result of mercan- tile competition ?-would this be to do justice and to love mercy, on christian principles ?-spe- culations on the comparative profitableness of free and slave labour, may ultimately effect the de- struction of slavery,--but christian charity will not wait the tardy uncertain result ;-she will employ the best means in her power for its spee- diest destruction, and as abstinence from slave produce is the only means over which the people have absolute control, this, she will use her utmost exertions to bring into prompt and vigorous ope- ration. the formation of a society which in- lists the all controling principle of interest on the side of humanity, shews something, it is true, of “the wisdom of the serpent,”-but true chris- tian charity will far outstrip even the rapid motion of self-interest, and secure its object by a more direct course. she will hail such establishments as that of the “tropical free labour company” as auxiliaries and secondaries, but will not suffer them to usurp the place, or supersede the exer- tion of moral and religious principle. the laws which guide her operations are quick and spon- taneous, and prompt to the same exertions for the relief of others sufferings as for her own. she regards the dreadful disclosures of the real nature of colonial bondage as affording a test, a certain test of the sincerity or spuriousness of christian profession. “if a man love me (said our lord) he will keep my commandments.” what com- mandments? how readest thou? what was the reply to the enquiry~" which is the first and great commandment”?—"thou shalt love the lord thy god with all thy heart, with all thy soul, and with all thy mind. this is the first and great commandment. (but mark the sequel.) the second is like unto it. thou shalt love thy neighbour as thyself. on these two command- ments hang all the law and prophets.” “if we love not our brother whom we have seen, how can we love god whom we have not if we so love not our degraded and oppressed fellow creatures, of whose nature we so intimately partake, and with whom the spon- taneous sympathies of humanity compel us to feel; lif we so love them not as to exert every means in our power of rescuing them, from the merciless thieves among whom they are fallen ;-how can we love god,—their father as well as ours ? by the fruit alone is the nature of the tree ascertained. by “works of mercy and labours of love” are seen? » genuine christians to be distinguished from the promiscuous throng of empty professors. “ here- in, is my father glorified that ye bear much fruit”. -do we ask, what fruit? let us turn to the di- yine sermon on the mount,-to the awful disclo- sures of the day of judgment, and see, what are the fruits,--the different course of life, which mark the difference between the ransomed and the reprobate. can it possibly be imagined after the affecting enumeration of acts of kindness and mercy re- corded in the close of the th chapter of st. matthew, which our lord represents himself as accepting and rewarding as done unto himself, because done unto one of the least of his family; -can we possibly imagine that acts of justice and mercy to those wretched captives who stand so much in need of our sympathy and assistance, will not be equally accepted? let such as have not yet ascertained the pre- cise line of duty between the two propositions of immediate and gradual emancipation, refer their doubts to the divine records for solution. "all things, whatsoever ye would that men should do unto you, do even so unto them”. mark the precision, the commanding force of the lan- g uag. here is no room for evasions or excep- tions;- no admission for cold procrastinating delays. the rule is short, intelligible and decisive -and requires us to pursue that precise line of conduct towards all men, which we ourselves would reasonably desire were we in their circum- stances. the enquiry therefore, what line of conduct a christian should pursue respecting the subject in question, resolves itself into a very small compass. he must put himself in the place of the slave-think of the torture of his gal- ling chains, his ulcerated wounds ;-the premature exhaustion of his powers, from over-strained ex- ertions, under the most barbarous coercion ;-the painful consumption of his life in hopeless des- pair. he must remember, that the poor negro, has no one in the land of his oppression, to plead his cause or to avenge his wrongs ;-he must re- member the strong arm of power with which every feeble struggle for his own relief is borne down; the inhuman chastisement with which his una- vailing complaints are silenced ;-then, let him ask his own heart if he would not, above all earthly blessings, above life itself, desire, groan, for imme- diate liberation from the horrors of such a bon- dagem we have then the express authority of a divine command, to stimulate and combine all our exertions for his prompt emancipation. then, let all who humbly hope for divine approval, en- m let it ever be remembered that emancipation from slavery is not emancipation from law,-does not preclude such wise provisional regulations and restraints as so sudden a change of condition might render expedient. gage without delay, and with all their hearts, in the arduous work. let them no longer deal treacherously with their own principles, and keep back any of the price which they demand. let those who have leisure and influence make it their business to diffuse more general information of the horrors of west indian slavery; to incite a deeper and more general sympathy for its wretched victims, and (as the british legislature can alone effect their speedy and complete eman- cipation) to incite throughout the nation the most earnest and pressing appeals to parliament no longer to withhold from these despised out- casts their full rights, because they are them- selves too feeble to demand them, because they are so crushed by oppression that they dare not even beg for them ;- no longer to listen to the cruel suggestions, which procrastinating, selfish- ness is ever insinuating, —that because they have been so long the victims of lawless power, ---be- cause their necks have so long been accustomed to the yoke, - because they have never partici- pated in the rights of humanity and justice,-be- cause the image of their creator has, in these his abused creatures, been so long trampled under- foot,- that therefore there need be no haste to rescue their bodies from lacerating whips and galling chains—and their minds from brutish ig- norance and pagan darkness. and let none of us any longer mock the sacred name of truth by calling those slow reluctant feeble concessions, implied in the principle of gradual emancipation, just, reasonable, merciful, — when, in fact, they are only new modifications, more disguised and subtile modes of oppression. , “ let my people go,”-is the authoritative language of the great parent of the universe, to all who have ears to hear the voice of reason, of conscience, of revelation ;-to all who keep aloof from the confused babel of sordid interest and political expediency ;—who turn a deaf ear to those artful glosses, those selfish evasions, those “ vain traditions,” whereby the divine command is rendered - of none effect.” let my peo- ple go,”-is as clearly the divine command respecting these poor despised outcasts, as it was respecting the oppressed israelites. in their case, it is true, the command was express and audible,-enforced by great signs and wonders- and its resistance attended by immediate and supernatural punishments. but in the case of the poor negro, the command is not less intel- ligible, in a christian's ear, because conveyed by the spirit, instead of the letter, of the divine in- junction—and the punishment of disobedience, though it do not immediately follow, will, he is sufficiently warned, fall in heavier inflictions upon christian, than upon egyptian slave-holders. and who are so emphatically slave-holders as the consumers of slave produce? is not he who bribes another to commit a robbery or a murder, the greater criminal of the two, though he shed no blood and commit no violence ? he who kidnaps and forces away the defence- less negro from his friends and country, and puts him in irons on board a slave-ship ;-he who buys him of the slave merchant, who stamps brand marks into his flesh with hot irons ;-who com- pels him to labour all the days of his wretched existence, without wages, under the lash of the cart-whip ;-who, if he attempt to escape, or make any resistance, hunts him down like a beast of prey, - chains and flogs him without mercy, shoots and gibbets him at his pleasure ;-who seizes upon his children also, from generation to generation, as his lawful prey ;-all these,-he who steals and makes merchandize of his fellow man ;-he who buys the stolen merchandize,-- and he, who inheriting such ill-gotten property, lays impious claim to it as a rightful possession ;- all these, guilty as they are, are not the most guilty parties in these transactions of iniquity; --they have employers, who make it worth their while, who bribe them to commit these atrocities. it is a true adage.--"if there were no receivers of stolen goods, there would be no thieves." for what are those poor negroes stolen away from their native country? for what are they bought and sold like cattle? for what are they chained and branded and forced to labour, night as well as day under the most brutal coercion? because the produce of all this op- pression and cruelty-finds with en- lightened a profitable christians, market!! heretofore, we sinned in thoughtless igno- rance ;-we knew little of the dreadful price at which our west indian luxuries were procured ; -now, the veil of ignorance is removed. the enormous crimes and sufferings inseparable from the system of slave cultivation, have at length, been fully exposed ;-- henceforth the guilty re- sponsibility of slave holding rests with the consu- mers of slave produce. let conscience therefore do her office and fix the conviction of blood-guilti- ness in our own bosoms. let us seek no inge- nious palliations or self justifying evasions, but confess that “we are verely guilty concerning our (captive) brother,”-and determine to make all possible atonement for past criminal carelessness of his wrongs, not only by conscientiously abstaining from all farther consumption of the produce of his inhuman oppression, but by deter- mining, henceforward, to make his cause our own, and resolving never to desert it until the rights of humanity are restored to him,-till he is raised from the condition of a brute to that of a man and a christian. henceforward, let us " remember those that are in bonds, as bound with them.” let the speedy redemption of the captive negro be the object of our fervent prayers, of our earnest per- severing labours,--of prayers so fervent, of labours so earnest and persevering as may bear some resemblance to those which we ourselves should desire, were our own enfranchisement suspended on their issue. our prayers will then be heard; -the divine blessing will crown our exertions- and british slavery will be annihilated. and though our power to liberate the captive sons of africa, be restrained within the bounds of our own territory-our example, when it becomes consistent, will not be so limited. it is con- sistency alone which gives force either to indi- vidual or national example. why has no greater efficacy hitherto attended our tardy example in the relinquishment of the african slave trade- because it has wanted this essential virtue;- because when we relinquished the traffic, we re- tained its guilty perquisites;- because we nut only detained the living victims of the slave trade in cruel bondage, but doomed their children also, and their children's children to the same dreadful inheritance; because, whilst we persist in so doing, we appear to surrounding nations, with polluted hands, and a janus face, consequently disqualified for successful pleaders against a system of iniquity which we have so reluctantly and partially renounced. had christians continued to adorn the doc- trine they profess with those living fruits, those works of mercy and labours of love with which it was at first ornamented ;-had the extended knowledge and profession of the gospel been accompanied by a practical conformity to its righteous precepts,—slavery, with all its attendant crimes and miseries, must long since have been abolished throughout the world. but the separa- ting the profession of christianity from its righteous and beneficent practice, has rendered it, compa- ratively, of none effect; — has occasioned its glorious light to be “hid under a bushel,”-the “salt,” given to counteract moral corruption, to “lose its savour,”—to be, in great measure, “trod- den under foot,”-calumniated and despised, as a thing of little worth. yet this gospel, whose lustre has been so tarnished by modern professors, is the only means appointed for salvation, to the ends of the earth. no new revelation is to be expected;—by no other power will that grand prophetic renovation be accomplished which shall “fill the earth with the knowledge of the lord, as the waters cover the sea.” the stone, “cut without hands, the vision of daniel, which “brake in pieces the iron, the clay, the silver and the gold;"-which subdued every opposing power and “became a great mountain which filled the whole earth,”- seen in h is no other than that gospel which, with us is held in such unprofitableness and unrighteousness. the world around us does not retain its pre- sent disordered miserable condition for want of light and information,-for want of the means of its restoration to order and happiness. no, am- ple provision has been made for recovering the lost harmony of this discordant world. it would not remain as it is, waste and deserted of good, fruitful and rank in evil, were those who have been called to work in this great vineyard, dili- gently labouring in their respective allotments; ~~were “the children of light as wise (and as ac- tive) in their generation as the children of this world.” we can imagine nothing better calculated to rouse their slumbering zeal, to give new life and vigour to their torpid principles, than the conside- ration of the dreadful state of moral and physical wretchedness in which , , immortal beings are held on british ground, chiefly by the thought- less consumption of the produce of their slavery by professing christians ; who, from the time when the real condition of slavery was first made known, must be accountable for every day's unnecessary prolongation of so inhuman an institution and for all the crimes and miseries from which it is inseparable, whilst they neglect the use of any means in their power for its speedy and complete destruction. time flies swiftly--so does conviction of duty, -so does the inclination and the power to obey it, from those who trifle or procrastinate. neg- lected capacities and opportunities of doing good, are not only withdrawn, but avenged, by leaving in their place the curse of increased insensibility, and those who have been most abhorrent of slavery, may, by remaining quiescent, impercep- tibly become as reckless of its sufferings as the west indians themselves. then let us “ work whilst it is yet day”- remembering that it is a short one,-that, with many of us, “it is far spent;"--and therefore “whatsoever our hand findeth to do (whereby the double bonds of these our oppressed and benight- ed fellow creatures may be broken) let us do it with all our might.”- let our zeal and diligence bear some proportion to the magnitude of the work and the strength and resolution of its oppo- sers. the interests of slavery have hitherto stood firm, have, thus far, resisted and defied all attack, because they have been supported with pertina- cious and determined courage and when the in- terests of humanity and justice are supported with equal zeal and resolution, they will not only prevail, but triumph gloriously. there is in their nature a spirit of ascendency and dominion. oppression would tremble and fall prostrate before them, were their professed friends and supporters but half as zealous and persevereing as their enemies. we may appear to have laid a very undue + stress upon the single duty of emancipation, since it regards only the temporal condition of the slaves. we have been thus earnest in pres- sing this duty because we consider it as a neces- sary preparation for one of still greater obligation. we may not violate the established order. we must first “do justice (then) love mercy”,- we must do justice before we obtain a capacity to love mercy. to plead for the instruction of the poor negro and to oppose his emancipation ;-to keep his budy in slavery that we may deliver his mind from bondage, is to “do evil that good may come;" -to lay the foundation of charity in oppression. we have been thus earnest in pressing the duty of emancipation, because we consider it as having an important bearing on the whole of our christian conduct and character. the various exertions which a hearty engagement in this cause would call forth, would lead to the detection and coun- teraction of that inherent selfishness which is the origin and support of slavery, the spirit of which manifests itself in our own country-in our hearts in various other forms of injustice, oppres- sion and cruelty, which are of the same nature if not of the same extent. an earnest engagement in this cause, would not, as some imagine, withdraw our attention from objects of nearer in- terest ;-it would, on the contrary, open our eyes to see, and expand our hearts to undertake various other works of justice and mercy which are at present overlooked. christian charity is an in- exhaustible mine, whose treasures accumulate in proportion as they are drawn forth. it is not like gold, of which, if we are lavish in one quarter, we must be proportionably parsimonious in another. this wealth, on the contrary, the more it is used, the more it increases. but we have said enough, it may be, much more than enough, to prove, that it is an impera- tive christian duty to employ, to the uttermost, every means in our power for the speedy and complete extinction of west indian slavery. to the most efficacious of those means we have al- ready adverted. in themselves, they are simple and obvious, but to bring them into effective ope- ration, is acknowledged to be a work of labour and difficulty. these pages will probably fall into the hands of some who have already renounced the use of west indian produce, for the sake of christian consistency,—to preserve a conscience void of offence,-an exemption from all participation or encouragement of crime; though they have no hope that their example will in the slightest de- gree, weaken the interests of slavery, which, they are well aware, are too firmly rooted to be shaken by a few such scattered instances of conscientious- ness. but, being morally certain, that the whole system, root and branch, must of necessity be destroyed by the general extension of such an ex- ample, they feel impelled to do their part. but what is that part ? surely it is the christian's part, his privilege, as well as duty, to do all, in such a cause, which he has the power to do. let him reflect--that he is at present literally doing nothing to lighten the burdens of slavery ;-that his own example, and that of his conscientious coadjutors, will produce no sensible effect on the condition of a single slave will be utterly useless-a mere waste of principle as far as he is the object. to effect any important charge in his condition ;-to prove that slavery is abhorrent to the nation ; to give weight and efficacy to our petitions against it, the example must, become general- mand how can it become general without exertion and la- bour?-and from what quarter is the requisite exertion and labour to be expected -- but from real christians ?from such as have time and ta- lents to devote to the cause? the consideration of the utter helplessness of these objects of our sympathy,--that they cannot plead for themselves,--that they have none in the land of their captivity to plead for them,—that their tears are unobserved that their sighs and groans reach us by no 'audible sounds,--that their lacerated, disfigured and mutilated bodies are unex- posed to our view,--that they stretch out to us no imploring hands-utter no piercing cries for deli- verance,—that all is silent, enduring, uncomplaining sufferings should, on feeling, generous minds, operate as the most eloquent and urgent of all claims to sympathy and assistance. to whom must we look for availing help, --for the substan- tial compassion of the good samaritan? from whence can it be most reasonably expected, but from real christians of the more influential classes, whose elevated station gives them a persuasive influence over the sentiments and practice of those around them? from whence can it be most reasonably expected, but from those to whom it is given richly to enjoy the life that now is, as well as the glorious hope of that which is to come; -- from those, to whom much has been given, and of whom much will be therefore required ? from whom, but from those who must be often inquiring, what they are rendering to the lord for all his goodness? how they are occupying the talents with which he has entrusted them? what account they will have to render of their stewardship? we want words to express our own conviction of the extent and importanceof the benefits which you have the ability to confer upon the most oppressed and abused of the hu- man family. you admit that abstinence from west indian produce must become general in order to accomplish its object-and to you we must look to make it general-to bring it into fashion. who else, but those who have time and talents at their own disposal, rather, at the dis- posal of the great giver, can be expected to de vote them to a cause to which there is no attraction of ambition or interest, and for the most la- borious and successful exertions in which, no reward is to be hoped for, but from him who seeth in secret? to be exempt from the crime of encouraging and perpetuating slavery, and to make atonement for past negligence, we must not only abstain ourselves from all farther consumption of its pro- duce, but determine, to the utmost of our power, to engage others in a similar resolution. we must make it a business, by every means of argu- ment and persuasion, to engage the cooperation of all around us, high and low, rich and poor,--- not regarding opposition and ridicule, but making the best of our talents and influence, whatever they be, to extend the resolution far and wide, until it pervades the whole kingdom,-until the use of slave produce shall become a mark of re- proach, and those who have not renounced it upon principle, shall be constrained to do it for their credit's sake. a resolution and zeal short of this, will effect nothing; we shall only trifle with the subject,-trifle with our christian obliga- tions, and do nothing effectual towards discharg- ing the heavy debt we owe to our enslaved brother. christian charity, implies in its very nature, the spirit of sacrifice and self-denial. what costs us little, is, in general, of little worth. but what sacrifice (it may be asked) or self-denial, deserving the name, is implied in the rejection of slave pro- duce where the same articles may be obtained by free labour? certainly there is no sacrifice in the individual substitution, but such a substitution can never be expected to become general without exertions which involve considerable sacrifices. west indian slavery has been so often discussed, has become so trite and hackneyed a subject that it seems by tacit agreement to be excluded from common conversation, and it requires no little courage to encounter the evident coldness or dis- gúst with which it is generally received. there is a great deal of prejudice and hostility among a large proportion of the higher and middle ranks, against the measure in question, occasioned by the extensive ramifications of west indian influ- ence, and a prevailing notion, among such as pride themselves on their loyalty, that it is an officious interference with the business of government. it is highly desirable that the friends of eman- cipation, should, as much as possible, for the sake of consistency, abstain from the consumption of all slave cultivated produce. but as the cultivation of sugar is the most lucrative, and by far the most oppressive of west indian slave labours ;-as the planter derives his chief emolument from the sale of this article, and his monopoly of the british market ;-it is against this article especially, that we must endeavour to close that market. but be- fore entering upon the consideration of the best means of securing that object, we will briefly advert to the objections most frequently urged against it. the zealous advocates for the substitution of east for west indian sugar, are on all sides ad- monished, that their attempts to dissuade the british public from the consumption of the latter until the former becomes the preferable article, are altogether utopian and visionary. they are also assured, that were the british public to adopt such a resolution it would be utterly futile as it regards its object; since the sugar rejected by us would be exported to the continent. it is also confidently asserted, that a general disuse of west indian sugar would be alike in- jurious to the slave and his master, inasmuch as it would occasion a fall of price, which by impoverishing the latter would oblige him to diminish the support and comforts of the former; and also, that it would be highly injurious to the commercial interests of this country. in reply to the first objection, we beg to pro- pose the following questions : have the british public any just pretensions to the character of humanity and benevolence? have they any true sense of moral justice? does any thing but the empty name belong to the great bulk of christian professors ? do any higher principles than that of the most sordid selfish- ness and cruel indifference to other's sufferings influence their actions ? if these questions can be answered affirmatively, then, certainly, after an acqua intance with the shocking process of west india sugar cultivation, there is nothing utopian orvisionary in expecting that every indi-- vidual possessed of common humanity, to say nothing of religion, should abstain from its con- sumption, were east india double the price, or even if there were no other sugar to be substi- tuted." the attention of those who are not thoroughly acquainted with that process, is par- ticularly requested to the following compressed description of " the driving system,” which, in the west indies, is chiefly confined to sugar cultiva- tion. “ in holeing a cane-piece, or turning up the ground into parallel trenches, for the reception of the cane-plants, the slaves of both sexes, are n some persons object to the substitution of east for west indian sugar, nnder the notion that the former is dearer than the latter. the objection, though a very sordid one, ought to be noticed. a correspondent, well acquainted with the fact, says-"there is, in london, no difference whatever in the price of east and west india raw sugar, consequently, there ought to be none in the country. the east india re- fined sugar was considerably dearer, when first offered to the public, on account of the difficulty and expense attending the commencement of the refining process; but now, the diffe- rence of price between east and west india lump sugar is not more than one penny or three-half-pence per pound." drawn out in a line, like troops on a parade, each with a hoe in the hand; and close, in the rear, are stationed the drivers, in numberduly proportioned to that of the gang. each of these drivers, has a long, thick, and strongly plaited whip, the report of which is as loud, and the lash as severe as those of the whips in common use with our waggoners, and which he has authority to apply the instant, he perceives occasion, without previous warning. thus disposed, their work begins, and continues without interruption for a certain number of hours, during which, at the peril of the driver, an ad- equate portion of the land must be holed. as the trenches are generally rectilinear, and the whole line of holers advance together, it is necessary that every section of the trench should be finished in equal time with the rest; if any were allowed to throw in the hoe with less rapidity or energy than their companions, the trench would be imperfectly formed; it is therefore the business of the drivers not only to urge forward the whole gang with sufficient speed, but to watch that all in the line, whether male or female, old or young, strong or feeble, work, as nearly as possible, in equal time and with equal effect; the tardy stroke must be quickened, and the languid invigorated'; and the whole line made to dress, in the military phrase, as it advances; no breathing time, no resting on the hoe, no pause of langour to be repaid by brisker action, can be allowed to individuals gether.” (however exhausted): all must work or repose to- the labourers, having no motive for exertion but the fear of punishment, are impelled their daily task in the cultivation of the sugar- cane, on a burning glebe, beneath a vertical sun, by the stimulant of the whip, which dr. collins, an experienced planter, and able apologist for slavery, admits, “is usually left to the discretion of the driver, and is of course administered neither with impartiality or judgment; but is generally bestowed with rigour on the weakest of the gang, and those who are so unfortunate as not to be in favour with the subdespot, on any part of the naked body or head, by which means the weaker negroes are over-wrought and compelled to resort to the sick-house”p let it be remembered also, that in addition to this severe and exhausting day-pro- cess, in the cultivation of the sugar cane, there is the aggravated oppression of alternate night labour, during nearly half the year in grinding at the sugar-mills, &c. surely there is nothing utopian or visionary in expecting that every person of common hu- manity, not immediately interested in the support of slavery, will desist from the consumption of • see “slavery of the west indies delineated " by james stephen, esq. vol. . p. . . p see “ practical rules, &c. for the treatment of slaves in the sugar colonies. p. , . . a luxury cultivated under such a system as this:--- a system so exhausting and destructive of human life in those islands where it is most cultivated, as would, were the same mortality generally to prevail, -"unpeople the earth in half a cen- tury”!!! surely there is nothing utopian or vi- sionary in expecting that all who retain any sense of moral justice, will renounce the consumption of sugar thus cultivated, were there no other sub- stitute to be obtained for it; more especially when acquainted with the fact (which all may be by referring to the last-mentioned anti-slavery report) that this horrid system will be mitigated or aggravated in exact proportion as the demand for this luxury increases or diminishes, to the second objection, that the substitution of east, for west india sugar would be utterly futile as it regards the destruction of west indian slavery; since the sugar rejected by us would be exported to the continent; we imagine the west indians themselves have furnished a complete confutation. for to what do their violent pro- testations against the equalization of the duties on east and west indian sugar,--their virulent in- vectives against those who attempt to promote the substitution of the former for the latter, amount ?--but to so many proofs that they regard see the “second report of the committee of the anti- slavery society." these measures as attacks upon the very vitals of their system. one of their ablest champions, having asserted in so many words, that—"the continent can be, and is supplied with sugar at a cheaper rate than it can be grown by the british planter.” —and in a small tract recently issued by the west indian party, addressed “ to the con- sumers of sugar,” the public are admonished not to be the “dupes of the humbug of interested people, who would persuade them to substitute east for west india sugar, and by that means involve the colonies in utter ruin.” they are warned against the “selfish designs of interested cunning persons, who, regardless of the sacred obligations of truth, would, if they could, sacrifice the west indian colonies to their own narrow interests, which, whilst they assume the gloss of humanity to the negroes, would disable their masters from feeding, clothing, protecting, and imparting religious instruction to them; and condemn to ruin an integral part of the british empire.” it is evident that the measure in question is regarded by the colonists with the utmost alarm see a masterly pamphlet entitled “east and west indian sugar, or a refutation of the claims of the west indian colonists to a protecting duty &c.” (page ) to which also we refer our readers for a complete exposure of the fallacy of the objection that the commercial interests of the country would be injured by the substitution of east for west india sugar. and dismay, consequently, it cannot be of that nugatory, insignificant nature which the objector would represent. but the production adverted to, insignificant and contemptible as it may appear, must not pass without farther comment. it is, an important document, full of “ pith and argu- ment,”—exhibiting, in 'narrow compass, the wretched shifts and miserable extremities to which the upholders of slavery are driven. it revives and puts into popular, wholesale circulation the often confuted falshood of the assertion that east india sugar is not the production of free la- bour, but of a system of slavery more severe than that of the west indies--many respectable au- thorities being brought forward to prove that such slavery exists in the lower carnatic. the author of this precious document miscalculated in supposing that it would meet the eye of none but casual unreflecting readers, who were too ignorant or too thoughtless to consider that the lower carnatic is a thousand miles distant from the province of bengal, where the sugar brought from the east indies into this country is cultiva- ted. we refer the reader to a very sensible reply to the insinuation that east india sugar is not the production of free labour, in a small tract, bearing the same title,~“to the consumers of sugar,” by the eloquent author of “the rights of man in the west indies ”-but as this writer has entirely passed over the objections of the west iudian declaimer against the substitution of east for west indian sugar, on account of the cruel effect it would have upon the slave, as well as his master, (thinking it, no doubt, contemptible to de- serve a reply, its fallacy having been so often exposed)— yet, being aware that many are still under this delusion, we quote the following brief passages from the “second report of the commit- tee of the anti-slavery society,” as a complete answer to the last mentioned objection. “the west indians assert that if prices (of sugar) should fall, the slaves must starve; but in what way are low prices to produce this effect? the food of the field slaves in jamaica is raised entirely by their own hands, on the portion of ground allotted to them for that purpose, and cultivated during that fragment of their time spe- cifically assigned them by law. is it then by de- priving the slaves of the land which has been set apart for their subsistence, and which the owner himself has now less temptation than ever to oc- cupy, that starvation is to ensue? or is it by depriving them, without any assignable object for so doing, of the scanty portion of time which the law allows them for cultivating their allotments ? if not, how is it possible for them to starve”? “the tendency of a low price of sugar is obvi- ously to direct a larger share both of land and la- bour to the growth of provisions, or of some other article of exportable produce than sugar ;-and, i the decrease whatever article may be substituted for it, the change must operate as a relief to the slaves; the culture of sugar being by far the most oppressive branch of colonial husbandry.” "the baha- mas grow no sugar. there, the increase of the population is very very considerably greater than in any other colony. the only other colony of great britain, in which there is any increase of the slaves, is barbadoes; and that is the colony (with one exception), which makes the smallest quantity of sugar in proportion to its numbers.” "in st. vincent, grenada, tobago, and deme- rara, where the proportion of sugar is the largest,--there proceeds at a rapid rate; at a rate, some of them, people the earth in half a century"!!! these, let it be remembered, are not vague unsupported assertions ;-they are grounded on authentic documents, on accurate calculation, on notorious facts, which no ingenuity can evade or confute. from these documents are we not fully warranted in urging all who have heads to think and hearts to feel, to the conscious rejection of west india sugar and rum?-for should such a resolution fail to become sufficiently general to accomplish its ultimate object, yet, it is evident that it would essentially mitigate the sufferings of the slave, sugar cultivation being the most dread- fully oppressive and destructive of all his labours. in which would un- ous. but we have not quite done with this west india sugar tract. tract. if the british public substitute east for west india sugar—then,“ their masters (we are told) will be disabled from imparting religi- ous instruction to their negroes.” here is a “hum- bug,” to which there is surely no parallel! in this wretched effort of imposture, we know not whether audacity or imbecility are most conspicu- can the writer possibly imagine after the notorious opposition made by the great body of planters to the religious instruction of the ne- groes ;--after the dreadful tragedies so recently acted in barbadoes and demerara, that the people of england can be deluded by such miserable cant as this? it were endless to enumerate all the objections which may be urged against the measure in ques- tion. we trust enough has been said to prove that it is neither a utopian, a useless, or pernici- ous project to endeavour to dissuade the british public (all, at least, who have any real sense of religion, of hnmanity, or moral justice) from the consumption of slave cultivated sugar, when once acquainted with the object and tendency of its rejection. we should shudder at the idea of being ourselves the immediate agents of the horrid sys- tem of oppression above described,but volunta- rily to sanction and encourage that oppression in others, is, in effect, equally criminal. this remark will be said to imply a sweeping condemnation of all who entertain different opini- ons from those here expressed of the measure in question, and who are consequently not disposed to adopt it. we certainly do consider the con- sumption of west india sugar, under the present system of cultivation, as absolutely interdicted by the laws of religion, humanity and justice. that many highly respectable, humane, and truly religious persons persist in the use of it, we are quite aware; but that circumstance does not in the least alter the moral character of the practice. they who do persist in it after being acquainted with its tendency, do so at the ex- pense of their principles. that the practice is attended with no feeling of compunction, is no proof of its innocence. it is possible, let us ne. ver forget, for the very worst crimes to be perpe- trated without any consciousness of their guilt. it is well, disposed as we all are to self compla- cent indulgence in any habit which prejudice custom, or interest incite us, that we are not left to the uncertain, capricious guidance of individual opinion, but that we have an explicit, intelligible, immutable rule, a divine command, applica- ble to every variety of circumstance and character, to restrain and direct our conduct, (viz)—to do unto all men, whatsoever we would that they should do unto us. + letter iv. on the most efficient means of deepening and extend- ing the public interest in the speedy extinction of west indian slavery. in enumerating the various means by which an increased interest in the speedy extinction of west indian slavery can be most speedily and widely extended, is it possible to overlook the christian pulpit? to whom but the professed ambassadors of him who came to undo the heavy burdens—to bind up the broken hearted to preach deliverance to the captives”—to break every yoke but that of his own mild and benign- ant sway ;-to whom but to those who are regard- ed as the delegated shepherds of the flock, who profess to watch for souls as they that must give an account"; to whom but to conscientious christian ministers, of all denominations, can we so reasonably look for deepening and widening the public interest in the speedy extinction of this anti-christian institution ?-by making it a sub- ject of pulpit admonition. should any object, that it would be a lowering of the dignity, a desecration of the sacredness of the christian pulpit to employ it in the discussion of secular or political questions ;-we would ask, whether the present wretchedly degraded and op- pressed condition of , immortal beings,- the brutish ignorance and heathen darkness con- sequent upon and necessarily connected with their cruel bondage ;---whether an enquiry into the best means whereby the restoration of those natural rights which they have never forfeited, and the enjoyment of those civil and religious privileges to which they have an equal claim with ourselves, may be best secured to them,-can be regarded as mere secular or political considerations ? if they can, then are a large portion of the instructions of our great lord and master of the same secular and political character. for on what themes did he chiefly discourse with the scribes and pharisees and with his own disciples, in his divine sermon on the mount, but on those of justice and -of compassion and kindness ?-and what were the objects of his severest maledictions but injus- tice, oppression and cruelty-above all, hypocrisy -the combination of high religious profession with the violation of its righteous precepts ;---long prayers and sanctimonious observances with the “devouring of widows houses”-extortion and oppression? what was the chief aim of his in- structive parables, of dives and lazarus, -of the good samaritan,--of the relentless fellow ser- mercy vant,--and of his awful illustrations of the day of judgment, but to inculcate lessons of compassion and sympathy—to incite to works of justice and mercy ? but we need not labour to obviate objections which have no real existence. the pulpit is every where employed in pressing themes of an exactly similar nature, though of less urgent ne- cessity than that in question ;-in recommending the establishment and support of infirmaries and hospitals for the relief of temporal want and the mitigation of bodily suffering. we would not merely contend that the best ways and means of abolishing slavery may with the strictest propriety and accordance with established precedent be pointed out and recom- mended from the pulpit; but that such an em- ployment of it would be peculiarly appropriate. if righteousness, justice and mercy be essential parts of the christian character;—if “ all the law and the prophets be comprehended in the two commandments of loving god with all the heart soul and strength, and our neighbour as our- selves;--if christ himself hath said, that this second is like unto the first and great command- ment”-in its comprehensive nature and exten- sive requirements ;—then, it is both expedient and necessary to dilate and expatiate upon this also ;-to extend and apply it to existing circum- stances ;-to bring the habits and conduct of professors to this unvarying standard and touch- stone of christian rectitude. " say unto you, for every idle word that men shall speak they shall give account thereof in the day of judgment,”-is one of those deeply signifieant and comprehensive sentences in which is revealed the awful nature and extent of our accountability. in this concise declaration is condensed, information of immense importance, connected with consequences the most momen- tous. every word in this emphatic sentence has a deep and weighty signification. “i say unto you, ”-what simple majesty, what solemn im- port in the introduction! the saviour and final judge of the world is the speaker,--he who is himself the truth,-- who hath said“ heaven and earth shall pass away, but my words shall not pass away”—the son of god makes the awful declaration, that “for every idle word men shall give account in the day of judgment.” the all- pervading presence of the invisible judge — the all-controling nature of his religion — the im- perishable book of remembrance preserved by him of the whole tenor, the minutiæ, of the con- duct of his intelligent creatures - and their cer- tain and strict accountability to him, are all di- rectly implied in this concise communication. if then, for every idle (thoughtless) word we shall give an account in the day of judgment, is it not a necessary inference that for every injurious action , we shall be equally accountable? what infa- tuated self-deceivers we are! with what foolish, mad presumption we say to our souls, “ peace, when there is no peace!” we lose the recol- lection of the daily tenor of our own thoughts, words and actions, - even of the most guilty we retain but vague and transient remembrance ;- we soon forgive and forget our own transgressions -and presumptuously and impiously imagine, even respecting those which are unrepented of unannealed, that they are also forgiven and for- gotten by our omniscient judge; - though he hath with solemn emphasis declared that " for every idle word that men shall speak, they shall give account thereof in the day of judgment." how much more of their deliberate actions ! these, will not only be remembered, but a far different estimate to our own, will be made of them. in assigning their respective places in the book of divine remembrance, “righteousness will be laid to the line and judgment to the plum- met,” actions, many of which we regard as indifferent or innocent, will be ranged in the column of crimes, when their motives and conse- quences are taken into account. and will the encouragement given to human slavery (that most frightful complication of crime and misery) be overlooked? will the part we have taken re- specting the poor negro be left out of the esti- mate? will those be held guiltless who from thoughtlessness or carelessness, continue to con- sume the produce of his slavery with their eyes wide open to the nature of that slavery which such consumption tends to perpetuate? can any thing be more in character with a christian minister than to warn his hearers against such a delusion? -more especially, because the practice is so gene- ral and is therefore regarded as innocent. chris- tians are enjoined to be "holy and harmless separate from sinners ;”-to “keep themselves pure; ”-to “have no fellowship with works of darkness ;”-not to be “partakers of other men's sins.” but by the consumption of slave produce all these injunctions are violated. “ ye are the salt of the earth;"_“ye are the light of the world,” said our lord to the first preachers of the gospel. “ye are the salt of the earth ;” - to keep it from corruption, from be- coming a mass of moral putrefaction ;--- to pre- serve the purity of christian doctrine, the righ- teousness of christian practice. ye are the light of the world,” - to illuminate its dark cor- ners ---- to detect and reprove all unrighteousness. had such continued to be the character of preachers of the gospel, could human slavery, that horrid compound of all injustice, cruelty, and impiety, still support and exalt itself in this land of high christian profession, this age of pre- eminent benevolence and refinement ? could it be possible, that a system comprising every cala- mity and outrage which man has power to inflict upon his fellow man, should exist in a country where christianity is not only tolerated, but es- tablished; where temples for christian worship are profusely scattered over the empire;—whereits ministers have free access to all ranks of the community ;-—where religion “ lifts her mitred head in courts and parliaments;" is suffered to raise her voice in the palace as well as the church ;-to admonish the legislature and the monarch as well as the people? why the deepest crime and foulest national disgrace should, with a few noble exceptions, have hitherto escaped the reprobation, and been imagined to lie out of the sphere of the christian pulpit-it were useless to inquire. we rejoice in the hope that the illusion is rapidly dissipating, and that the time is at hand when the righteous cause of negro emancipation will be advocated in the right place, -- with the boldness and fidelity becoming christian ministers. we remember that a wild fanatic, peter the hermit, by his single preaching, lighted up the flames of war all over europe, and we doubt not that equal fervency and extent of zeal may be kindled by conscien- tious ministers of the true religion, in a war against oppression and impiety which have no parallel in the civilized world ;-in a war rightly denominated a holy one, in which every indivi- not dual, possessing any just pretensions to the chris- tian name, ought to engage with all his might. some of the most distinguished dissenting ministers have already set the example, and we are anxiously desiring that those of the establish- ment may follow the noble precedent; merely by giving their respective hearers a single sermon on the subject of slavery and then dis- missing it;-not merely by describing the horrors of the system and exciting the sympathy of their hearers for its unhappy victims; but by pointing out and pressing the adoption of the most effectual means of putting a speedy end to it;-by shewing that every individual, however obscure his station, or humble his talents, may render important assis- tance, may do much by his own example and in- fluence towards its final destruction. we entreat all who are conscious of being but partially informed of the present character of west indian slavery, and are consequently deficient in arguments and facts wherewith to repel the artful misrepresentations and gross falsehoods by which it is attempted, but too successfully, to delude the british public into a persuasion that the pre- sent actual condition of colonial bondage is not only as little oppressive, but is, in fact, more com- fortable than that of the irish, or even british peasantry ;-we entreat all such to acquaint them- selves without delay, with one of the most im- portant documents (just published) which has yet appeared upon the subject, viz. the abridged substance of some highly interesting papers re- cently laid before parliament, entitled “ the slave colonies of great britain; or a picture of negro slavery drawn by the colonists themselves;" with the very appropriate motto, “ out of thine own mouth will i judge thee.” “ the picture which it exhibits of slavery is so fearful and revolting, that we might hesitate to credit the existence of the reality, were it not that the statements are official, and emanate from the colonial authorities themselves. this is not a narrative of past and long forgotten atrocities, fur- bished up anew to excite the feelings of the british public, but a delineation of the actual state of our own slave colonies, at the present moment ; a narrative which tells us of stripes yet unhealed; of groans which still echo around our plantations ; of tyranny to this moment unchecked in its deeds of cruelty and crime; of injustice, oppression and inhumanity both private and legislative, bearing date not in dark ages or pagan lands, but in british colonies, and with the ink scarcely dry upon the record. the first impression which its perusal is calculated to produce, is a feeling of surprise and horror at the extraordinary state of society which it developes. in this analysis, the colonists are made to describe their own system; the proofs of its iniquity being drawn from the colonial laws, from other colonial records of un- questionable authority, or from the evidence of colonial proprietors. in the ameliorated slave- codes here brought before them, the public will find the proof, the irrefragable proof, of the de- termined pertinacity with which the colonists still cleave to the worst, the most revolting defor- mities of their system; and the utter worthless- ness of all the pretended improvements adopted by the colonial assemblies.” in the postscript to these official documents, an analysis is given of the report of the constitu- ted guardians and protectors of the slaves, by which we are admitted into the interior, the very pe- netralia of the slave system,” from whence, among other horrific disclosures, it will be seen what are its brutalizing effects on the female charactér-what refined barbarities it can train and habituate “ la- dies" to exercise upon their slaves. in these documents the public will see that “ demoralizing and murderous system” accurately portrayed for the maintenance of which they are burdened with imposts to the amount of annnal millions; for the maintenance of which the lives of two thousand british soldiers are annually sa- crificed ;--for the maintenance of which british commerce is fettered by impolitic and injurious restrictions ;--the population of ireland kept in •see “ the christian observer, oct. "-pages - . idleness and beggary ;-the interests of one hun- dred million of british subjects in india surren- dered to those of about two thousand west ludian planters and merchants!!!! but to return to the christian pulpit. the preacher, having once thoroughly acquainted him- self with the subject of west indian slavery, having convinced himself of the unexceptionable nature and authority of the evidence on which the horrid enormities of the system are asserted, will find it no theme of barren speculation or casual invective, but one of deep and wide interest, fruitful of instruction and bearing with important weight on the grand fundamental truths and essential duties of christianity. he will per- ceive, in the modern history of slavery, in the british dominions,—in its effects especially upon the white colonists the free-born sons and daughters also, of british christendom, the most appalling illustrations of human depravity ;-he will perceive the hardened callosity to which the human heart may arrive under the petrifying influence of unrestrained avarice;-the profound depths of wickedness into which man may plunge when invested with unlimited power ;-the tremen- dous extent of suffering which he has the will to see the luminous expositions of the impolitic and bane- ful effects of slavery, in the public speeches of the enlight- ened and philanthropic james cropper, of liverpool, as reported in various provincial papers. inflict on his fellow man ;--the extremes of corpo- real and mental anguish to which he can remorse- lessly consign his brother ;-the monster of cruelty and oppression, the abhorred instrument of pure mischief which he may become, when abandoned to himself-emancipated from the restraints of religion,--unawed by fear, unsoftened by love of the righteous governor of the universe. in the conduct of these white tyrants, he will see terrific illustration of the natural tendency of human in- terests and human passions ;-he will see awful demonstration that man, in his natural state, is indeed “a child of wrath”-a fit object of the vengeance of a holy god-even, of a god of love -and will consequently obtain clearer perceptions of the necessity and infinite value of a redeemer and a saviour ;--of a new birth and complete renovation of nature. he will see that “every good and perfect gift cometh from above;"—that all the virtues and all the graces which have ever adorned and beautified the human character, are implanted by the divine spirit alone ;-that every fruit of righteousness which has ever appeared in this degenerate soil; from its earliest blossom to maturity, has been the production alone of the sun of righteousness. we earnestly hope that conscientious minis- ters of the gospel, of every denomination, will no longer withhold their earnest attention from this momentous subject, from an apprehension that it lies beyond the sphere of their influence. we are fully persuaded that they may, in a very short space of time, become the honoured instruments of ridding their country of its foulest abomination, by instigating the people of all ranks, through the most quiet and unexceptionable means, to throw down the altars of the bloody moloc of slavery, to expel from british ground every vestige of its impious worship. we cannot, therefore, but earn- estly hope they will lose no more time in exerting the great influence they possess over the people; —that they will suspend, for a season, their ac- customed course of instruction ;--deviate a little from the beaten track,-call the attention of their hearers for a time, from the principles, the ground- work of religion, to the contemplation of its beau- tiful superstructure, that just, and righteous and benificent practice to which those principles incite. let them remind their hearers that he whom they preach, "gave himself for them that he might purify to himself a peculiar people zealous of good works ;”—that christians are commanded not to "touch the unclean thing;”—and that if gentile con- verts were expressly enjoined by apostolic autho- rity, under divine direction, to “abstain from meats offered to idols, and from blood,” it can be no strained unnatural inference to conclude that the spirit of this prohibition must necessarily ex- tend to an absolute interdiction of the voluntary consumption of the produce of slavery. when k christian ministers have once entered on the sub- ject, they will find it no barren and circumscribed theme;- it will afford ample illustration of chris- tian duty, strong and varied appeals to the hearts and consciences of their hearers, especially to those of the higher and more influential classes, to whom a wide field of interesting labour may be present- ed, in endeavouring to spread and to keep alive a general interest and sympathy, for the most deeply injured of the human race, among their friends and neighbours,--and in shewing by what means, relief may be most effectually admi- nistered. thus would a fresh and powerful im- pulse be imparted to benevolence and the warm glow of christian charity circulated from bosom to bosom. thus would the rich, according to apostolic injunction, be admonished to “ do good, to be 'rich in good works ;”-new sources of pure satisfaction would be opened to them, in exciting fellow feeling and brotherly kindness in all around them, in tasting the luxury of benefi- cence in proving that the pleasures of sympathy far surpass those of selfish enjoyment;--that their own happiness is augmented in proportion as they are earnestly engaged in promoting the welfare of others; not that of their own neighbourhood and country alone, but that of the stranger, the poor captive in a distant land, of him who seems to have no human helper-and thus, inheriting "the blessing of those who are ready to perish”-and the richer blessing of him who hath declared that a cup of cold water alone, imparted in christian charity, shall not lose its reward. the preacher, by directing the moral percep- tions and religious principles of his hearers to the subject of west indian slavery, will shew them a great work of righteousness, of justice and mercy in which all may engage, from the highest to the lowest and thereby afford substantial proof that there is life and power in the religion they profess; that it is an active vigorous principle, a faith that works by love, which may be mighty, even in feeble hands, to the pulling down this strong hold of satan, and setting at liberty eight hundred thou- sand immortal beings, the wretched victims of a two-fold bondage, bondage of soul as well as body, withheld alike (as by far the greater proportion of them are) from moral and spiritual as well as cor- poreal freedom; kept back from the sound of the liberty of the gospel, lest they should become more deeply sensible of their cruel wrongs, lest the iron yoke of oppression, the chains of igno- rance and mental darkness, should become still more intolerable. we are aware that great offence may be taken at such an employment of the christian pulpit; at such an exposure, in such a place, of a system in which many persons of the first consequence and allowed respectability, “men of education and k liberal attainments,” are concerned. but that can be no solid ground of objection to those who consider the great offence excited by the preaching of their lord and master on a similar occasion ; in detecting, exposing and reprobating “ wicked- ness in high places,”-the injustice, extortion and cruelty of scribes and pharisees, persons, in their day of great eminence and distinction. it will be no solid ground of objection to those who remem- ber that the disciples were forewarned that the servant' was not greater than his lord, that those who had persecuted him would persecute them also; that if they were of the world, the world would love its own, but because they were not of the world, therefore the world would hate them. the offence therefore which may be taken by men of the world against such a proceeding, is rather a confirmation of its consistency and pro- priety. under existing circumstances, we can imagine no subject which can more worthily engage the constituted guardians of the public virtue, its mo- rals and religion, than the denouncing of that anti-christian, execrable tyranny, which obliterates all sense of natural justice, every feeling of huma- nity, every principle of religion ; which hardens the hearts and sears the consciences of its active agents and abettors, and subjects them to a more dreadful and hopeless bondage than that of its poor victims, in as much as there is reason to dread its extension beyond the period of their present existence. we can imagine nothing more truly in charac- ter with ministers of that religion which lays the axe to the root of every corrupt tree, than to pro- test, to make open war against, and to resist with all their might, this bold and malignant “enemy of all righteousness;” since it is apparent that the gospel can have no “free course, can be glori- fied by none of those “mighty works,”—those great extensive moral transformations which it is destined to accomplish, in any nation where this anti-christ is suffered to reign. what says the very temperate and candid author of “ negro slavery,” in his fairest exam- ple of west indian society (that of jamiaca)? “no virtuous man ought to trust his own charac- ter, or that of his children, to the demoralizing effects produced by slave keeping. the state of morals and religion, is as bad as can be imagined. it is well known that the morals of nineteen out of twenty white men are ruined before they have been a month on the island, and every idea of religion vanishes. "u and what says a respec- table clergyman, nearly five years resident on the same island? “i shall never forget the horror and disgust which i felt on going on shore, for the first time, in kingston, angust, : it "see “ negro slavery," p. . was on a sunday and i had to pass the negro market, where several thousands of human beings, of various nations and colours, chiefly negroes, instead of worshiping their maker on his holy day, were busily employed in all kinds of traffic in the open streets. the different noises and bar- barous tongues recalled the confusion of babel, but the drunkenness of some, with the impreca- tions and licentiousness of others, put me in mind rather of a pandemonium, or residence of devils. i have resided nearly five years in jamaica, and have preached two or three sermons almost every sunday; many other clergymen have also exerted themselves, but to very little purpose, as these horrid legalized scenes are just the same, and most of the churches in the island are nearly empty. i am aware there is a law in the island, imposing a fine on proprietors or overseers, for compelling the negroes to do certain kinds of labour on the sabbath ; but it is notorious that this law is alto- gether a dead letter, and in jamaica, the largest west indian colony of highly favoured christian britain, the sabbath is worse kept than by turks themselves. it is not enough that the poor ne- groes are compelled, on that day, to cultivate their own provision grounds to preserve life, (not having sufficient time otherwise allowed them) but to add to the abomination, a sunday market must also be kept, which is the only market they have, to which they trudge, like mules, with heavy loads, five, ten, or even twenty miles. in other colonies, where the abundant fatness of the soil has augmented the cupidity of the planters, the hardships of the poor negroes are even greater than in jamaica, they are very much overworked; especially the jobbing gangs (out of whose labour fortunes have been made in a short time.) these gangs have been compared, very aptly, to aver driven horses : the poor slaves composing them, may certainly, without exaggeration, be compared to the london hacks. a double price is paid for them, and they are worked so very much, that they do not last long. it is gold versus life.” “were the colonists inclined to make any material beneficial changes in the slave code, nei- ther the british government nor british people would think of interfering ; but experience teaches that their professions with respect to their slaves, are unmeaning and empty, and that even the few concessions that have been wrung from them are not bona fide fulfilled. witness their not allowing them time to attend places of worship on sundays. witness the non-redress of their just complaints, for severity and cruelty of punishment. witness the preventing those of the curates who wished to attend on some of the estates, to preach and to cate- chise, from doing so, and thereby shutting the door of instruction on the poor slaves altogether.” “ it must indeed be plain to every impartial person, that the colonists do not intend to lighten the hardships of their slaves. their principal ob- ject is to keep them in total ignorance, and to compel them to raise the greatest possible quantity of pro- duce; for they calculate thus-if we do away with the sunday market, there must be more time given to the slaves, and our own crops will fall short; if we allow them to be instructed, it will take a little more time, and the negroes will also know too much to be content! they therefore do, and will, oppose all interference by the british parliament because they wish, and intend, at all hazards, to keep the slaves and their descendants in perpetual bondage.” this writer farther observes, that “many colo- nial clergymen are anxious to advance the know- ledge of religion, but are prevented through the general profanation of the sabbath, and the labour- ing and marketing of the negroes on that day. some who have attempted to introduce reforms have been stigmatised as methodists; and it is scarcely safe for them to venture to preach against gross immorality, sabbath breaking,” &c. let it be remembered that this is the report of an impartial resident eye witness of the existing state of things in the island of jamaica. the striking illustrations given by this conscious writer (in addition to the ferocious transactions at bar- badoes and demerara) of the determined and malignant hostility which the slave system bears *see the west indies as they are." by the rev. r. bickell. pages , , , , , . to religion, is a loud call upon its conscientious ministers to interpose their influence, to use their utmost exertions to purify the british atmosphere from this moral pestilence, which sheds a blight and a mildew upon every opening blossom of vir- tue, and forces into rapid and monstrous growth every poisonous shoot of vice. so active and in- sinuating is the demoralizing contagion engendered by slavery, that it seems to operate by a kind of magic;-virtue becomes vice;-even piety her- self becomes impious on breathing the tainted atmosphere ; or, if she be firm and hardy enough to resist the malignant contagion, she then be- comes the object of persecution unto death. how has the christian standard been lowered and de- graded which has from time to time been raised in the land of slavery ! how have evil commu- nications corrupted good manners in certain me- thodist missionaries, who, through the tamperings of interest or the blandishments of flattery, have been disinherited of their reason, shorn of their strength,—have suffered their shield, the awful egis of christian truth, to be basely cast away, and instead of denouncing woes against the worship- pers, instead of “ crying out against the altars" of this most impious of all the idol gods of sa- tanic devotion, have dared to arraign and condemn the veteran band of abolitionists, have traduced and blasphemed the sacred cause they engaged to advocate, by asserting that christianity has no hostility to slavery; have themselves, joined the priests of this baal,--have become the apologists and defenders of the execrable system of west indian tyranny,--and have impiously dared to assert its compatibility with the divine will. how deep then, must be the poison of that moral in- fection which can transform christian missionaries into priests of baal ?---the " salt of the earth”, into the means of its corruption ? for the honour of the methodist body, it is to be hoped that these accommodating, time serving missionaries have been expelled from its membership. but we cannot withhold from our readers the following short ex- tract from a sermon recently addressed by a mis- sionary (said to be in that connexion) to a slave audience, in presence, no doubt, of their taskmasters, with which the advocates of west indian slavery have presented the public, illustrative of the bles- sings of slavery. “ it ought to be remembered that the situation of life in which providence has placed you, is not without its comforts; for when you have per- formed your appointed work, you are happily delivered from all anxiety and tormenting care, and can return to your humble cabins with con- fidence, being assured that no creditor will be there claiming the little property you possess ;- no sick wife or child will be there, without the aid see the small tract before adverted to, addressed “ to the consumers of sugar." of medicine, and if required, of a nurse ;-neither will your children meet you at your doors with looks expressive of starvation, and pierce your hearts with cries of hunger. no, such scenes of misery are not to be found in your dwellings, “ for your bread is given you, and your water is sure." was there ever a more shocking profanation of the sacred text, than thus to employ it in con- firmation of a lie? for can there be a lie more palpable than the inference which is made to follow this exordium, that the comforts and bles- sings of slavery are greater than those of the free- born british peasantry? of what kind is the bread that is given, and the waters that are sure, to the west indian slave? is it not bread of af- fliction and water of affliction? are not their lives embittered with hard bondage ? are not their bodies lacerated with whips and galling chains ? disfigured with brand-marks ? are they not bought and sold like cattle? are they not considered and treated in all respects like beasts of burden? and what are the comforts of their « humble cabins"? what is the care they expe- rience in sickness ? what food is provided them in health? the author of " the west indies as they are,” has informed us, “ of the great care taken of the slaves in sickness, and of the boasted frequent attendance of medical men on the dif- ferent properties. i have (says he) never seen isaiah xxxiii. . any very flattering specimens, though i have been on a great many plantations, and have seen plenty of doctors. their hospitals, or hot-houses (as they are very aptly styled) are, generally speaking, filthy receptacles. on most estates the hospital consists of a confined room with an earthen floor; on which is a platform of boards, upon which the sick lie down in their clothes. the hot-house is often the place where the negroes are also con- fined in the stocks; so that it is both hospital and gaol. they have not the comfortable cottage of the english peasant, which no one dares to enter without permission. no, in his mud built hut, without a window or a chimney, on two or three boards, or on the floor itself, the negro slave lies down on his mat, very often uncovered ; and if he wants a little fire, as in the mountains he some- times will, he must light his few sticks in the open air, and sit upon his heels shivering by them. as to food, the quantity in most cases is suffici- ent, (were it otherwise, they would be unable to perform the labour required of them) but in the quality, none but a bigotted low minded planter, or some interested professional resident, would compare the coarse yams and cocoas, and stringy indigestible plantains, with a few bad or rotten herrings, to the wholesome bread, potatoes, and other fine vegetables which the english cottager enjoys. i have seen a good deal of the english poor and can conscientiously say, that i never saw any one even a pauper, who lived in the mean hoggish way that the slaves in the west indies do; and moreover, that if such course food as the negroes generally eat, were offered them, they would reject it as unfit for human beings ; english stomachs could not well digest it.” such are the bodily “ comforts” of slavery; what are its spiritual blessings we have before en- quired. but we return to the peculiar hostility which the system bears to christianity. we are told, that in spite of all the great obstacles with which it is surrounded in the west indies, it is now making rapid progress, and english liberality is appealed to, in various directions, to enable the moravians to extend their settlements on several estates to which the proprietors have invited them. it is a matter of heart-felt rejoicing that the preaching of the gospel in the land where “satan's sect (preeminently) is,” should not be unac- companied with its renovating power. — we have listened with delight to the unvarnished histories of its transforming efficacy upon the hearts and lives of the despised negro, but we consider such particular instances of its success as no argument against the general hostility which the system of slavery bears to christianity. even the moravians, who stand so deservedly high in the devoted bands of christian missiona- ries, whose patient, judicious, self-denying labours are more tolerated, more encouraged by the plan- ters, than those of any other persuasion ---"because of advantage,”-because of the evidenţ benefit which the slave owner thereby derives in the in- creased value of his slave property ; because his vassals thereby become more profitable, more patient of toil, more trust worthy ;-because they have thereby learnt the divine art of returning good for evil ;--even these devoted messengers of the gospel escape not unhurt by the infectious atmotphere of slavery. they imagine themselves under the sad necessity of exhibiting the glorious luminary of the gospel, as - the sun, shorn of his beams,--seen through a horizontal gloomy mist;”--they imagine themselves under the sad necessity-though not of “handling the word of life deceitfully”-yet of administering it partially; inculcating upon the oppressed slave, its gentleness, meekness and long-suffering, but witholding from his oppressor the terrible woes which it denounces against injustice and oppression. the first messengers of the gospel who bore its glad tidings to a benighted enslaved world, were forewarned that they should be brought before rulers. their commission was to preach repen- tance to all ;-to declare the whole counsel of god; to lay the axe to the root of every corrupt tree; to “pull down wickedness in high (as well as low) places.” the incestuous herod was boldly reproved by the baptist ;-peter and john, when forbidden by the jewish priests and rulers to preach the new doctrine, replied with holy mag- nanimity~"whether it be right in the sight of god to hearken unto you more than unto god judge ye;” and they waxed bolder and bolder from the opposition they encountered. but though the same courage and zeal have directed many devoted mis- sionaries to our west indian shores, the air is so tainted, so heavily surcharged with moral poison, that the nerves even of christian courage relax;- the truth, instead of being preached to all, without respect of persons, must, in this land of civilized barbarians, (more fiercely hostile to christianity than pagan savages)—be preached to the poor negro alone, and that by stealth, or connivance. to preach the pure doctrines of the gospel to slave-holders-to speak to them even of the rights of common justice and humanity, would seem to be rushing into the very jaws of destruction. yet, had these missionaries relied less on human pru- dence and more upon “ the god of daniel," who shut the lion's mouths ;-who, in former ages (and his power is ever the same) caused his devoted servants, out of weakness to be made strong, to “ wax valiant in fight”-and, though few in number “to turn to flight the armies of the aliens ;"! --who disarmed the flames of their power to burn ;-who caused his servants to walk unhurt in the midst of the burning fiery furnace, “ heated seven times hotter than it was wont to be heated": --peradventure, the horrid moloc of slavery had our mo- long since been abandoned—its bloody altars thrown down-and a decree, passed under the force of irresistible conviction, had gone forth from the colonial legislators themselves, announcing the year of jubilee,--proclaiming christian, instead of martial law,—the reign of justice, of righteous- ness and peace. but “the fear of man bringeth a snare"--a dangerous, a fatal snare. dern missionaries, with the timidity as well as harmlessness of the dove ;-restrict themselves by certain laws and prudential resolutions, not to be found in the scriptural directory, not to meddle with the established order of things ;-not at all to interfere between the master and the slave;- to confine themselves wholly to the spiritual con- cerns of the latter:-never attempting to arrest the arm of lawless power, or to restrain its merci- less inflictions ;-to say to the cruel tyrant—"it is not lawful for thee” thus to degrade, to oppress, to torture thy fellow creature, — thy brother:- never reminding the lordly usurper that it is not lawful for him to make merchandize of human beings,-to treat immortal intelligences as brute animals ;-never warning him that it is at his own peril that he scourges and chains his over laboured defenceless victims ;-that he is thereby “heap- ing to himself wrath against the day of wrath ;” --that " he shall have judgment without mercy who hath shewn no mercy;"-that “the same measure” which he is now meting to the slave, will certainly be " meted to him again.” no, the missionary says nothing of all this to the slave- holder. “no, it would be imprudent, it would be madness to do so ;-it would utterly defeat the object of his mission and involve himself in certain ruin. but is not this “reasoning with flesh and blood”? is not this “the fear of man (which) bringeth a snare”? a snare indeed it hath brought;--- “ israel flees before his enemies ;”- “the ark is taken;"_"the philistines triumph.” in one british colony, a christian temple is rased to the ground—its minister made to fly for his life and proclamation issued to forbid his return on pain of instant destruction ;-in another, an exemplary missionary is arraigned for treason, tried by court martial, condemned—and left to perish in prison !! -persecution more fierce or cruel than this, could hardly have been anticipated had the gospel been preached to the slave-holder, as well as the slave. what an imperfect mutilated picture of chris- tianity is exhibited, when its obligations are infor- ced upon the poor slave alone! the commission of its divine author was, to “preach the gospel to every creature.”—that gospel preaches to the afflicted and the oppressed, patience and submis- sion ;-it imparts blessings to the poor, the meek and the persecuted ;-but its preaching is also “ to humble the pride, to abase the haughtiness of man”;--to disarm the tyrant of his power;-to l break the rod of oppression ;="to bring down the mountains and to exalt the vallies;”-to es- tablish justice, righteousness and mercy in the earth. but the unmutilated gospel, in this highly privileged portion of the british dominions may still be preached without hazard to the highest as well as lowest of the community, none daring to make the boldest asserters of its uncompromising requirements afraid. here slavery, the most daring and impious of all contemnors of the laws both of god and man, may be safely attacked from the christian pulpit—from thence also it may be successfully attacked and have its death blow speedily administered. “thirty-six years have elasped since the rights of the slave have occupied the anxious attention of the people of england ;-twenty years since the british legislature distinctly warned the slave owners that it was resolved to better their con- dition;-'seventeen years since the law lifted up its voice to command that right and justice be done them.” “not one step, however, has yet been made towards a compliance with these warnings, or an obedience to this command. how much longer then are we to wait in the expectation of these infatuated men listening to us, and rousing them- selves from that implicit reliance upon our care- lessness, or timidity, or insincerity, which it must be owned our conduct has been too well calculated to engender ?” a is it not high time to resort to other more decisive and effective measures ? is it not high time that christians, (those to whom the name truly belongs) should combine all their efforts-should concentrate all the force of their moral and christian principles in the strenuous use of every means whereby themselves and their country may be soonest purged of this deep pol- lution? is it not, most especially high time for “the priests, the ministers of the lord,” to inter- pose, that this moral plague, may be stayed, before this highly favoured land be smitten with a curse, with a worse than egyptian blindness and obdu- racy? of which indeed there are already alarming symptoms. let the worshippers of mammon, propose a league with this “enemy of all righteousness”-try to modify and restrain and accommodate its ope- rations to political interests and state expediency, -but let christian ministers give it no quarter, but like samuel, of old, hew this impious agag in pieces, which, exults as he did, in the confi- dence that “ the bitterness of death is over." • see the edinburgh review, for march , p. . है letter v. on the importance of associations for the purpose of obtaining the cooperation of the humbler classes. we proceed to the recommendation of an expedient for exciting a deeper and more general interest in the extinction of slavery, which is of no doubtful or mere imaginary utility. we have positive proof that it is no romantic fruitless at- tempt to persuade people to substitute east for west india sugar before the equalization of the duties upon both articles shall have rendered the former the cheaper of the two. it must be distinctly stated, that the experi- ment has been already made, to a sufficient extent to justify, and as far as it has been tried, to exceed the expectations of its most sanguine advocates. in one large manufacturing town, å very few individuals, in the course of a few weeks, by the employment of only a few hours in the day in personal visits among their neighbours, obtained the willing promises of about two thousand famí. lies entirely to abstain, from that time forward, from all farther consumption of west indian sugar so long as west indian slavery continued to exist. similar visits have been made with similar success in other towns and villages, but the zeal of the visitors has been not a little damp- ed by the consideration, that unless such a plan of operation becomes general,--they may devote every hour of every day of their lives to this occu- pation, and yet, the labour, with regard to its ultimate object, prove altogether vain ; since the subtraction of a few thousands from fourteen million consumers of british plantation sugar in the united kingdom, would produce no percep- tible change in the condition of its wretched culti- vators. it seems however sufficiently evident, from the above experiment, that the extension of these personal visits, especially among the hum- bler classes, for the purpose of conveying infor- mation on the subject of west indian slavery and on the support it derives from our consump- tion of its produce, would effect an important change in the condition of the cultigators--and prove also, that there is yet among us a large portion of moral principle, right feeling, and chris- tian charity. but, for the prompt exercise of that moral principle, right feeling, and christian cha- rity, with regard to the great object in question, truth obliges 'us' to confess that they will be sought for most successfully among the poor and labouring classes. their superiors in station and intelligence should blush to lear, that whilst they themselves are unfeelingly or thoughtlessly grati- fying their appetite with slave produce,-object- ing, as many of the more opulent do, to the substitution of east for west india sugar, because they consider it a little more expensive,--that not one in ten of their poor neighbours, who has been informed upon the subject, hesitates to de- clare the resolution to take no more slave cultiva- ted sugar, though the sacrifice of a penny is much more to them than that of a pound to the rich economist ;-to hear moreover that many of them express an entire willingness to abstain from sugar altogether, should the supply of east india 'ever fall short of the demand, rather than contribute in ever so small a degree to the encouragement of slavery. to this class of consumers, whose bill of fare is so scanty, it should be remembered that the relinquishment of sugar would be no inconsi- derable privation, and the paying only a penny per pound more for east india, than they have been accustomed to pay for west india sugar (though of an inferior quality) is no contemptible sacrifice to principle on their part. : of the value of a penny to thousands and tens of thousands, in this land of opulence, many of the higher and middle ranks have little idea. it may appear both cruel and absurd to engage the poor in this confederacy against west india sugar, especially as their indi- vidual consumption is comparatively so trifling ; but the apathy which so generally prevails among the higher and middle ranks has forced the deter- mined advocates for a speedy extinction of slavery upon this expedient, quite satisfied that there is nothing in it either cruel or absurd, since it is to them perfectly clear, from the common principles of justice, that we have none of us any right to retain our gratifications, our comforts, or even our health, at the expense of the comfort, the health, the liberty and the lives of our unoffending fellow-creatures. nothing but personal observation can fully demonstrate the efficacy of these personal appeals to the humanity of the humbler classes in the cause of negro emancipation. it would be too much implicitly to rely on all the engagements made in this quarter, for ever to renounce the use of slave-cultivated sugar, though they were per- fectly voluntary; but on the greater proportion, the visitors cannot hesitate to depend, they were made with such evident sincerity and earnestness. those who have heartily engaged in this work, find no draw-back from the great satisfaction with which it is attended, but that arising from the want of general cooperation, and the coldness and opposition they have to encounter where en- couragement and support might most reasonably have been expected. but coldness and oppo- sition in one quarter, should incite to greater zeal and perseverance in another. ! it seems evident to demonstration, to those who have made this experiment, that a general exten- sion of these simple missionary labours among the humbler classes, would do much to expedite the great work of emancipation. by this means, the consumption of slave-cultivated sugar ' might be greatly diminished, and the resistance of self- interest to the extinction of slavery would neces- sarily diminish in exact proportion to the dimi- nution of its profits ;-by this means the people might be more generally incited to more earnest petitions for a speedy emancipation ; and should the present parliament fail to accomplish the work, the exertions in question would do much to prepare the way, at the next general elec- tion, for the choice of a parliament more una. nimous and devoted to the cause ;--they would do much towards deciding the great body of electors to withhold their suffrages from every candidate who refused to pledge himself to vote for a prompt and complete extinction of british colonial slavery. how then can those who attach such important consequences to the ex- tension of these simple exertions, refrain from inviting those who are themselves surrounded with all the bounties of a kind providence - blessed with hearts to sympathize with the op- pressed and miserable,--with leisure and ability to plead their cause ;-how can they refrain from soliciting such, earnestly to engage in this pro- fitable and delightful employment ? - profitable and delightful they will certainly find it. those who enter heartily into it, will find it attended by an abundant reward, will feel the force of that divine benediction—" blessed are the merciful, for they shall obtain mercy.” to a few individuals, the labour of visiting every family in a large town, for the purpose of communicating information on the subject of sla- very, (whether by the dissemination of tracts or by verbal intelligence), may appear insurmount- able; but the most difficult work is rendered easy by methodical arrangement, and a proper division of labour. were large towns divided into dis- tricts, on the plan of the auxiliary bible societies, the field for individual exertion might be circum- scribed within easy limits, and were proper means employed by such as are most interested in the cause in their own respective neighbourhoods, a sufficient number of willing agents would doubt- less present themselves. there is no novelty to object to in this mode of proceeding. when people are in earnest—when the business is ur- gent, canvassing is commonly resorted to. and what business, to a christian philanthropist, can be imagined more urgent than that of putting a speedy end to the crimes and miseries of west- indian slavery-of rescuing eight hundred thou- sand fellow-creatures and fellow-subjects from the lowest abyss of moral and physical degradation and wretchedness? this great deliverance, it is evident, may be accelerated by simple means, were they brought into general operation. it does not appear to be the divine will that this work should be accomplished without human agency. human agency strenuously resists this righteous undertaking, and human agency must strenuously counteract that resistance. instead, therefore, of entering into nice calculations to ascertain what exact proportion of diminished consumption of west india sugar, would effect its object, let us rather strive to secure such a general rejection of it, as shall at once carry full conviction to the slave-holder, that there is no longer a market, on british ground, for that luxury, the consumption of which constitutes the main prop of his execrable tyranny, against which, british feeling and british virtue are at length up in arms, determined to give it no quarter. information to the humbler classes, on the subject in question, is not lost labour, like too much of that bestowed on their superiors in know- ledge and station. they do not admit the strong claims of justice, the clear rights of humanity, without making any rational exertions to enforce them ;--they do not listen to powerful arguments, eloquent appeals in behalf of the poor negro, without putting forth a finger to lighten his heavy burdens. no, the simple story of his aggravated wrongs is sufficient to excite their sympathy, the simple information of the means whereby those wrongs may be redressed, is sufficient, with them, to determine their prompt and earnest adoption. on this rough but impressible ground, every touch of the moral artist will tell ;-a very few skilful strokes will produce an effect more striking and durable than those which with greater labour and ingenuity are impressed upon a smoother and more polished surface. besides the evident tendency of the work we so earnestly recommend, to promote its immediate object, it is profitable on other accounts. it dis- pels misapprehension and prejudice from the minds of the visitors, opens them to conviction, reveals the true character of the humbler ranks of the community, of which só unworthy and false an estimate is often drawn by those who keep aloof from their habitations, and too often condemn a whole class for the misconduct of a few indivi- duals. it enables the visitors to estimate more justly their own characters to weigh their own great advantages against the great disadvantages of their poor neighbours and to blush at the comparison, when they see, as they often will, that the one talent entrusted to the poor, is often turned to better account than the five or the ten committed to their superiors in station and edu- cation. these visits are, of course, sometimes painfully as well as pleasurably interesting. the varied pictures they present of humble life have their dark as well as light shades. they reveal scenes of privation and suffering little suspected by the prosperous to exist in this favoured country; sometimes, doubtless, the consequence of vice, or improvidenceoften, of inevitable mis- fortune, borne with edifying patience and resig- nation. these visits, have also this great recom- mendation, that they excite a kindly feeling of sympathy and mutual good-will, which ought to subsist between all the gradations of a christian community from the highest to the lowest. they improve the moral perceptions, enlarge the field of christian benevolence, expand the breast of christian charity, open fresh channels of useful- ness, and shew how much more may be done in this portion of the vineyard than many imagine. they tend moreover to abate that pride and self- complacency so common and so natural to those who are raised ever so little above the common level. they are a practical conformity to the apostolic injunction, not to mind high things, but to condescend to men of low estate. those who are incredulous respecting the efficacy of these visits, have only to make the experiment them- selves, in order to be convinced that this is no exaggerated statement of their utility. let those among the higher and middle ranks who persist in the use of west india sugar, reflect for a moment, how much their resistance obstructs the motion of that simple yet powerful machinery which humanity has constructed for accelerating her great object.' those wheels which seem to drag and move so heavily, would run with easy and rapid motion towards the accomplish- ment of their design, were this clog of opposition withdrawn. until it is withdrawn, the machinery will have to encounter much wear and tear, and a double portion of energy will be requisite in its main-springs and chief movers; in order to coun- teract this resistance. the arduous, though interesting and profitable employment of canvassing, on this important bu- siness, from house to house, which it is to be hoped will soon become general throughout the kingdom, - may be encountered with many a sneer of contempt or ridicule by such as can be patient, laborious and persevering in nothing but their own interest or pleasure ;—but the true christian, though he may not himself have time, or opportunity to join this little band of humble pedestrians, will be careful to throw no discourage- ment in their way. he will remember how many great effects have resulted from apparently slight causes. he will remember that it is not by might or by power” but often by very hum- ble instruments, that the great work of righteous- ness is promoted. he knows that the “still small voice” of compassion and fellow feeling which is scarcely audible to the 'ambitious and the mercenary, is distinctly heard by many who are of little account either in their own or in others estimation. he knows that “foolish things,- things that are not, ---- are (sometimes) chosen to confound the wise, and to bring to nought things that are." the cause of emancipation, has been pleaded in the senate by the wise, the eloquent, the noble. now, it is. pleaded in the workshop and the cottage, by women and children. and if it please the great controller of all things,—who accomplishes his purposes“ by many or by fow," -- by weak as well as by mighty instruments ;- if it please him to accompany these feeble ef- forts, these apparently inadequate and trifling exer- tions with his blessing, — doubtless, they will prosper. here is a frightful monster, of enormous mag- nitude and strength to be destroyed, which has for ages desolated some of the fairest portions of the earth ; blasted with malignant breath the vir- tue and the happiness of millions of human beings: in the course of these missionary visits, children have been observed to pay particular attention to the unvarnished story of west indian oppression, and in some instances, to encourage their parents not to use the produce of that op- pression. a correspondent says, “the little son of a clergy- man (warmly interested in the cause,) collected subscriptions for the “female negro society; his sister, only seven years of age, would go, if permitted by her parents, to every cottage in the neighbourhood to persuade the people to leave b - off slave sugar." -hitherto, like the great leviathan, it has scorned and derided all the attacks of its adversaries. • its heart is hard as the nether mill-stone;"- darts are counted as stubble; it laugheth at the shaking of a spear;”-it marketh derision of the strong shafts of truth, the arrows of conscience. “ it esteemeth iron as straw, and brass as rotten wood ;”--the force of reason, the claims of justice, the authority of revelation, it setteth utterly at naught. but the monster does not live upon air; though he keeps in his strong holds, he cannot subsist without nourishment, and of that the weakest of his adversaries may help to deprive him. though he is invulnerable to direct attack, scorns alike the declamation of the orator, the argument of the moralist, and the authority of religion,-he may yet be subdued and vanquished by fasting; by this means the most savage and destructive monsters have been rendered tame and innoxious ;--and thus, the most savage and destructive of all monsters, brute or human, if van- quished by no other means, may be starved to death. the people have combined to nourish and to pamper this pest of civilized society; this impious contemnor of the laws both of god and man; and the people must combine in its destruction. hitherto, it has subsisted upon the unremu- nerated toil, the tears, the groans, and the blood of millions of human beings. the chief production and support of all that oppression and suffering (the sweet juice of the sugar cane) has hitherto been thoughtlessly consumed by a people calling themselves christians,-boasting of their refine- ment, their humanity,--proud of their own liberty. but they can thoughtlessly consume it no longer; the faithful delineation of the horrid system of slave cultivation precludes for ever the thoughtless consumption of its produce ;-and those who per- sist in its consumption prove their pretensions to superior refinement and humanity, to be vain boast- ing,-their vaunted love of freedom, to be mere selfish exultation in the possession of their own rights, and cruel indifference to the rights of others. but though the majority of the higher and middle ranks of society should continue to dis- courage the exertions which it is the object of these pages to recommend ;-it is evident, from the experiment adverted to, that there is a wide field in which they may nevertheless be suc- cessfully made. the result of personal visits, among the poor and labouring classes especially, has been, that more than nine out of ten families have cheerfully adopted the resolution, entirely to abstain from the consumption of west india sugar. we rejoice in the intelligence that associations for carrying this object into more extensive exe- cution are rapidly spreading in various parts of the kingdom. in birmingham and its neigh- m bourhood, in worcester, in sheffield, in col- chester, wednesbury, calne, &c. and we cannot more effectually promote their extension than by presenting the public with the following copy of the resolutions passed at the last mentioned town, originating with the wife of a highly respectable clergyman, which express a tender- ness of feeling, fervour of zeal and enlightened philanthropy, which should, in such a cause, animate every christian bosom. « at a meeting of ladies, held in calne, the th of august, , the following rem solutions were proposed and approved. st.-that we form ourselves into a society for aiding the cause of negro emancipation, and for procuring the pro- tection of the british law for all of the african race who are living under the british dominion, and who in are per- mitted, by enlightened christian britain to taste of whatever is most painful and dishonouring in the bitterness of slavery. nd.--that all persons subscribing from s. to s. and upwards yearly, or two guineas at one time, be members of this association, and be entitled to receive ane copy of the anti-slavery reporter. rd.—that the business of this society be conducted by a treasurer, two secretaries and a committee of eight district collectors, who shall have power to add to their number ; and three of whom shall be competent to act : and that the treasurer and secretaries be members of the committee in virtue of their office, th-that the committee shall meet once a quarter on a day to be fixed by themselves ; and that there be an annual meeting of this society, when the accounts shall be presented, the proceedings of the last year reported, and the treasurer, secretaries, committee and assistant visitors be chosen for the ensuing year. th.-that the members of this society will encourage by their example, as well as by their influence, the use of the produce of free labour in preference to that of slave labour; and that the collectors, and visitors, be requested to recom- mend to the inhabitants of the several districts into which this town and neighbourhood shall be divided, to adopt the same measure. th.—that it be the special business of the committee to disseminate throughout this place and neighbourhood, and wherever their influence shall extend, authentic information respecting the nature and baneful effects of the present system of slavery, particularly in our own west india colonies; and that they are authorized (subject to the approval of a general meeting) to adopt such farther measures as shall appear to them to be calculated to forward the objects of this society. th.-that every member of this society be furnished with the supplement and postscript to the royal jamaica gazette of the st of june, , and with mr. clarkson's arguments founded on the same, and from time to time with such other documents as may serve to shew the evils of slavery, and the guilt of england in continuing a system, the parent of so many crimes. th.-that deeply impressed with the extremity of wretchedness endured by the deserted negro slaves who are worn out with labour or incurable disease, this associa- tion will apply some portion of its funds to the alleviation of their distress through the medium, in the first instance of the association for the relief of distressed negroes in antigua. th.-that this society will continue its exertions in aid of the cause of negro emancipation, till the time may come when the unhappy children of africa, shall no longer be treated as beasts, no longer be bought and sold and branded like cattle; and when the torturing and degrading cart whip shall no longer fall on the persons of helpless negro slaves : and when the negro mother, living under british govern- ment, shall press a free born infant in her arms." lest the zealous originator of these admirable resolutions should be mistaken for an advocate of gradual emancipation, we will venture to quote her own words on the subject, in a letter to a friend. “men may propose only gradually to abolish the worst of crimes, and only mitigate the most cruel bondage, but why should we counte- nance such enormities by speaking of them in such acquiescing, unscriptural, heartless terms ? --- if we hope for the blessing of god on our under- taking, we must not talk of gradually abolishing murder, licentiousness, cruelty, tyranny, keeping stolen men, parting husbands and wives, &c, &c. i trust no ladies' association will ever be found with such words attached to it.” letter vi. to the friends of immediate emancipation. finally, we call upon all whose judgments are convinced, whose heads and hearts approve the proposition of immediate emancipation, to be bold in advocating it;—to beware of that spurious candour, that pusillanimous courtesy which com- promises principle, and betrays weakness or in- sincerity. a cause so righteous and so urgent should be supported with dignity and firmness, as well as zeal. if the if the encouragement of slavery by the voluntary consumption of its produce be criminal in you, it is also criminal in others : if they are unconscious of its guilt, it is your duty by every means in your power to awaken the conviction. when the consequences of this practice are taken into the account, we can imagine few more directly opposed to the sacred rule of doing to others as we would they should do unto us, con- sequently, few more criminal. those who con- tend for its innocence, after being acquainted with the real nature of that iniquitous system which it tends directly to encourage and perpetuate, must substitute vain imaginations in the place of re- alities;- must behold the awful characters of justice and righteousness in masquerade, their in- flexible aspect and unbending attitude exchanged for indiscriminating smiles and unbounded ac- commodation. after the broad exposure of the complicated wickedness of slavery, we cannot but regard the consumption of its produce as a wilful aiding and abetting of that complicated wickedness; we can- not but regard the exhibition of that produce for şale, in this enlightened and christian country as a mark of barbarism, a reproach and stigma upon the national character. we have no moral right to the productions of slavery ; they are, in the very worst sense, stolen goods, and the receiver or purchaser, knowing them to be stolen, is as guilty as the thief. this language may be considered as intem- perate and offensive, but truth requires it. by a misplaced liberality, an unwillingness to sit in judgment upon others, with regard to the practice in question, the requisitions of humanity and jus- tice are compromised to politeness, to the arbi, trary claims of what is falsely called good manners. the best manners taught in the christian school, are those which on a subject so important, teach every man to “speak the truth to his neighbour.” it is cowardice and treachery, in such a cause, to with- hold it. it is better to offend than to flatter where there is no alternative. those who have seen the consumption of slave produce to be criminal, are bound, by consistency, to protest against it, as such, by every method of temperate reasoning and gentle remonstránce which is best calculated to convince. the consistent friends of immecliate emanci- pation will not pusillánimously yield to the pre- vailing disposition to keep the subject in the back ground, but will watch for opportunities of intro- ducing it, “in season, out of season.” those who are sincere in this righteous cause will be earnest ;-their earnestness is the only test of their sincerity. to say to the destitute, “ be ye warmed and be ye clothed,” without affording the means of relief, is the language of cant and hypocrisy-and to be professed advocates for im mediate emancipation, without making the neces- sary exertions for its accomplishment, is equally canting and hypocritical. we have endeavoured to shew that the final extinction of british colonial siavery may be greatly accelerated by very simple means, but to bring those simple means into effectual operation will be an arduous task. the comparative small- ness of the numbers at present engaged in it must be supplied by individual energy and determined perseverance. in one decisive, consistent, immediate abolition- - ist there may be the concentrated force of thou- sands of timid, passive, gradual abolitionists. in the evident right, the manifest justice of imme- diate emancipation, there is every thing to inspire hope and confidence, to give heart and soul to the enterprise. the day, we trust, is not far distant when the great leaders of the anti-slavery society will transfer all the weight of their talents and influence from the weak and hopeless cause of gradual to that of immediate emancipation. in the mean time, let its present advocates put forth all their strength, make the best of their resources and take every rational means of augmenting their numbers. above all, let them constantly recur to those divine principles, those solemn christian obligations which can alone sustain those disinterested, energetic and persevering ex- ertions which the cause so urgently demands. let it never be forgotten, that the crimes and miseries inseparable from slavery are in no degree diminished because they cease to excite the shuddering horror produced by their first recital. in the cause of the poor negro, feeling may fluctuate, natural sympathy may decline, but exertion need not; that may be uniformly sustained by the unvarying principle of christian duty. the friends of immediate emancipation, know and are sure that the object for which they contend is a righteous one, they may therefore contend for it confidently. they have an invi- sible but unerring leader, whose word of com- mánd,“ whatsoever ye would that men should do unto you, do ye even so unto them,” is their sufficient warrant, and they fear no consequences; - they have no painful drawbacks to anticipate from the triumphs of victory;—for theirs, will not only be a bloodless triumph, but will ulti- mately entail blessings upon the vanquished as well as the victors. the profession of christianity, having, for a long course of years, been made at a cheap rate, without any of those heroic and painful sacrifices by which in former ages it was inevitably attended, its professors have multiplied till chris- tianity seems to be the broad instead of the nar- row way; but the arduous work now in hand, will divide this promiscuous crowd, and separate the dooers from the mere hearers of the word. we trust that the former will prove that there is still nerve and sinew enough in christian arms to pull down the strong holds of slavery,—to shake the pillars of this dagon-temple--and to raze it to its foundation. but it should ever be remembered that as this is a contest of right against might of humanity and justice against sordid interest and lawless power ;-as it is a christian not a political struggle -it must therefore be maintained by christian exertions ;-that as the crime of slavery owes its origin and support to unrestrained selfishness (the most relentless and cruel of all human pro- pensities) it can only be expelled by the opposite virtue of disinterested christian charity. it has subsisted hitherto upon the connivance and support of the british public-and will (humanly speaking) continue to subsist until that connivance and support are withdrawn-and no longer. no bounties, or protecting duties, or military force can uphold this execrable tyranny when the people refuse its produce. and though its immediate extinction can alone be effected by an act of the legislature, such an act could not be withheld were the people loud and unanimous in calling for it. hitherto, there has been no such call ;- even for its gradual extinction, the voice of the people has hitherto been very parti- ally and feebly raised. it is a remarkable and reproachful fact, that the ample disclosures of the horrid nature of west indian slavery, have not, hitherto, produced one third of the number of petitions against it which appeared against lord sidmouth's bill for fettering the dissenters. this disgraceful apathy, the immediate abolitionists must labour to dispel ;--they must strive to arouse and to keep alive the public interest in the speedy extinction of slavery ;-to incite without delay, such general, reiterated and strong petitions upon the subject to both houses of parliament as shall convince government that the petitioners are in good earnest ;--they must employ every means in their power to discourage the consumption of slave produce, sugar, more especially ;--- they must caution the public against the various at- tempts to practice upon their credulity by the imposition of sugar, cultivated under the worst system of slavery, for that of free labour. a very able and indefatigable advocate for the extinction of slavery, in a printed address to the society of friends, (alluding to the important benefits which the anti-slavery cause would derive from the abolition of the restrictive duties on the productions of free labour) says, “ an entire abstinence from the use of slave-grown produce would be equally, or even more effectual.” if so great be the importance of such abstinence, it is surely an urgent duty earnestly to recom- mend and promote it. and in order effectually to guard against imposition and to prove that the abolitionists are at length in good earnest- strongly principled against all lukewarm, pusil- lanimous, half measures; we would suggest the expediency of endeavouring, without delay, to prevail on the grocers in their respective neigh- bourhoods, to pledge themselves to abandon the sale of slave-cultivated sugar (such pledge, if general, would involve no pecuniary sacrifice) • that of the mauritius is of this description, and is very generally imposed upon the unwary public as free grown east-india sugar. and in every town where no such pledge could be obtained of them, to secure, as speedily as possible, some other agent who shall engage to supply the public with no sugar but what is the genuine produce of free labour. the zealous consistent advocates of a speedy emancipation will adopt every rational expedient for accelerating its accomplishment. their abhor- rence of slavery will be strongly marked. they will especially discourage, by every means in their power, the consumption of that luxury by which the inhuman system is mainly upheld. they will endeavour to fix a stigma upon its merchan- dize ;-to withdraw, as much as possible, the public countenance and support from those shops where it is exhibited for sale and give every encouragement to those from which it is consci- entiously excluded. measures so decisive, would probably draw upon their supporters no stinted share of censure and opposition, which, in such a cause, will be cheerfully encountered. charity, true christian charity, is not a mere passive sentiment of kind- ness and general good-will ;- it is an active, cou- rageous,' self-denying principle, and its exertions will be proportioned to the importance and ur- gency of the claims which are made upon it. it will be difficultto sustain that steady and earnestinterest required for the support of these various continued exertions, in a cause where no personal interest is at stake. it will be difficult, we admit, but not impossible. it will require effort, strenuous effort, to make christian principle supply the place of self-interest and evanescent feeling. but in the consideration of our strict responsibility,- in the spirit-stirring motives of the gospel,-in the recollection that we are compassed about with a great cloud of witnesses,”-that the eyes of angels, and of god himself, are upon us,- there is enough to stimulate our languishing zeal, to incite us to do violence to that natural indo- lence and selfishness, without which it is utterly impossible to be his disciples who requires his followers to take their daily cross. and let it ever be remembered, that the most arduous toils of christian duty are not unattended, even in the actual performance, with a sweet recompense of reward. the faithful labourer in his lord's vine- yard, receives “ a hundred fold, now, in the present time.” in the hardest conflicts in a righteous cause, there is more satisfaction than in inglorious rest, and it is animating to think that the success of the great contest between the sup- porters and opposers of slavery, depends not on the physical or political strength of the combatants, but that its decision rests with the “god of battle,”-who enables one, in a righteous cause, "to chase a thousand.” had it been the divine will, (as some who bear the name of christian ministers have im- piously asserted) that the slavery of the unhappy african race should be perpetuated, would such a general sympathy have been awakenied for their sufferings ?-would such an ardent zeal have been kindled for their emancipation ? - would the wisest and best men in the nation have been con- strained to devote themselves, as they have done, to the anti-slavery cause ? —no, certainly. the great lord of the household does not call his servants to work, and direct their operations, where their labour shall prove fruitless. if it be not crowned with immediate success, it is to exer- cise their patience, to stimulate, not to relax their exertions-assured, as they ought to be, that their labours shall not, ultimately, be in vain. why was the command to love one another, so often reiterated by christ to his disciples ? not that the principle should lie dormant and inactive, that it should exist only as a sentiment or a feel- ing --but to urge them to labour, arduous perse- vering labour for each other's welfare. the speedy liberation of eight hundred thou. sand captives from the strong grasp of west indian slavery, is a different but not impracticable work; the resistance though great is not insur- mountable ;- it may be permitted to try the sin- cerity, zeal and constancy of the abolitionists. in + see « the house of bondage," by b. baily, a. m. the mean time, whilst earnestly endeavouring to do their own part, they may cheerfully commit these unresisting victims of the most inhuman oppression to the parental care of him whose “tender mercies are over all his works ;'-who “heareth the sighing of the prisoner;"'-- who “feedeth the young ravens that cry unto him;" and without whom, “not a sparrow falleth to the ground:"-who can, and doubtless does afford, by means not subject to human inspection or comprehension, mitigation and support under oppresion and suffering, when all human re- sources fail. this great deliverance could, we know, be wrought in a moment, by a single volition of the sovereign will :--but that sovereign will has or- dained that the great purposes of his moral go- vernment shall be accomplished by moral agents. in the moral as in the natural world, a regular suc- cession of cause and effect are established. for the manifestation of divine omnipotence, to prove that nothing can resist. his will, he sometimes breaks that connexion,-interrupts the general order of his providence, works alone,-accom- plishes his designs, by miraculous intervention. but these are rare deviations from the established course of things are not to be expected-do not, in the least, exonerate us from labour, from the diligent use of the appointed means ;--though it be god alone that giveth increase,--yet paul must plant and apollos water. the friends, even of gradual emancipation, are accused of intemperate zeal, of precipitant haste ; but the most zealous and urgent may, with more justice, upon christian principles, be accused of langour and tardiness. a variety of worldly maxims and arbitrary assumptions are suffered to pass current even with them, which chill the warm glow of christian benevolence, and enfeeble its ex- ertions. “long established abuses do not admit of sudden remedies;" " great reformations must be accomplished by slow degrees;" _“ time must be allowed for the change of public opi- nion;" &c. &c. these maxims are allowed to have a prospective as well as retrospective ap- plication:- thus, time and opportunity imper- ceptibly steal away, and—“ all purpose, is poor dilatory man.” the maxims of the gospel breathe a different language. “work whilst it is day, for the night cometh in which no man can work."-" what- soever thy hand findeth to do, do it with all thy might.” so far from being justly charged with intemperate zeal and precipitant haste, the con- duct of many professed friends of negro eman- cipation, more resembles that of persons who have been dreaming of such a state of existence as that of west indian slavery ;-who shuddered with horror at the frightful: representation, but they awoke, “ and behold it was a dream.” really to believe and to know, that our fellow- creatures are actually suffering under the iron yoke of so inhuman a bondage-and to rest satis- fied with cold prudential plans for the mitigation of their sufferings,- for their gradual emanci- pation ;-calculating that their enfranchisement will ultimately be wrought out by the slow ope- ration of natural causes, -by the more enlight- ened speculations of the self-same principle of selfish, sordid interest, which first tore them from their home and country, and has, ever since, held them in bondage !-exclaiming, that it is prema- ture to call upon their neighbours to refuse the luxury produced by the over-strained sinews, the groans and the blood of the poor negro, until they can obtain an adequate supply of the same luxury on cheaper terms by free labour !-is not to act the christian's part ;-is not to obey the injunctions of their divine lawgiver. no it is to trifle with the sublime precepts of his religion, -as well as with the wretched objects of their pretended commiseration. we cannot but regard with great jealousy and distrust all expedients for the extinction of slavery, which are suffered, in any degree, to supersede the prompt exertions of christian duty ;-to direct the public attention to remote causes for the accom- plishment of a change which ought immediately n to be effected. we must solemnly protest against all unnecessary delay ;-against all farther pro- crastinating propositions which would defer a present duty to a future opportunity ;- which would overlook the obvious and certain means of its accomplishment, in quest of remote and uncer- tain ones. the deep crime and broad stigma of british slavery, (humanly speaking) might long since have been eradicated but for this plead- ing for time,-for prudence and caution ; --this deprecation of precipitancy ;--the exclusion of passion and feeling from the anti-slavery councils and the admission of cold calculating policy in their stead. on the atrocious injustice and cruelty of slavery, passion and feeling have a right to be heard; on such a business, they properly belong to the executive department, and are essen- tially necessary to carry the requisitions of hu- manity, religion and justice into prompt execution. on such a subject, a christian, how meekly soever duty requires him to bear his own personal in- juries, may justify the utmost fervour of zeal; he may “ do well to be angry”-that the natural, civil, and religious rights of the poor negro are so long, so cruelly, so reproachfully withheld from him, after having been so fully recognized. we would in no degree discourage such es- tablishments as that of the “ tropical free labour company,”-far otherwise ;--they seem admirably adapted, (in subserviency to the operation of higher principles) to promote the grand design of their enlightened and philanthropic projectors, that of the extinction of slavery throughout the world. we are only anxious that the friends of negro emancipation should not build too confi- dently on their result;—that the sanguine expec- tation of their final success, should induce no relaxation in the exertion of other means more di- rectly appropriate and of quicker operation. we can discern no shadow of reason why the emanci- pation of our own slaves should be suffered to hang at all in suspense on the success of any such experiments. on the principles of eternal justice, they have a present right to emancipation ;- by the express commands of our supreme law- giver we are bound to impart it. with that right, and those commands, we have trifled too long ;- emancipation has already been too long withheld; by every principle of religion, humanity and justice, we are bound to withhold it no longer ; we are bound to enforce it by the prompt and earnest exertions of christian charity, without waiting till it is wrought out in the common course of events by the gradual operation of natural causes or commercial speculations. in the course of an animated speech delivered by lord calthorpe, at the last anniversary meet- ing of the anti-slavery society, he observed, that, “ whoever reflected for a moment upon the vast results which public opinion can produce, could an end to slavery. not doubt that if the people of england did but will it to be so, slavery would cease. whoever reflected upon the vast influence which the middle classes can exercise in this country, could not hesitate in believing that if they were once to say -- this must not be,' there would, at once, be for, supported as the principle of emancipation is, in and out of par- liament, slavery could not last a year if the middle classes once expressed a decided opinion against it." this decided opinion, by a general rejec- tion of the productions of slavery, would be ex- pressed in a decided manner; in a manner so decided, that were it simultaneously as well as generally expressed, in conjunctions with petitions and strong remonstrances to the legislature, there would be an end at once to british slavery. its complete extinction, through these simple means, embraces so many and great advantages, obviates so many and insuperable difficulties which obstruct the design of gradual emancipa- tion, that the mind is overwhelmed by the amazing disparity between the insignificance of the means and the vast importance of the various benefits combined in the end. in the first place, it will be a bloodless triumph over the most barbarous and sanguinary of all despotisms. it will expel the deepest national crime and disgrace, exalt the national honour and glory without any sacrifice of life or treasure. it will prove that no force can resist the force of public principle when vigorously exerted ;---that neither fleets nor armies, nor pro- tecting duties, can uphold oppression, when the people have virtue enough to resist it. it will expose the weakness as well as wickedness of cruelty, and prove that humanity and justice are stronger safeguards than arbitrary and licentious power. it will administer to the slave-holders, not retributive but corrective justice, and compel them to reform themselves. thoughts on compensation. there is among the higher and middle ranks of society so prevailing a disposition to admit the justice of the claims of the planters to compen- sation, in the event of the emancipation of their slaves—and principles of so much importance are involved in the admission, that the subject seems entitled to distinct consideration. nothing ever exhibited more conspicuously the force of prejudice and custom,—the power of wealth and station to blind the understanding and pervert the judgment, than the general admission of these claims among those who have no interest whatever in the question; among the enlightened, the disinterested, the conscientious portion of the community. “not that the planters should be required to manumit their slaves, especially on a sudden, without componsution. it would be robbery, under the garb of mercy, to compel one class of indivi- duals to atone for the injustice of a nation,”-says the very liberal and intelligent adam hodgson, after describing the horrid injustice and cruelty of slavery in the darkest colours ! ! many of the planters, we are told, are “ men of education and liberal attainments”-of huma- nity," anxious as the abolitionists themselves, for the religious instruction of their slaves.” what then ? are the moral qualities of actions changed by the circumstances or acquirements, or even by the virtues of the actors? do injus- tice and cruelty lose their turpitude when prac- ticed or sanctioned by men of “education and liberal attainments ?” is robbery a punishable, a capital crime in the poor uneducated vulgar, and is its guilt cancelled when perpetrated by gentlemen ? shall we admit the propriety, the necessity, of guarding our money and house- hold gouds from depredation by the severest penalties - by imprisonments, transportations and sanguinary executions, -and shall men stealers, purchasers, or keepers of sto- len men-robbers, or withholders of their fellow-creatures' liberty (the dearest treasure they possess)—be not only exempt from punishment, but entitled to com- pensation for the relinquishment of their human prey ? & see letters from north america, page . when will british justice become in award and execution what she is in representation, - hood-winked, even-handed, impartial justice ? when will the enlightened, the benevolent, the christian world, judge and speak and act, with- out “respect of persons?” when will punish- ment be equitably proportioned to crime? when will the advantages of rank, fortune and education be regarded as they ought to be) aggravations, instead of extenuations of rapacity and injustice ? when will poverty, ignorance and necessity be admitted to plead in mitigation, rather than aggra- vation of punishment ? by emancipation without compensation, one party will be benefited at the expense of the other.”. certainly it will, (temporarily at least). and how are the violated rights of justice, in any case, to be restored? how are usurpation and robbery to be effectually restrained but by the suffering of the offending party? where the parties at issue are the robbed and the robber, how can justice be done to either, without taking from the one and restoring to the other? by emancipation we shall benefit the slave at the ex- pense of the slave-holder,--the injured, at the expense of the injurer. can the designs either of justice or of mercy be otherwise accom- plished ? sin, must be corrected by suffering. the offender becomes penitent by feeling the con- sequence, the just reward of his offence. the slave-holder will neither be softened nor reformed whilst he retains his uprighteous possessions. “ can one be pardoned yet retain the offence”? but compensation for the relinquishment of the most criminal and injurious of all usurpations is a virtual cancelment of its guilt--a full admission of the right of the usurper. the divine law, required that restitution should be made by the robber fourfold ;-he was not merely obliged to resign his theft, but made to smart for it in a way best adapted to restrain and to cure his rapacity.' human wisdom will never find a better means of curing every species of injustice and oppression. but emancipation falls most indulgently short of this wholesome rigour ;-it does not amount even to simple resti- tution ;--(alas ! that would require a price which the riches of all the planters would be insufficient to repay: not the wealth of the indies would suffice to make simple restitution for all the de- gradation, suffering and anguish involved in slavery)- but emancipation leaves the usurper in undisturbed possession of the unrighteous gain he has hitherto acquired, and only interposes a check to farther acquisitions. did the planters' illgotten, illretained pro- perty consist of inert matter,--of bags of stolen gold-of land or houses--of whole cities or pro- vinces fraudulently obtained ;-or did it consist of mere animal live stock, of eight hundred thou- of i mmortal sand head of cattle, obtained in the first instance by marauding violence:--these gentlemen having gotten possession, by inheritance, or otherwise, should keep it, for us, in undisturbed repose ;- we would not, in such matters, presume to be judges or dividers between them and the rightful claimants. but when, instead of inert matter, or mere animal live stock, the fraudulent possession consists of human beings,_of brothers,- rational, intelligent, creatures, probationers for eternity; --when the possession, the detention of this pro- perty involves every thing that can most degrade, imbitter and afflict one party ;-every thing that can most harden and corrupt the other ;-when this fraudulent or unjust withholding of a fellow creatures liberty involves in it not the privation merely of all the comforts and blessings of his mortal existence, but also of that moral and reli- gious culture requisite for his eternal well being ;- against such robbery and usurpation it is the duty of every christian to protest, and to use his utmost exertions most speedily and effectually to arrest. to the vast disparity between this species of usurpation and that which merely withholds from another his rightful possessions in money, lands, houses, &c. no force of language can give ade- quate expression. all other injuries are slight and venial compared with that of making or of keeping a fellow creature, a slave. why then is it to be called “ robbery under the garb of mercy” to compel the slave-holder without compensation to relinquish his slave? this sensitive fellow-feeling with slave-holders of “education and liberal attainments ;" this admission of the right of property vested in human beings, fellow-creatures, as justly entitled to free- dom as any of their lordly possessors ; is no off- spring of christian charity; — she, extends her sympathy where it is most needed ;-to the in- jured, rather than the injurer,—the oppressed, rather than the oppressor ;--but this misdirected liberality, this partial indulgence to wealth and station, tears the bandage from the eyes of human justice; wrests from her hands the impartial sword and equal balance, and makes her a “respecter of persons." education, and liberal attainments, instead of being the guarantee of benevolence, disinterest- edness and generosity, - --are allowed, in these gentlemen, not only to supply the place of these virtues, but to excuse and varnish over the oppo- site vices of sordid selfishness and cruel oppres- sion. education and liberal attainments are suffered, in them, not only to exempt their pos- sessors” from punishment, who withhold from their fellow man his birthright,—“ make his life bitter with hard bondage,” —convert him into a beast of burden-a mere tool or implement of labour, which has no value in the owners' esti- mation but for the money it will bring ;-educa- tion and liberal attainments, not only exempt their possessors from punishment who thus deal with their fellow-man, because they have the power thus to deal with him, because their human victim is too weak and helpless to resist ;-but are also allowed to confer a right to compensation for the relinquishment of those forced unremu- nerated labours to which the claimants were never, for a moment, justly entitled ;-for the re- storation of that liberty which they never for a moment had a right to withhold !! but, “it would be robbery under the garb of mercy to compel one class of individuals to atone for the injustice of a nation." that slave-holding is a national as well as individual crime, we fully admit; inasmuch as the nation has suffered, con- nived at, and encouraged it;—but the individual crime is neither cancelled nor diminished by national sufferance, connivance and encourage- ment. those who entertain a contrary opinion are not aware of the dangerous, the impious con- sequences involved in it. it renders right and wrong, virtue and vice, dependent, not on any inherent principles of moral rectitude, but on the arbitrary, capricious standard of human allowance and opinion. it intimates that actions are inno- cent or guilty, good or evil, not as they are con- formable or opposed to the laws of immutable righteousness, but as they are conformable or op- posed to the ever-varying laws of human policy ;- in short, it virtually goes the length of excluding the great creator from the legislation of his in- telligent creatures; - implies that they are ame- nable at the bar of human judgment alone, and leads directly to practical atheism. it goes to establish the conclusion that all practices are al- lowable and right, which are suffered to pass un- punished by human law, uncensured by public opinion. the disinterested, benevolent and conscien- tious portion of the community, by advocating the claims of the planters to compensation, are acting (unconsciouslyindeed, but most effectually) the part of the grand deceiver and betrayer of mankind;-standing between the criminal and the convictions of his own conscience, which the ex- pected arrest of his headlong course of ruthless oppression would tend to awaken, and saying to the alarmed and self convicted criminal, just aroused to the sense of the accumulated suffering from the frightful mass of moral and physical wretchedness which his cruel selfishness and sordid avarice have inflicted on his unoffending helpless brother ;--stung, it may be to the soul, with remorse and contrition ;-terrified with the sight of the flaming sword of divine justice, which the spiritual blindness induced by prospe- rity and impunity, till now prevented his behold- ing ; with the hand writing also of heaven ap- pearing against him in characters more appalling than those which blanched the cheek of the vo- luptuous belshazzar, and caused his knees to “ smite one against the other;” - proclaiming retributive justice, in full measure ;-recompense, to the eternal world, now opening to his view ;- “justice to the oppressed--and judgment to the oppressor. .” to hold out compensation for arresting the gains of the most inhuman tyranny, the most barbarous oppression ever exercised in any age or nation,-is to say, in effect, to the slave-holder, as the grand deceiver said to our first progenitor, “ thou shalt not surely die,”-in other words,- thou hast committed no crime in exercising thy power to oppress and afflict instead of protecting thy weak and unoffending brother ;--thou hast committed no crime—and shalt not only incur no punishment; but shalt receive compensation for any loss thou mayest sustain" from the restoration of thy wretched captives to that liberty and those just rights, which, though withheld by no law of equity but by that power alone :-yet, thy coun- try, having suffered thee hitherto to abuse that power, hers is the guilt, and she shall pay the penalty!! we assert, therefore in spite of all “ the smooth emolients which downy doctors,” wise politicians, eloquent orators, and sympathising friends may administer, to allay the pains of conviction and remorse in the consciences of slave-holders; that to admit their right to compensation, is, to them, the greatest cruelty, instead of kindness; it is to lay a flattering unction on their souls,”-to delude them with fallacious ideas of their own in- nocence; to tempt them to postpone the hour of conviction till repentance may come too late ;- till “ truth shall burst in thunder and in flame,” and “ her keen vibrations” only precede the dark- ness of despair. we therefore, entreat the disinterested, the benevolent, the conscientious, to give a wiser and more comprehensive scope to their sympathy with west indian planters and slave-holders. their truest friends will rather promote than repel that salutary humiliation which is the forerunner of re- pentance; that compunction which may happily incite to acts of penitence, to earnest desires to make all possible atonement for a life of injustice and oppression. they will rather assist con- science, in these infatuated men, to do her office, to become a faithful witness between themselves and their slaves-whose testimony may prove in- deed that compensation, large compensation, larger far than the wealth of both indies is suf- ficient to supply—is justly due, but that it belongs not to themselves, but to their oppressed, their deeply, irreparably injured slaves. all the com- pensation however, which they have the make, their best friends will encourage them to power to without delay, to such as are still within reach of human compensation, -- who have not yet “shaken off this mortal coil”—and passed into that state " where the wicked cease from troub- ling, and the weary are at rest.” though “ambition mock”-and “grandeur scorn with disdainful smile”-the privileges and enjoyments of which slavery has deprived the poor negro; yet let it be remembered that he who “ appoints the bounds of our habitation,” has or- dained that “man shall not live by bread alone;"> --that his true enjoyment shall not depend on the possession of rank or fortune ;-on the adven- titious refinements of artificial society ;-but, on conformity to the laws of his creator written on his heart, which produce in the wild indian and untutored savage, whilst undebauched by the treacherous corrupting acts of european refine- ment, fruits of disinterested kindness, generosity and magnanimity, which might shame the pro- fessors of a purer faith. ' liberty and independence, therefore, may be as dear—as productive of real enjoyment to the poor negro, as to his lordly master ;-and the crime of withholding them from the one, is as great as that of withholding them from the other. let not the latter, there- fore, by a misdirected sympathy and perverted liberality, be tempted to delude himself with the false imagination, the preposterous conceit, that he is “more sinned against than sinning;" that because, through the extreme partiality of human law, he escapes human punishment, that therefore he may hold himself guiltless ;- for whether he stole, or purchased, or inherited the property vested in human beings ;-it always was, and always will be a criminal possession, be- cause held in violation of the immutable laws of humanity and justice,-in defiance of the express prohibition of the supreme legislator ;--and the crime of holding it, if not heartily repented of and sincerely aloned by all possible compensation to the injured party-must, if there be a righteous governor of the universe, meet a "just recom- pense of reward,” in a future, if not in the present world. the claims of the planter to compensation, have been justly denominated audacious claims, because they rest on no ground of right or reason, of justice or common sense ;--because they rest on no ground but that of bold assumptiom. the admission of these claims by the disinterested, the benevolent and conscientious, is a remarkable proof how far the baneful influence of slavery has extended beyond the slave and his master. it has blinded the understanding, and perverted the judgment of the most enlightened portion of the community; otherwise, whilst retributive justice is administered with so unsparing a hand to com- paratively petty offenders, who commit depreda- tions on the mere appendages and appurtenances of the man, to the amount of a few shillings; the stealer of the man himself, or the holder of him when stolen, in cruel and ignominious bondage, could not be held guiltless ;-could not, before required to relinquish a species of robbery in comparison of the turpitude of which all other robberies are innocent, be suffered to claim compensation ;-the people of england, the enlightened, philanthropic, christian people of england, the professed advocates of the poor negro, could not listen to a claim so audacious ;- could not admit it,-—incorporate it into their petitions for emancipation, and by so doing, virtually admit the justice of man stealing, or of withholding from him his best earthly possession, and subjecting him to the utmost extreme of degradation and wretchedness. admit the justice of compensation in this quarter, and you dash to the ground, and trample underfoot those sacred principles of eternal jus- tice for which the abolitionists have been hitherto contending. admit the slave-holders claims to com- pensation, and you admit the justice of slavery ; --- you not only compromise, but sacrifice the great fundamental laws of righteousness; you surrender right and reason to bold and insolent pretension, we have been informed that the petitions preparing in birmingham and other places, for the approaching session of parliament, admit the planters' claims to compensation. and open a wide door to all sorts of weak conces- sions and criminal compliances. common robbers and highwaymen, every description of public depredators, may with equal reason and justice claim and receive compensation before they renounce their respective professions —with more reason and justice; - since poverty and want may have plunged them into crime, and without it they may be utterly destitute of the means of subsistence. they, like the slave- holder, have, many of them, been initiated by education and circumstances into habits of think- ing and acting incompatibly (but not so incom- patibly as he has) with the principles of moral recti- tude-their property also (such as it is) has, like his, been embarked in nefarious speculations, on the stability and success of which their subsis- tence may wholly depend. but are these consi- derations for a moment admitted as excuses, pleas in bar of judgment, in arrest of punishment, when the peculators are detected ? — are they allowed to entitle the delinquents to compensation before they shall be required to abandon their career of depredation? “but the occupation of this class of offenders has been interdicted and proscribed by the laws of the land, and the em- barkation of capital in slavery has never been so interdicted or proscribed.” true, it has not. the laws of the land have sanctioned and encou- saged it, consequently they cannot, and they ought as not to punish it. but the speculation is not, on that account, at all the less criminal in a' moral point of view ;-it is not,' on that account, at all less opposed to the laws of religion, of humanity, of justice. it is for the paramount obligation of these laws,--the immutable laws of our creator and divine legislator, that we are contending: against any admissions or concessions which tend to weaken or supersede their authority, and to give to human legislation the precedency in the public estimation the strongest protest ought to be entered. but we protest against compensation to the slave-holder on civil and political, as well as moral and religious grounds, for it has been proved to demonstration that ultimately he need be no loser, but, on the contrary, a great gainer, by cultivating his grounds with freemen instead of slaves, and stimulating their labour by the just recompense of wages, instead of the impulse of the cart-whip. the emancipation of his slaves will in no other way ruin the planter than as he obstinately rushes upon his own ruin, by madly refusing to conform to a more wise and humane policy. these free observations are dictated by no hos- tile feeling towards the slave-holder or his apolo- gists ; but there are occasions which require that plain truth should be uttered in plain and in strong language and this is one. the softening, quali- fying language of conciliation and concession has ance, been tried long enough-a great deal too long. how has it operated ? how is it still operating on the parties concerned ? it has neither softened nor conciliated, on the contrary, it has irritated and provoked scorn, contempt, insult and defi- the violent prejudices and ferocious pas- sions which the language of conciliation and con- cession was intended to subdue, have, by that means been confirmed and exasperated; prejudice has become more malignant-passion more fu- rious; like flames which blaze out higher and hotter on which oil is thrown instead of water. see how the slave-holding spirit was affected on the receipt of the very conciliatory and conced- ing recommendations and orders in council trans- mitted to the colonists by earl bathurst. see how it exhibited itself in jamaica, in demerara, in barbadoes. in the first, how it bearded, set at nought, and put to defiance, not the govern- ment of england and the king's ministers alone, but the monarch himself.' in demerara, see in what torrents of negro blood it wreaked its das- tardly vengeance ;-how it glutted itself with massacres, executions and fiend-like lacerations, at the bare idea of which humanity sickens. with what malignant, relentless hate it persecuted unto death the mild minister of the religion of peace and love. in barbadoes, see how its fury was sublimated to madness,“ breathing out threat- see the royal jamaica gazette, nov. - , . ning and slaughter,”-trampling on all authority, human and divine-boasting, exulting in havoc and destruction ;-blaspheming the sacred name, by appealing for divine confirmation of their hellish resolution to expel christianity, by hunting down its faithful ministers like beasts of prey :- to persecute, “ to exterminate by fire and sword methodism and all methodists." see, the use which has been made throughout the british slave- colonies, of these very conciliatory and conceding recommendations and orders in council, by the newly enacted draconian slave - codes, (as in utter contempt and bold defiance of british autho- rity) which exhibit “ such perversions of the forms of law to purposes of cruelty and oppression, as can only find their parallel in the execrated pro- ceedings of judge jefferies, or in the practical jurisprudence of constantinople, morocco, or algiers." the conduct of the colonists since the receipt of the meliorating recommendations and orders in council, is a fine comment on the wisdom of tem- porizing, half measures--of advising hardened * see “ an authentic report of the debate on mr. buxton's motion relative to the destruction of the methodist chapel in barbadoes.” see “ the slave colonies of great britain, or a picture of negro slavery, drawn by the colonists themselves,” con- taiping most important documents, recently transmitted from the west indies. criminals to reform themselves. the ungovern- able and ferocious passions excited by their odious vocation of slave-holding, are only exasperated by gentle advice and mild remonstrance; they can be restrained and subdued by the strong arm of law alone-and in their case it would be the great- est kindness to exert it. unbridled power has in- toxicated, driven them to madness. they are maniacs of the most dangerous and desperate description. their own interest, their own safety, requires that their phrenzy should be restrained, should be subdued by a lowering discipline which nothing but the general rejection of their mer- chandize or the force of law can administer. the language and conduct of these colonial bravos have dispelled the delusion long and dearly cherished by certain speculative philanthropists, that crimes of every descriptions are best corrected by gentle means ;—the crimes produced by slave holding, are at all events proved to be exceptions. these crimes have, it is abundantly evident, been dreadfully aggravated and multiplied, by gentle conciliatory attempts at correction ;-restraint and coercion are now imperiously cal- the slave-holding spirit is not to be softened or moderated by parly and remonstrance ; it will not be reasoned into humanity and gentle- ness; it will not be persuaded to enact laws to curb its own fury, or if it be, it is only for the purposes of deception and imposture, to avert the led for. interposition of the british parliament...“ trust not (said the right honourable secretary, twenty six years ago) the masters of slaves in what concerns legislation for slavery. however specious their laws may appear, depend upon it they must be in- effectual in their operation. it is in the nature of things that they should be so. let then the british house of commons do their part themselves. let them not delegate the trust of doing it to those who cannot execute it fairly. let the cvil be remedied by an assembly of free men,--by the government of a free people, and not by the masters of slaves. there is something in the nature of absolute authority, in the relation between master and slave, which makes despotism in all cases, and, under all circumstances, an incompetent and unsure executor even of its own provisions in favour of the objects of its power.” m has the recent history of colonial slavery de- ducted ought from the soundness and force of these maxims, that the same enlightened states- man who uttered them, now issues recommendations to the colonial legislatures to reform their own system? “ if, (says the very powerful refuter of west indian pretensions ") it is fit that. west indian slavery sbould remain unmitigated, let the hapless subjects of it perish in their chains, let the m see “ the slave colonies," &c. p , . n james stephen, esq. house of commons at once rescind its resolu- tions, and leave the poor victims to their fate. but if any thing, however small, is to be done for their relief, i trust that parliament will cease im- potently and mischievously to recom- mend, and begin at length to ordain.” we must go one step beyond this enlightened and decisive philanthropist, and say, let the words melioration, gradual emancipa- tion, and compensation be henceforth blotted out of the anti-slavery vocabulary; let the friends of negro emancipation take advantage of the te- nacious, unyielding spirit; the bold attitude of menace and defiance displayed by the colonists -and seeing that concession is useless,--that conciliation is hopeless, let them make a virtue of necessity, discard all idea of compromise think no more of temporizing, but collecting all their might; standing in the firm attitude of hoodwinked, impartial, even-handed justice, hold the balance steadily poised in which the rights of the slave and those of his master are suspended. hitherto, they have gained nothing for their poor clients, because they have asked too little, the slave-holder saw the weakness, may we without offence say, the pusillanimity, the half-faced cha- racter of gradual emancipation--and he naturally suspected there was not much sincerity or earnest- ness in the requisition ; he therefore determined not only to resist it-but to traduce, vilify and in- sult its supporters ; describing them as “ interested and designing hypocrites;" a vindictive crew ;-in- dulging the abominable desire to cast headlong into the gulph of destruction, or endless misery, all the white inhabitants of the west indies.” let the friends of the poor negro see that nothing henceforth be rescinded from his just claims ;-that no concessions be made, from this time forward, to sordid interest ;-none to artful policy-none to the crafty pretensions or auda- cious demands of their oppressors. let them be satisfied with nothing short of his complete emancipation. had the vengeance of the slave-holder fallen in more stinted measure upon the slave, he might still have been left to the pro- tection of his tender mercies. had the slave- holder manifested any disposition to soften the yoke, or to lighten the heavy burdens of slavery :- to dispense with its galling chains and ignomi- nious scourge ;-had he been disposed to regard and to treat his unhappy captives as human beings instead of brute animals ;--there had then been some sort of excuse for leaving them in his power. but since he imperiously declines to concede to them any of the rights of humanity; since he refuses to recognize any marriage tie between them, but such as finds its only pa- rallel among the beasts of the field;"---since he • see “ the second report of the anti-slavery society." still boldly avows that “ slaves are chattels as much as any other moveable property, --over whom the master has the entire control;" --since he still contends for “the principle in all its naked wickedness, by which he holds in fee simple ab- solute, the bodies and souls of his fellow-crea- tures :"-since, in trinidad, he still insultingly avows-" we did, and do declare, the whip to be essential to west indian discipline;"maye, as essential, my lord calthorpe, as the freedom of the press, and the trial by jury, to the liberty of the subject, in england, and to be justified on equally legitimate grounds. the comfort, welfare, and happiness of our labouring classes cannot subsist without it. the fact may have been denied by others, but never by us. we have never conde scended to equivocate or disguise in this colony. be denied by the west indian committee, but it has never been denied by us.”-since the re- gistry-laws in the mauritius are “a perfect nul- lity,” and the slave trade may there be still carried on.“ without limit or control :"psince the slave-holder exhibits such a determined cha- racter of resistance to british humanity, and defi- ance of british authority ;-it is time for that humanity and that authority to take high and commanding ground, and since the proud citadel of slavery refuses to capitulate, it is fit and right it may p see “ the anti-slavery monthly reporter," no. . the insulted character and law of britain re- quire, that it should be taken by storm-and razed to its foundations. it is time to cut short the hopeless task of legislating in the different colonies, so as to accommodate the re- quisitions of humanity and justice to the various tastes of slave-holders : it is time that british law and british justice should extend with impartial sway through all the bounds of the british empire. seeing the great creator “ hath made of one blood all nations to dwell on the face of the earth,” and hath himself promulgated one law for men of all complexions; it is time that we, who profess to be guided by that law, should no longer presume to make a difference. the dif- ference we have presumed to make, or to tolerate, in the british colonies, has proved an inex- haustible source of crime and misery; it has har- dened and corrupted the white population, as much as it has degraded and oppressed the black ; it has raised the one as much above the just standard, as it has depressed the other below it; -it has inflated the slave-owner with insufferable pride and arrogance, as much as it has sunk the slave into grovelling and abject subjection ; it has incited dark suspicion and coward vengeance in the oppressor, crouching fear and rankling hate in the oppressed, which will never be extinguished, will burst out in successire insurrections and massacres, until both parties are subject to the control of one authoritative impartial law. the colonists spurn at melioration and gradual emancipation. slavery is a desperate diseasema swollen and mortified limb, no emollient appli- cations can stop the rapid progress of the gan- grene,--the health and safety of the body politic require its speedy amputation. + here we had intended to close our animadver- sions on compensation, but finding we have not yet done justice to our own views of the sub- ject, we venture to add a few concluding obser- vations. « government," it is said, “ would be guilty of great injustice, after having not only permitted and sanctioned but bribed the planters by pro- tecting duties, grants and charters to embark their capital in colonial speculations; were they at once to abolish slavery without compensation to the slave-holder, who, but for such permission, sanction and bribes, would have directed his capital into other channels.” there is, it must be admitted, some plausi- bility and apparent force in this reasoning - but before we suffer ourselves to be carried away with it, let us examine and analize it. we must again refer our readers to the work from which in a preceding letter, we have made such large extracts' for incontrovertible arguments proving - that the west indians have no title to their slaves on the ground of purchase, nor on the plea of the law of birth, nor on that of any natural right, nor on that of reason or justice.” “ it remains only to shew, that they have no title to them on the ground of original grants or permissions of governnent, or of acts of parliament or of charters, or of en- glish law. history informs us, that neither the african slave-trade nor west indian slavery would have been allowed, had it not been for the misrepresentations and falsehoods of those who were first concerned in them. the governments of those times were made to believe, first, that the poor africans embarked voluntarily on board the ships which took them from their native land; and secondly, that they were conveyed to the colonies principally for their own benefit, or out of christian feeling for them, that they might be con- verted to christianity. it was in the reign of elizabeth that the execrable slave-trade first began “thoughts on the necessity of improving the condi- tion of the slaves" &c. pages . . . in england. this great princess, on its very com- mencement, seems to have questioned its law- fulness-to have entertained a religious scruple concerning it, and to have revolted at the very thought of it. she seems to have been aware of the evils to which it might lead, and when cap- tain hawkins returned from his first voyage to africa and hispaniola, whither he had carried slaves, she sent for him, and expressed her con- cern lest any of the africans should be carried off without their free consent, declaring that it would be detestable and call down the vengeance of heaven upon the undertakers'! the undertakers'!. captain haw- kins promised to comply with the injunctions of elizabeth, but did not keep his word; for when he again went to africa he seized and carried off many of the inhabitants as slaves. · here (says hill, the historian) began the horrid practice of forcing the african into slavery, an injustice and barbarity, which, so sure as there is vengeance in heaven for the worst of crimes, will, some- time be thÉ destruction of all who encourage it.' “we have therefore the fact well authenticated, as it relates to original grants and permissions, that they originated in fraud and falsh d. neither have the masters of slaves in our own colonies, any title to their slaves on account of any charters which they are able to produce, though their charters are the only source of their now are by two-thirds, or indeed one half of the present force. let it be considered how much labour is lost by overseeing the forced labourer which is saved when he works for his own profit. i have stated with the strictest veracity, the plain matter of fact, that sugar-estates can be worke cheaper by free persons than slaves.": but the evidence drawn from these experi- ments and observations, is controverted and denied by the west indians and their abettors. and what evidence is not controverted and de- nied by them which tends, in any degree, to the detection and exposure of the impolicy and wick- edness of tneir present execrable system ? in opposition to all the facts and reasonings brought by their opponents in proof of the superior profi- tableness of free above compulsory labour, they assert that they ought to be allowed to be the best judges of their own interests ;-that were the broad fact such as the abolitionists have stated, the planters must be idiots or madmen not to act accordingly. but we ask, in the language of the intelligent author above quoted, “does man always act with an enlightened view to self interest? is he uniformly vigilant to observe, and * see“ a letter to m. jean-baptist say, on the compara- tive expense of free and slave labour," by adam hodgson, p. – . . and appendix, p. . . • see “ review of the quarterly review." p. - . q prompt to pursue his real good ? does prejudice or passion never blind or mislead him? nor habit render him slow to follow the dictates of his better judgment?” we have alluded to the superior profitableness of free, above slave labour, not in confirmation of the justice, the expediency and necessity of im- mediate emancipation, (which would be equally just, expedient and necessary were the result of these experiments and observations the very reverse of what has been stated) we allude to the fact for the sole purpose of proving that all claims to com- pensation are groundless and futile on the plea of injury which the planter would sustain from the manumission of his slaves. he will, of course, thereby lose the power of obtaining the market price in ready money, for his human commodity, and may consequently experience a temporary in- convenience; but it will be the fault of his own mismanagement, if he be not ultimately a gainer by the conversion of his slaves into free labourers. but admitting, for the sake of argu- ment, that he would ultimately lose by the transition; is it reasonable or just that the most guilty party in this criminal transaction should be remunerated at the expense of the less guilty ?- the inconsiderate, and for the most part, uncon- scious public, which has for generations been pouring annual millions into the planter's pocket ? we are disposed to resist these claims from no uncharitable or vindictive feeling towards the slave-holders ;-- from no anxiety to save the public purse, but from a conviction of the very in- jurious precedent which their concession would establish; and that the work of emancipation would be thereby defaced and tarnished which otherwise would be one of the most brilliant acts of national justice which the legislature could perform. we would resist all pretensions to com- pensation in this quarter, from a conviction that every jota which is conceded to the loud and im- portunate demands of the slave-holder, is de- ducted from the silent, yet powerful claims of the slave. which, however freely admitted in theory, will be practically withheld in exact proportion. as those of the former are allowed. to the slave-holder, nothing is due ;-to the slave, every thing, which the wisdom of the nation can devise and the wealth of the nation can execute for the instruction, the reformation, the protection, the comfort of these patient victims of national as well as individual injustice and rapacity. finis. thomas combe and son, printers, leicester. “。 power. there is not an individual who holds any of his slaves by a legal title ; for it is ex- pressed in all these charters, whether in those given to william penn and others, for the conti- nent of north america, or in those given for the colonies now under consideration, that the laws and statutes, to be made there, are not to be repug- nant, but, as near as may be, agreeable, to the laws and statutes of this our kingdom of great britain.' but is it consistent with the laws of england, that one man should have the power of forcing another to work for him without wages ? is it consistent with the laws of england, that one man should have the power of flogging, chaining, tor- turing another at his discretion?” " let the west indians then talk no more of their charters; for in consequence of having le- gislated upon principles, which are at variance with those upon which the laws of england are founded, they have forfeited them the mother country has therefore a right to with- draw those charters whenever she pleases, and to substitute such others as she may think proper. the right of the west indians to make any laws at all for their own islands being founded upon their charters alone, and the laws respecting the slaves being contrary to what those charters pre- scribe, the slavery itself is illegal, and if so, all our west ndian slaves are, without exception, all. may be done away. р unlawfully held in bondage. there can, is no master, who has any legal title to any one of them.' how then could it be “ robbery under the garb of mercy,” to deprive the planters at once, and without compensation, of property to which they have no legal title? but no licence, no en- couragement, no rewards which ever have, or ever can be held out either by individuals or govern- ments for the commission of injustice or cruelty, in any degree, absolve the perpetrators from the guilt attached to injustice and cruelty. by as the law written on the heart”—by the voice of conscience-by the express word of the sovereign of the universe they are forbidden. no violations of duty,--no crimes, great or small, are ever com- mitted without a tempter, an instigator,--without bribes and proffered rewards ;--and virtue con- sists in nothing else but their rejection. " how shall i do this great wickedness, and sin against god is the uniform voice of conscience, more or less audible in every moral agent, under the light of divine revelation, whenever tempted to sin by promised impunity, or instigated by prof- fered reward ; if that "still small voice” be disregarded, and the sin committed, true re- pentance, or adequate punishment, must inevi- tably follow :-consequently, whatever intervenes to ward off that humiliation, compunction, and remorse, which would lead to repentance, is doing the greatest injury, instead of benefit, to the of- fender; since it is an irreversible decree that every offence shall receive a just recompense of reward :"-if it be not truly repented of in time, it will be punished in eternity. these, it may be said, are general observations, which do not directly bear on the very complex subject in question. we believe, on the contrary, that they bear directly on all subjects, however complex, in which moral principle is involved ;- but we hope to prove there is, in fact, no com- plexity in that before us. government has sanc- tioned and instigated the planters, by bounties, protecting duties, &c. to embark their capital in slave speculations. they have so embarked it- and they have had their reward;—they have pro- fited by these speculations. government may, therefore, with the strictest justice and propriety, say to the speculators, “ hitherto, we have in- considerately not only connived at, but, at an enormous national expense, supported and en- couraged your inhuman speculations. our eyes are now opened to its atrocity. we will neither encourage nor connive at it any longer. you yourselves have opened our eyes. your own language and conduct,—the fruit which your- selves have exhibited of slave speculations, abun- dantly convince us, had we no other evidence, of the necessity of putting an immediate stop to them. regard for our own character, for the national honour, for your interest, were hu- manity and justice to your victims to be wholly disregarded, imperiously require us to put an immediate stop to your infatuated, blind and in- furiated career. you demand compensation. for what? we purpose to despoil you of none of your illgotten possessions. you purchased or you inherited your slaves ;- you have, to the present moment, enjoyed the full benefit of their uncompensated labours, their nightly as well as daily'toil under the lacerating scourge. but to these slaves, we now clearly perceive you have no legal claim. by the laws of god, by the laws of the british constitution, we can neither impart, nor continue, nor allow your right to hold them in bondage. seeing,—and at length admitting, this self evident truth, we are compelled to act accordingly. our own honour and credit, - the imperious requisitions of humanity, justice and religion, the importunate demands of the peo- ple,--all unite in requiring us to pronounce their immediate emancipation. were we to with- hold this decision, we might rightly be charged with the grossest injustice. but for the emanci- pation of your slaves, you demand of us com- pensation - compensation to the amount of sixty-four millions!!! from whence is this compensation to be drawn, but from the people? the people, out of whose pockets, in bounties, and protecting duties, and military esta- blishments to support your execrable tyranny, we have already drawn annual millions to put into yours. would that be doing justice? would the people tamely submit to such an impost; to remunerate you for the loss of a property to which you never had any just title, either legal or moral, now that their eyes are wide open to the shameful abuse you have made of it? would it be prudent? would it be safe to hazard the ex- periment of such an impost? we believe it would not. and therefore, gentlemen planters, we think it would be prudent and wise in you to forbear to press any such groundless and prepos- terous claims. we say prudent and wise, if you have any regard to your own credit or interest. depend upon it, the best resolution you can adopt on this dangerous subject, is to be silent,-to hush up this business of compensation as quickly as possible ; for the eyes of the people, and our own eyes, being completely opened to this com- pact of injustice, it is utterly vain for you to at- tempt to close them again. a flood of light has fallen, by heavenly direction, upon the whole system of slavery,—its horrid wickedness and miserable impolicy have been fully developed and can never again be hidden. with the mere names and empty profession of humanity, justice, and religion, neither the government nor the people of this great nation will any longer be satisfied- they will have the substantial realities. and therefore, gentlemen slave-holders, we are se- riously persuaded that if, under these circumstan- ces, you persist in urging your illjudged and most illfounded claims, you will certainly make bad worse ;--you will not only lose your labour, but provoke the public indignation to that degree, that if they cannot compel you to make restitution of the criminal gains of oppression and cruelty; they will make those gains a curse to you by attaching to them universal odium and reproach.” but our apologist contends that “ all holders of slave property are not wilfully, consequently, not guiltily such. there are many who have never seen the estates from which they derive their emo- luments, or the slaves by whom they are cultivated. there are many widows and orphans who are the unconscious stipendiaries of this wicked system, and are entirely dependant on the income they derive from it. are these to be cast provisionless and pennyless on the wide world?" no, certainly. we demand justice for the slave at the expense of no injustice in any other quarter. only prove. that the parties in question will become provision- less and pennyless by slave emancipation, and the public, as well as the government will be cheer- fully disposed to render them ample compensation. but the supposed consequence is an improbable and impossible one; we have not only the most irrefragable arguments, but the evidence of expe- riment and fact to prove that with judicious management no ultimate loss, but on the contrary, an ultimate gain will be the consequence of the conversion of slaves into free labourers. emanci- pation, does not involve the confiscation of the estates from which these widows and orphans de rive their subsistence. emancipation, will not doom those estates to perpetual sterility, --will interpose no insuperable obstacle to their profit- able cultivation. that free labour is on the long run more advantageous to the employer than slave labour, is now so generally admitted by intelligent and unprejudiced persons, as no longer to require reproof. “mr. ramsay, who had twenty years experience in the west indies, observes, “i am firmly of opinion that a sugar plantation might be cultivated to more advantage, and at much less expense, by labourers who are free men, than by slaves. dr. dickson, who résided in bar- badoes, as secretary to the late hon. edward hay, governor of that island, observes in his work on the mitigation of slavery, · you need not be informed, that it has been known for many ages by men of reflection, that the labour of slaves, though apparently cheaper, is far dearer in general than that of free men. speaking of mr. steel's experiment, he remarks, 'he has as- certained as a fact, what was before known to the learned as a theory, and to practical men as a paradox, that the paying of negroes for their labour does actually produce a very great profit to the planters. he saw that the negroes, like all other human beings, were to be stimulated to permanent exertion only by a sense of their own interests, in providing for their own wants and those of their offspring. he therefore tried rewards, instead of punishments, which imme- diately roused the most indolent to exertion. his experiments ended in regular wages, which the industry he had excited, enabled him to pay. here was a natural efficient, and profitable reci- procity of interests. his people became con- tented; his mind freed from that perpetual vexation, and that load of anxiety, which are inseparable from the vulgar system, and in little better than four years, the annual nett clearance of his property was more than tripled. the same writer remarks, 'i must refer to an excellent pamphlet, entitled observations on slavery (pub- lished in , by dr. james anderson) which shews that the labour of a west indian slave costs about thrice as much as it would cost if executed by free men.' mr. botham, (the con- ductor of sugar-works at bencoolen) says, “after spending two years in the west indies, i returned to the east in . having experienced the difference of labourers for profit, and labourers from force, i can assert that the savings by the former are very considerable. i do suppose our sugar islands might be better worked than they reasons for substituting east india, for west india sugar. - it is now seventeen years since the slave trade was abolished by the government of this country; but slavery is still perpetuated in our west india colonies, and the horrors of the slave trade are aggravated rather than mitigated.* by making it felony for british sub- jects to be concerned in that inhuman traffic, england has only transferred her share of it to other countries. she has, indeed, by negotiation and remonstrance, en- deavoured to persuade them to follow her example; but has she succeeded ? how should she, whilst there is so little consistency in her conduct? who will listen to her pathetic declamations on the injustice and cruel- ty of the slave trade, whilst she rivets the chains on her own slaves, and subjects them to all the injustice and cruelty which she so eloquently deplores when her own *for abundant proof of the present continuance of the slave trade by the continental powers, to an equal extent and with greater atrocity than ever, in spite of all the efforts of the british government to prevent “ parliamentary papers, relative to the slave trade, and re- ports of the african institution; or in a more abridged form, in a pam- phlet entitled, statements illustrative of the nature of thc slave trade; it, see, interest is no longer at stake? before we can have any rational hope of prevailing on our guilty neighbours to abandon this atrocious commerce, to relinquish the gain of oppression, the wealth obtained by rapine and violence, by the deep groans, the bitter anguish of our unoffending fellow creatures; we must purge ourselves from these pollutions, we must break the iron yoke from off the neck of our own slaves, and let the wretched captives in our own islands go free. then, and not till then, we shall speak to the surrounding nations with the all commanding eloquence of sincerity and truth, and our persuasions will be backed by the irresistible argu- ment of consistent example. but to invite others to be just and merciful whilst we grasp in our own hands the rod of oppression, what is it but cant and hypocrisy ? do such preachers of justice and mercy ever make con- verts ? on the contrary, do they not render themselves ridiculous and contemptible? but let us individually, bring this great question closely home to our own bosoms. we that hear, and read, and approve, and applaud the powerful appeals, the irrefragable arguments against the slave trade, and against slavery, are we ourselves sincere or hypocri- and another entitled, “ cries of africa, to the inhabitants of europe,” by thomas clarkson, both published by harvey, darton, and co. london. for evidence of the injustice and oppression to which the slaves of our west indian colonies and america are still subjected, see, stephen's west indies, bickell's “ west indies as they are ;" hall's and fearon's travels in america, and the numerous pamphlets circulated by the anti- slavery society. tical? are we the true friends of justice, or do we only inake a profession of it? to which party do we really belong? to the friends of emancipation, or of perpe- tual slavery ? every individual belongs to one party or the other, not speculatively, or professionally merely, but practically. the perpetuation of slavery in our west india colonies, is a question in which we are all implicated; we are all guilty (with shame and com- punction let us admit the opprobrious truth) of support- ing and perpetuating slavery. the planter refuses to set his wretched captive at liberty, treats him as a beast of burden, compels his reluctant, unremunerated labourer under the lash of the cart whip: why? because we fur- nish the stimulant to all this injustice, rapacity, and cru- elty, by purchasing its produce! heretofore, it may have been thoughtlessly and unconsciously, but now this palliative is removed ;-the veil of ignorance is rent aside ;-the whole nation must now divide itself into the active supporters, and the active opposers of slave- ry, there is no longer any ground for a neutral party to stand upon. our knowledge on this subject must not end in excla- mations, in petitions and remonstrances. there is something to be done as well as to be said ;-there are tests to prove our sincerity, sacrifices to be offered in confirmation of our zeal. one in particular, (but it is in itself so small and insignificant that it seems almost like burlesque to dignify it with the name of sacrifice,) it is, abstinence from the use of west indian produc- tions; sugar, especially, in the cultivation of which, slave labour is chiefly occupied. small however, and insignificant as the sacrifice may appear, it would at once give the death blow to west indian slavery. when there is no longer a profitable market for the pro- ductions of slave labour, then, and we fear not till then, will the slaves be emancipated.+ reason and eloquence, persuasion and argument have been powerfully exerted, experiments have been fairly made, facts broadly stated in proof of the impolicy as well as iniquity of slavery, to little purpose; even the hope of its extinction, with the concurrence of the planter, or by any enactment of the colonial, or british legislature, is still seen in very remote perspective; so remote, that the heart sickens at the cheerless pros- pect. all the answers have now come in from the dif- ferent west india legislatures to the humane propositions of his majesty's ministers, by which it appears, that the former will do nothing effectual ; that there is a deter- mination to evade or resist all amelioration, and much more every step that has emancipation for its avowed object. there seems to be no hope for humanity, but in the use of force by government (which would not be desirable), or in the virtue of the english people; which would shew their abhorrence of the planters' system by leaving off the use of their produce.* of see second report of the anti-slavery society, and cropper's relief of west indian distress, in which the beneficial effects of a fall in the price of slave grown produce, (arising from a diminished consumption) upon the condition of the slaves, and its immediate influence in promo- ting their gradual emancipation, are clearly proved and admirably illus- trated. *clarkson. “yes, (it may be said) if all would unite in such a resolution ;- but what can the abstinence of a few indivi- duals, or a few families do, towards the accomplishment of so vast an object?” it can do wonders. great ends often result from small beginnings. your resolution will influence that of your friends and neighbours ; each of them will in like manner influence their friends and neighbours, the example will spread from house to house, from city to city; till, among those who have any claim to humanity, there will be but one heart and one mind, one resolution, one uniform practice. thus, by means the most simple and easy, would west indian slavery be the most safely and speedily abolished. should any still be discouraged with the idea that little good can reasonably be expected to result from in- dividual abstinence from west indian produce, let them reflect, that the most astonishing effects of human power have been accomplished by combined exertions; which, when individually and separately considered, appear feeble and insignificant. let them reflect, that the grandest objects of human observation, consist of small agglomerated particles; that the globe itself is compo- sed of atoms too minute for discernment; that extended ages consist of accumulated moments. let them reflect, that greater victories have been achieved by the com- bined expression of individual opinion, than by fleets and armies; that greater moral revolutions have been ac- complished by the combined exertion of individual re- solution, than were ever effected by acts of parliament. the hydra-leaded monster of slavery will never be destroyed by other means than the united expression of individual opinion and the united exertion of individual resolution. let no man restrain the expression of the one, or the exertion of the other, from the apprehen- sion that his single effort will be of no avail. the greatest and the best work must have a beginning ; often it is a very small and obscure one. and though the example in question should not become universal, we may surely hope that it will become general. it is too much to expect that the matter will be ta- ken up (otherwise than to make a jest of it) by the thoughtless and the selfish: what proportion these bear to the considerate and compassionate, remains to be ascertained. by these we may reasonably expect that it will be taken up with resolution and consistency. by christian societies of every denomination, who are sincere in their profession of the one religion of univer- sal compassion, which requires us, “ to love our neigh- bour as ourselves,” this testimony against slavery may be expected to be borne with scrupulous and conscien- tious fidelity. note.-we are now paying in bounty to keep up the prices of sugar, and in establishments and armies, to keep the slaves in subjection, about three millions annually! and all this we are distinctly told by the planters is not sufficient. three inillions more according to their esti- mates must be given them to afford even a moderate remuneration ; which altogether would make an expense to the country of eight pounds on every slaye held in bondage. see, second report of the anti-slavery society. the protecting bounties and prohibitions, apply to various articles, but that abstinence from west india sugar alone would sign the death warrant of west indian slavery, is morally certain. the gratuity of from one to two mil- lions, annually paid by the people of this country in bounties on west indian sugar, is acknowledged by the planters to be insufficient to bolster up their totter- ing system; and they scruple not to declare to parlia- ment, that they may be ruined, if the protecting duty against east india competition be not augmented. one concluding word, to such as may be convinced of the duty, but may still be incredulous as to the effi- cacy of this species of abstinence, from the apprehen- sion that it will never become sufficiently general to accomplish its purpose. should your example not be followed; should it be utterly unavailing towards the attainment of its object; still, it will have its own abun- dant reward; still it will be attended with the con- sciousness of sincerity and consistency;“ of possessing clean hands," of having “no fellowship with the wor- kers of iniquity;" still it will be attended with the ap- probation of conscience, and doubtless with that of the chiefly to sugar; which is the great production of our west india colo- nies ; they are : i. a bounty which is paid on the exportation of refined sugar, and which raises the price of all sugar in the home market, about . per cwt. above its natural price, making an annual sum of £ , , . ii. a high duty of s. per cwt. above what is paid from the west indies, imposed on sugar, the produce of the british dominions in india. great searcher of hearts, who regarded with a favour- able eye, the mite cast by the poor widow into the treasury; and declared, that a cup of cold water only, administered in christian charity, “shall in no wise lose its reward." iii. prohibitory duties on sugar grown in all other parts of the world. these bounties have enabled the british planters to be absent from, and to neglect their own concerns and to delegate to others, the tremen- dous responsibility of their situation. this characteristic of the britisis system is the fruitful source from which many of its peculiar cvils arise. the colonies of spain and portugal have been compelled to support them- selves ; they have neither had bounties on their produce, nor the expen- ses of a standing army paid by the mother country. their system of treat- ment is more mild, they encourage emancipation, and have vast numbers of free labourers ; and these are the countries which are underselling the british sugar planters in all the markets of europe. see a paper, “ on the impolicy of slavery.” suggestions on freedom of commerce and navigation, more especially in reference to the east-india trade. by john prinsep. london: printed for james ridgway, piccadilly. . > suggestions, &c. &c. there can be no stronger indication of the progress and diffusion of correct no- tions upon the subject of commerce in this country, than the necessity, which all wri- ters upon its details appear to feel, of pre- facing their remarks by some reference to those general and universal principles, the truth of which is daily more and more con- firmed by the experience of individuals and of nations. that commerce thrives only in the genial atmosphere of freedom that it languishes under the interference of authority, even when most sincerely ex- erted for its good—that it requires no other bounty or stimulus than the prospect of in- b dividual gain—these are maxims, that will soon obtain the common assent of man- kind. in britain, they have already be- come quite familiar and household doc- trines, which to enlarge upon or to dispute would equally provoke derision. indeed, it was but natural to expect, that the peo- ple, which in practice was, of all others, most deeply engaged, should, in theory also, prove the best proficient in matters of commercial policy. it must be confessed, however, that we have purchased this superiority by no means at à cheap rate. the best school is said to be the school of adversity; and so it has proved in this, as in most other branches of knowledge. a series of po- litical vicissitudes without any former ex- ample, either in frequency or in violencet diversions of the current of trade, which no exertion of foresight could have antici- pated vibrations of credit and of rela- tive value, pregnant with private ruin and public danger--these, and a variety of concurring circumstances, have, for some years past, kept up a continual and fever, ish agitation in the mercantile part of the and so community, that has tended very much to promote the spirit of inquiry, and to sharp- en the speculative genius of the trading classes. the press has teemed with the results of their personal experience or sa- gacity; the materials of right reasoning have been multiplied exceedingly; and those materials have been successfully em- ployed in leading the public mind to a just sense of the national interest. strong has been the conviction, and so de- cided the expression, of public opinion upon many important questions of domes- tic polity, as at length to have enforced the tardy attention and acquiescence of the public authorities, and to have overcome their characteristic aversion to every thing like innovation. -for it were vain to deny, that this pro- gressive improvement, in theory and in practice too, is wholly referable to the sa- gacity and perseverance of individuals, and owes nothing to the exertions of men in office. the depositaries and agents of power have never shown much solicitude for the advancement of knowledge, in this or any other department. had they par- b taken of that impulse, which has been act- ing so strongly upon their inferiors, there have not been wanting in our times abund- ant opportunities for its display, far more inviting than any presented in former ages. in those periodical conferences, which the crowned heads of europe are now in the habit of holding for the discussion of their common views and interests, it were surely not too much to have expected, that the concerns of commerce at large should have occupied some portion of their delibera- tions ; for it was a matter wherein the sub- jects of all had the most evident, as well as the most intense interest. what more fa- vorable moment for the adoption and pro- mulgation of the grand maxim of recipro- city and freedom of intercourse among na- tions ; for the explosion of the capital er- ror of jealous exclusion of foreign pro- ducts, by prohibitory laws or prohibitory taxation? . what better opportunity for the common adjustment of some of those details, most important for facilitating the interchange of products between one na- tion and another; the establishment, for instance, of an uniformity of weights and measures, and of a common standard of metallic money; or the assimilation of the laws affecting trade and traders, and com- mercial instruments? these, and such as these, were matters of common import to all, worthy of the grave attention of so august a conclave. their settlement would have done more to promote the peace and welfare of mankind at large, and to ensure the grateful recollection of posterity, than any thing that has occupied the joint deli- berations of princes since the era of the reformation. and these were topics which the diplomatists of britain, in her hour of triumph, might have pressed upon her al- lies, without exciting their suspicion or jealousy ; whilst her enormous sacrifices in the common cause were yet fresh in their memory, and ere yet the prizes of her energy and the price of their acquiescence had been yielded up with heedless liberal- ity. nay, these were topics, the very ad- vancement of which, on her part, must have given to other nations a pledge of her sincerity and liberal views, and spared her the ungrateful suggestion, so frequent in the mouths of foreigners, that, as all her burthers had been incurred, and all her energies put forth on the narrow principle of trading speculation, they entitled her to no indemnity, and justified those they had finally rescued from thraldom in the adop- tion of an exclusive system, modelled on the plan of her own, and levelled expressly at her humiliation. but the moment has unhappily passed unheeded, when the negociators of britain could have urged these points with almost irresistible force: and ages may roll on be- fore a similar opportunity may present itself to the hopes of mankind. the mor- row of victory has been consumed in a sordid scramble for its spoils, with a total disregard to the wishes, the habits, and the interests of the millions transferred from hand to hand in this unhallowed traffic of domination. as might have been foreseen, the burst of exultation, which the change had at first excited, has long since sub- sided : it has given way to general and deep discontent, the expression or suspicion of which has become so alarming to the whole- sale dealers and brokers in sovereignty, as to have left them little inclination to study any thing beyond the bare conservation of their ill-gotten power, and the permanence of the monarchical system. instead i making the extension of inter-national com- merce the object of their debates, they seem to be laboring to confine it within yet more narrow limits... liberal maxims of trade have become suspected, as akin to liberal maxims of government. to check their diffusion, to prevent their ex- pression, to counteract their effect, every device is put into practice. the operations of the press are systematically obstructed, unless where it acts as the ally of authority. the activity of inter-national intercourse, the free agency of individuals, are repress- ed and violated. prejudices are industri- ously revived; and calumny is let loose in all its virulence, to scatter the seeds of mistrust and discord. no means are neg- lected to weaken and distract, mislead and falsify public opinion, which they are un- willing to conciliate, and afraid to encoun- ter, because they are conscious of deserv- ing its hostility. it is not difficult to foresee the result of these mischievous and ill-timed measures, or to anticipate, at no very distant day perhaps, the violent reaction of an elastic principle, too powerful to be contained by such means, and the probable destruction of those who have ventured upon their ap- plication. for the present, however, they seem to have obtained an ephemeral suc- cess. at all events, they have the practical effect of prolonging, while they last, the in- sulation, in matters of commerce, of those nations that come within their operation ; and of protracting the ruinous duration of a system, founded upon jealousy, exclusion, and monopoly; a system of retaliation, at the expense of self-denial, which aims at a state of independence, as unnatural to na- tions collectively as it is to man in every condition of his being; and perpetuates, if it does not engender, misery and priva- tion to such insulation most of the continen- tal nations seem unhappily doomed for some time longer. prejudice, and the ig- norance of their true interest may, possi- bly, reconcile them to its continuance; and it is most certain, that, while one nation shall persist in upholding it, another will as it find, or fancy, a necessity for doing the like; for each will stand to its neighbour, were, in the relation of a commercial antagonist. fortunately for this country, even supposing the exclusive system to be in full vigor throughout the rest of europe, or of the world, and that she were thereby compelled to the most selfish regard of her own particular interests, she is nevertheless invited by the strongest motives, even of mere self-aggrandizement, to the immediate adoption of the opposite policy. if it be true, that her rank amongst nations de- pends upon her maritime superiority, a po- sition which her friends and her enemies seem perfectly agreed upon; it is no less true, that maritime commerce is the basis of that superiority. to animate that com- merce, therefore; to multiply the objects of traffic, and the occasions of transport; to invite its extension by every possible faci- lity ; to excite new wants on either side, and to anticipate their gratification; to give to the commercial navigation of bri- tain such advantages of freedom as shall secure to it the preference in the carrying trade, are measures of the most obvious benefit, whether other nations shall act upon the exclusive system or not. to her, in deed, the most desirable thing in the world must be, that freedom of commercial inter- course should be universal. for she, being possessed of the largest share of ca- pital, industry, and knowledge, would na turally, in such a state of affairs, engross the largest share of the general commerce, of the supply of the market with manu factured products, and of the business of inter-national transport and navigation. this is at the same time her true interest, and the true interest of all other nations. but, if the ignorance or jealousy of others prevents her enjoying this to the full ex- tent, what is there to preclude her from the benefit of such an approximation at least to this point of desire, as it rests with her- self to attain? the removal of internal impediments to commerce; the entire and reciprocal freedom of navigation through- dut all the parts of her own extended em- pire, spread out as it is into every quarter of the globe ; the free mutual interchange of their respective products; and the most liberal admission of the products of foreign nations to her home and colonial consump- tion, are all within her reach; she may at any time make them her own by her own will and act. perhaps those foreign states, that have adopted exclusion from her example, may learn to amend their institutions by her example also ; and it is to be hoped, for her sake and theirs, that they may. at any rate, until they do, there is no reason why britain should refuse to her own com- merce so vast an advantage, as such a change in her commercial policy would give it, over her less liberal and less wise competitors. the necessity and expedience of such a change, indeed, are now pretty well under- stood; and the errors and prejudices of ages are fast yielding to the momentum of enlightened public opinion. the long pro- mised equality and freedom of trade be- tween ireland and the rest of the united kingdom is at length about to be realized. the rigor of the navigation act, that stalk- ing-horse of the commercial system, that imaginary bulwark of our naval power, has been relaxed in many particulars ; nay, the soundness of its principle has been called into question, and almost abandoned in ar- gument. the direct communication of the british colonies in america and the west indies with foreign markets and with one another, has been legalized*. the trade from port to port within the limits of the east-india company's charter, and that between those ports and the foreign mar- kets of europe and america, have been thrown open to british vesselst. the pri- vileges of the south sea company have sunk into total oblivion. the east-india monopoly has been in a great measure broken down ; and that of the china trade, though left for the present in the hands of a chartered company, seems tottering under the well-directed attacks of its ad- versaries, and will hardly endure for the full period of the legitimate existence as- signed to it. all these are victories gained by the persevering efforts of reason, and afford the strongest evidence of a gradual approach to that sound and wholesome po- licy, which admits of no restriction upon production or consumption that can by any * geò. iv, c, . t & geo. iv, c. . means be dispensed with, and leaves the wants of mankind to seek their own sup- ply at the smallest expense of difficulty, and their industry to the operation of the best and only natural stimulus—the desire of gratification. of all these acquisitions, beyond ques- tion the most important, whether we esti- mate by the effect already produced, or by the expectation of future results, is the destruction of the east-india monopoly, and the opening of the markets of the im- mense area lately comprised within its li- mits to the competition of british capital and commercial enterprise. yet none was more strenuously resisted both by argu- ment and by influence. it was confidently predicted by the advocates of exclusion*, • that the projected change, while it en- dangered the permanence of british do." minion in the east, would be productive of little or no national benefit; that our manufactures would find no vent amongst * vide “ minutes of the court of directors of the th of february, , containing the resolutions of the special com- mittee adopted by the court." published in vo., together with several other documents illustrative of the controversy of that day, by black and co., . resol. , p. a population of manufacturers, whose very limited wants were amply supplied from their domestic resources; that the exces- sive eagerness of speculation would tend to nothing but the ruin of individuals and the impoverishment of the nation; that a great capital would be allured into a dis- tant and hopeless adventure, disastrous to the traders, and injurious to the state. but there were others of more enlarged and liberal views, even amongst the mer- cantile classes, who treated these alarming denunciations as groundless and delusive, and avowed their expectation of a far dif- ferent result. « the wants of the natives of hindustan, it is said, are but few; and that, beyond the attainment of mere sub- sistence, which in this plentiful and genial climate is easily acquired, the mass of in- habitants will never labor for the posses- sion of the luxuries, or even of what we deem the conveniencies of life." t'he ex- perience of past ages contradicts this asser- tion; for the wants of all men increase with their means; and every new enjoyment is the parent of a new desire. ensure, then, to the hindu the product of his labour and ingenuity ; teach him to exchange the surplusfor his own benefit in multiplying his enjoyments; and i hazard little in assuming, that his propensities will be found similar to those of mankind in ge- neral, notwithstanding the influence of an enervating climate and tyrannical religion. what a prospect does this open to the in- dustry of great britain, proyided its pro-, ducts can be introduced at a reasonable rate, and paid fon with the productions of bengal !” such were the words of a free merchant of calcutta *, thirty years ago, and the experience of a very few years has more than verified his expectations ; proving by the testimony of facts, that the natives have begun to feel the advantages of the security afforded by good govern- ment, and that their means have increased and engendered new wants, .. por, what is the picture presented to us, by contrasting the commercial position of great britain, in reference to eastern asia, in , with that in . ?: her ex- ports to thạt quarter have progressively * the late mr. anthony lambert, a man of equal merit and modesty. advanced from less than one to more than four millions *; and the returns, direct and indirect, must necessarily have been in- creased at least in a like ratio. the in- crease of tonnage employed to effect the transport must also have been propor- tionate. this is an increase beyond the most sanguine calculation. but our sur- prise and satisfaction will be still greater, on examining the items that form this aggregate. for, although some part of this vast amount is undoubtedly referable to the enlarged consumption of european products by european residents in asia, which their increasing numbers and the decreasing invoice prices and rates of freight and insurance will naturally account for, the far greater part will be found to consist of the staple products and manu- factures of great britain, of its metals woollens, hardware, pottery, glass, &c., destined to the consumption of the native population. these are both more import- ant and more permanent objects of traffic, than the supply of a migratory population * vide return of exports for , about to be laid before parliament. of europeans with the precarious articles of luxury or vanity. : but the most extraordinary item of all is the article of manufactured cottons, which alone has progressively advanced, between th january, , and th ja- nuary, , in declared value, from , l. to , , l. ; and, in quantity, from , to , , yards : that is to say, more than tenfold in value, and more than twenty-thrée fold in quantity, in a period of eight years !!!* when it is con- sidered, that, long before and since the first establishment of the company upon its shores, cottons had been the staple ma- nufacture of india, and the grand item of its export to the markets of europe also“; that the muslins and calicoes of india had, for centuries, been the principal articles of commerce with the east, and the ordi- nary homeward investment of all the euro- pean companies trading thither; and when, in addition to this, the difference in the price of labor in europe and india respectively, and the distance of transport * vide return to the house of commons, appendix a. c to and fro, are taken into the account, it is scarcely credible, that, in so short a period, there should have been effected a revolution of commerce so important in its nature and consequences, as, that the cotton-wool, grown in the east by a frugal, industrious, and dense population, should be made to bear the cost and risk of trans- port from india to europe ; and, after undergoing the process of manufacture there by a population infinitely less frugal, with every disadvantage of high wages, high taxation, &c. &c., to bear the cost and risk of a second transport back again to india in a wrought state, there to under- sell the native manufactures, and rapidly to extinguish them by the competition. surely this is the very consummation of the triumph of machinery. forty years ago the expectation of such a revolution would have been deemed purely idle. and, even since the commencement of the present century, when it began to be openly entertained by the manufacturers, it was looked upon by the rest of the world as a wild speculation. yet eight years of free trade have realized this asto- sure, nishing change, and opened a field of pro- mise, which it would be difficult to mea- for the present vent for this most important article, great as it is, sinks to nothing in the contemplation of the still further extension, not only possible, but almost inevitable. as yet, the consump- tion of british cotton goods in the east has scarcely exceeded the precincts of calcutta, madras, and bombay, and the immediate vicinity of the european esta- blishments. but the gradual abandonment of the manufacture by the natives, which is already in rapid progress, will leave the one hundred millions of population, spread over the peninsula of india, almost de- pendent upon this country for the supply of this, to them, indispensable article ; and not the population of india only, but that of the numberless continental and insular nations, who were wont to supply them. selves from india: to say nothing of the yet unexplored market of china, which is still within the pale of the company's monopoly. here, then, has been opened a field of c power of adventure for the manufactured products of britain, ample in possession, and bound- less in prospect. and, as if more conclu- sively to establish the triumph of liberal maxims, it has been won without incurring any of those dangers to the permanence of our indian empire, so confidently pre- dicted by the advocates of the old system of exclusion. the territorial britain in asia, instead of being put in peril by “ widening the channel of inter- course between her and india,” has only been further extended and confirmed. the “ ascendancy of european talent," instead of being reduced by the larger influx of europeans, has been raised to the highest pitch of elevation ; insomuch, that even the bugbear of colonization, wherewith the company were wont to excite the alarms of the public, has lost its terrors: nay, so en- tirely has opinion changed on these matters, that, instead of being regarded as pregnant with danger, it is recommended, by many of the highest authorities, both in england and in india, as the best and safest policy for the preservation of our asiatic domi- nion*. the dependence of india, it is now admitted, must rest on other and better foundations, than the exclusion of british talent and the perpetuation of native de- gradation. it must be secured by the sense of personal advantage, inspired by that protection of life, liberty, and property, which good government affords ; by the vi- gilant superintendance of the conduct of the inferior, and the judicious selection of the superior, functionaries, to whom the ad- ministration of so vast and distant a terri- tory, and of so various a population shall be confided; by the liberal and careful use of that enormous patronage, which is to supply the public service of india in every department; in fine, by the just and en- lightened exercise of that power, which, however acquired, it is now a duty the conquerors owe alike to themselves and to the vanquished, to preserve by firmness, equity, and moderation. but, to return to our immediate object of attention, the infinite importance of the * colebrooke's opinion is decidedly in favour of coloniza- tion; and the present chairman of the board of control makes no scruple to declare himself an advocate for it. commercial intercourse with the east, which the recent destruction of the old mo-, nopoly has given us but a taste of as yet, it behoves both thinking and practical men, by the utmost vigilance, to prevent ny check to its growing magnitude, which ignorance or self-interestedness may at- tempt to throw in its way. it will there- fore excite no surprise, that one, who has devoted a large portion of an active life to the enforcement of the benefits of a free trade to the east, and to the advancement of the just claims of the free merchant and ship-builder of british india, should ex- pend some of the small remaining energy of it, in fixing the attention of parliament and the country to some attempts, which have been lately made or renewed, and to some remaining obstacles, which threaten to deprive the nation of great part of the fruits of a victory fairly achieved and vi. gorously contested. although some of them have already been made familiar to the public by the late discussions in the india-house and in parliament, they are of sufficient consequence to find a place in the recapitulation of those difficulties, which the commerce of the east has yet to contend against. the first and most obvious is, the suc- cessful attempt to exclude east-india su- gar from the home market of britain, by the imposition of a higher scale of duty*, for the avowed purpose of giving a pro- portionate bounty and preference to that of west-india growth. this partial mo- nopoly has been granted for a season, it is true; but, as its continuance will be con- tended for on the same principles that have prevailed to obtain it, now, on the eve of its expiration, is the time to expose their fallacy; and the question is one, not only of great moment in itself, but of more danger on account of the precedent it will establish. if the west-indian planter can fairly claim a partial monopoly of the sup- ply of this one commodity to the con- sumption of great britain, why not that of coffee, cotton-wool, cotton-wool, indigo, or any other equinoctial product? the same ar- proper to * by & geo. iv, c. : this part of its provisions will expire, as to great britain, on the th march instant; and as to ireland, on the st of july : but doubtless a great ef- fort will be made for the extension of the term. ĝument, employed in resisting the revival of the principle of monopoly in the in- stance of sugar, and in proving its inex- pedience in every point of view, will equally apply to its extension to any other object of colonial production, which the embarrass- ments of the transatlantic colonies may lead them to press for. let us take a view of the bearings of the question in refer- ence to britain, to india, and to the west indies, respectively. that the wonderful increase of the ex- ports to india, and the still further increase of which they are susceptible, must be paid for with the productions of india of some kind or other, or must be altogether abandoned, is too plain to require expla- nation. sugar, silk, cotton-wool, indigo, are the principal objects which the east can now offer for returns. the cotton fabrics, that, until the late revolution of manufac- ture in that commodity, constituted no less than two-thirds in value of the return car- goes to europe, have been wholly sup- planted in europe and in asia too, by those of great britain. india must hence- forth look - for its export to the raw pro- ducts of its agriculture, of which sugar is not only one of the most valuable and abundant, but is almost the only one of dead weight that will bear the charges of transport. abridge the homeward com- merce of this most important item, and the outward will of necessity suffer an equal diminution, for want of any thing to be given in return. the present state of the exchange with india, and the uni- form complaints of the exporters as to the difficulty and loss in procuring remittances, after the sale of their adventures in india, show the necessity of opening our home consumption to all the raw products of the east:-cotton-wool and silk for light stow- age ;-sugar and saltpetre for dead weight. the whole of them, when remitted in the greatest abundance that britain can di- rectly or indirectly consume, will fall short of the value of the great and growing sup- ply of british commodities, which the wants of the east are willing to receive from this country. virtually to exclude the article of sugar from the home con- sumption of britain, will be tantamount to the extinction of so much of the export thence to india, as a sugar return could be made to pay for. this would be a double sacrifice. the benefit of procuring the satisfaction of our wants at the cheapest possible rate is so obvious, indeed, that, as far as the british consumer is concerned, it has not been attempted to point out any ground of expedience, whereon to justify the compul- sory purchase of sugar of a dearer, in pre- ference to that of a cheaper, growth. the west-indian party has therefore been constrained to admit the protecting duty they have implored and obtained, to be a downright breach of national economy, and a violation of the rights and interests of the british nation at large, and to rest their case upon the consideration due to their present calamitous position, and upon the justice and policy of preserving to the colonists and the empire, a capital, embarked in the channel of west indian cultivation, in the expectation of retaining the virtual mono- poly of supply of the home market with equinoctial products. let us examine this position step by step. in the first place, whatever may be the effect of the protecting duty on the private interests of the individuals concerned in west-indian cultivation, how can it be the means of saving to the nation, in its col- lective capacity, the capital unhappily so embarked ? there can be no saving of capital, where the loss incurred in the at- tempt to save exceeds the value of the thing to be saved. : the whole value of the west indies to great britian consists in the mar- ket they offer to her products : and if bri- tain abandons an ampler market in the east, to preserye a smaller one in the west, does she not thereby sacrifice a greater value for a less? in the calculations of an individual, such conduct would be set down as an imprudent waste, instead of a saving, of capital. inthe next place, what was the monopoly, upon the expectation of which the capital embarked in the british west indies was induced to take that direction? assuredly not the exclusion of east-india sugar by a protecting duty: such a measure was never suggested until very lately. during the late war, and for many previous years, the west-indian growers of sugar enjoyed a natural monopoly, in the shorter distance and less hazardous navigation, in the great- er cheapness of freight and insurance, and in the certainty of quicker returns. this is the actual monopoly, in the confidence of which his cultivation was undertaken; and this he enjoys at present, as much as when he first commenced his operations. it is secured to him by nature. it was not until the return of peace, seconded by the im- provement of nautical science, had reduced the rate of insurance comparatively to a mere trifle,—and the sudden discharge into the channel of commerce of the immense quantity of tonnage occupied in the busi- ness of war, had brought freights down to a rate altogether ruinous to the ship-owner, whereby the natural monopoly was for a season rendered in a great measure nuga- tory,—that a protecting duty was ever claim- ed or obtained. but these were casual and transient circumstances, that could never justify an innovation, contrary to the inte- rests of all the rest of the community. at all events, when their operation ceases, as it must do at no distant period in the ordi- nary course of events, the natural monopoly will be restored to the full extent; and it is upon that, and ироп that alone, that the calcu- lations of the west indian were built, and ought in reason and justice for ever to have rested. but, further, can the capital thus em- barked be eventually saved, even to the in- dividuals concerned, by the protecting duty thus improvidently granted, supposing it to prove effectual in excluding the east-indian product from the home market ? the french and spanish islands, suri- nam, brazil, and the newly emancipated states upon the northern and southern con- tinents of america, can produce cheaper than our own islands, and must all come directly or indirectly into competition with them. are all these likewise to remain for ever excluded from the supply of the home market, as well as the product of eastern asia ? are the demands of all these regions for british products to be cramped, con- fined, or possibly extinguished, for the pro- tection of a sinking concern, which probably, after all, may only be preserved, ere long to be swallowed up by the animosity of its own negro population, led on by another tous- . saint, and stirred up by the marked dis- tinction of color, and the never-failing in- stinct of resistance to oppression? this is indeed a fearful anticipation, even to those altogether unconnected with west-indian affairs, but it is one that forces itself upon the attention of every political reasoner of ordinary foresight, and should never be lost sight of in estimating the value of its west-indian connections to the british nation, hitherto the question of the protecting duty has been considered only in reference, either to the british consumer or to the west-indian colonist; but there is a third party, that is quite as deserving of attention ; and that is, the native population of india. by the prodigious revolution of the cotton manufacture above noticed, that popula- tion has been deprived of one great source of occupation and prosperity. the millions of hands lately engaged, during a large por- tion of the year, in the simple cotton looms of the native weavers of india, are thrown out of employment by the competition of british industry aided by machinery. in what way can they henceforth gain a sub- sistence, or bestow their labor, but in the enlarged production of cotton-wool, silk, sugar, and other raw commodities? sugar is for many reasons one of the most impor- tant. are they not only to be shut out of their ancient channel of manufacture, in favor of the manufactures of great britain, but at the same time to be deprived of a market for one of the most valuable objects of their agriculture, in favor of rival grow- ers in the west, who must always enjoy the natural advantages of lower freight and in- surance, and speedier returns ? is nothing due to the indian vassals of the empire for the loss of their own great staple of export and home consumption ? nothing to the company for the probable defalcation of its land revenue, which this extraordinary change will occasion ? the parental care of the central administration is equally due to every portion of its subjects : tenderness must not be shewn to one at the expense of cruelty to another. moreover, it has been attempted to enlist the national prejudices on the side of the west-indian connection, by extolling it as the best nursery for seamen, and the readi- est resource for the manning of our navy in case of emergency. this is a ground yet less tenable than the positions already ex- amined. any external commerce,employing the same quantity of british tonnage, and the same number of hands in its navigation, will afford an equal nursery for seamen, and an equal resource in the hour of peril. were the whole of the sugar and other colo- nial produce now imported into great bri- tain derived from the east instead of the west, the least reflection must convince any man of common understanding, that, inasmuch as the voyage in the former traf, fic is twice as distant, twice as difficult, and twice as hazardous as in the latter, superior seamanship and double the amount of ton- nage must be employed to effect the same aggregate import, and the export it would imply. wherefore, in regard to the great national object of encouraging the maritime pursuits of our population, the intercourse with the east must be of double the value of that with the west. nor is it any objec- tion, that in the former the crews may con- sist partly of lascars; for this will be obvi- ated by the superiority of europeans in long and hazardous voyages. besides, it is just as easy to exclude the employment of indian as of negro or foreign sailors by a legislative enactment*: and this is one of the provisions of the bill brought forward, but not pursued, in the course of the last session of parliament. enough has been said to expose the in- justice and inexpedience of the protecting duty on sugar, extorted by the representa- tions of the west indians in a moment of extraordinary depression. but it would be wrong to dismiss the subject, without a word or two of good-will addressed to the west indians themselves. that they are now laboring under a calamitous pressure, which must sink them irrecoverably if it continue much longer, is most certain. equally certain is it, that their hour of ca- lamity has not commenced with the rival- ry of east-indian products. that rivalry, it is true, has been assisted by the concur- ring depression of the shipping interest, and * this has already been provided for by the expression in the registry acts," and navigated according to law;" i.e. by seven british sailors to every hundred tons, and a british commander, with a dispensation, however, in respect to the first requisite when british seamen are not to be had. d by the ruinous cheapness of freight and in- surance, which, as above remarked, have weakened for the time the natural mono- poly, which the difference of distance must always give. but this is a temporary cir- cumstance, equally affecting all the other dependencies of britain. the continued suffering and depression of the planters will be found to spring from very different causes, ---partly from their own imprudence and miscalculation, and from the extravagant charges of colonial government - partly from the protracted existence of a mono- poly of their import and export, in favor of the mother country, even now but partially abandoned, though inconsistent with reason and justice ; and to the yet more absurd monopoly of sugar-refining, for the ad- vantage of some score or two of ger- mans domiciled amongst us--but, above all, to the exorbitant taxation of their products when destined to home con- sumption, to which they have been virtual- ly.confined: a taxation which no skill, eco- nomy, or diligence of the growers can long bear up against. this last is the real bane of our external commerce, foreign and co- lonial. this it is that limits our home con- sumption, cramps the activity of an indus- trious population in every department of manufacture, and silently and indirectly promotes the relative advancement of our competitors. if the west indian would ever rise from his present depression, let him stir himself without loss of time to get rid of these bur- thens and impediments : let him reform the abuses of colonial administration : let him assert his right to supply himself at the cheapest hands with every object of his wants, and to sell in return his own pro- ducts to the best bidder, wherever he is to be found; for neither has yet been fully conceded : let him demand the liberty of etporting his product in whatever state of preparation he may find most advantageous; and call upon the parent state to reduce the exorbitant ratio of her taxation upon her home consumption of his products. in all these demands he will be cordially supported by the rival growers of the east, as well as by the wishes and the interests of the british consumer, for all are alike concerned in enforcing them. but let d him not be guilty of the gross inconsist- ency of exclaiming against a monopoly that presses hardly upon himself, while he is at the same moment soliciting in his own favor another monopoly, equally oppres- sive to his rivals, as well as destructive of the benefit of the whole community. at present, he appears in the odious light of seeking to impose restrictions upon the commercial intercourse of a rival, at the very instant of the relaxation * of those which had obstructed his own. so much for the attempt of the west- indian party to exclude one of the staple products of the east from rivalry, by means of a protecting duty on its introduc- tion into the home market. the other ob- struction to the enlargement of our com- mercial relations with the markets of the east, which has attracted the attention of the mercantile classes, is the difficulty op- posed to the freedom of navigation. this, though not of equal importance with the sugar question, is yet well worthy of con- sideration; not only on account of the * by stat. geo. iv, c. , . actual injury sustained, but also, inasmuch as it exhibits another instance of illiberality and inconsistency, similar to that we have been just commenting upon. let us see how the matter stands, in respect to the navigation between india and britain. this navigation, as the law now stands, is confined to vessels of not less than tons burthen*, navigated according to law; i. e. with the requisites prescribed by the act of navigationt, and subsequent sta- tutes on that head. and these vessels are obliged to provide themselves with licenses, specifying the ports and places in the east, whereat alone they are authorized to touch, and take in or discharge cargo. thus, it is subjected to a twofold restric- tion: first, in respect to the size and ton- nage of the vessels ; secondly, in respect to the range from port to port within the limits of the company's charter. against this double restriction, the trad- ing and shipping interests of great britain very justly remonstrate. the former has been admitted to be 'utterly useless for * geo. ill, c. , § . ** car. ii, c. . any good purpose*, and directly inju- rious to the owners and builders of all ves- sels of an inferior class. both equally sub- ject the british trader to a limitation, from which the foreign merchant is exempt. and the latter disables him from entering at all into. that circuitous traffic in the eastern seas, which may be necessary or beneficial for the obtaining a full return cargo for the european market; and al- together excludes british shipping from enjoying what is denominated, the coun- try trade. these inconveniencies have be- come so manifest, that the government and the company itself seem, in the course of the last session of parliament, to have agreed on the propriety of their re- movalt. and, if an obstacle has occurred vide, correspondence between the board of control and the court of directors, laid before parliament th july, -parliamentary papers of , no. . + debate on the navigation bill, house of commons, may, . “ mr. wallace; ! our system, an artificial one, narrowed, and ought to be extended to the utmost verge. the benefits of unfettered trade ought to be extended to whatever soil, climate, or quarter of the globe the trader's destiny attaches him. the object of this bill to avow this end, or at all events to mark the disposition of great britain to effect it.'” – vide, the act geo. iv, cap. . to retard this desirable measure, it has been interposed, partly by the refusal to abandon the protecting duty on east-india sugar, and partly by the blind selfishness of the shipping interest of great britain. will it be believed, that, at the same time that the ship-owners and builders of great britain were pressing upon the ministry and the legislature a measure, designed to give themselves the free range of the indian seas, and the free participation in the carrying, or country, trade of those seas, with the ship-owners of british india, they were actually laboring to perpetuate the total exclusion of these latter from the navigation with the rest of the globe, and to withhold from them the advantages of british registry, common to all other co- lonies and dependencies of the empire, and expressly secured to them by the terms of the navigation act ? nay, such a pretension is boldly avowed: it has been sanctioned by an act of the legislature passed in *, confining the privileges of registry to a certain class of india-built * geo. iii, c. , $ . ships therein specified, and excluding in- discriminately all those of after-construc- tion : and ministers are pledged to sup- port it*. the right of india-built shipping to bri- tish registry is not a new question : it was fully discussed as long ago as , when the late lord melville, then mr. dundas, took a prominent part in the affairs of india. it was then established by lawt, and admitted as coming within the express terms of the celebrated navigation act i. on the faith of this decision, british sub- jects settled at calcutta, bombay, and elsewhere, have since expended large ca- pitals in the construction of docks and building of vessels there, for the purposes of trade between india and europe. the vessels built there, which had presented themselves for registry before the general * vide, correspondence referred to supra, p. in not. + geo. iii, c. . | car. ii, c. , § , clearly defines what is to be un- derstood by english shipping, i.e. “ built in england, ireland, wales, guernsey or jersey, berwick-upon-tweed, or any of the lands, islands, dominions, or territories of his majesty, in africa, asia, or america, belonging to or in his posses- sion.” opening of the trade in , had met with no serious opposition ; and those still in existence are now actually navigating with british registers *. others would no doubt have presented themselves, but for the provision of the act of t, which re- stricted the granting of registry for trade westward of the cape of good hope to those already built, and the navigation westward of the cape of good hope to such of these latter as were of the burthen of three hundred and fifty tons and up- wards. it is worthy of remark, that this is not an old monopoly which it is attempted to continue and uphold, but a modern inno- vation. the attempt to introduce it at the former period, when it was so warmly contested, failed of success; but now, that most of its old opponents have quitted the field, and their arguments are almost for- gotten, it has been covertly renewed, with, it is to be hoped, a merely temporary suc- it may be well to examine briefly for whose benefit it is intended, and upon cess. * vide a return of their names and tonnage, appendix b. † geo. iii, c. , $ , referred to supra. what grounds it is, at this time of day, en- deavoured to be justified. & the object of the exclusion is openly avowed, not only by those most active in soliciting it, but by the board of control in its recent correspondence laid before parliament*. it is, to give a monopoly of ship-building for the east-india trade to the shipwrights of great britain ; and of the navigation to the owner of british built vessels. in respect to the grounds of its justifi- cation, it may be useful to revert to the ar- gumėnts employed in , and industri- ously revived in , for the purpose of reconciling the public to the bill then brought forward. it was urged, on the score of policy, that it was most dangerous to permit the growth of a rivalry in british india to interfere with the prosperity of the ship-builders of great britain, on whom alone, she can safely rely for the mainte- nance of her marine. is it not somewhat singular, that this objection should not have occurred to the framers or admirers * referred to supra, p. in not. s of the navigation act, or have been raised against the ship-building of the other co- lonies or dependencies of the empire, es- pecially those of north america, now in= corporated into the united states, and those still remaining to us in that quarter of the globe ? what complaints have ever been made against the registry, the employment, or even the sale to foreigners, of vessels built at bermuda, at halifax, oi in the river st. lawrence? what national danger was ever apprehended from the construction of ships at new york, or any other of the ports of our north american colonies now separated from the mother country ? on the contrary, it was wisely declared, that the diffusion of skill and ca- pital in this important branch of mecha- nism over every part of the empire, contri- buted to the security of its maritime pow- er; that the resources of one part might supply the casual deficiencies of the rest. besides, the mere fabric is, after all, but a secondary consideration. it is in the stout hearts and skilful hands of a seafaring po- pulation that maritime strength consists ; and not in the ability of the national ship- wrights, or excellence of the materials they have to work upon; although these are certainly most important objects. where those hearts and hands exist, it is the inte rest of the nation, fortunate enough to pos. sess them, to obtain the materiel of its navy at the cheapest possible rate for which it can be had from any part of its own do- minions, or even perhaps from foreigners. and this point of view is most important to the question. for experience has un- happily shown, that the ships and sailors of north america may be formidable foes as well as able auxiliaries. but from british india no such reverse can be apprehended. even supposing that india too should throw off the yoke of centuries, and re- tain the art of ship-building after her de- fection, to work up the excellent timber she possesses for the construction of a ma- rine ; is there any one so wild as to antici- pate danger to our naval supremacy, from the enfeebled native sailors of our eastern territories, who are most reluctantly entrust- ed with the management of vessels of traffic? it would be the extreme of ignorance to imagine, that the admission of india-built shipping to participate on equal terms with that of british construction in the general commerce of the world, could ever deprive the shipwrights of great britain of em- ployment. it is well known, to all who have ever inquired into the subject, that the expenses of building in the dock-yards of india are so high, that, notwithstanding the durability of teak as a material, it was with the greatest difficulty they could maintain any thing like a competition, even in time of war, when the rates of building in great britain were swelled to the highest pitch, by the enormous demands of the war in the naval branch of expen- diture. how, then, can such a competi- tion be dreaded, with peace prices both of labor and of materials in europe, when those of india have suffered no corre- sponding diminution? the ship-builders seem aware of the weakness of their pretensions, by the anxi- ety with which they have exerted them- selves to enlist on their side the prejudices and self-interest of the landholders, and to hold out to them the hollow bait of a monopoly of the growth of timber for the purposes of naval architecture. but, in the first place, the landholders may be quite at their ease on this head, as far as india is concerned. oak timber, under any circumstances, will, for many years to come, be preferred to teak as a cheaper material for the coasting and european trade, for the commerce of america, and for the navigation of the eastern seas by europeans. and, if they had not this as- surance, still it requires little experience in matters of domestic policy to perceive, that the landholder of great britain is far more deeply interested in the general in- erease and prosperity of the national com- merce with her own colonies and dependen- cies, and with other nations, than in the inconsiderable advance in the price of his oak timber, which the total exclusion of teak, whether wrought or unwrought, might possibly occasion. the nation, which can navigate cheaper than others, will be sure to engross the carrying trade, and with it the commerce it circulates; and it will be strange if maritime power does not follow in their train. these arguments are, however, so flimsy, that it is scarcely necessary to dwell upon them longer. indeed, so little weight do they seem to have carried with the public authorities, that the board of control, in its late correspondence* with the court of directors, in which it arows the intention of ministers to continue the exclusion of india-built shipping in despite of the strong remonstrance of the company, has not deigned to notice any one of them.; but has placed its defence on the single and intelligible ground of the “ state of dea pression under which the ship-owners now labor.” this is at the least candid and manly. let us look a little into the validity of this solitary plea. · the ship-owners are in a state of de: pression. true: of most ruinous des pression. how came they so ? was it by the influx of the score or two of in- dia-built vessels † that had found their way to european ports, and been admit- ted to registry previously to , when their future admission was interdicted ? assuredly not. their depression was à natural consequence of the transition from war to peace; of the cessation of * referred to supra, passint. + for a list of their names and tonnage, vide appendix b, infra. the demand for the transport service; of the immense amount of tonnage suddenly released from that service, and returned into the general fund of tonnage appli- cable to the purposes of commerce. and if the ship-owner suffered, the ship- builder could not do otherwise than suffer. his business will be at a stand, until the glut of tonnage shall have gra- dually found a vent in the enlarged opera- tions of commerce, or have been consumed by the ordinary course of wear and tear. till that vent be found, vessels of large burthen will be hardly worth repair. but it cannot now be far off; the elements are fast executing their work : and, whether it be near or distant, the temporary depres- sion can afford no reasonable pretext for an act of barefaced injustice to another class of ship-owners, at least as much de- pressed as themselves. the ship-owners and ship-builders of british india, all of them subjects, most of them natives of britain,--are not they also depressed by the operation of the same causes ? their ships had most of them been built during the continuance of the company's mono- poly, when the eastern seas were shut against the british ship-owner, except through the medium of the company's ser- vice. the country trade was then their mo- nopoly. that monopoly disappeared with the qualified renewal of the company's charter in , which let in the compe- tition of british-built tonnage on a much more liberal footing than before. peace crowded their harbours too with a great sur- plus of tonnage, seeking in vain for employ- ment; they too were depressed, ruinously depressed. where is the justice or policy of relieving one class of sufferers by in- creasing the pressure on the other ? what would the ship-owners of britain say to a demand by those of india for relief, by reviving the old exclusion of british ves- sels from the navigation of the eastern seas, except in the employ of the com- pany? the attempt, in favor of the british ship-owner and ship-builder, to exclude the teak timber and teak ships of india from a free participation with those of every other external possession of the british e crown, is but a part of the same narrow system, which suggested the exclusion of its sugar by a protecting duty in favor of the west-indian sugar planter. both are urged in the same spirit ; both are in- stances of the pertinacity, with which the several classes of active life pursue each its partial and immediate benefit, to the prejudice of all the rest of the community. and mark the object and result of these and similar measures, india is to be the vent for the home manufactures of bri- tain; to take off her woollens, her hard- ware, her pottery, her glass, the innumer- able products raised by her skill and in- dustry to meet or excite wants of every kind. even her cottons are to supplant the labors of indian looms, and to extin- guish the occupation, that furnished with subsistence millions of the natives of our asiatic provinces. yet the products of india are to be excluded with the most in- vidious jealousy from the home market of britain; her sugars by iniquitous protects ing duties from british consumption ; her timber from british dock-yards ; her ships (and ships too are products) from british registry and rights of navigation. at this rate, how is the intercourse to continue ? where the returns for an increasing ex- port? what is to become of the industry of british india ? and how is that general contentment of its population to be secured, on which depends the constancy of its al- legiance? it is time that great britain should be. gin to act systematically upon a maxim now admitted by all parties; viz. that there neither is nor can be any consider- able external vent for the products of na- tional industry, without the acceptance of external products in exchange; in other words, without the home consumption of foreign commodities : and that their exclu- sion, whether openly attempted by down- right prohibition, or covertly effected by the pressure of taxation, tends but to the destitution of that very industry it professes to protect and promote. perseverance in her present commercial policy must impair the prosperity, at once of the mother country and of its co- lonies and dependencies : yet the latter will not all suffer in equal degree. to her transatlantic possessions it threatens total destruction : loss of income to the pro- prietor, of principal and interest to the mortgagee; bankruptcy to the trader and consignee ; and the extinction of an exten- sive branch of commerce and source of revenue to the nation at large. the con- tinent of india, though it has the most to complain of, has the least to apprehend: its injuries cannot extend beyond the pri- vation of a lucrative intercourse, it has only now begun to enjoy or appreciate. her population will only be thrown back upon its own resources,-compelled still to vegetate in ignorance upon the bare neces- saries of life, to which it has been hereto- fore confined. a check will be given to all further growth of new desires, the gra- tification of which could not have been effected without infinite mutual advantage. yet what is there to prevent the gradual, but early, adoption of a more liberal and enlightened policy, for the common good alike of the colonies and of the parent state? ignorance and prejudice no longer afford a pretext for the obstinate adherence to a system, which all exclaim against, and all feel to be ruinous. the british consumer has a right to some relief from a scale of duties upon import*, which directly abridges his enjoyments, and indirectly paralyzes the national industry, without an equivalent increase of the national re- venue. he claims, that the barriers of ex- clusion and exclusive taxation shall be le- velled, or at least expanded. the west- indians claim, and have already in part obtained t, a direct intercourse with the markets of other nations, which, if earlier admitted, might have alleviated some of their present difficulties, but which now can scarcely do more than enable them to supply the wants of their cultiva- tion at a somewhat cheaper rate. the east indians assert the right to the admis- sion of their products in the markets of the * muscovado sugar, by the last printed average for oc- tober , appears to have been sold per cwt. as follows :- east india. west india. in bond............ £. £ duty | price to the whole- sale buyer ....... on clayed, of either growth, an additional duty of . is charged. † by stat. geo. iv, c. , , referred to supra, p. , . mother-country, upon equal terms with other colonial growers, and of their ships to all the advantages of british registry. all these claims are equally founded in jus- tice and expedience, though, in point of extent and importance, some are more entitled to consideration than others. for, what advantage can the insular possessions of britain in the west, with their limited ter- ritory and population, present to british en- terprise and capital, at all equivalent to the direct supply of the growing wants of the hundred millions on the continent of india, already within the sphere of british domi- nion, and the indirect supply of perhaps as many more, spread far and wide from the shores of the red sea to the extremes of the eastern archipelago, and of the re- dundant population of the celestial empire ? here is, indeed, a market for british ma- nufactures, a vent for its surplus product, in comparison with which the expected demands of emancipated spanish america, even if realized to the full extent, and su- peradded to west-indian consumption, must, for ages to come, shrink into insig- nificance. but, let it not be forgotten, that com- mercial intercourse can only be maintained upon the principle of reciprocity, even be- tween a parent state and its own external dependencies. receive the products of india in return, else she cannot pay for your manufacturés : admit her teak timber into your dock-yards, like the fir timber of canada, her ships to registry and free navigation, and her sugar, cotton, and coffee on equal terms with those of your west-indian islands, and the demand of asia for your products will increase beyond your most sanguine hopes. close your ports against her shipping, your arsenals against her timber, your markets against the products of her agriculture ; and you compel the millions of your eastern sub- jects to forego the satisfaction of their rising desires, by stifling the ability to gra- tify them. these truths need only to be re-stated and kept continually alive in the attention of the public, to frustrate the exertions of those amongst us, who have a personal in- terest in the continuance of monopoly and exclusion. the ship-builders of the causes. thames have no stronger claim to com- miseration than those of the hooghly; the sugar-planters of jamaica, than the cotton- weavers of bengal or the carnatic. the change of system, like the change of fashion, cannot be effected without indi- vidual loss : but those, who speculate upon the permanence of error and injustice, build upon a foundation of sand, and ought not to be amazed, if the fabric of their folly gives way, sooner or later, to the steady operation of truth and natural transition from a complex, uu- just, and artificial state, to one more simple, just, and natural, will, doubtless, involve the ruin of whole classes of respectable individuals. but such is the inevitable result of the stern march of public events ; of the general improvement, which the last century has produced in civilization, art, and science, and, we must hope too, in true religion and morality. the consi- deration of private loss, even if it were not absorbed in the certainty of public gain, would yield to the conviction, that error, when discerned, can never be a permanent guide of human conduct, and that loss, at one time or other, must be inevitable, though it may perhaps be deferred for a season. these impediments to the extension of intercourse between india and britain, are equally important in practice and in princi- ple. that they are so is pretty evident, from the anxiety evinced, on the one hand, by the trading and manufacturing classes to rid themselves of them, and, on the other, by those who derive a personal advantage from them, to secure their continuance. the stand made by the court of directors in the first instance, and the court of proprie- tors in their support, to resist any extension of the freedom of navigation and commerce within the limits of the company's charter, although such extension is admitted on all hands to be most desirable, unless on the condition of the removal of these impedi- ments, however paradoxical it may be in principle, will yet be entitled to praise, if it should have the effect of extorting the concessions demanded. retaliation, indeed, has no other legitimate object than this, of compelling a wrong-headed antagonist to liberal conduct, and enforcing reciprocity by the sense of mutual privation. this was the avowed object of the united states of america, in their recent measures of retaliation towards the trade of france and england; and with both it has been successfully pursued*. it is to be hoped, that, in a matter of domestic policy, eng- land will not disdain to learn experience from a kindred, though now a rival nation: and that the enlightened president of the board of control, instead of yielding to the resistance of the company, for the sake of preserving an undue advantage to the west- india planter, and to the british ship-owner and builder, at the expense of the nation at large, will see the wisdom and justice of acceding the only points in difference, and thus render his proposed bill more complete and effectual. there is yet another topic, which cannot be left altogether unnoticed, while the sub- sisting difficulties in the way of a more en- * vide, convention of commerce, ratified d july, , between england and the united states of america, granting “ free liberty to the subjects to come with their ships and car- goes to all places to which other foreigners are permitted to come, to hire and occupy houses and warehouses, and reside in any parts of the said territories respectively.” larged traffic with the untried markets of the east are under review. it is one of sufficient consequence to have attracted a great deal more of the public attention than seems to have been given to it. yet it cannot be approached without consider- able diffidence: and that is, the continuance of the trade carried on by the company. to those at all acquainted with the details of commerce it will be evident, that nothing can be more injurious to the private trader, who hazards his own talent, capital, and credit upon the fair calculation of the de- mand abroad and at home for the objects of his traffic, than to have to sustain a com- petition, not with individual talent, capital, and credit, animated by the same motives, and acting upon the same principles as him- self; but with a great corporate body, pos- sessing unlimited command of capital and credit, sure of the preference of the market, and able at any time, by its own operations, to vary the ratio of supply and demand without control, to render nugatory the calculations of individuals, and to make the expectation of profit or loss a mere gambling adventure. this must in all cases prove a very serious impediment to private commerce; and it is a mischief insepar- able from the existence of great trading corporations in a commercial nation. the mischief is felt most severely, when great abundance of capital and activity of trade have reduced profits to the lowesť rate; which is precisely the case in great britain at the present period. but the case in question presents this mischief in the form the most monstrous, that it could by possibility assume. for here the private trader has to compete, not with a corporate body, like the philippine company of spain, operating upon a large joint-stock capital, yet confined to the pur- poses of commerce, and obliged to look to commerce (monopoly commerce it is true) for the replenishment and maintenance of that capital, and for the dividends it shall make to the shareholders ; but with a body, possessed of the sovereignty and public re- venue of an area larger than most kingdoms of europe, and covered with a population of fifty millions; which can supply the capital of its commerce from the receipts of a national exchequer, and indemnify it- self for the losses of its own corporate trade, by the duties on trade carried on by its private competitors* in the one instance, there is some little chance of prudence and foresight in the commercial transactions of the company. however cumbrous its ope- rations and profuse its system of manage- ment; however liable to be cheated by its agents, and every way inferior in frugality, energy, and sagacity to the individual trader, still the end and object it has in view must be the same, though the means * the power of the company to impose new or additional duties in india, upon import and export, is qualified by the last act for renewal of its charter ( geo. iii, c. , s. ); and, it is but justice to admit, that it has always been very sparingly exercised. goods of british manufacture are sub- jected to a duty of per cent. only; and woollens, metals, canvas, and marine stores are admitted duty free. foreign products pay , and wines and spirits per cent., if im- ported in british, and double duty if imported in foreign bottoms. but, however moderate the exercise of this power, the objection on principle is equally strong. the import effected by the sovereign pays the duty to the sovereign : in other words, pays no duty at all. supposing the gross price to the indian consumer, inclusive of duty, to reimburse to the private importer the prime cost and charges only, without any profit to himself, he can have no inducement to continue his investments, but the import of the sovereign company will still have a motive; inasmuch as, although it can make no profit as merchant, it will gain the whole amount of the duty as sovereign. herein is the inequality. of arriving at it be ever so ill chosen or ill employed. in the other, even this inad- equate security for good management va- nishes : improvidence carries with it no self- punishment, no self-adjusting check, no germ of repentance. the trade is prose- cuted as an engine of patronage, not as a means of profit; and its operations pervert- ed, ignorantly perhaps, or it may be in- tentionally, to injure and counteract those of the private trader, and to deter him from so unequal a competition. thus, individuals are ruined or driven out of the field, and the company, as merchants, are not benefit- ed: while the interests of the subjects of their sovereignty are wantonly sacrificed. the commerce of the trading sovereign is an item of annual expenditure, and not of income, like the national manufacturing establishments of tapestry and porcelain maintained by france; and a part of that revenue, which is never justly levied but for the purposes of good government, is perverted to the manifest injury and loss of the subject community. that this is no fanciful picture, must be well known to every merchant, who has meddled with the east-india trade since it was thrown open to individuals. did one house of business make a handsome profit upon a home-ward adventure of silk ? in steps the company, greedy to share the advantage; forestalls all the silk in the market; raises its price, and is probably a loser by the concern. has another been fortunate in an out-ward investment of iron? the company forthwith gluts the market with iron, to its own loss, and to the ruin of the private exporter, if he have been so unlucky as to repeat his dealing. mean- while, the speculator lies by with his capital in hand, and possibly in the end picks up a profit out of the folly of the one side and the unmerited misfortune of the other. thus, it is the obvious tendency of the system to give to this third party, who is the least deserving, the whole of what poor private advantage can be saved out of the wreck of the general interests, that such a course of policy presents in the result. it is time that this matter should be fully and rigorously inquired into; that the company should be called upon by parli- ament for a complele statement of the profit and loss account of their trade since , exclusive of the china concern. should it appear, that even a considerable profit has accrued to the company, it will infallibly be far too little to weigh in the balance against the manifold evils it must have occasioned to the private trade. but it will, doubtless, turn out just the reverse ; a loss and not a profit will be shown: for it would be quite out of all reason to sup- pose the concerns of a great corporate company, with all its inherent disadvan- tages, can have been better planned or better conducted than those of individuals; and they have confessedly made a loss. how, then, will it be possible, on any ra- tional ground, to resist the demand, that the anomaly of a trade carried on by cor- porate sovereigns should be abandoned altogether — when, besides its injury to private trade, it shall stand forth displayed to all the world as a losing concern, even to the conductors themselves? but it is to be hoped, that the exposure, and the decision it must necessarily pro- voke, will be rendered needless by the company's voluntary abandonment of what must be found utterly indefensible. the great plea for the continuance of their trade has now become obsolete. the dif- ficulty of making remittances for the sup- port of the company's establishment, and the payment of the interest of its debt in europe, was always more imaginary than real. the increased and increasing amount of the private trade has removed it al- together ; and the arrangements of the indian governments for the future pay- ment, in india, of the interest upon their debts, will dissipate even the shadow of such a pretext. if, notwithstanding, the company should persist in a traffic, alike ruinous to themselves, and destructive of the common benefit of britain and of in- dia, their only ostensible motive will be, the desire to retain the paltry patronage derived from its prosecution. is this a motive they will venture to avow, or to act upon in the face of the country? is it one, that ought for a moment to arrest the solicitude of the legislature for the relief of the distress and stagnation of the na- tional commerce ? but the company has too large interests at stake, to hesitate about so poor a trifle. with a direct dominion over fifty millions, and an indirect one over as many more, it has enough to occupy its attention in the vigilant control, enough to satisfy its cu- pidity in the civil, military, and miscella- neous patronage, which the mere adminis- tration of such an empire involves. con- stitutional jealousy has placed and pre- served this enormous influence in their hands ; in them constitutional jealousy will continue to leave it, so long as the confi- dence of the nation shall be justified, by the use that shall be made of this prodi- gious trust. is it for the fiduciary posses- sors of so prolific and splendid a tutelage to oppose themselves to the desires, and to counteract the designs, of those, upon whose indulgence alone depends the per- manence of their power and patronage ? such a machinery of gover ment stands in need of more popularity, than even the most judicious distribution of its envied patronage can acquire : it can exist only by retaining the favor of public opinion ; for it has no parallel in ancient or modern times, and has been adopted in this in- stance with extreme jealousy, distrust, and apprehension. when the family of medici mounted from the counter to the throne, it had the wisdom to sink the qualities of the mer- chant in the nobler attributes of the prince. the company too commenced as a trader, and has grown into a sovereign: can it not learn to follow such an example? or, if it needs must retain the stamp of its ori- ginal destiny, can it not be content with the china monopoly, while that abuse (for abuse it is beyond all question) shall be suffered to endure? though trading sovereigns have been long since exploded, sovereign monopolists may obstruct the general good for a few years yet to come. but the company must prepare itself ere long, to relinquish this last hold of its pri- mitive institution, and, with the functions of sovereignty, to assume its virtues and its dignity. but these, perhaps, are suggestions, be- yond the immediate scope and object of these pages. it is sufficient for our pre- sent purpose to point out a mischief, which is every day growing more serious, and to denounce to those, who look to the east for the amplest extension of british com- merce, this other great obstacle to its pro- gress. whatever be the course adopted by the company, it is fit the public should know its own interest, and be apprized, if it be not so already, that, besides the vir- tual exclusion of the sugars, and the re- fusal of registry to the shipping, of india, this additional impediment stands in the way of the full perception of those bene- fits, which the markets of the east offer in unlimited profusion to british industry and british enterprize. the end, appendi x. appendix a. cotton goods.-return to an order of the honourable house of commons, dated th june, ;-for an account of manufactured cotton goods, printed and plain, which have been exported from great britain to ports and places to the eastward of the cape of good hope, from st january, , to st january, ; signifying the number of pieces and yards, and the value thereof, and distinguishing the quantity and value of each year's export. $. s. d. s. le total cotton manu- declared value of printed cottons. plain cottons. factures of all cotton goods other sorts. exported to ports eastward of the cape of good quantity declared value. quantity declared value. declared value. hope. year ending yards. £. d. yards £. d. £. £. d. th january, ... records destroyed by fire at the custom house. ... , , , , , , ... , , , , , , .. , , , , , , ... , , , , , , , , ... , , , , , , , , ... , , , , , , , , ... , , , , , , , , ... , , , | , , , , , , inspector general's office, custom house, william irving, london, th june . inspector general of the imports and exports of great britain. appendix b. medway cartier ...... an account of the number of ships built in the east indies, with their tonnage, for which certificates of registry have been granted since january, , in the port of london, and in the outports. ships' names. tonnage. ships' names. tonnage. sparrow britannia althea charlotte wellesley ... anna bellona...... nonsuch seringapatam harriett abercromby........ duke of bronti......... warren hastings ...... admiral rainier royal charlotte porcher anna sarah berwick juliana eliza ann........... aurora ...... surat castle............ lucy and maria carron marian ... lady shore hope cecilia .... union bangalore countess of sutherland gabriel arran varuna.. clyde caledonia ........... ruby cornwallis mangles minerva sir william pulteney exeter star highland chief matilda calcutta hope shaw ardasher margaret scaleby castle ......... fortitude armenia ships, and , tons. cuvera ...... vide reports and papers on india shipping & trade. (black. .) . london: printed by charles wood, poppin's court, fleet street. a speedy end to slavery in our west india colonies, by safe, effectual, and equitable means, for the benefit of all parties concerned. “ fiat justitia." by t. s. winn, formerly resident in the west indies : author of “ emancipation ; or, practical advice to british slave- holders ; with suggestions for the general improvement of west india affairs," to be had at the same publishers. london : sold by w. phillips, george yard, lombard street; j. & a. arch, cornbill; and j. hatchard & son, piccadilly. . printed by j. cowell, , terrace, pimlico. preface. in a pamphlet published in february last year, entitled “ emancipation, or practical ad- vice to british slave-holders ; with suggestions for the general improvement of west india affairs,” i chiefly pointed out the necessity and advantages of an abolition of slavery in our west india colonies.—the principal object of the ensuing pages, is to propose a specific plan for that purpose; and to shew that, under certain regulations, it may be effected at once and for ever, with safety, justice, and benefit to all par- ties concerned.--and if not done at once, it is not likely to be done at all, or not until the lapse of ages.--if so, then ought slavery to longer exist in the british dominions ? st june, . n. b.—the former pamphlet was intended as, and will be found a necessary introduction and accompaniment to the present work. ) a speedy end to slavery. that « in a late pamphlet entitled " emancipation, or prac- tical advice to british slave-holders," i have stated slavery in our west indies might safely and beneficially be abolished at once and for ever, at least in name and odium, with many of its greatest evils, and ought to be done.”-i there suggested measures in part of a plan for that purpose, and undertook to enter more fully on the subject in a supplementary work.--i here endeavor to fulfil that engagement. it is now generally admitted by disinterested persons, that slavery in any mode or degree ought not to be toler- ated within the british dominions longer than it can well be got rid of—and that such is the nature of the system, as not to admit of any modification, so as to render it just or tolerable for permanent continuance, but only as a preparation for its total abolition.-it follows, that the sooner and nearer we can safely bring slaves to the condition of freemen, and put an end to slavery altogether, by the most eligible means for all parties concerned, this is the great desideratum-with such view let us consider first,- what is best to be done respecting the pre- sent existing race of slaves. secondly,-as to their descendants henceforth born, or now under a certain age. thirdly,-indemnification to slave-owners. a | the abolitionists, i believe almost universally, have given up in hopeless despair the present existing race of slaves, as unfit subjects for general emancipation; and only aim at ameliorating their condition as slaves.--"tis true they wish to allow them to purchase their freedom in whole or in part, whenever they can obtain enough by their earnings or otherwise, and chuse so to appropriate it-but this, though a favorite plan, and not without its advantages where it can be well effected, yet is it unjust in principle, and moreover, i believe, will be found nugatory in general practice. ». that it is unjust in principle will appear, because the slave (and fairly) denies the right of his task-master to enslave him at all, and is entitled to his freedom without fee or reward; having been no party to the bargain of his own enslavement, effected against his will and deserts by force or fraud. moreover, to compensation for the time he may have been unjustly deprived of this hiş natural right, bestowed on him by his creator, and may claim the same indemnity for his wife and children. the slave-holder may well compound for henceforth ceasing from such injustice, if the injured party will allow w him to escape for the past with impunity. is it just, is it a boon, to allow a slave his freedom, which is his right, on the sole condition that he pay his unjust detainer the price he values him at as his slave, so as to render it immaterial to the slave-holder whether he retain the man or the money–why he would so dispose of the slave to any dealer in the market! is the injured party to have no other redress or advantage ! and even were the slave to pay for his redemption at an under valuation, however low, it would in principle be equally admitting the right of his oppressor to hold him in slavery. as well might the holder of stolen goods refuse to make restitu, tion to the rightful owner 'till indemnified by him in full or in part for their worth.-no, no, west india proprie- tors have no claim, in any mode or degree, on their slaves for their supposed value as such, whatever they may have on the government that has tolerated, and even encouraged, if not guarranteed their nefarious system-let them look to that quarter, if they must be paid for ceasing from oppression! and not meanly as unjustly further seek to work such compensation out of the bones and sinews of their poor slaves, whom they have already so long and deeply injured...thus is the scheme unjust in principle. that it would prove nugatory in general practice i believe, because comparatively few slaves would be able, even if disposed, thus to purchase or work out their freedom--their time and strength being usually so much employed in their owner's service even if slaves should be allowed the talked of extra half day, besides sundays, for their own use, and are otherwise so limited in their resources, that in most cases, even if industrious and prudent, they could not earn more on their own account than sufficient to provide necessaries for them- selves and families not furnished by their owners, and keep their affairs in order, which at present they have not time or means to do—and female slaves generally would be still less able to work out or purchase their freedom-so that husbands thus effecting their own emancipation would also have to redeem their wives, or leave them in slavery-even supposing their children should be rendered free by other means. most slaves work for their owner six entire days of the week, exclusive of sundays, for the nights of their labour during the crop season are at least equal to the saturday afternoons, or days in the year allowed by law to the slave for his own use, even if bona fide he gets them, which is not always the case. and even on a sundays he works at least indirectly for his task-master by cultivating his own provision ground to obtain food indispensably necessary for his subsistence as a slave, and for his family, not otherwise furnished by his obdu- rate owner; and is often set to do odd jobs about the estate on sundays for the proprietor. besides all this, is it expected he should work himself free by extra labour ?-in most cases it would be found as impossible, even if allowed the talked of extra half day, as in all unjust and cruel. n.b.-planters in the old colonies say, "they cannot allow their slaves more leisure than at present, because of the general exhausted state of their soil."-so then, they first wear out their land by incessant crops of sugar, and other improvident management; and then make it an excuse for further exhaustion of their slaves !-oh the mean and merciless rapacity of slave-holders! alas, the poor slave must pay for all deficiences of his unsparing oppressor! as for the fine told stories of slaves being able to amass and actually possessing hundreds of pounds in- dividually, if any such instances can be produced, they must be extremely rare, and under very uncommon cir- cumstances, though perhaps just enough to swear by, and answer the purpose of the advocates of slavery, with their usual sophistry to argue from solitary excep- tions, instead of general results.--at best most slaves, if favorably circumstanced, such as living and having their provision grounds near a market town, or being mechanics, &c. may be able to acquire small gains, which if carefully saved and accumulated beyond their current wants, could seldom amount to more than a few dollars and many, certainly by far the greater part of the slave population, have not the means to this extent in their power.-as for a few head drivers, or other peculiarly favoured slaves, they are merely exceptions to the general case. · in the spanish and portuguese colonies, instances of slaves purchasing their own freedom are not uncommon, but there slaves are allowed much more leisure for themselves, are worked less, and otherwise better treat- ed and provided for by their owners than, to our national disgrace, is the case in the british west indies-where slaves generally would not be able to effect it, or not 'till an advanced age, after much overstrained toil and privation, when their proprietor would probably be glad to emancipate them gratuitously, in order to get rid of his own worn out slaves, and then what is to become of them ?—but whether in early life or late, could slaves far more generally and easily, than probably would prove the case, be able to buy off their slavery, ought the savings of their care and industry at their little leisure thus to be wrung from them to satisfy the un- just demand, the mcan and pitiless rapacity of their en- slaver—and will they not want it themselves, especially to begin the world with, or provide for old age or infir- mity—to say nothing of help for their families. but slave-holders, crafty, and rapacious to the last, would fain wind up as they have gone on, and when no longer allowed to continue their nefarious system, then as a finishing squeeze to their poor victims, would make them purchase their own personal carcasses, which they can no longer enslave, or elsewhere find a market to dispose of them; besides which, they pretty well know that few slaves comparatively would be able to buy off their thraldom, and thus the system in the main would be prolonged at least during the existing generation and those few who could redeem themselves, must do it by giving them an equivalent, that too generally after the task-master has had the best of their days, then would expect tribute from the children, retaining them 'till paid, so perhaps by their descendants and the abolitionists are in danger of being duped by such jockeying mancuvres-plausible as they may appear to persons without practical knowledge of the matter, but, say the advocates for this plan, “consider the habits of order, industry, economy, &c. it would pre- viously produce in slaves thus buying, or working out their freedom,"-all this may be accomplished in at least an equal degree, with many more advantages, on a much juster principle, and greater certainty of effect, by other means which in due course i shall here pre- pose, after the most mature deliberation, and clear con- viction of their practicability, necessity, and advantage, beyond any plan that i know of, as far as existing circumstances will admit, for all necessary purposes. first,--let us consider the soundness of the supposed axiom--that the present race of slaves cannot be speedily and generally emancipated with safety and advantage to themselves and the white colonists. why were all slaves declared free at once and for ever? this could not add to their physical power---they would neither be more strong or more numerous than before.---nor could it alter their mental or moral qualities, except for the better, improving their minds and manners, which under good government and treat- ment would render them orderly, useful, and content, and furnish them with motives for being so. the samo power which now keeps them in subjection as an oppressed and consequently dissatisfied body of slaves, must surely prove sufficient (and much more likely with less occasions for its exertion) to render them at least as orderly and useful as freedmen under the government and protection of the laws, their masters also endowed with all due power for every good and necessary pur- pose, though not for evil, backed by the constituted authorities, to enforce justice between the parties.- if emancipated slaves, or others, break any law, or authorized regulation, they must abide the penalty and punishment provided, besides having other motivés for good conduct and character. this is found sufficient for government of the people, whether enlightened or not, in all well regulated communities. -our rulers do not trust to the wisdom or virtue of those under their sub- jection for keeping them in order, but to the laws, and power of enforcing obedience. nor need slaves declared free by a general act be let loose on the community, but remain attached to the estate or establishment to which they belong at the time of their emancipation, at least for a certain period, and bound to serve their late owners as indentured servants for fair remuneration. this has been the actual state of society in hayti, not only during the last twenty years since its independence under a black government, but also for several years before in that island, then st. domingo, and the other slave settlements during the sovereignty of france, and possession of the white colonists.----and certainly our slaves of the present day, are far more enlightened and civilized than those, then mostly africans, of the french colonies more than thirty years ago, on the declaration of their general freedom by the national government, which in was admitted and put into practice by the french west india proprietors. these slaves in the french colonies were at once emancipated, without education or other preparation, and remained free for several successive years, obedient to the laws, attached to the estates, and working for the masters they formerly belonged to as slaves, and were as orderly, and useful, as during their previous state of slavery.-more especially consider the state of hayti to be better instructed and as before observed, the slaves of the present day are far more knowing than those of former times—and let it never be lost sight of that the degree of knowledge and improved intellect our slaves have already attained, which must continue to increase, in spite of their masters, renders the attempt proportionately more dangerous for a few emaciated whites to keep near a million of human beings in slavery and oppression, in such a country and climate as the west indies. let slave-holders seriously reflect on the peril to themselves. the slaves have already attained a degree of know- ledge and civilization more than compatible with their condition as slaves, or for the safety of those who keep them in bondage; this must continue to go on-and re- quires and will admit of a different plan, especially of quicker operation, for general emancipation, &c. than might have been practicable and necessary for past gene- rations less enlightened,and chiefly imported from africa. slave-holders have dexterously objected to the plan of rendering free all children henceforth born of slave parents “ because, because," say they, “. say they, “the parents would be dissatisfied at not being rendered free as well as their children," which proprietors will not allow.- this we ad- mit would probably be the case, and that so far the argu- ment stands good—but not to the farther extent slave- holders artfully mean to use it, namely, as a sufficient excuse for not liberating either parents or children, which if once admitted might be always urged, and prove an effectual bar to general emancipation, until children can be born without parents—but it does prove more than intended (often the case with sophistical argument) namely, the necessity of liberating both parents and children. certainly to tell near a million of existing slaves, “ye are born too soon ever to be free--slaves must ye live, slaves must ye die”-many of them in early life to look forward for many years of hopeless slavery, to end only in the grave, is indeed enough, especially with their in- creased knowledge and civilization, to goad them to desperation.- 'tis in vain to tell them, “your children henceforth born may be free”—’tis an aggravation of their own hard fate to make use of a homely saying, near is my shirt, but nearer is my skin"-this senti- ment particularly prevails with uneducated people and 'tis among the evils of slavery, to weaken even the strongest tie in nature, that of parental affection !--tis in vain to offer them freedom on the unjust and difficult, if not impossible terms of buying themselves -- those comparatively few who might be able; may not chuse so to appropriate the fruit of their toil-at any rate, it ought not to be required of them. then too, are not the existing race of slaves as much entitled in justice and humanity to freedom as their unborn children ? nay even more so, by the unjust sufferings they have already sustained let this consideration weigh with the govern- ment and nation, whatever effect it may have with slave-holders generally.-to liberate all slave children henceforth born, is certainly a good and equitable plan as far as it goes—but why not also render full justice to their more injured parents, as far as possibly compati- ble with the welfare of the latter, and the public good. i shall further endeavor to shew that the right may be accorded with as much safety and good policy, as jus- tice and mercy. . i submit the following propositions as chiefly appli- cable to the present race of slaves above the age of say seven years at the time of their general adoption in practice--a different modification of the plan, which i shall also point out, will be necessary for their descen- dants afterwards born, or at the time under the afore- mentioned age. i. let all slaves be declared free and placed under the government and protection of just and necessary laws framed in the first instance by joint commissioners ap- pointed by the national and colonial governments, and finally ratified, with power to abrogate, alter or enąct, retained by the king in counoil or parliament. ii. let resident commissioners be appointed, paid, and removable at pleasure, by the supreme government, as guardians to maintain the rights of the negroes and people of colour in the colonies--such commissioners not to hold any other office, or engage in any pecuniary pursuit within the colony. iii. let all persons be endowed with sufficient power to enforce due order and obedience from their servants, backed by the constituted authorities, to which appeal may be made by either party. iv. let all slaves of the present race above years of age when freed by the act, remain attached for life, if necessary, to the estate or establishment to which they belong at the time of their general emancipation, except in cases hereafter mentioned. v. let all slaves aforesaid freed under the age of , continue to serve their late owner 'till they arrive at that period, receiving food, cloathing, and other neces- saries prescribed by law, without pecuniary wages. vi. let all slaves aforementioned, above the age of , whether freed before or afterwards by passing the act, continue to serve their late owner, receiving necessary food, besides provision grounds, cloathing, and, if able bodied, wages in money. vii. all persons to take sufficient care of their sick and disabled servants, but to be released from paying them pecuniary wages during their disability-which may be stopped in certain cases proved of wilful idleness, re- fractoriness, or other misconduct, by award of the pro- per authorities. viii. no persons to let out their servants for the use of others, without consent of their guardians, and certain other regulations. ix. transfers of servants between a certain age may be allowed at the option of the master, provided the ser- vant consents, and his constituted guardians approve, but not otherwise-of course, members of families must never be separated against their will, or any transfered beyond the colony. x. servants above the age of may be allowed, at cer- tain periods, or notice, to transfer themselves to other eligible masters willing to receive them, with the con- sent of their then retaining principal, or approval of their guardians, and other proper authorities appointed to arbitrate between master and servant. xi. servants above the age of , with good character and conduot, on satisfactorily shewing to the proper authorities that they can probably maintain themselves by their funds or resources, may at certain periods, be released from their servitude.--if such persons should afterwards be found in a state of destitution, if able bodied, the constituted authorities may be empowered to provide and enforce employment on them—if disabled by age or infirmity, then to be maintained by the parish or district. xii. the constituted authorities may transfer servants, with assent of their guardians, to other masters, when- ever their retaining employer cannot properly provide for them, or for other sufficient causes and in cases of wilfulmal-treatment, neglect, or certain other misconduct by the master, or his agent, may inflict a fine or other punishment on the principal or offender. now let us consider, article by article, the nature and effects of the foregoing propositions. i. “let all slaves be declared free, and placed under the government and protection of just and necessary laws, framed in the first instance by joint commissioners appointed by the national and colonial governments, and finally ratified, with power to abrogate, alter or enact, retained by the king in council or parliament. that all slaves may be declared at once and for ever free, with safety and advantage to all parties concerned; that good policy as well as justice renders the measure imperiously necessary, i have already endeavored to shew-and that placing them under the government and protection of the law, the constituted authorities, and fair controul, instead of arbitrary will, of their masters, must prove sufficient for every just and necessary purpose--the government of the law to restrain them from doing evil, and its protection to shield them from sustaining injury without redress.- let a code of laws, with other regulations, institutions, and provisions, be formed for the government, protection, instruction, encouragement, &c. of the black and coloured people of all classes, suited to existing circumstances. -respect- ing the present race of slaves aforesaid, though they may safely and advantageously be declared at once and for ever free, it is not expedient or prudent to admit them at once to all the full rights and privileges of men and citizens.-let all necessary restraints be imposed, which may be relaxed hereafter as they or their descendants increase in knowledge, property, and civili- zation.-let all the restrains even of the slave system be retained as far as necessary, but no farther, and the whole sanctioned and administered by fair and legal authorities. thus may the slave system be at once abolished in name, odium, and greatest evils, yet all its power, with other aid, be still retained and exercised on juster principles, for every good and necessary purpose, though not for evil. this in practical reality, is not a sudden or entire but only gradual reformation, best suited to existing circumstances--much hereafter will remain to be done at proper times-though it is at once bringing our slaves as near to the condition of free subjects, as may be done with safety and advantage to themselves and others concerned---and founding the plan on a proper basis. but it is most essential that the necessary measures, both in formation and practice, should not be left to the will and discretion of the white colonists, at least in their present state of prejudice and long continued habits acquired during the existence of slavery-or this fatal error alone will render abortive all hopes of ma- terial reform--though they ought to have a voice at least in proposing measures, and their experience, judgment, and fair interests duly attended to--but as a salutary balancing power let independent, impartial, and otherwise competent commissioners be appointed by the crown to act for the benefit of all parties con- cerned; and the supreme government exercise its right and power over its colonies to order and enforce whats ever may be for the general good, and maintenance of equal justice among all its subjects without distinction of colour or condition :-who can doubt this right, or shew 'tis infringing on the fair and admitted privileges of the colonies, for the mother government to prevent one class from injuring others of the community, whether in england or any part of its domonions, equally under its controul our west india slave-holders have the assurance to clamour about their sacred rights and liberties, as en- glishmen and british colonists--and pray what becomes of the sacred rights and liberties of their slaves, as men and british subjects ?“and will the english govern- ment continue to allow one part to enslave another of its own people, and within its own territory? monstrous! -and this our colonists call their sacred rights and liberties, namely, to enslave their fellow creatures, and fellow subjects--matchless effrontery! to urge their own sacred rights and liberties, as the best plea for violating those of others. ii.“ let resident commissioners be appointed, paid, and removable at pleasure, by the supreme government, as guardians to maintain the rights of the negroes and people of colour in the colonies such commissioners not to hold any other office, or engage in any pecuniary pursuit within the colony." · the spanisb and portuguese national governments, whatever may be their defects in other respects, have wisely and mercifully made and enforce many salutary regulations for the protection and benefit of the black and coloured people enslaved or free in their colonies, and also appointed guardians to maintain their rights. ---the practical consequence is, that these classes are far more liberally treated, and slavery itself rendered much less grievous, and emancipation much more easily obtained, than in the british settlements, with all our boasted justice and humanity-we have left the black and coloured people entirely to the uncontrouled will and power of the white colonists—by which the free are nearly as much oppressed, though differently, as are the slaves. such are the general and long continued pre- judices, assumed superiority, and domineering habits, and too often otherwise the want of principle and feel- ing of the white colonists towards the negroes, and even lighter shades free or enslaved-that it will be as much necessary to guard the black and coloured people from oppression even under a system of general eman- cipation, at least in its early stages, as during the existence of slavery. let all laws, or other regulations and institutions for their government, protection, and benefit, originate with, or be sanctioned by the supreme government at home-but if it stop here, why even the most salutary ordinations may become mere nullities in practice, if their execution be left to the uncontroled will and dis- cretion of the colonial governments and people. it is this which renders them so tenacious of their arro- gated right, privilege, or prescription, to legislate, regu- late, and administer as to all internal affairs of their colony, at any rate, that they are the best qualified and most proper parties for the purpose-but if the mother government concede these points either as of right, or by courtesy, or supposed expediency, or be content with a mere veto to any of their proposed mea- sures, or retaining and exercising the right in full to legis-, late or ordain for its colonies, yet leave the execution of its decrees to the colonial constituted authorities, without sufficient controul, then will the colonists be leſt to do as they please-and, among other conse- quences, never will the black and coloured people be effectually protected from injustice — and if general emancipation ever take place, which is not likely, under such a system, it will be merely nominal freedom, but real slavery and oppression.--the supreme govern- ment must not only ordain or approve of all measures affecting the negroes and people of colour, but also, watch over and controul their current execution by its own power and agents. look at the colonial black codes as they now stand, and passing by their many cruel and unjust, to a few more equitable and lenient enactments, passed of late years by the local legislatures, in consequence of the outery at home against the enormities of their slave system—these read very plausibly on paper, but mostly were never intended, nor are they adopted or enforced in general practice. let independent competent persons be appointed by the crown to reside in the colonies, and their duties clearly defined, as guardians to maintain the rights, and promote the welfare of the black and coloured people--and that equal law and justice may be adminis- tered to all parties without distinction of colour--let also commissioners be so appointed to judge and decide in cases between white, black, and coloured subjects— and in due time, hereafter, courts may be established for this purpose, and juries admitted consisting of an equal number of persons of the same colour and station as the contending parties—and in all requisite cases, an appeal may be made by either party to the king's government, or legal functionaries on the spot, or to the king in council, or to parliament. iii, “let all persons be endowed with sufficient power to enforce due order and obedience from their b servants, backed by the constituted authorities, to which appeal may be made by either party.” having already sufficiently expatiated on the points contained in this proposition, i shall not here enlarge on the subject-but only ask whether the provisions of this rd article are not enough for every good and necessary purpose ?—though not for evil, hence the objections of slave-holders.-and are not the working classes governed on the same principles in all well regulated communities !-nor are the negroes of the present day in the west indies more ignorant or vicious than the lower orders in europe for centuries—nor more numerous and physically powerful than the whites, and their natural allies, under good treatment, the people of colour in our west india colonies, than are the lower, compared with the higher classes in most countries.- nor are negroes more than other people likely to rebel, except goaded to it by oppression. however, take more nearly analogous cases --look at seirra leone, the island of hayti, and our territory in the east indies.- and are not the whites in our west indies, in full pos- session of the government, local influence, and power, with nearly all the property real and personal, in the colonies, with superior knowledge, for knowledge is power;—and under the protection of the fleets, armies, and other resources of a mighty empire, the mother country ;-which might justly be employed in the support of order and good government for the public welfare- not as at present, enforcing an infamous system of slavery.—yet let it be remembered, that the white colonists in st. domingo, with full similar advantages, could no longer keep up their reign of oppression, or escape with impunity, when their slaves had resolved to be free, and avenge themselves on their tyrants.-nor has all the power of france been able to recover the colony. iv. “let all slaves of the present race above years of age when freed by the act, remain attached for life, if necessary, to the estate or establishment to which they belong at the time of their emancipation, except in cases hereafter mentioned.” the justice and necessity of this regulation, with the exceptions that may be fairly admitted, i shall further in due course point out. v. “let all slaves aforesaid freed under the age of say thirty-four, continue to serve their late owner 'till they arrive at that period, receiving food, cloathing, and other necessaries prescribed by law, without pecuniary wages." 'tis true, that requiring slaves to work for their owner gratuitously up to the age of , or for any period, is thus far in fact admitting the principle of slaves working out their freedom by their services—but mark, not by extra labour wrung from scanty intervals of leisure after almost incessant toil for their task-master.-no, but only during the usual hours of labour allowed to their owner. this constitutes a vast difference.--and although in strict justice, the slave is not bound even thus far to pay for his freedom, yet existing circumstances render it expedient for all parties concerned--so it may be con- ceeded. i propose that such emancipated slaves of the present race, should, until the age of , continue to serve their former owner on the same terms as during their slavery, because it will afford about years services in the prime of their life to remunerate their late owner for their supposed value as slaves—and it has been a usual calculation among slave-holders, that with good times and management able bodied slaves will, in about seven years, have repaid by their services their owner's capital invested in them, principal and interest-but as this cal- b age of , having been slaves, receive pecuniary wages for their services—this is not only strictly just, but must also prove reciprocally beneficial both for masters and servants, and will alone go far in doing away with the evil relicks of the slave system.--servants will be con- tent with being remunerated in the specific shape of wages at their own optional disposal, far more than even a much larger amount expended on them in any other mode.-tis a practical proof best suited to their capa- city and feelings that they are thus far free agents justly dealt with, and left to do as they like with their earnings, and will best stimulate their exertions in their master's service, and to promote their own welfare. the rate of wages in money, for slaves of the present race on attaining the age of , freed by the act, and still attached to estates or other establishments (except- ing those under years of age at the time of general emancipation, on arriving at a certain maturity) may be very low-say for instance, clear of all deduction, dollars a year to each able bodied man, and to a wo- man—which might vary according to circumstances, but ought never to be below that clear amount.-of course, it will also be requisite that masters should con- tinue to furnish such freed servants of the present race of slaves attached to them, with besides provision grounds, certain indispensable articles of food, cloathing, &c. which they might not be sufficiently provident, or conveniently able to provide for themselves, even if they had the pecuniary means, and certainly the very low rate of wages here proposed would be quite inade- quate to-or a higher amount of pecuniary wages might be given, and the fair value of necessaries furnished be deducted at stated times of settlement but then such wages must be in proportion, so as to leave a sufficient surplus, and establish the principle of peculium at their own disposal--or in other words, a part in nécessaries, and a part in money as wages. freed servants of the above description belonging to cultivating land proprietors, ought to be allowed provi- sion grounds attached to, or within a certain distance from their homesteads, and sufficient time for their culti- vation.-those belonging to persons not land proprietors, such as live in towns, mechanics, &c. or house servants of planters or other agriculturalists, must of course be furnished with sufficient food, or an equivalent, by their principal; and besides ordinary wages, a pecuniary allowance ought to be paid in lieu of provision grounds, which latter would not only furnish them with food for themselves and families, but also a surplus for market, mr. bickell in his work recently published, “the west indies as they are,” states that the present rate of hire for each ordinary able bodied slave labourer in jamaica, is £ . currency, i. e. £ . s. d. sterling per annum, clear of all expense to the owner-and as a cri- terion that this is not an over estimation, persons hiring such slaves usually pay those terms for the use of them, and find them in all necessaries during the time of hire ; those with handicraft trades, &c. are more valuable- but put it at only £ . currency, i. e. £ . s. d. sterling.--the rate of wages here proposed, dollars a year to each able bodied man, and to a woman, taking the women with the men, will average dollars each --and reckoning the dollar at s. d. amounts to £ . s. leaving a clear profit to the master of £ . s. d. or taking mr. bickell's 'statement, £ . os. fd. sterling per annum on each such slave or servant. yet probably they will not willingly consent to this trifling deduction of gain wrung from the sweat and toil of their unrequited slaves, although it might be expected that employers would be more than compensated by the encreased zeal and exertions on their account of free, willing, and satisfied servants receiving wages for their labours-yet will planters and others pay £ . s. d. or according to mr. bickell £ . . fd. sterling a year to the owner for hire of such slave, and provide all necessaries, but would grudge paying £ . s. per annum in wages to the slave himself as a freed subject for the same services !-so much for west india policy and economy. the low rate of pecuniary wages here proposed, is more with a view to establish the principle of remune- rating in money such freed slaves aforementioned, than as a full equivalent for their services. this will fal] lightly on masters during the existence of most of the present race of slaves, and may prove sufficient for the latter, as their masters will still be bound to furnish them with necessaries as at present, and such servants may be able to acquire something extra for themselves by their own exertions, if allowed sufficient leisure and opportunity.-however, if the rate of wages here pro- posed be considered too low, even for those aforemen- tioned of the present race of slaves, then a higher amount may be fixed upon.-the rising generation of the present race of slaves, under years of age at the time of gene- ral emancipation, so freed, and all afterwards born, may, on arriving at a certain age, be left more to engage and provide for themselves; and will require and be entitled to higher wages in money, adequate to their services, and sufficient for their support.—all free black and coloured people now, or hereafter, at large in the com- munity, not attached to any estate or master, or bound by any engagement, will of course, as at present, be left to make terms, and do the best they can for themselves. n. b.-the aformentioned low rate of wages, is chiefly in reference to agricultural labourers still to be attached to estates, for life if necessary, comprehend- ing by far the greater part of the present slave popula- tion.-mechanics, &c. of the same description, especially if people of colour, or belonging to persons not cul- tivating land proprietors, might be paid a higher amount, in proportion to their services, or allowed other advantages, according to circumstances.-still might their pecuniary wages be very low, if such servants liable to be attached 'for life, be otherwise properly provided for by their masters. if west india proprietors say " that such is the general distressed and deteriorated state of their affairs, as not to admit of paying any pecuniary wages or remuneration to servants, or otherwise adopting the regulations here proposed"-we reply, that besides the justice and good policy of fairly remunerating servants, the advantages west india proprietors would derive by paying them pecuniary wages, from willing and in- creased exertions in their service the low rate that would be required, part of which might be de- ducted for necessaries now furnished to them gra- tutiously as slaves—and after all, proprietors must come to payment of wages (and the sooner the better) if slavery is ever to be abolished, for they cannot expect that freed servants will be satisfied to work without wages, or some pecuniary remuneration. they would also get rid of the odium of making them toil without such fair and necessary reward. we also believe, and have well weighed the matter, that there is still sufficient capability about west india affairs, under good management, to provide for all necessary out- goings, and leave a fair profit to proprietors—but not under a system of slavery, absenteeship, extravagant style of living, improvident mode of cultivation, ex- haustion of stock and soil, debts often amounting to a -state of bankruptcy, thraldom to creditors, general nega lect of their affairs, or rapacity for inordinate gains. but if we admit their excuse-then does it not prove, that they ought to abandon a losing concern, which notwithstanding all the artificial aid of bounties, pro- tecting duties, &c. will not allow. proprietors to be just to others, and profit themselves or ought the nation to be longer burdened, our east indian subjects especially injured, our general trade and commerce impeded, and human creatures to drudge in slavery, or without fair remuneration, in order to prop up such an unnatural, unjust, desperate, and altogether objectionable system. n.b.under existing circumstances in our west indies, i propose the plan of specific wages, in prefer- ence to the practice in hayti of paying, at least agri- cultural servants, by allotting them a part (one-fifth) of the proceeds of the estate. i here give the result of my thorough consideration of the subject, without detail- ing the particular reasons for coming to this conclusion. -however proprietors, at least land cultivators, might take their choice of mode hereafter, commencing with the rising generation-but fair remuneration to servants is indispensable—and that, at least a part, in money, or or what will produce it at the option of the receiver. vii. “ all persons to take sufficient care of their sick or disabled servants, but to be released from pay- ing them pecuniary wages during their disability- which may also be stopped in certain cases proved of wilful idleness, refractoriness, or other misconduct, by award of the proper authorities." that all persons should continue to take proper care of their sick or disabled servants of the present gene- ration, whilst attached to them, having been slaves, is just and necessary, and only what they are now obliged to do under the present system--such freed servants will neither be more burdensome, or less useful to their principal, than if they had remained slaves.—but their descendants benceforth freeborn, or freed under years of age by the act, falling into a state of infirmity, desti- tution, &c to be provided for by the parish or district- except during the term of their indentured service, as i shall presently more particularly discuss. viii. “ no persons to let out their servants for the use of others, without consent of their guardians, and certain other regulations." jobbers, who let out their slaves for the use of others - this is under the present system the most deplorable species, and if continued after the declaration of general emancipation, will be the worst relick of slavery. it ought never to have been suffered, and the sooner it is abolished the better.—with this view, jobbers might be allowed, or compelled at once to transfer their slaves or freed servants to land proprietors only, to be. attached to their estate for life if necessary. planters and other agriculturalists not sufficiently stocked with hands, and the buying and selling of slaves put an end to, would probably be glad thus to supply themselves, and pay a price or premium to the jobber transferring, equal in value to the subject transfered of course, those of the present generation disabled by age or infirmity belonging to jobbers, and cannot be transfered, must continue to be supported by their master, who in most cases will have had the best of their days as his slaves.-or as slaves belonging to jobbers bear but a sniall proportion to the general slave popu- lation, government, at no very great expense, or loss to the nation, (which it is to be hoped would not grudge it for so humane an object) might purchase them at once from their owners, for the purpose of transfering them to landed proprietors, and probably receive a premium in proportion to their value, and for indemnification of the nation-or might employ them in the public service, or on establishments formed for that purpose. however, if the practice of jobbing must continue for a time it ought to be put under the best possible regulations.-jobbers should not be allowed to let out their servants without approval of their constituted guardians, who should secure their good treatment-nor should they ever be let out beyond a certain distance, say not exceeding a mile or two from their homestead, to which they might return at the close of each day's labourmand every other necessary regulation adopted. n. b.-jobbing out slaves is a striking instance of the selfishness and cruelty of man if left to himself, and among the many abominations of our slave system, which west indians defend or excuse to the utmost, and refuse to reform. ix. “ transfers of servants, between a certain age, may be allowed at the option of the master provided the servant consents, and the constituted guardians approve-but not otherwise-of course, members of families must never be separated against their will--nor any transfered beyond the colony." though it ought to be rigidly adhered to as a general rule that freed servants of the present race of slaves aforesaid should remain attached for life, if necessary, to the estate or establishment to which they belong at the time of their general emancipation-yet particular circumstances may require and admit of exchange of masters-in such cases transfers of servants may be allowed--but never without their own consent, and that of their constituted guardians, who should ascertain sufficient cause for the transfer, and take care they do not change for the worse—the succeeding, to be liable to all the obligations of the previous master. such transfers of freed servants will prove a sub- stitute for the buying and selling of slaves when put an end to, and may be necessary in the early stage of general emancipation, perhaps during the existence of the present race of slaves--and as great an indulgence to masters as existing circumstances will allow. thus cultivating land proprietors and others may get rid of their superfluous hands, or supply their deficiency, whether of labourers, domestic servants, mechanics, &c. they may also hire free people at large not under any engagement—which renders the whole plan here pro- posed, equally applicable to all slave-holders of every description. perhaps a greater facility of transfer may be allowed to persons not cultivating land proprietors, as more necessary for such masters, and less inconvenient for their servants. the descendants of the present race of slaves afore- said may be placed on a different footing, as i shall presently shew, and masters left more free to retain or dismiss their servants. in transfers at the wish of the master, premiums may be paid or received, as agreed on, by the contract- ing masters, as in cases of transfered apprentices in england.—this would be an accommodation to masters, establish a fair scale of valuation for the indemnity of the party entitled to a bonus, and, as before observed, prove a substitute for the buying and selling of slaves, during the existence of the present race, and early stages of general emancipation--and could no ways injuriously affect such servants, or induce unnecessary or otherwise improper transfers, as none could take place without approval of their constituted guardians. x. “servants above the age of may be allowed, at certain periods, or notice to transfer themselves to other eligible masters willing to receive them, with the consent of their then retaining principal, or approval of their guardians, and other proper authorities appointed to arbitrate between master and servant." in the spanish settlements slaves are allowed to chuse and transfer themselves to other masters willing to receive them, and their owner bound to comply on receiving an equivalent for the fair value of such slave from the new master-but in our colonies no such privilege is allowed to a slave, by which he might better his condition, nor can he even purchase his own freedom, or that of his wife or children, however able and willing, if their owner refuse to comply-thus the more useful and valuable a slave, the more likely his owner will re- fuse to part with him, or only at an extravagant price - poor encouragement for good conduct! in the preceding article ix. it is proposed to allow masters at their option, on shewing sufficient cause, to transfer their freed servants of the present race of slaves aforesaid-and 'tis fair and necessary that the same right should be equally accorded to servants-by which reciprocity masters, as before observed, might supply a deficiency, or get rid of a superfluity of hands-and servants might better their condition-but in no case ought either party to be allowed the exercise of this privilege without shewing good and sufficient cause, to be judged of and decided on by the proper authorities.-- nor ought any freed servants of the present race of slaves aforesaid, to be entitled to this right, unless with the consent of their master, until they have attained the age of , and thus far indemnified their former owner by their services--and attained a mature age to judge what is best for themselves. in transfers at the wish of the servant, the then re- taining principal to be at no involuntary expense, but entitled to receive a bonus from the succeeding master, if awarded by proper arbitrators-or, of course, if agreed on between the transfering and receiving party, without any other intervention. xi. “ servants above the age of thirty-four, with good character and conduct, on satisfactorily shewing to the proper authorities that they can probably maintain themselves by their funds or resources, may at certain periods, or notice, be released from their servitude.- if such persons should afterwards be found in a state of destitution, if able bodied, the constituted authorities may be empowered to provide and enforce employment on them-if disabled by age or infirmity, then to be maintained by the parish or district.” though it may be generally necessary that slaves of the present race above years of age when declared free by the proposed act of general emancipation, should be kept attached to the estate or establishment to which they belong at the time, or may be transfered to, until sufficient knowledge, civilization, and voluntary habits of order and industry be generally established among them; and the white colonists more accustomed, necessitated, and disposed to the employment of free agents.—yet in cases of such freed servants, above the age of , with good character and conduct, who can satisfactorily shew they can probably maintain them- selves by their own resources, and require to be released from their attached servitude, and left to do the best they can for themselves—this in justice and good policy may and ought to be admitted, they will still be under the controul of the law, and constituted authorities. having served their former owner or master gratuitously up to the age of , and such masters entitled to further compensation as hereafter provided, though not from their servants; and released from all future charge or responsibily on account of such discharged servants, can have no just claim to longer detain them, nor to any pecuniary consideration from them for releasing them from their services. thus, in the early stage of general emancipation, will freed slaves of the present race, still attached to estates, &c. only of the best character and acquirements, be en- titled to such an extension of privilege to be at large as free agents in society, amenable only to the laws and their own voluntary engagements; and the community supplied with such useful auxiliaries, not too suddenly or numerously for the wants and advantage of all parties concerned-and their number will gradually increase in proportion to the improvement of the emancipated classes, and greater necessity, consequently demand, for the employment of free agents—and will prove a prudent prelude to the more extended privileges of the ensuing generation.—in the interim, slaves of the pre- sent race aforementioned, who wish to become entirely free agents, and released from their attached servitude, will thus be induced to acquire the necessary qualifica- tions.-all may hope and try, and even those who may not eventually succeed, will benefit themselves and others by their exertions—until all classes of the black and coloured population shall be duly prepared for the enjoyment (as far as just and expedient) of the full rights of men and citizens. xii. “the constituted authorities may transfer ser- vants, with assent of their guardians, to other masters, whenever their retaining employer cannot properly pro- vide for them, or for other sufficient causes--and in cases of wilful mal-treatment, neglect, or certain other miscon- duct, by the master or his agent, may inflict a fine or other punishment on the principal or offender. though masters generally should be compelled to take care, for life if necessary, of their freed servants of the present race of slaves aforesaid, whether they have been their slaves, or transfered to them, as servants freed by the act of general emancipation -- yet cases may occur in which it may be most expedient to take the servant from the master-but this ought never to be done except in cases of great necessity. these are less, if ever, likely to happen among cultivating land propri- etors, as such servants may remain attached to and be maintained by the estate, however often it may change proprietors or condition.—but other cases may require a relaxation of the general principle-in which the consti- tuted guardians, and other proper authorities, may be empowered to act for the best, according to particular cir- cumstances.--and in instances of wilful mal-treatment, neglect, or certain other misconduct by the master or his agent, a fine, or other punishment, may be inflicted on the offending party—those must pay in person who cannot pay in purse-such fine may be appropriated, in whole or in part, for benefit of the individual servant aggrieved'; or for the purposes of general emancipation, the foregoing propositions are submitted as the basis of a plan for the emancipation, government, protection, and improvement of the present race of slaves aforesaid. a different modification of parts will be necessary for their descendants afterwards born, or under seven years of age at the time of general emancipation-chiefly as follows all slaves of the present race being declared free, and slavery for ever abolished by an act of general emancipation, their children afterwards born will of course be free from their birth, and born of free parents. --let such children, and those under years of age at the time of general emancipation, remain with their mother on her master's estate or establishment, and at the age of seven be placed at school on the estate, or within the district at convenient distance, for useful instruction until the age of or .- let the children on each property be divided into two classes, each to attend their school on alternate days, so that a moiety of the whole may always remain at home, to be employ- ed in the service of their mother's master, to indemnify him for any expense (which cannot be much) in having reared them under the mother's care on his property. children, whose mother's are slaves, at the time of general emancipation, to persons notcultivating land pro- prietors, the latter must also have such children properly reared under care of the mother on their own establish- ment, or provide other sufficient means for the purpose. -black, or coloured children, whose parents have been rendered free by other means than the act of general emancipation, and having no claim on any master or others, should be under the superintendence, and if necessary controul, of the district authorities, who shall see them properly reared and provided for at expense of the parents if able, if not, then at the public cost.-let all children aforementioned, at the age of or , unless they can be otherwise eligibly provided for, be placed out as apprentices to serve gratuitously until the age of for their master's remuneration and profit—and having been reared on the estate or establishment of their mother's master, or otherwise by him, then he to have the preference of such indentured services—or rather it ought and must be made obligatory on him, not left to his option-unless sufficient cause exist to renderit inex- pedient, when other suitable masters may be provided.. a sufficient number of black and coloured children ought to be trained to handicraft trades, and other useful callings, in proportion to the general want and demand of the community.-transfers of apprentices may be allowed, with consent of their guardians. c masters to be bound (at least during the early stages of general emancipation) to retain in their employ their apprentices, if able bodied and otherwise suitable, for a certain time, say one year, after the expiration of their indentures, at wages and allowances usually given to operators of such description.—this will prevent them from being thrown suddenly, inexperienced, and in too great numbers on the world for the wants of the com- munity, and consequently their chance of obtaining employment; or the exercise of orderly prudent habits, with free agency, until they attain more age and expe- rience; and the system of hiring free labour is generally adopted. planters, and other cultivating land proprietors, will probably find it most advantageous to hire the bulk of their servants, after the present race of adult slaves, for a certain number of years at a time, rather than for shorter periods; which will also prove advantageous for such servants, and necessary in the peculiar state of west india society. this is the general practice in hayti, with planters and other large cultivating proprietors; and even in england farmers often hire their servants by the year.thus may such west india agriculturalists secure a sufficient number of tried hands used to them, their mode of business, and localities of the estate; and such servants be certain of constant employ and a fixed home for long periods together, which will induce com- fort and steady habits; and establish mutual attachment and reciprocity of interests between master and servant -and in the latter even attachment to the soil. servants thus hired should have a cottage and provi- sion ground allotted to each on, or conveniently con- tiguous to, the estate, in proportion to their families, for which they may pay a moderate rent to the proprietor their principal may also furnish them with certain necessary articles of food and cloathing, or not, as agreed on between the parties, and the amount of pecuniary wages to be more or less in proportion-or if the full amount of wages be allowed, then the value of such articles furnished to be deducted at the time of settle- ment.-the descendants of the present race of adult slaves will probably, from their increase in knowledge, civilization, and habits of free agency, be more com- petent and disposed to provide necessaries, according to their wants and means, for themselves. as agriculture must ever be of the chief consequence in our west india colonies, and will require the greatest number of labouring hands-so in my late pamphlet “emancipation, or practical advice to british slave- holders," i have pointed out the means to always en- sure to cultivating proprietors a sufficient supply of free labourers, as in hayti.- i refer the reader to that work, without here quoting the passages so essentially con- nected with this important part of the subject. persons not cultivating land proprietors, may, on ex- piration of the prescribed term of hire on wages of their apprentices, retain them or not in their employ, or hire others, for long or short periods as they please—and besides wages, furnish them with certain necessary arti- cles, or not, as agreed on between the parties. the district authorities to be empowered to provide suitable masters, situations, and employment, for all able bodied negroes and people of colour, who cannot or will not support themselves, which may be enforced on them.-many hands will be required for the public service by the national and local governments, the parish and district authorities, &c. within the colonies; which will furnish employ for any redundancy of population beyond the demand of private individuals.-small por- tions of land may be allotted to some, and other means c devised for general support and employment.--the deg: titute sick or infirm to be supported by the parish or dis- trict, except the present race of slaves belonging to masters bound to provide for them, or those engaged by masters for certain periods, who must take proper care of them for the time--but may be released from paying them pecuniary wages during their disability. all children of the present race of slaves, under the age of seven years at the time of general emancipation, are as susceptible of the same training and good effects, and therefore ought to be admitted to all the same pri- vileges as those afterwards born. thus may an extent of benefits be safely accorded to this portion éven of the present race of slaves-on what principle of justice, humanity, or good policy can it be refused ? - scholastic education. let schools be established at the public expense in each district for the education of black and coloured children. let the pupils be in- structed in reading, writing, and simple arithmetic—this is far from giving them a learned education as some sneerers inimical to human improvement, at least of the lower orders, may imply, but will qualify them for different useful stations in life of every day demand among the rest, some may be trained as assistant school-masters, though a well qualified white person ought to be at the head of each scholastic establish- ment. let the fundamental principles of religious, moral, and social duty, be also taught in the schools, by plain and simple catechisms, expositions, and other tracts prepared for the purpose, which may be committed to memory by the pupils, and further explained and incul. cated by their tutors, and examinations on these im- portant points take place at stated times which after all, is the best and most essential part of education, especially for the humbler classes, too much neglected or distorted, even in most civilized countries. thus may the youthful mind receive useful first impressions, which may practically regulate their conduct through life, in every station, however unfavorably they may be placed for further improvement-yet teach them not artificial for real duties. i may here just observe, that much of the instruction which children of the present race of slaves may receive at their schools, will, from their intimate connection and intercourse for years to come (especially by their know- ledge of reading, possession of simple useful tracts, and comprehension of their spirit and meaning) be commu- nicated to their parents, &c. --thus may the latter, though too old for scholastic education, be benefited by these attainments of their descendants. * n. b.-a portion of negroe and coloured children, indicating good capacity, might be selected for educar tion and other useful training in england, and returned as adults to the colonies, qualified to act as school- masters, and for other purposes requiring a certain degree of intelligence, &c. above the more ignorant. ---this would tend to develope the faculties, raise the character, and improve the minds, manners, and pur- suits of the black and coloured population; when fewer whites need be employed in the colonies for the purpose, and those be thus assisted in their labour. it would also furnish the whites generally with a superior order of intelligent black and coloured agents for various requisite purposes-and establish a desirable class between the white, and most unenlightened of the negroe and coloured population. religious instruction --let churches or chapels be established, and ministers of religion appointed in each district of town and country; a simple form of prayer and worship drawn up, and uniformly used; with plain discourses from the pulpit suited in matter and style to the general condition and comprehension of the black and coloured population, enjoined to attend. in ad- dition to those taught in the schools for youth, let catechisms, and other useful tracts be given to the adults, who can read, and stated times appointed for individual examination, instruction, and admonition, for both those who can or cannot read, which after all, will probably be found the most efficacious mode of in- structing such a people.-distract them not by every wind of doctrine-preach not, teach not mysteries, dis- putable dogma, or artificial divinity of the schools (the bane even of more civilized communities, enlightened enough in other matters) but the plain incontrovertible axioms of religion, morality, and usefulness-above all, exalt not faith over good works, nor creeds, rites, or ceremonies, in preference to, or substitute for, the prac- tice of virtue.--teach them that as probationary res- ponsible creatures, they will surely receive just retribu- tion from their maker according to their works, be they good or evil, in proportion as they fulfil their well known duties here within their power, which god hath endowed them with, or violate them--that their duty to god chiefly consists in the performance of their duty to themselves and fellow creatures--that they should do funto others as they would be done unto-and not abuse their own powers and means--and that their duty is their interest and welfare here and hereafter. teach them the necessity and advantage of justice, benevo- lence, temperance, industry, and all which constitutes unsophisticated duty, their own individual welfare, and for the general good. this is chiefly needful, rationally right, and practically useful, for them and all mankind-which if generally taught and followed, unalloyed by unnatural, fallacious, and pernicious doc- trine, would establish a simple uniform religion through- out the earth, founded on infallible, immutable, self- evident principles, of universal application, and general usefulness.--a religion worthy. the creator, and most beneficent for man-instead of the mole-eyed views, discordant opinions, artificial creeds and practice, of differing sects and religionists, equally against right, reason, and utility, the negroes generally in our west indies are yet comparatively uninstructed, and susceptible of any im- pressions-here is a rare opportunity for setting out well.-may the blind not be led by the blind; or neg- lected by careless indolent guides--and still less may they be misled by wilful deceivers. ; i shall close this subject by adverting to an excellent custom, said to be in general practice throughout the roman catholic slave colonies, more especially those belonging to spain. besides places for public worship, and ministers of religion, being provided for each district, according to the number and density of its population-the slaves on each plantation are assembled in the open air every morning at sunrise, their names called over by roll, and before they go to work, are formed into a hollow circle ; in the centre stands a negroe, or man of colour, com- petent for the purpose, and such is never wanting, who audibly pronounces an address drawn up and uniformly used, which by frequent repetition becomes firmly fixed in the memory, and is usually given by rote, consisting of adoration, thanksgiving, and prayer to the creator, and imploring his guidance, protection, and blessing through the day-this is succeeded by a short exhortation to performance of duty, then follows a hymn, in which all present join, and the service concludes with a bene- diction, when the slavęs go to their labour. in the evening at sunset, and close of their work for the day, the slaves are again assembled in like manner, an evening service gone through, somewhat varied in matter and terms from that used in the morning-and the slaves are dis- missed to their homes-each religious performance does not occupy more than about ten minutes night and morning, and produces a very imposing salutary effect.. --this admirable custom is well worthy adoption in the british west indies--and to our disgrace that this, and other essential matters, most humane and bene- ficial, still remain to be done. a simple form of family worship might also be pro- vided and used on plantations for sundays, when any servants of the establishment, from sickness, distance, or other causes, cannot attend a church-a short and plain sermon might also be read to them, and a sufficient number of a proper nature for such occasions, drawn up and furnished gratuitously to the plantations, &c.--and proper persons, negroes or others, might be appointed to hear, at least the children, say their catechisms, ex- positions, & .--and otherwise teach those debarred from better means of instruction.. : a fixed and written form of religious worship and ina struction, will be far preferable for such a people as our west india negroes, than trusting to the extemporane- ous effusions of persons not always of sufficient know. ledge or discretion--and uniformity of religion a great desideratum. * * west india church establishment.—the forms and doctrine of the church of england being chiefly calculated for refined and en- lightened people, so its clergy have frankly declared that on this account, as well as from the nature of their education, personal habits, mode of instructing, inaptitude at proselytism, and other causes, they arc not so well adapted for converting the negroes, a due proportion of each sunday to be appropriated to the religious devotion and instruction of the black and coloured people throughout the colonies.-the rest of the day to be spent as they please, consistent with order and decorum--they will generally need and ought to be allowed some relaxation from the toil and cares of the week. black and coloured servants, at least those having provision grounds, to be allowed a certain number of days in the year, besides sundays, for their own use. n. b.-the sooner the barbaric custom of employing females in the excessive drudgery of the field is dis- continued, the better.--this, among other good effects, will be naturally produced by the change from slave to as the more plain and zealous sectarian missionaries. so as the least of religious evils, and to pacify the people of england, the colonies have agreed to the appointment of two bishops with their clergy for instruction of their slaves-pretty well knowing, as in the case of their curate's bill, that the slaves are not likely to be much enlightened by such an establishment; and that its members will probably not prove more active in their exertions in that sultry, than in the more temperate climate of england our church and government can have no objection to the scheme, it wiḥl increase their patronage. however, i hope and think some good may be done by these means, if not best calculated for negroe instruction, or whatever may be the views and expecta- tions of slave-holders.—the church acting as it does in its offices on fixed and prescribed forms and tenets, is so far more favorable for the purpose, than the varying modes and doctrine of differing sectaries, and the extemporaneous. effusiops of missionaries, often uneducated or injudicious men—if the church will only render its forms and doctrine simple, rational, and useful; and employ plain and zealous teacbers, who can and will descend to the humble capacities of their illiterate flock. after all, perhaps, more may be done in the schools than in the churches, for the moral and religious, as well as other, instruction of the negroes, if pro- perly planned and conducted. free labour, an improved mode of cultivation, and general good management especially growing other crops than the exhausting and over production of sugar, at least on the poorer soils, the introduction of the plough for the hoe, horses for hụman labour; besides the increased zeal and exertion of free and willing workmen instead of slaves-fewer labourers will then be required, agriculturalists will naturally prefer able bodied men, and may always secure enough for their purpose, with- out being burdened as at present under the slave system with a superfluity of hands all the year round, many of them inefficient, at least in any profitable degree, or else suffering from a deficiency when more help is re- quired. thus, the females will be left at their homes to manage their family affairs, or otherwise employed suitably to their sex, and ability-which will go far in producing comfort and civilization amongst the eman- cipated classes.—among other good effects, will prove the best means for the promotion of matrimony, and fulfilment of its duties; for which every encouragement and facility ought to be afforded. thus by the plan here proposed, may all slaves of the present race be at once safely and advantageously rendered free, under salutary regulations—and their children, not exceeding say seven years of age at the time, and those afterwards born, be prepared for, and admitted to, a greater extent of privileges. n. b.--free negroes and people of colour, especially the latter, now at large in the colonial community, and born of free parents, ought to be admitted as soon as possible to the full rights of men and citizens as far as expedient, and their children properly educated and trained to useful callings. these are fit subjects for such an extension of privileges, and most immediately require it-which will conciliate and give them a com- mon interest in the preservation of good order, and obe- dience to the laws; and prove a tower of strength to the white colonists, and for the general public good. - several minor points, not here detailed, or different modifications, may in course be required, which will suggest themselves.- i have chiefly aimed at drawing out the main parts, as a basis of the plan in outline- and i trust enough to shew that it can be effected, bene- ficially for all parties concerned-if so, then ougbt it not to be done, and at once set about in good earnest?' another point remains here for consideration, which at least west india proprietors will probably deem by far of the greatest consequence, namely, indemnification for any loss they may sustain by general emancipation of their slaves--they expect to be paid, and well paid, for merely doing an act of justice imperiously neces- sary, and most incumbent on them, that of ceasing from the oppression of enslaving their fellow creatures and fellow subjects, men, women, and children, from gene- ration to generation for ever!—they have long been a begging, craving, rapacious race, and still continue so. --not content with protecting duties, excluding cheaper productions from the home market, inflicting high prices on the nation, shackling our commerce, and more espe- cially unjust and injurious to our east india subjects; with bounties to induce or enable them to sell as cheaply as others abroad; besides large allowances for the de- fence and government of our west more than east india possessions; former restraints removed from their com- merce, as colonies, so that now they may carry and dis- pose of their produce as they please, wherever they can find a market.*--they still cry out for more, and slavery to • our west india colonists long complained of the hardship of being compelled to bring their sugars, in the first instance, to england only.---now since they are allowed to carry their produce boot, or a high price for their reluctant submission, not willing consent, to its abolition !--no less than the full value, at their own calculation, not only of their slaves, but also of their estates !! and even then would consi- der the prohibition of slavery as an act of injustice done to proprietors-and put on all the airs of injured innocence!!! slave-holders assume a high tone, and dare to cry out for justice, even strict justice, on themselves !--let us examine a little the nature of their pretensions to pro- perty in their slaves. certainly, they can have no claim on the slaves them- selves, who are entitled to their natural right of freedom without fee or reward--and moreover, as already ob- served, to recompense for the time past they have been unjustly deprived of this their natural right, derived from their creator.--nor can slave-holders have any claim in natural justice, which cannot recognize deeds in themselves unjust-'tis á solicism in term and in fact. direct wherever they please, or otherwise dispose of it, they do not seem over elated with the boon, nor much to avail themselves of it--their organ, mr. ellis, declared on tuesday last in the house of commons, that “not a single cargo had thus been shipped to foreign ports”-nor will foreigners come to deal with them for sugar in the dear market of our colonies-john bull must take it off their hands at an extravagant price, and even pay a bounty on what (refined) they export abroad. the fact is, such is the extra- vagance of their system, that they can hardly compete with others in the foreign market.--but whilst the colonial restriction last- ed, of exporting to england, it served them to complain of as a grievance, and a pretext for protecting duties, &c. exclusively in their favor.now the aforementioned restriction on their trade is taken off, and other advantages about being granted to them- what plea can they have for the continuance of protecting duties against their fellow subjects in our east indian territory? and oner- ous to the nation-inflicting on our own people what we cannot impose on foreigners, and cramping our trade at home and abroad. nor by the general laws or equity of our country which ordain that no man shall benefit by his own wrong, and that restitution shall be made to the rightful owner of property and arrears, unjustly acquired or detained, either originally or in progression-no man can have a better title to his estate or effects, than to his own per- sonal carcass.-are receivers of stolen goods, although purchasers, allowed to retain them with impunity, or entitled to an equivalent on giving them up ?-yet such is the plea of slave-holders !--they cannot come into court with clean hands, their claim is vitiated through- out, in origin and all its stages. the laws of england ordain that every subject shall be free, and entitled to all the rights of men and citi- zens--nor has it passed or sanctioned any positive law for the maintenance of slavery in its colonies, integral parts of the empire.-nay, no such law has ever been enacted even by the colonial legislatures, 'tis at most by crafty implication only--and after all, no human laws can supercede the claims of natural right.-nor can west india proprietors plead long usage and pre- scription to their property in slaves-for besides the long existence of a wrong being justification of its past or further continuance, the act of injustice has been renewed in the person of every slave, from genera- tion to generation; and so far as it concerns each indi- vidual slave, cannot have existed longer than during his or her time even supposing that slave-holders had any right to the parents, they could not thus be entitled to their children.*„man has no right to enslave man, * by the bye, i should like to have the case tried and decided in a court of judicature in england, namely, whether all children born within the british dominions, whether of slave parents or not, are not free by their birth.—by what law can any man claim them as his slaves, and let him produce it. if he cannot well even with, much less without bis consent-nor can he obtain it by purchase, or otherwise, from another.-still more monstrous is the pretence of right to entail slavery on the innocent, unconscious, irresponsible child froiū the womb to the grave, as the hopeless bitter portion of its life. — neither parents nor children have ever entered into any such compact, or forfeited their free- dom-nor can any claim it from them. slave-holders have no right to complain if their claim be altogether rejected, and their system of injustice put an end to-but may deem themselves well off, if they are not obliged to refund, instead of having to receive- past injuries to the slaves might be reckoned at least as a set off for the present claims of their oppressors—but in strict justice would leave a heavy balance due from them to the party they have so long, so basely, and so deeply injured.--the slaves are the aggrieved party, and slave-holders the aggressors-are the aggressors to be bought off from their mal-practices, and the aggrieved, who suffer by them, to receive no recompense at their hands for past injuries sustained ? ---slave-holders expect us to be tremblingly alive to their interest even in doing wrong, but entirely to pass by the just claims of their slaves to redress and atonement from them their oppressors. the only shadow of plea which slave-holders can urge with any effect in their favor is, that the national government has connived at, and at least indirectly encouraged the current, though it has never guarranteed establish such claim, what a sweeping retrospection would it bring over slave-holders, who have so long held in captivity free born children of the present and past generations-nay, horrible to say, even their own offspring.–at least they may be glad to compound for past delinquency, by henceforth giving up such monstrous pretensions. the perpetual existence of slavery in our colonies.- this is to the disgrace of both parties—to the govern- ment in allowing its subjects to commit wrong with im- punity--and to the latter in taking advantage of such unwarrantable permission to do evil.what must we think of the honor and conscience of those pseudo gentlemen the haughty planters, &c. who will per- petrate such enormities, if only allowed to do so with- out legal pains and penalties ? but at length the government grown more wise and virtuous seeks, it professes, to put an end to the atroci- ous system-as base and infamous in itself; unjust and cruel to its enslaved subjects; impolitic and injurious to the nation; and not so beneficial as the reform proposed even to slave-holders themselves. these considera- tions might well induce and justify the government to coerce the colonists, and leave them, as on the prohibi- tion of their slave trade with africa, to find a recom- pense solely in the advantages they would derive from such reformation and improvement of their system. the better mode of cultivation and general manage- ment it would be sure to induce; the increased labour and produce by fewer hands, and those free, willing, and satisfied agents; the greater security of person and property to the white colonists; the redemption of their character from the guilt and odium of holding their fellow creatures in slavery; with other consequent advantages; would prove a sufficient recompense to proprietors for even the gratuitous emancipation of their slaves, without any other remuneration. however, as the government has hitherto by its guilty connivance and encouragement induced west india proprietors, though against the plainest dictates of justice and humanity, to invest capital in slaves, which are henceforth to cease being marketable commodities- so it may be necessary to compensate proprietors for such loss of interest in their slaves of the existing race, beyond which, they can have no claims--and throwing into the bargain any advantages they may hereafter derive from such change to a better system, as a bonus for their future encouragement. thus then, let slave-holders lower their tone and their terms their claim is not very tenable in itself, or creditable to themselves--and if admitted at all, it will be more as a boon in expediency, than as their right in strict justice. they have long chosen to incur the odium of enslaving their fellow creatures for sake of the supposed profits, and in leaving off with a doceur, let them with their usual philosophy-pocket the affront with the money. by the plan here proposed, it is provided that all slaves of the existing ráce, freed by the act, above years of age at the time of general emancipation, should continue to serve their former owners gratuitously as freed servants, until they arrive at the age of .- this, according to the usual calculation of proprietors, is even more than sufficient, under good management, to repay their capital, principal and interest, invested in ordi- nary able bodied slaves-and therefore would alone be more than enough for their sheer indemnification; and thus will slaves have over worked out their freedom.- however this may be, proprietors must admit that they have thus the full use and benefit of such freed servants until the age of thirty-four as much to all intents and purposes, as though they remained their slaves, having only to provide them such necessaries, and otherwise well treat them, as slave-holders declare is already enjoined by law, and further done by voluntary practice, at least it ought to be so- they must likewise retain and take care of their inefficient hands under the present system.-and although in strict justice, no man is bound to serve another against his will, or on terms he does not agree to--yet such for a time will be the wretched relicks of the slave system, even after abol- ished, that the welfare of the existing race of slaves, requires this concession on their part, and also the in- terest of their owners renders necessary such an arrange- ment, to well escape the entanglements left by the pre- vious long existing state of things. let each slave of the present race, on attaining the age of thirty-four, freed by the act, and all those who may be above that age, but excepting those under seven years, at the time of general emancipation; be ap- praised according to their individual worth, on a fair scale of valuation, and the amount sunk into an annuity on the life of each, to be paid by the nation half-yearly, or at other fixed periods, to the former owner, or his representative, of such emancipated slave. --thus would proprietors receive the fair value of their slaves at the time as a marketable commodity. without entering here into a rigid enquiry how far in strict justice the nation is bound to grant such indem- nity to slave-holders-at any rate, let it generously accede to the necessity and expediency of the case-it will be well rewarded by the happy results--among the rest, slave-holders will be left without excuse for longer seeking to persevere in their abominable system--and in the long run, it will produce a saving to the nation, by admitting a fair competition, at least of east and west indian subjects, into the market in due time after the abolition of slavery. the nation has long submitted to pay immense sums in bounties, protecting duties, maintenance of troops, &c. for the support of slavery, and improvident management-and now may well not grudge a less annount in aggregate and duration, for the d establishment of a better system.--nay, even were it to require a larger and longer contribution, it would be far better applied than, as hitherto, in upholding an infa- mous system of slavery; and a course of extravagance, absenteeship, or general neglect or mismanagement of their affairs, or rapacity for inordinate gains, by west india proprietors.—and although it may seem hard that the nation should be bound by the unjust acts of its government-yet let it be noted, that every man, woman, and child, in great britain, have for centuries been, and still actually are, abettors of, and participa- tors in the iniquitous system, by being purchasers and daily consumers of the guilty produce of slavery-that too when they may gratify themselves with the same luxuries, the production of freemen, their fellow subjects in our eastern possessions.-whilst this is the case- are we not voluntary supporters of slavery, and sub- stantial participators in the flagitious system, which could not exist without us as purchasers and consumers -how much longer shall we continue to be so? nor will this proposed indemnity to slave-holders fall heavily, or all at once on the nation.-slaves of the existing race under years of age at the time of general emancipation, are not thus to be paid for--and only a certain proportion of their seniors will have attained the age of at that period, those who have not, will only be to be gradually purchased as they do-several will never reach it at all; and those who may, will be much depreciated in value at that advanced stage of life.- females generally will be less valuable than the men and many of both sexes, from age, infirmity, and other causes, will be of little or no value at all as a marketable commodity.-all to be purchased are to be paid for by annuity, and not advance of principal, which will prove the best inducement for masters to cherish the lives of those on whom they have annuities ; be drawn gradually from the nation; and lives will continually drop off, reducing the amount, 'till the whole is extin- guished. the following is a sketch of expense for redemption of all slaves on the data proposed in the foregoing plan. the total number of slaves in our west india colo- nies has been variously stated from to , -let us take the medium, id est, , —of these say one- fifth-that is , are under years of age, and not to be paid for, except by their services up to the age of .–this leaves , to be purchased at their stand- ing worth on attaining the age of . the average worth of slaves each, taking one with another, good, bad, and indifferent, the females with the males, the old with the young, the profitable with the less efficient, or totally useless, may i think be fairly rated at say £ . sterling per head.--and reckoning the prime of their life to be from to years of age, and their powers of service preceding the age of , as about equivalent to the same after having attained the age of —then at the age of , three-fifths of their prime or worth may be reckoned as past and gone-the remaining two-fifths constituting their value at that period of life, or £ .per head-this on , , amounts to £ , , -principal worth, to be paid for by an- nuity, which in no case ought to exceed say per cent. on any life, averaging on the whole at say per cent. id est, £ , , per annum during their lives--more will be under than at or over the age of at the time of general emancipation-but afterwards for some years to come, the lives to be paid for will increase, during which period, say two-thirds of the amount of annuities for the whole , lives to be thus purchased may be taken as a fair estimate of the annual expense to the d nation, i. e. £ , a year, until lives drop off faster than they accrue, and the whole is extinguished. , total number of slaves. , under years of age, not to be bought. , { to ling a head. to be purchased at average rate of £ . ster- £ , , total principal worth at years of age. s total amount of annuities at average of ) per , , cent. , average yearly amount of annuities at two-thirds of the whole for some years to come, till they decrease by dropping of lives, and the whole is extinguished. thus far the annual sum of £ , for only a few years to come, may all slaves be redeemed, and their owners amply indemnified.—a tax of only one half- penny per pound on west india sugar imported for home consumption, would produce sufficient for the pur- pose;--the bounties and protecting duties of much greater amount, now granted for the support of slavery, might be withdrawn; and the abolition of slavery ac- complished with less expense whilst it lasts, and would soon entirely cease to the nation. by the plan proposed, the claims and wants of pro- prietors are provided for as far as expedient--four-fifths of the present race of slaves, freed by the act, are to work for their former owner gratuitously up to the age of , (more than their general value at the usual rate of slave labour) and then to be purchased at their standing worth by the nation-likewise their services for life, if necessary, secured to him at trifling wages, to be paid only whilst they are sufficiently able-bodied and efficient. -the other one-fifth, id est, slaves under years of age at the time, and freed by the act of general emancipation, are to give their gratuitous services up to the age of - and afterwards to provide for themselves, also sufficient for their master's indemnification, convenience, and profit—he will also be further entitled to the same ad- vantage from all children, if reared by him, henceforth born of the present race of his slaves above years of age when freed by the act.-masters will be endowed with all due power for every good and necessary pur- pose—and no retrospection of past delinquences will be brought against slave-holders. these are the sacrifices made by the slaves and by the nation-what sacrifice make slave-holders ?-if any, comparatively trifling.---which ought they to grudge in furtherance of so good a cause; and as some atone- ment for their past injustice.-the terms here proposed are as much in their favour, if not more so, as the gene- ral expediency of the case, and necessary concessions of all parties concerned will allow.-are slave-holders, though the most guilty, to be the only party exempt from sacrifice ?-if they object, ought they not to be compelled? certainly the national government might take a shorter cheaper course, and yet provide for the indemnity of proprietors, at least for their able-bodied slaves, by simply allowing them the gratuitous service of such slaves, until they had thus worked out their freedom at a fair valuation-for instance, take mr. bickell's statement of the present terms of slave hire for labour- ers in jamaica at £ . currency each per annum, clear of all expense to the owner.—this in years would produce £ . exactly £ . sterling, which is much above the average worth per head of able-bodied slaves as labourers.-but allowing the owner their gratuitous services úp to the age of , as here aforementioned, and reckoning only the commencement of their prime from the age of or even —this would give years of their full vigor for indemnity of their owner, besides whatever profit he may previously derive from their services up to the age of -which certainly altogether might be considered as more than a receipt in full for the discharge of every such slave, and leave a surplus bonus to the owner, which might serve as a set off for any deficiency of profit from his less efficient slaves. thus taking one with another, the whole of the present race aforesaid, by serving gratuitously up to the age of , might be reckoned to have more than worked out their freedom, and indemnified their proprietor by the worth of their labour, leaving a balance in favour of slaves less profitable to their owner, who after all must take the bad with the good, under the present system- or even rate the price of slave labour as low as £ . currency £ . s. }d. sterling a year for each, clear of all expense, this would be amply sufficient for the pur- pose. let it also be remarked, that many slaves will be above the age of at the time of general emancipa- tion, whenever it may take place, and such greater length of their gratuitous service, which cannot be re- called, nor well accounted for, must of course be pro- portionally more in favor of the owner.---or government might only allow annuities on disabled slaves for their support by their master-but this would beget intricacy, indefinite expense, and most likely imposition. we recommend in preference, as most expedient, the plan afore suggested, of allowing owners the gratuitous service up to the age of of all their slaves, the profit- able with the less efficient, of the present race above years of age at the time, and freed by the act of general emancipation, and then purchasing them by annuity at their individual worth, having attained that age, chiefly because not only ought we not to be too niggardly with west india proprietors in putting an end to their slave system, we have hitherto granted im- mense sums for its support, and ought not to be too parsimonious in the more laudable scheme of getting rid of it—they are also generally embarrassed men, we are likewise acting against their prejudices and notions of interest, and liberality on this occasion may be deemed necessary for them, and the most likely means to induce their consent and co-operation.-we also contemplate the withdrawal hereafter of the unjust and impolitic bounties and protecting duties on their produce.-but more especially because by the present system proprietors are allowed the gratuitous services of their slaves of all sorts, not only for their sheer in- demnification, but also any extra profit slaves may yield during the whole of their lives. by the plan heré proposed for general emancipation, we also still saddle the master with attachment and maintenance of all slaves aforementioned of the present race, for life if necessary, many of them disabled or otherwise unprofit- able subjects, though this is no more than at present enjoined by the slave system, yet it leaves him the good with the bad. we also compel him to payment of wages to able-bodied servants of the present race of slaves on attaining a certain age, which is not enjoined by the slave system--and though it may be expected he would be sufficiently compensated for such allowance of wages, by the increased exertions of such servants on his account, yet to entitle us to impose such new terms on the master, we ought first to purchase the slave at a fair valuation, according to the present usage, before we thus re-let him as a freed servant, if we act on the principle of indemnification. this, under ex- isting circumstances, can be best done by allowing such slave in the first instance to work gratuitously for his owner, up to a certain age, as at present, and then pay- ing in money his remaining worth at that period. there are also mortgages, annuities, and other claims on slaves, which will require, and can thus be made good, as under the present system.* i come now to speak more particularly of compen- sation to proprietors for slave children under years of age at the time of general emancipation. a slave at its birth, is usually estimated to be worth £ .--and at the age of years as worth £ .-but if the owner then sell such slave, he must of course give up all its future services to the purchaser.—now. by the plan proposed, instead of buying, we allow the slave to work for his owner gratuitously up to the age of - and afterwards to provide for himself.-proprietors usually calculate that, under good management, slave * those having mortgages, annuities, or any other claims on slaves, may have them as fully made good by the plan here pro- posed, as under a system of slavery.—proprietors will be allowed the gratuitous services of all their slaves of the present race, above years old when freed by the act, until they attain the age of , the same as though they remained their slaves--and besides having their services afterwards secured to them for life, if ne- .cessary, at trifling wages, will then (at the age of ) receive their fair value in way of annuity, which will answer all demands upon them to the amount of their worth.--and in many cases of infirmity, &c. the annuities will last longer than the services of those on whom they are granted, who otherwise as slaves must bave been supported by their owner without any provision for his indemnification.-or the security on slaves may be transfered to the soil, and thus rendered more valuable.-proprietors will also be allowed the gratuitous services up to the age of of all slave children under years of age when freed by the act; and of all children, if reared by them, born free of parents their former slaves above years old when freed by the act of general emancipation quite enough for indemnification and profit. children at the age of years begin to repay by their services the trifling expense of having reared them; and it may be reckoned that by the end of the next years, they have at least indemnified their owner for all such expense on their account up to the age of fourteen. the succeeding ten years is thus left for his further indemni- fication and profit; comprehending in that climate of precosity about years (say from to ) of the prime of life, which according to the present value of slave labour afore stated, without reckoning the preceeding years up to , is at least fully sufficient to purchase the fee simple of any ordinary able-bodied slave, so of çourse to answer any claims to the amount of his or her worth—and at such youthful period of life (up to the age of ) they are likely to prove efficient and profit- able servants.-moreover, proprietors will also have been paid, in service and money, the full value of all parents of such children, except in a few cases of the demise of such parents during the short interval between the birth of the child and time of general emancipation- and even in such cases, they will have had the services of the parents as slaves during the whole of their lives, and must take the chance of the death of their slaves whether in early life or late.-thus far in fact, will they have been fully paid the worth of two generations-id est, parents and children.—and after all, 'tis very ques- tionable, whether proprietors have ever had any legal right to the children even of their unredeemed slaves.- at any rate, we must stop somewhere, and why not at the children of those whose emancipation has been fully bought and paid for in service and money--and such children being bound to serve their mother's former owner gratuitously up to the age of -in itself suffi- cient for his remuneration on their account.--or we may also pay proprietors of such children a pecuniary the rate of say £ . each, taking one with another. --this on , , the number afore estimated, will add one million and a half principal money to the amount of expense for general, emancipation, calcu. lated at page . but this demand ought to be resisted by government, as unjust in itself, onerous to the nation, and most exor- bitant on the part of slave-holders, who, without this exaction, ought to be content and thankful for the liberal terms otherwise accorded them--especially as after all, in strict justice, they are not entitled to any compensa- tion for ceasing from holding their fellow creatures and fellow subjects in slavery-that too within the british dominions ! there is another class in slavery, namely, people of colour, their case is even more deplorable than that of the negroe slaves.-for though a negroe has as much right in strict justice to be free as the lighter shades, even including the white--yet the people of colour generally, enslaved or free, being more enlightened and civilized than the negroes at present, feel more sensibly the degradation of their condition as slaves-and approaching more nearly the white in colour, intelli- gence, and refinement, excite in a greater degree our commisseration.-these too, down to the mulattoe in- clusive, horrible to say, are all white men's children held or abandoned by their fathers in slavery.-and those fathers englishmen! the slaves of colour may be generally considered at least a generation before the negroe slaves in knowledge and civilization; and if freed and under good treatment, are the natural allies of the whites from consanguinity, mutual interest, and safety, among a proponderating negroe population; and may with safety and advantage be at once admitted to an extension of privilege. of general emancipation, must remain attached to the estate or establishment to which they belong, be taken care of, and their master indemnified on the same terms as paid by the nation for other slaves freed by the act. i shall not here enter into the argument with pro- prietors, whether they are thus as fully indemnified for their slaves of colour, as for their negroc slaves—but cut the matter short, by insisting on the necessity of the case-and on this the national government ought to be peremptory.—abominable! that englishmen should sordidly estimate every thing, even human rights and liberty unjustly withheld, at their supposed worth in pounds, shillings, and pence--and expect to be so paid to the last fraction, before they restore them!* * the following is a goodly example for the imitation of slave- holders.--colonel k a white inhabitant of the parish of hano- ver in jamaica, wished to purchase the freedom of a mulattoe female slave and his five children by her, also slaves by their birth, belonging to welcome estate in the same parish.—the proprietor, john vincent, purrier, now of st. helen's place, london, gene- rously allowed him to fix his own price, which he did at £ . cur- rency for the whole lot.- for this mr. p. liberated the mother and her five children—these six slaves all together, were reckoned fairly worth £ . currency, as marketable commodities. part ii. bolster up let west india proprietors also remember that they have long, and still continue to receive immense sums from the nation in bounties, protecting duties, &c. to their extravagant and losing system-which would already go far to purchase the fee simple of all their slaves. it is not probable that this onerous, unjust, and im- politic lavishment will be much longer borne by the nation--and west india proprietors had better be pre- pared for its cessation.-however, give them a fair start on better plans and management, with all necessary assistance and encouragement; when, if they cannot go alone, and compete with others (at least their fellow subjects) in the market—then leave them to themselves, and west india affairs to find their proper level. if under good management estates will not yield a fair profit to their owners, with justice to others, 'tis high time to abandon the naturally and incorrigible losing concern.–at any rate, if we must continue for ever to bolster up west india interest, though against that of the nation—at least, let it not be in support of an infa- mous system of slavery, nor as a substitute for fair dealing, reasonable expectations, and good management. -if they expect the nation to help them, let them also, as far as they can, help themselves, and make the most of their own fair and natural resources, really within their power.-at least far more than at present, and i verily believe all that is needful for their due prosperity (such is the capability of west india affairs under proper management) may be effected by their own exer- tions alone, if fairly clear of the slave system, and past imprudent embarrassment*-but this they avade, and will never thoroughly set about until compelled-and then are likely to do well enough-or should they require aid, will at least better deserve it. instead of aiming at fair and reasonable profits, arising from natural means and good management, im- plying care and moderation, they prefer an artificial system of forced and unrequited (so mistakenly sup- posed the least expensive) labour of slaves; with pro- tecting duties to secure a monopoly of the home market; and bounties to enable them to deal abroad; and so dis- pense with prudence, and gratify their extravagance or avarice on easier terms.-as long as we continue thus to indulge their improvidence or cupidity, they will so go on, nay, lay 'us under greater contributions if they can—and after all, are generally beggaring themselves, as well as fleecing the nation, and oppressing their slaves. - would it not be kind to their interest and character, as well as just to others, to force them into better measures, for their own safety, honor, and welfare, in spite of themselves--hereafter they may be thankful - * those who are in a state of insolvency, from whatever cause, or otherwise cannot well carry on their concerns, or extricate themselves, cannot expect the nation to do it for them they must, as in all such cases, give up or dispose of their property and effects, or make the best arrangement they can, fortunate if they can save any thing out of the fire-then their estates will generally get into fresh hands, who will start free, and may, with sufficient capital and good management, do well enough for thom- selves. at any rate, we shall have done our duty to them, to our west india black and coloured subjects, to our eastern brethren, and to the nation. if there be really any innate and insuperable cause to prevent the due prosperity of west india affairs, under proper management, without the continuance of slavery, bounties, protecting duties, and with all the factitious aid hitherto afforded them are still a drooping concern, crying out for more and more help—then why should we seek thus to uphold them, against the soundest principles of political economy, when we can obtain the same tropical produce, with all fair and natural com- mercial advantages, on better terms, from our eastern possessions, and even from foreigners. west india proprietors in trying to shew they are in such a predicament, overshoot the mark, and are proving too much for their purpose, by demonstrating that it is not worth our while at such rate to support them. west india affairs either can or cannot shift for them- selves by fair and natural means if they can, then why do not proprietors make the most of their resources- if they cannot, then why should we attempt to bolster up such a losing, and even nefarious concern, by unjust and impolitic measures-let them get out of this di- lemma how they can. they boast of the six millions a year, they say they bring to our revenue.—why at least two millions of this are annually lost to the nation, in bounties, pro- tecting duties, expenses for the defence, government, &c. of our west india colonies and the whole of the duties on imported tropical produce are paid by the consumer, not by the grower--so that the same clear duties might be levied, were we to purchase from our east india subjects, or even from foreigners--and at more least two millions a year saved by taking off the pro- tecting duties, &c. which now also shut out cheaper productions, and prevent a greater consumption. then as for the importation of english raw or manu- factured articles into our west india colonies—'tis probably not near so great as might be expected would take place in our east india possessions, if the trade in sugar, &c. were thrown open to fair competition- indeed, we might secure great commercial advantages from both parties.-and where could our west india colonists go, even if they were independent, to find a better market to buy or to sell, especially with their english habits—see the continued trade between us and the american states since their separation—and after all, 'tis at least questionable, whether our most profit- able commerce is not with the world at large, rather than with our encumbering colonies, except perhaps at first establishing the english language and habits among them-see the flourishing trade of the american states without possessing any colonies.—and how much greater would be the trade between us and our west india colonies, particularly the importation and consumption of english goods for the immense black and coloured population, if slavery were abolished, and the negroes and people of colour accumulating property, --see the much greater consumption of foreign and do- mestic articles by the free blacks and coloured people, than the slaves, in the american states; and by the present citizens of hayti, than the former slaves of st. domingo.—here is a mine of wealth, yet comparatively unimproved for the mother country and her colonies. west india proprietors say, “ that they have as much right to protecting duties, &c. as the english land- lords to corn laws in favour of their produce”-per- haps so, but they must first prove that the landlords of england have any such right in equity or sound policy to inflict high prices on the nation, by keeping out cheaper productions, cramping our commerce, and shamefully fleecing the poor in obtaining the staf of life.- however, unjust and impolitic as are our corn laws, they chiefly aim at giving preference to our home over the same foreign commodity.-whereas, the pro- tecting duty in favor of west india sugar, the pro- duction of slavery, is a special partiality shewn to our colonists in the west, to the detriment of our eastern subjects, who furnish the article by the labour of freemen, could on lower terms supply the nation, and probably take more of our home productions in return.—more- over, our corn laws appear on the point of being re- pealed or modified, and succeeded by a more just and enlightened policy. west indians tell us “ to reform the state of ireland, before we meddle with their system of slavery.”—this is a home thrust to be sure—but what does it do for them ?-why only shews that others are allowed to tyranize as well as themselves; and is this the best ex- cuse they can find for their own acts of oppression ?-a sure sign of a bad cause, which cannot better defend itself-they seek to justify their own, by raking up the delinquency of others. however, government inust expect to have such examples thrown in its teeth. ---heaven knows the state of ireland is bad enough, and needs reform ; but not so bad neither as, or any justification of west india slavery.--and now at length, government seems really disposed to render full justice to ireland.-west indians also say, that abuse of power is suffered to exist in our eastern dominions -at any rate, englishmen there are not allowed to be slave-holders. west india proprietors now cry out for some e measures to bring their sugar into use instead of grain for our distilleries. certainly, as british subjects, they are entitled to every facility and fair encouragement for the disposal of their produce in the home market—but no force work, infliction of high prices, or other incon- venience on the nation, or injury to any part of our sub- jects--and least of all in favor of slave-holders. let them get rid of that stigma, then let us do for them all we fairly can, and even be generous as far as expedient. let them avail themselves to the utmost of their fair and natural resources, which are great, many, sufficient, and far more calculated for their real welfare, than the present artificial, unjust, and inefficient system.—mr. huskisson's bill on colonial trade, now brought into parliament, and so much in their favor, will greatly tend to develop their capabilities, encrease their means, ex- cite their energies, and place their honest prosperity on a proper basis--which let us promote as far as we can with justice and good policy. the most natural, fair, and eligible mode for govern- ment to afford relief to our west india proprietors, besides the provisions in mr. huskisson's bill now pending in parliament, would be to reduce the duties on their produce to the peace rate, say of –or as nearly so as our revenue will admit, which would induce a greater consumption-this our colonists and the nation have a right to expect-but then, even if we cun- tinue to allow, at least for a time, the present bounties on re-exportation of west india, the restrictive duties against east india sugars should be withdrawn, which would be so much saved to the nation, and a fair com- petition admitted in the home market between our east and west india subjects, though higher duties, as at present, if deemed politic, might still be levied on fore.gners. - it would also be more politic and equitable to withdraw at once the bounty on exportation from england of refined west india sugar, and freely allow the planters and others to manufacture refined sugars of any quality and quantity in the colonies, to use and dispose of as they please. let the duties on east and west india sugars be at least equalized, id est, the same on each ; or which would be far more equitable, rated according to classification of quality.-this our west indians need not dread; their sugars possess a stronger saccrine pro- perty, and are better manufactured, so will commonly command a preference in the market.-- they have also a much shorter transit in their favor.--these, and other circumstances are their great, natural, and perma- nent advantages, which they may safely rely on (with general good management) rather than meanly and un, justly seeking to exclude their eastern brethren who after all at least as yet can only furnish an inferior commodity, brought from a far greater distance.* • a plain and practical pamphlet, lately published by hatchard, on east india sugar, shews that its quality may be greatly im- proved, especially in point of strength, by a better process than hitherto in use among the natives; and it has always been of a fairer colour, greater delicacy of flavour, and superior fineness than west india sugar, and a more elegant article for use in an unrefined state; and may well serve as a substitute for the pro- dace of slavery, at least until the system shall be abolished- when the public may take the choice of either, and purchase as best suits the particular purpose required; and will then obtain both on lower terms than at present.—the tropical free labour company now forming, will possess and use the means to bring east india sugar to its greatest possible degree of perfection.–at present it could and would be sold in our market much oheaper, if the extra duty of s. per cwt. were taken off, now levied on it more than on west india sugar.—what a shameful imposition on our east india subjects and on the nation, as well as against the freedom of commerce; and solely for benefit of our west india why if the artificial system of protecting duties, &c. is resorted to, it had better be in aid of the natural dis- advantages our east india subjects unavoidably labour under, in being only able to produce inferior sugar brought from a greater distance; whilst the better sort from our west india colonies, much nearer at hand, must generally command the market, and can shift for itself.—but even suppose that east india should ever attain an equal or greater degree of perfection than west india sugar, is this a fair and politic plea for restraining, nearly to prohibition, the admission into the home market of such production of our eastern subjects, and from the labour of freemen, in order to give a monopoly to comparatively a handful of west india slave-holders, much nearer at hand, with other advan- tages-yet, who without competition, will probably never furnish the article on as good terms to the nation-and after all, from their paucity of numbers, and other causes, will not be able to take so much of our home productions in return, as our eastern subject are likely to do if fairly encouraged.--and on the same plea, though certainly against the soundest principles of national trade and policy, we ought to levy a higher duty on sugars from the more productive soil of demerara, essequebo, &c. than on those of our less fertile west india colonies, or exclude them altogether from our market-indeed, the old west india colonists have actually attempted this with the government in their own favor, but expect that our east india subjects should be treated on quite a diamatrically opposite principle—that is, to pay a higher impost in proportion colonists, comparatively few in number, and for support of their slave system, in preference to those of our subjects who produce the same commodities by their free labour, and within our own territories! to the disadvantages they have to contend with !*_and to carry the unnatural system still further, we might pro- hibit our colonies which can produce sugar the best, from cultivating it at all, and reserve the privilege solely for those, that can only furnish it under the greatest disadvantages. we had better leave things to find their proper level, and individuals to do the best they can for themselves. but our west india planters think, that if govern- ment will only allow them to monopolize the home market, which it has done, they can then, with assis- tance of the bounties allowed, afford to sell their super- fluous produce, if they have any, to foreigners as cheap as other folks, or if they cannot so deal abroad, they can do without, and our east india subjects, or any body else, may fatten on their leavings--mighty liberal and patriotic truly—but ought they to be thus indulged, * they even protest against the trifling quantity of sugar raised in the small and single colony of the mauritius being admitted in- to the home market on the same terms as that from the west iu- dies; though the mode of culture and manufacture is exactly the same, and the mauritius as much a british colony as any in the western hemisphere; and from its greater liability to devastation from hurricanes, disadvantage of remoter distance, &c. requiring and entitled to at least equal fostering care from the mother coun- try.--it appertains to the crown, not to the east india company; and at its surrender during the late war, was guarranteed an equa- lity of privileges with our west india colonies.--moreover, the slave system is as much carried on in the mauritius—and though this ought to be no plea in favor of the colony with government, yet why should those who operate by slave labour in our eastern territory be invidiously excluded from the same advantages we grant to those in the west; and the latter ought to admit them, if only from a fellow feeling for their kind; yet they object, such is their selfishness and rapacity, they expect to be the only favored party.-but neither ought to be so encouraged in support of the slave system. ed by fair competition, at least between our own subjects. ---and why have we so greedily sought to increase our sugar possessions ?-if to keep them out of the hands of foreigners, that will never do, unless we could engross the whole sugar land on the globe, or could supply them cheaper than they can grow it themselves, or elsewhere obtain it—what wretched policy, which recoils on our- selves.-foreign nations having tropical colonies, and who will not be tributary to us, or suffer our undue monopoly of the trade, are thus induced to extend their sugar cultivation, by breaking up fresh land, which is usually the best for the purpose, in order to supply themselves and others; it can also be procured by other means on better terms than from us-so we have too much left on our hands, thus is the biter bit—and we go floundering on in vain attempts to bolster up an unnatural system.--but we could supply ourselves and others cheaply, and our sugar trade be much extended, with other advantages, if we left things to find their proper level, and our east and west india subjects with- out partiality to either, equally to shift and do the best they can for themselves.-among other effects, our west india colonists no longer secure of a monopoly of the home market, would be drove to do their utmost to supply us and others on the best possible terms, a most fortunate necessity for them, which would be sure to induce good management on their part, and throw them on their own capabilities and resources, sufficient if made the most of.-whilst a free admission of east india sugar would keep down the price, increase the consumption, and vastly enlarge our return trade with our eastern subjects. this also would be more conso- nant to the sound and enlightened policy of late adopted by our government in its other commercial relations.-yet notwithstanding the wise and liberal maxims now professed and acting on by our government, in its colonial and general commercial policy, the removal of impediments to trade of all kind being the order of the day--not a hint is given as to repealing, or even lowering the restrictive duty on east india sugar, though an abatement of the heavy impost on their silk and cotton goods is to take place.- this inconsistency is too glaring to be plausibly ascribed to inadvertency, or even honest, though mistaken notions of expediency. — 'tis plain, that west india influence is still predo- minant against the rights of our eastern subjects, and the general good of the nation-the mother country proves herself a step-mother to her eastern family. with more sugar colonies than any nation, and with at least equal capital, skill, and enterprise, why cannot we turn them to advantage by supplying the article to ourselves and others on at least as good terms as it can be any where obtained ?-'tis for want of good national policy, and inividual management-our sugar colonies might be rendered far more advantageous and less bur- densome to the mother country, and prosper well them- selves, under a proper system.—but to return to the sub- ject of slavery. slave-holders expect to be allowed to do wrong, mere- ly because they say it is for their interest. whether or not it will be most for the interest of west india proprie- tors to substitute free for slave labour, is more their affair than that of the nation.—'tis enough that justice, humanity, and expediency, imperiously require the pro- hibition of slavery in the british dominions, and these are paramount reasons, superceding all others, for its abolition.—but that it assuredly will (with general good management) prove most advantageous for such pro- prietors; appears so self-evident, as the natural sequence of cause and effect (as i have particularly point- ed out, and endeavored to prove, in the late pamphlet emancipation”)—that did we not know the perverting power of habit, prejudice, and crooked policy, we might be astonished to find any difference of opinion on the matter. nor is it a question that ought to influence us, whe- ther or not our west india colonists may be able to con- tinue their system of slavery.—they generally flatter themselves they can, if allowed and assisted by the mother country * -- for my own part, who have well marked the progress and tendency of the west in- dia system, i verily believe, that from the acquired and increasing knowledge and civilization of the slave population, impossible to prevent; their vast superiority in number and physical strength; the nature of the country and climate; with the example of st. domingo before their eyes; and other causes ; the whites will not much longer be able to keep them in slavish sub- jection, by any means they possess, however base they may be willing to employ, and though backed, as hither- to, by all the power of great britain so shamefully ap- plied—and that most likely the continued attempt will end in a terrible catastrophe to the white colonists. but even suppose they should for ever be able to keep up their system of slavery and oppression, ought they to be allowed and assisted by the english government and people ?—the crime is as atrocious and infamous in us at home, who could at once put an end to it, as in * speaking lately with a large west india proprietor resident in england, i requested him to seriously consider the improbability of being much longer able to keep up their slave system.--he an- swered,“ why we do think we can keep up the system, if govern- ment will only let us alone, and supply us with plenty of troops.” -this short and pithy reply, speaks volumes as to the real views and intentions of slave-liolders. its more immediate perpetrators in our colonies--and moreover as fleecing, as iniquitous and disgraceful to the nation-here is an appeal to our self-interest, as well as to our justice and humanity, which when gene- rally understood, must finally prevail, or our folly must be equal to our crime. the immediate abolition of slavery in our colonies, is 'not only the most just, but also the most likely mode by which it will ever at all be put an end to. the abolitionists have fallen into a fatal error, and given up the main strength of their cause, by supposing and admitting that slavery can only be discontinued by very slow degrees—their opponents will take especial care it shall be slow indeed-done, as they boys say, “ to-morrow come never”—and like penelope's web, never get on—“festine lente” (make haste slowly) will be their motto. 'tis a stale trick with crafty men benefited by a cor- rupt system, on finding a general outcry for its reform, to plausibly admit that some reform is necessary-but this is not the proper time, or that it must be done by very cautious slow degrees; and above all, endeavor to get the contrivance and management of the plan to them- selves, and then the game is their own. thus we find our west india colonists declare “ that whatever reform of their slave system may be necessary and practicable, must be effected by very gradual means; and those suggested and executed only by themselves-- that they will not suffer any interference from without, are the best judges of what can and ought to be done, and most interested in doing the best.”—this has long been their tone, yet to go no further back than the last quarter of a century, since reform has been more strenu- ously urged upon them, what have they done?-why nothing, or next to nothing—their system remains essen- tially the same in all its prominent parts of injustice and oppression, and any little improvement which may have taken place, bas been mostly effected by other causes than the voluntary wish and endeavors of the white colonists, chiefly by the outcry in england, and the increasing knowledge of the slaves rendering them less controulable than formerly under outrageous op- pression. within these few months the chief island of jamaica, the leading organ of all the colonies, and containing in it- self nearly a moiety of our whole west india slave popu- lation, has officially declared “that on a late review of the slave code, they find it so complete in all its parts, as not to require or admit of any alteration !-and that they will resist even the least, as only leading to greater innovations, finally tending to entirely upset the slave system, which they cannot do without, and will never agree to give up.”—this, though bold, is at least honest, and ought to open our eyes.- are we to go on believing or hoping that the colonists will voluntarily and in good earnest set about any material improvement of their slaves condition, and above all will cordially co-operate in measures for the final extinction of slavery? for my own part, i think we ought to feel thankful to them for their frank and open avowal of determined opposition to the measures only proposed, but not en- forced by government-for had they professed acqui- escence, i know them too well, and the nature of the slave system, to have believed in their sincerity-it would have been followed by every species of evasion, and thus, at least for a time, the nation might have been beguiled. the propositions or instructions unanimously agreed to in parliament two years ago, and sent out by govern- ment to all our west india colonies, for improving the the whole has dwindled down into a trial of parts of the plan in the single island of trinadad, not containing more than a th part of our west india slave popula- tion. and even here, though more under the controul of the crown, every possible opposition and evasion may be expected--but even suppose that the regulations are duly enforced, and productive of the best practical effects—the other colonists will not suffer it, for at least many years to come, to be even quoted as an experiment sufficiently tried—and then will find some plausible excuse for not adopting it among themselves--such as, “it may do well enough for trinadad, but not for us”- or "we have legislatures of our own, and best know how, and are entitled to enact for ourselves the internal regulations of our own colony"_thus is got rid of, sine die, the hated business of reform. if they honestly wanted only to ascertain the practi- cal effects of general emancipation—they might behold the experiment ready made to their hands in st. domingo, sierra leone, the french west india colonies during several years up to the time of buonaparte, colombia, &c. but “a man convinc'd against his will, is of the same opinion still.” meanwhile their suffering slaves are doomed to is not his majesty's intention to emancipate the slaves"-whereas, the aforesaid propositions expressly state, “ that this house looks forward to a progressive improvement in the character of the slave population, such as may prepare them for a participation in those civil rights and privileges, which are enjoyed by other classes of his majesty's subjects.”—the proclamation is also in other re- spects sadly at variance and inconsistent with the vote of parlia- ment, and seems a lame attempt at retraction on the part of ministers, as if they thought they had previously gone too far, and wish to draw in their horns; or at any rate, to pacify the west india party.---it has been aptly called “ the hope extinguisher.” endure for an indefinite, and who can say how long a period, unrestrained unmitigated oppression. and when they know that the king's government has merci- fully interfered to ameliorate the condition of slaves in trinadad, but not for them-it will only render them more impatient of their own hard lot-enough to drive to desperation-which may produce violent convulsions, ending either in the general massacre or expulsion of the whites; or else the continued slavery and oppres- sion of the negroes, until their race becomes extinct or nearly so, in our colonies, already fast diminishing un- der the slave system, which will be further accelerated by occasional wholesale butcheries of them on any at- tempt, which henceforth most likely will happen more frequently and formidably than ever, to shake off their thraldom-either alternative is dreadful-to avert which is the earnest wish of the abolitionists, whilst a man is a slave he cannot be effectually pro- tected from injustice—whilst under the arbitrary will and power of his task-masters, subject to any inflic- tion they may impose ; considered and treated as chat- tles; liable to be sold like a beast; torn from his home and dearest connections; no right in his own personal carcass; denied the rights of a husband and parent, his wife and children, as well as himself belong to another; deprived of all free agency; his evidence not admitted in a court of justice against any free person, however his oppressor; the administrators of the law slave-holders themselves -- any enactment or regula- tions made apparently in his favor, will practically proye mere nullities—every opposition, collusion and evasion, may be expected from slave-holders and their myrmidons—who can prevent, detect, or redress all the abuse of power, especially going on in the secret re- cesses of plantations and other slave establishments; !! or how dare the slave prefer his complaint to such con- stituted public tribunals; what chance has he of redress, nay, he is liable to their sentence of punishment for false, frivolous, or malicious accusation, if he fail to establish his plea !-and has still more to dread from the vengeance of his oppressors, against whom he has com- plained, when he returns into the clutches of their fearful power !* render all slaves free, define their rights as citizens, place them under the government and protection of the law, (the administrators of which will no longer be slave-holders) appoint respectable independent men to defend and preserve the rights of the emancipated negroes and people of colour-then, and not 'till then, may they be effectually protected from oppression, and their condition really and materially improved.-and we shall thus at once get rid of the crime and odium of keeping our fellow creatures and subjects in slavery. abolish slavery at once and for ever--when west india proprietors find that this is really and irrevocably done, then, and not till then, will they give up all further contest, evasion, &c. as useless ; submit with a good grace, and seriously set about making the best of the new order of things-as they did on the abolition of their slave trade with africa. the colonists, if left to themselves, will be as averse to reform or abolition of * mr. j. smith, late missionary at demerara, states in his journal" the rigours of negroe slavery i believe can never be nitigated, the system must be abolished.” - the rev. t. cooper, late of jamaica, it is i think, who says, “i once thought that slavery might be ameliorated, i am now of opinion that it cannot, but must be abolished.”-for my own part, i had not been long in the west indies, before i arrived at the same melancholy conviction, and have ever since continued to give it as my decided opinion.—this is the grand secret well known to practical slave-holders, though they do not chuse to say much about it, except among themselves. their slave system for ages to come, as at present, and always have been.-we had better begin and finish with them by doing all that is necessary and practicable at once, and keep a tight hand over them until we have done. it is as great an error to suppose that slavery can be best ameliorated, as that it can also be best abolished, by partial slow degrees.-we must begin where we now only expect to end, by its abolition at once and for ever, before any material improvement can take place in the condition of the enslaved.--proprietors could not, if they would, and by far the greater part of them would not if they could, effect much alteration for the better in their slave system.-it must continue pretty much as it is, or cease to exist at all, and probably die a violent death, involving the aggressors in ruin or des- truction. 'tis entirely kept up by brutal force and despotic power on the part of owners, against the will and interest of their slaves, who will evade their toil- some profitless tasks, and otherwise trick their tyrants, whenever they can.--craft against force is their chief weapon, unless they should obtain the ascendency, then power as well as stratagem will be employed, and most likely with a vengeance against the oppressors. a slave has no motive to drudge for his owner except that of being forced by irresistible compulsion--with- out fair benefit to himself.—the moment you relax from the strict and ready discipline of the whip and other inflictions most suited to goad him, he will proportion- ally relax in his exertions on behalf of his task-master. -grant him other indulgences, his low and degraded mind will be apt to abuse them ;-he has no sufficient motives for personal respectability of character, nor hopes of emerging from slavery he knows he is still a slave, and thinks he owes no gratitude on any account the most severe of any, one estate only excepted, in the whole island-which shews how difficult it is for humane proprietors, especially if absentees, to prevent being thwarted even by their own agents, besides the opposition of surrounding slave-holders and their myrmidons, jealous of any innovation on the general practice and policy of the country.-and even mr. hibbert repeat- cdly declares, he will not venture on any measure that may endanger the existence of the slave system; but only ainis at its amelioration, not its abolition (which is also generally the case even with the best among slave-holders—amelioration is their ne plus ultra) thus he would not suffer his slaves to be taught to read, &c. -being so shackled, 'tis not surprising he should not be able to effect much good.-mr. cooper ascribes the failure of his own mission to the circumstance of the slaves not having sufficient leisure from their avocations to attend his instructions, though it appears the pro- prietor had ordered sufficient time to be set apart for that purpose. yet how few, if any slave-holders can be found, so benevolent and liberal as mr. hibbert, so able and willing to make such sacrifices in attempts to ameliorate and improve the system, yet even in this case under such unusual favorable circumstances, has it failed in producing any material alteration for the better _such is the nature of slavery, it must be abolished, it cannot be improved. it has been supposed, that if the owners of large west india estates more generally resided in the colonies, it would be much better for their slaves-perhaps so--but most of the large proprietors are living in europe, and usually beyond their natural means of income, are often much embarrassed, and very greedy after large remit- tances from their agents in the colonies, without being over scrupulous as to the means by which they are obtained, which leads to the exhaustion of slaves and soil—and their managers well know how best to please them by remitting them largely, which answers the pur- pose for the present, and both parties are generally reekless of future distant consequences. - besides, managers are usually paid by a per centage on the amount of produce, and otherwise try to feather their nests by every means in their power-in consequence, every thing is overstrained to satisfy proprietors and agents-among the rest, they get as much work with as little expense as possible out of the slaves. even those absentee proprietors more prudent, who live within bounds, are content with moderate profits, and aim at good management, can very little know or controul the proceedings of their agents across the at- lantic, who will go on pretty much as they please above all, are generally averse to every innovation on the ordinary treatment of slaves.-and what must we think of large proprietors who each own and hold several hundred human beings in slavery, and live in europe, abandoning them to the management of mer- cenary hirelings , miles off, content with merely giving orders for the general good treatment of their slaves, to those whom it may be expected will evade them, as contrary to their own ideas and interest. the rev. r. bickell recently returned from jamaica, where he had officiated as a clergyman during the last five years, states in his work lately published, that several large west india proprietors resident in england, had sent out directions to their managers in that island, to put in practice on their estates the measures recommended by the mother government, but that such orders were generally unattend to, evaded, and opposed-we wish not to doubt the sin- cerity of their principals. if west india proprietors will keep slaves, at least they ought to reside on the spot, and by their personal care endeavor to lighten the chains of their captivity.- i have often wondered how they can rest in peace,on their pillows, and enjoy their guilty luxuries in europe, under such heavy responsibility, and fearful dereliction of duty, to say nothing of the main enormity, that of at all keeping their fellow creatures in slavery. but even the comparatively few large proprietors who actually do reside in the colonies, very often lead ex- travagant dissipated lives on their estates, or in the neighboring towns where they can better enjoy them- selves, and leave the management of their affairs to agents nearly or entirely as much as if they were ab- sentees--or else are rapaciously bent on making as much as soon as possible to enable them to retire to europe, careless about the welfare of their slaves, and often tainted with all the west india prejudices against them.-large proprietors are often not a bit more liberal in purse or in sentiment than the more petty, especially respecting their slaves-indeed, a slave is generally of most consequence to the latter, and who can better look after him, with few or no intermediate agents, often the greatest tyrants.-small proprietors are generally the best managers, and come most in personal contact with every branch of their own affairs. the island of barbadoes contains a greater proportion of resident proprietors of large estate than any of our west india colonies—yet are they not remarkable for kind treatment of their slaves, but commonly severe and haughty masters, though there may be more general good management of their own concerns—and are very rapacious after gain. i have been among the spanish plantations in the island of cuba.-the proprietors lead a kind of patri- archial life, consider the colony as their permanent home, live and die on their estate, and are succeeded in possession by their children from generation to genera- tion—their habits are simple, their wants are few, and they cultivate on a small scale only sufficient to supply them-are kind and indulgent masters, and enjoy much more comfort, and so do their slaves, than is the case under a very different order of things in the british west indies. many proprietors, though of large estate, are really more necessitous and embarrassed than those of smaller perty.-some succeed to an over-encumbered con- cern; or purchase on credit without sufficient funds to go on, or even to pay the purchase-money by instal- ments; or are careless, extravagant, or otherwise bad managers.-many are entirely under the controul of their creditors; others are put out of possession until their debts are paid, and their creditors bent on making as much as they can during their own reign, and the same may be said of executors in those regions.- under these and many other untoward circumstances, continually occurring in west india affairs under the present system, is it likely much improvement can take place in the condition of slaves.-but were they re- tained as freed servants, they must be properly treated, or the estate would remain without hands, or must do the needful for those attached to it. proprietors of all sorts, whether of large or less estates, may be bad, unprincipled, and unfeeling men, who can and may neglect their duty and abuse their fearful power over their slaves, or else unable, if not un- willing, to take proper care of them.- but were they free servants under the protection of the law as citi- zens, no one would be allowed to do or occasiop them harm, whether intentionally or not.-many slaves suffer . as much from the neglect, bad management, or necessi- ties of their owners, as others do from more wilful cruelty. but take a rara avis, the beau ideal of the sticklers for slavery, from which they argue at least by implica- tion.-a west india planter, a good and sensible man, free from debt and incumbrances, with ample capital for all necessary purposes, residing on his colonial estate, managing well, and anxiously desiring and en- deavoring to improve the condition of his slaves --yet he cannot answer for those who may come after him, or what may happen to himself; thus may his slaves be eventually transfered from a good to a bad master.- and even during his own time he will find himself con- tinually thwarted by the nature of the slave system and its abettors, even among his own subordinate agents. -nor is it likely he will venture to endanger its exist- ence, or if he did, would soon be checked by surround- ing slave-holders. if this be the case even with the best among slave- holders, under circumstances so peculiarly favorable as rarely to be met with-how much worse must it be as to the far more general run of proprietors, who eithur cannot, or will not, at any rate do not improve the con- dition of their slaves. many, more especially among petty proprietors, and the subordinate agents and their understrappers of those with larger estate, are often the offscourings of europe, needy, greedy, desperate adventurers, who risk their health and life in a deleterious clime, bent on making pelf by any means in their power, thorough goers through thick and thin, who will boggle at nothing they can do with impunity to answer their own purposes —these are generally the persons who come in most immediate contact, and are the practical men with the slaves, and continually present impediments to all im- provement in the condition of slaves, whether belonging to themselves or to others, and often finally arrive at being considerable proprietors.--nay, do we not fre- quently find, even among opulent and enlightened men in england, those who purchase west india estate on speculation, merely to make the most of their money and consider the slaves as part of the cattle on the property to be drudged or sold to the utmost profit.*- look at tho unholy league lately forming, called “the west india company," with a capital of four millions, for the purpose of upholding and profiting by west india slavery.-the list of subscribing names ought to be placed on permanent record—'tis said they have been prudently destroyed. in drawing out the foregoing note some nionths ago, which bere remains unaltered, the author had certainly supposed that the precious scheme alluded to had, from certain causes, died in its infancy, but finds himself mistaken—for a bill is now passing through parliament to form the same or a like concern into a joint stock company-by which this confederacy will probably in course of time acquire nearly all the fee simple of our west india colo- nies; and needy, embarrassed, or inconsiderate proprietors of estates, &c. almost comprehending the whole, will, by getting into its clutches, be kept in thraldom, finely fleeced, and finally ousted. -then what unsparing task-masters will such a sordid firm of money-makers and their agents prove to the poor slaves.-the system is bad enough at present even under individual owners, some of whom at least may from a right sense of interest, or feeling of compassion, be induced not to overstrain their slaves— but what can be expected from the ravenous nature of such a many headed monster.—however, as a counteracting project, has been first publickly announced within these few days the formation of “a tropical free labour company”—with also a capital of four millions.--'tis gratifying to find that some men are as ingenious in their more laudable contrivances for the downfall, as others for the support of a nefarious system. this is a new, and will pro- bably prove a mighty blow against slavery. n. b.-unless the more knowing leading managers of the west is it from such we are to expect improvement in the condition of slaves.--in short, what can be expected but abuse of power from men, either good or bad, who are allowed to do as they please, or it may suit their con- venience, with their fellow creatures.- is it not against every institution of civilized society to guard against tyranny ?-yet such is our west india system of sla- very-bad at best,,but in bad, negligent, or incompe- tent hands, most deplorable. even supposing that the most able and willing to benefit their slaves, may generally be found among the larger proprietors; these constitute but a small propor- tion of the great mass of slave-holders, and have little or no influence over them. it has been said, that the great west india proprietors resident in england gene- rally agreed to the propositions voted by parliament, and recommended by government two years ago--yet we know they were peremptorily rejected in the colo- nies.—and even the colonial assemblies, which may be supposed constituted chiefly of the first rate and most in- telligent planters, or their attornies, are as averse to any innovation, as the lowest and most ignorant slave-holders.-and if any member should be found hardy enough to propose it, he would probably find as little support within as without the walls, and would be soon ousted from his seat by his constituents. india company prove very immaculate characters, and if they or their proteges have west india property or claims of no very secure or profitable nature, they may palm them on the company, and get more than their worth from the funds, or be otherwise accommodated. let the uninitiated unfavored subscribers keep a sharp look out after the application of their money. + this, among many other instances, has been lately further il- lustrated by the recent proceedings of the jamaica house of as- sembly. on the th november last, one of its members, mr. the fact is, that from long continued habit, prejudice, and surrounding custom, as well as supposed interest, the colonists have brought themselves to believe there is no great harm, if any, in keeping negroes in slavery, whom they have bought with their own money or other- wise legally succeeded to, and that the general treatment of slaves is good enough for such inferior beings, or as much so as expediency will admit of-these notions not only render them very tenacious of what they deem their rights and privileges as slave-holders—but they also fear that besides present inconvenience, any tam- pering with their slave system may not only produce the final extinction of slavery, which they will never voluntarily agree to--but likewise bring on themselves massacre, expulsion, or ruin-so far they may be excu- sable—though many who consider the present system as advantageous to themselves, are totally regardless, though fully conscious, of its injustice to those who suffer rennall, brought in a bill, “ rendering negroe evidence or tes- timony admissible, upon any trial of an indictment against a white or free person, for murder, or for felonious homicide, of any ne- groe or other slave, or upon any trial of a misdemeanor in mu- tilating or dismembering any slave, or wantonly or cruelly whip- ping, maltreating, beating, bruising, wounding, or imprisoning, or keeping in confinement without sufficient support, any slave," &c. --the bill was thrown out on its second reading, by a majority of to , and that one the mover of the question, accompanied by the declaration of several members who took part in the debate, that they opposed it not only as unnecessary, mischievous, and dangerous in itself, but also to shew their determination not to ad- mit of any innovation whatever on their slave system, or interfe- rence of the mother country.”—and certainly, if they will not con- sent to such a measure as that proposed by mr. rennall, they need not fear we can entertain any doubt that they mean to abide by their declaration.-persons not having easy access to jamaica newspapers, will find a detailed account of the debate in “ the times" of th january, . by it--and the more knowing and least prejudiced among them, are as well aware as ourselves, that their estates might be cultivated, and all the business of life carried on in the west indies, as well and probably better by free agents as by slaves.-but this they will never con- sent to, whilst allowed to drudge their fellow creatures for nothing, and subject them to their own arbitrary will and power.-and others act without thought on the matter. now though i can never admit on any pretence their right to keep their fellow creatures and subjects in slavery --especially when indemnified for their emancipation, and their services further secured to them on easy terms; nor that the general treatment of slaves is as good as it need be, or that slavery ought not to be put an end to-yet i do think there is much more difficulty and probable danger likely to accrue from attempts at in- compatible reform, than the entire abolition of the in- corrigible system. their error and their fault consist not so much in their repugnance to an incongruous piece of patch-work of half and half slavery, which will not match or hold well together, as in their opposition to the entire extinction of slavery, and the substitution of an uniform better order of things. look at the regular, every day, authorized usages un- der our west india system of slavery.-a slave has no personal right to himself, to his wife or children, they belong to another; are oonsidered and treated as chat- tles, may be bought, sold, let out on hire, given away, seized on for debt, &c. and for ever separated from each other; are driven and drudged like brute beasts; are not within the pale of the law as citizens; but entirely subjected to the will, convenience, neglect, necessities, &c. of their owners; and have to run the gauntlet through all the abuse of power by subordinate agents; with other established and observed among slaves, deprived of the rights of husband and wife, parents and children-so on through all the abominations of the system, presenting at every turn insuperable obstacles to improvement- its entire abolition is more safe, easy, and beneficial. as for any piecemeal attempts at reform, slave-hold- ers are as jealous and averse to any even the least alter ration, as to the entire abolition of their system, to which they consider it only as a prelude, and will never consent or co-operate; but will resist, thwart, and evade all measures for the purpose, and but too much possess the practical means to render them abortive.-the at- tempts to do away with one abomination after another of the slave system, will be each considered by slave- holders as great an attack on their rights and privileges, and as much disputed as would be the immediate and entire abolition of their system.-so that we shall have to dispute the ground inch by inch, and instead of by one grand effort getting rid of the whole system at once, and establishing a complete better order of things, we shall long be engaged in a succession of struggles, and most likely very often, if not always, foiled-whilst the system will be rendered incongruous and more dan- gerous, by being partly reformed, partly not. at present, 'tis a machine kept in motion for the pur- poses intended, by a nice and cunning adaptation of its several parts to each other-derange its mechanism by the introduction of incompatible alterations, the whole is thrown into confusion, and will no longer operate for, but probably against its directors, and become uncon- troulable. this is what is principally meant by the report of the committee lately appointed by the ja- maica assembly, “ that on a review of the slave code, they find it so complete in all its parts, as not to require or admit of any alteration."--there may be more truth than generally supposed in the assertion of slave-holders, " that the system has already been reformed as much or nearly so as it will admit of, to be longer carried on with safety and advantage."-for my own part, were i a slave-holder, i should, on the score of safety and self-interest, prefer the entire abolition to any attempt at alteration of the system. and i verily believe that much more difficulty and probable danger is likely to accrue from any attempts at piecemeal incongruous reform, than in the immediate and entire abolition of the incorrigible evil-then we start free and unshackled to establish a complete and consistent better order of things, which will assimilate and work well together on uniform principles, for the reciprocal welfare of masters and their slaves as freed servants and citizens, and bene- fit of all parties concerned.--to this, after many vain attempts at partial reform, we shall probably find it necessary to come at last, and had better commence with, if we really intend and expect, by the best means, to effect the extinction of slavery.—the evil is radical, we had better strike at the root than aim at its branches --with all our lopping off and attempts at engrafting on the old stock, it never will produce good fruit, we can- not grow grapes on thorns, nor figs on thistles. even suppose that our system of slavery might be re- formed and finally abolished by slow degrees, in spite of existing obstacles, abounding in itself, and further thrown in the way by its abettors—consider the time that must elapse before much essential good could be effected; during which the slaves must continue to suffer from remaining grievances, especially the main evil of still being in slavery-and the very means taken to im- prove their condition, enlighten their minds, &c. will render them more impatient of their thraldom, being still slaves, and bent on shaking off the yoke as soon as they part iii. earl bathurst, our colonial secretary, advert- ing last session in the house of peers to the prompt and decisive measures adopted by the colombian govern- ment for the extinction of slavery throughout the republic; his lordship is reported to have said_“that the slaves in colombia may be more safely emancipated, because they are less numerous than in our west india colonies.”—in reply may be said, that the danger of attempting to forcibly keep human creatures in slavery against their will and endeavors to be free, is great in proportion to the magnitude of their number—if so, then must not the danger be greater in our west india colo- nies than in colombia.-and mark, the emancipated negroes are about to white person in sierra leone -so much for his lordship’s logic.* * “ the west india party must have been agreeably surprised to receive this side long aid to their cause, from no less a per- sonage than the right honorable secretary for colonial affairs, especially after the late badgering they had previously given him, -threatening to petition his majesty to remove him from his councils for incapacity, &c. &c.-let us admire his lordship's marvellous magnanimity! the enlightend and honorable parliament of england took a quarter of a century to debate year after year, whether it should put an end to our horrible slave trade with africa—and after all, it was abolished by a new set of men only a few months in power, who having the cause really at heart, actually did at once, what their predecessors had been so long only in talking about.-now nearly years afterwards, it is beginning to talk of putting an end to slavery in the british dominions-and this is already the third session it bas been debating about the matter, and will most likely fill up another quarter of a century before it agrees as to the expediency and mode of effecting it-and then, if the plan of gradual emancipation be adopted, ages may roll away before much if any progress is made in accom- plishing the main and ultimate object, the extinction of slavery.—during all which time we are holding near a million of our suffering subjects in slavery within our own dominions, and so we have done for centuries ! - what a specimen of the vaunted justice and humanity of the british nation, or at least of its government, and its promptitude to redress oppression, that the most revolting, a system of human slavery existing among free born englishmen, with all their boasted love of liberty for themselves, and the rest of mankind! n.b.-it will form a curious feature in future history of the last half century, supposed a moral and enlight- ened æra by its contemporaries, that the parliament of great britain took so many years to debate on the ex- pediency of an abolition of our slave trade with africa, the emancipation of ireland, the abolition of slavery throughout our dominions, and other equally important questions of such self-evident solution, and incumbent duty to act with promptitude and justice, that hesitation may be considered as disgraceful as from denial, delay, or insufficient redress of their grievances, than from prompt, effectual, and decisive measures for that purpose—and if a general rising should take place, and the slaves obtain the mastery, wreck their vengeance on their incorrigible oppressors, expel the survivors, and retain possession of the colonies, it will be in vain for the english government, or for west india proprietors, to throw the blame on the abolitionists—the sensible part of the nation will rightly ascribe it to their obstinate perseverance in a system no longer tenable, against the dictates of com- mon prudence and the warnings of the abolitionists.- government cannot thus excuse itself; nor will it redeem the character, or retrieve the affairs of the infatuated and ruined colonists. mr. canning, with his usual dexterity, appears to trim between both parties—on the one hand not giving an entire negative to the prayer of the abolitionists; on the other not much alarming their opponents, who perfectly understand him, and have lately ventured to praise his discretion."--by holding forth the necessity of slow and cautious measures, he seems to think he * that mr. canning possesses first-rate talents is unquestion- able--but which, if so disposed, only enables a man with moro plausible dexterity, to evade right, commit wrong, and make the worse appear the better cause. the age of man is threescore years and ten.-mr. canning is verging on his grand climacteric, a period of life when the world, its wiles and maneuvres are fast vaning in consequence to him, and be bas no time to lose.-sleep hath been called the semblance of death, and lying down in our bed to lying down in the grave.-i solemnly conjure him, as he hopes to leave a good name among the virtuous in this world, and meet the approbation of his maker in the next-let him each night as he lies down on his couch for repose, scrupulously enquire of himself—“ have i done all i can, to put an end to human slavery in the british dominions ?)"--and let him act accordingly. has brought west india affairs into such train, that government may take its own time to do any thing or nothing, just as it pleases.-and so far he need not have been so scrupulous in superceding mr. buxton's more comprehensive propositions, and substituting his own for the general practice of all our west india colonies, because it turns out that neither have been so put into execution.-but it happens (perhaps inadvertently on the part of the foreign secretary) that he pledged the government to this, namely, that iſ the propositions thus unanimously voted by parliament were not com- plied with, they should be enforced on the colonists.- now then, if the government is not disposed to go further at present, let it at any rate redeem this pledge before it seeks for, or the abolitionists grant it, further confidence and let the latter look well to its fulfill- ment. at present, 'tis not a question in the colonies, whether it shall be immediate or gradual emancipation, for they declare they will never consent to either.-nor how much or how little shall be done in the way of reform by the national government, for they say they will not suffer any interference with their slave system, but will only do as they please.--what is a handful of emaci- ated whites, trembling with fear of surrounding myriads of their slaves; and who could not exist in safety for an hour without the protecting arm of the mother country, to spurn the councils, dispute the supremacy, and brave the power of great britain ?--jamaica in a passion, a puddle in a storm !--why the very troops we furnish them with to keep down their slaves, if accompanied by proper civil functionaries of our own appointment, would be more than sufficient to enforce any regulations of the supreme government respecting the slaves, or any other ordinance (that is, if it placed the slaves under the protection of the law as citizens, otherwise the colonists might by craft and opportunity covertly evade, what by power they could not openly resist) and if we were to withdraw our troops, the slaves would soon settle the matter for themselves-or only war with west india finances, withdraw the protecting duties, &c. admit east india on the same terms as west india sugars; and if that be not sufficient, shift the protecting duty to the former; and if that prove not enough for supply of the home market, &c, then give all due encouº ragement to foreigners. this would soon bring our in- fatuated, hectoring west indians to their proper senses, and tame submission.-thus then, if there be a will, there is a way.-let us now wait for a while, and watch the future proceedings of government, whether the british government be really friendly to the general cause of freedom, i shall not here stop to investigate, nor adduce instances of its policy at home and abroad, which might elucidate the fact.—but this is certain, that whilst it is under the domination of an overruling, selfish, and rapacious oligarchy, were all the members of our cabinetas enlightened and liberal as only some are now supposed to be; and were they usually as unanimous, as said to be discordant in their views and opinions; they would often find they could not execute their designs, however wise and virtuous.—mr. pitt de- clared, that “ under the present system, no english minister could be an honest man."-but this mr. can- ning calls“ the system working well.”—thus corn laws, oppressive and impolitic, espeoially grinding on the poor, are made to give a monopoly and high prices to the landlords of england, who chiefly constitute both houses of parliament.*---protecting duties are given * the landlords of england whilst indulged with their corn laws, cannot with any face object to protecting duties in favor of the west india interest'tis a give and take business among the oligarchs in dividing the loaves and fishes. in favor of the west india interest, which has much in- fluence within and without the walls.--so on through all the range of the oligarchal party to be secured and satisfied; with rank, office, pensions, sinecures, &c. to its individual proteges.—and after all, its bigotry and prejudices are to be combatted with, and very often yielded to.—ministers, and even a higher personage, are as much in thraldom as west india slaves, and under as unsparing tyrants in their way.–and this must be the case, until our rulers trust for support to the integ- rity of their motives, the wisdom of their measures, and the consequent approbation of the nation, always sen- sible of, and grateful for, the blessings of good govern- ment, and ready to rally round and defend it.-oh what strength and glory for a british monarch, and his minis- ters! it cannot well be supposed that the english govern- ment should have any natural voluntary liking for our west india system of slavery, which is most infamous in itself; disgraceful, impolitic, and shackling to the government; and fleecing to the nation; as well as against its better feelings and constitutional principles ; and the general spirit of the age-and ministerial patro- nage in the west indies would remain as much as ever, probably more, under a system of general emancipation, as of slavery. and if it were not for the political in- fluence at home of the west india party, the national government might not be detered by the empty vaporing and peurile refractoriness in the colonies, from enforcing its measures for the extinction of slavery in that only part of our dominions where it is so shamefully and anomalously suffered to exist; and ministers might not be sorry for a sufficient excuse to satisfy the west india leaders at home, by being enabled to plead the irresistible voice of the nation for the abolition of slavery.---let then the people of england thus aid its government, and whether the latter really wish for it or not, it must finally give way to public opinion, if generally expressed and resolutely persevered in-how many abuses have thus been reformed. but it is not a partial, faint, or short-lived effort, a sudden impulse and soon over, which will sway the government.--ministers are accustomed to watch the public feeling, and on any outcry for reform or change of measures, to lay by and temporize to ascertain whether it is likely after a time to weaken and die away, or to continue and become more formidable. in the first case, they bend to the storm, until its violence has passed over, and then resume their former position and practices. in the latter, though often tardily and re- luctantly, they really give up to public opinion“'tis by a long pull, a strong pull, and a pull altogether," the abolitionists must seek to influence the government, which will then coerce the colonists, and the business is done. the nation has already caused government to stir in the slave question, and must not be diverted from its main object by a tub thrown out to the whale. the colonists protest against any interference of the mother country with their slave system-but vaguely say that they will do what is right and necessary in the way of reform at proper seasons, if left to themselves, without any specification of plan as to object, time, mode, or particular measures; or any guarantee for their performance. and even if they were to propose or consent to any defined or sufficient plan not only for the mitigation, but also final extinction of slavery, is it likely, if left to themselves, they would honestly and zealously put it in practice?—no, ministers cannot be so credulous as to believe or expect it.-and if they go on much longer in merely attempting to persuade the colonists to adopt the measures recommended, and afterwards trust to them for their execution, then the obvious inference to be drawn by all persons of common sense and penetration must be, that ministers are de- luding the nation, and playing into the hands of the west india party—that's plain english without mincing the matter.-if they really wish and intend to accom- plish the measures they ostensibly recommend, and to prove their sincerity, let them ordain instead of merely propose, and provide sufficient means for the execution of their ordinances.--and although it is my clear and firm conviction, that our west india system of slavery cannot be materially mitigated whilst suffered at all to exist, and that the best, most likely, and probably only effectual means ever to produce its abolition, will be to render all slaves at once free under certain necessary restraints and regulations, and placing them as subjects under the government and protection of the law and proper authorities; with suitable enactments and pro- visions specially made for the state and condition of the emancipated classes, and those connected with them.--yet, if the supreme government be not yet dis- posed to go so far, but to proceed by more gradual measures, then what it deems requisite and sufficient to be done-let it ordain and enforce. n. b.-the daring aim and cunning policy of our leading slave colonies appear at present to be, to set out by making a bold stand for the whole and sole con- troul of their slave system, rejecting in toto any inter- ference, whether in the shape of propositions, or other- wise, of the mother country.-but if they find that this will not prevail, then most likely they will appear to concede so far as to consent to some reformations, stipulating that the arrangement and execution shall be left to themselves, then little practical good can be ex- pected.—but if after all, they find the supreme govern- ment bent on framing and enforcing them, then comes their last resource, namely, they will trust to their ability to thwart and evade any measures they dislike in actual practice which they will possess too much power and opportunity of doing, unless the slaves are declared free, and placed as subjects under the protection of the law, and of proper authorities appointed by, and dependent on, the national government. 'tis pretty well known that the west india party now flatters itsek that the late outcry against their slave system is beginning to subside in england; that most of the clamour, as they term it, has been excited by a few leading abolitionists, who stirred up the people en mass, and obtained signatures to petitions for negroe emancipation, &c. from the multitude imposing in numbers on paper, but not of much consequence in point of respectability; and who, for the most part, really know or care little or nothing about the matter-a sudden ebulition soon evaporating; that it is not likely they can again be brought or kept to the charge with much ardour, weight, or perseverance--that all which has been written, said, or otherwise done on the subject of slavery has only produced a transient sensation- indeed, that the people of england generally, feel but. little curiosity or interest about what is going on in distant colonies across the atlantic; that out of sight is out of mind, and most folks are fully engaged in their own more immediate concerns, those also often of as nefarious a nature as west india slavery, and may keep it in countenance.—that government will not materially interfere with their system, unless overborne by the voice of the nation, which is not likely to happen, or if it do, the colonists may be able to resist, thwart, or evade all attempts at alteration, not approved of by themselves.-in short, that the west india party will be able to stand its ground.-but in this, and other cal- culations, it is egregiously mistaken. such is the nature of the west india system that it only requires to be thoroughly known to be generally reprobated—that knowledge is fast diffusing among the people of england; and must secure as determined opponents the virtuous, intelligent, and reflecting part of the community, who, acting from a sense of right and duty, are not likely to flag or prove lukewarm in such a cause, or to fail in influencing others.--"tis not alone the just, humane, and honorable among us, who feel for the wrongs of our fellow creatures and subjects held in slavery by englishmen within our own dominions- 'tis not only those who seek to erase this foul stain from our national character—but even persons chiefly in- fluenced by self-interest, must join in the hue and cry against it, when they come to know that the west india system is as fleecing as disgraceful to the country —thus will it be assailed on all hands. thank heaven, 'tis not a narrow party question, the good and sensible of all parties join in their execration of the slave system, and will cordially unite their efforts to put an to it in the british dominions. i have heard west indians jeeringly say, that “ john bull does n't trouble his head about whether the sugar he uses is produced by the labour of slaves or of free- men; or whether it comes to him a penny or twopence a pound dearer for the support of slavery, as long as he gets it at all when he wants it.”—but wait a bit; and let us see, when his eyes are sufficiently opened, whether he will prove so spiritless and doltish, as to tamely bear to be sneered at and choused at the same time, and also entrapt into being a virtual supporter of slavery. nor let our west indians flatter themselves that the temporary calm which has succeeded to the late crowd of petitions and general outcry against slavery, is any indication of abated zeal or perseverance in the cause- they rejoice in the truce, and will not be the first to break it.-the abolitionists are giving time for the colonists to act right if they will, and for the govern- ment to induce or coerce them-but the motions of both are watched, and will, if necessary, be quickened and regulated by the irresistible voice of the nation. then too, a thorough knowledge of the nature and effects of the slave system is widely diffusing among the people of england, and must produce, as the result of sufficient information and calm reflection, determined resistance to its further continuance. the seed of knowledge is sown, and must spring up, yielding a plentiful harvest of sturdy opponents to slavery. let it likewise be observed, that not only will the public voice be raised with one accord, and prove irresistible in swaying the government, but the people of england possess within themselves, independent of their rulers, the means to give a staggering, and per- adventure a deadly blow to the west india system, by merely abstaining from the produce of slavery; and at the same time clear themselves from the personal guilt of being its supporters.-nor will this occasion them much sacrifice, for they can be sufficiently supplied with similar productions from the labour of freemen and fellow subjects and tropical produce would soon in con- sequence come to us cheaper than ever.-then too, as already observed, the tropical free labour company now forming, will further tend to accelerate the downfal of slavery.--the people of england can also mark their scorn and abhorrence by shunning all personal inter- course with slave-holders individually and collectively. -if men branded with infamy, are excluded from respec- table society on account of their mal-practices, what can be more atrocious and infamous than holding human creatures in slavery, especially when offered an indem- nity for their emancipation, and a continuance of their for the of bech -Та ects di ople of ficient stance ege is rest of prore people ent of dper- services.-slave-holders had better not drive us to ex- tremities with them. moreover, the west india system is quick undermin- ing on its own ground in the colonies, by the progress of its slaves, who are growing more and more impatient of the yoke, and increasing in means to shake off their thraldom, and may not stop there.-from these and other causes, the system is more than beginning to totter, and must soon fall to pieces--let not its blind and infatuated proppers up tempt too far their fate, or they may be crushed in its ruins. slavery in our west indies must be put an end to either by the colonists, the supreme government and nation, or by the slaves themselves, or continue to go on. that the colonists will never effect it of their own voluntary accord, is clear to demonstration. how far ministers may be really sincere and zealous in the cause, or disposed to go far enough, let us await their further proceedings before we decide on the matter. but after all, the nation may be relied on for putting an end to the nefarious system.--as for the slaves effecting their own deliverance, the attempt and even success, is far from improbable--and were there no alternative, if they and their posterity must either remain in interminable slavery, or by force overpower their tyrants, and even exterminate them, what honorable man in england would not say, “if there be no other way, then even so must it be done; be the blood of the incorrigible aggressors upon their own head”-this we seek to avert, not only for sake of the slaves themselves, and even of their oppressors, but above all, because we are sure that the nation, unless anticipated by the slaves, will put an end to their grievances by means beneficial for all parties concerned, instead of such a catastrophe.- in the interim, let the slaves remain patient, and firmly rely on the justice, und at guilt them ellow cod- ), as pany enfal their ter els. dec- hat man em- heir humanity, and power of the mother country, which henceforth will not fail to end their wrongs, and promote their welfare-'tis a debt we deeply owe them, and duty to ourselves. never will the abolitionists rest until they have ac- complished the downfal of slavery in the british do- minions. in this they are sure eventually to succeed, the system is too atrocious and impolitic to be much longer endured among englishmen, when sufficiently aware of its nature and effects-no pains will be spared to enlighten them.-slave-holders had better cede with a good grace to the necessity of the case—but no, every feint, every fetch will they practice to prolong the game, though their chance is now so desperate, that it may be considered as already decided against them.—the con- test may be of longer or shorter duration according to circumstances, as in the case of the abolition of our slave trade with africa, but the result is as certain- and temporary procrastination will prove only a sorry consolation to slave-holders, whose final discomfiture is sure, and will be the more disgraceful in proportion as they stand out to the last in defence of an infamous cause.–and in the interim peradventure the slaves may step in between them and the nation, and settle the matter themselves, then probably woe to the colonists. --nor may our government be so able or willing as, hitherto to supply them with troops, on which they so much depend, to butcher their slaves on any attempt to, shake off their thraldom, or if it can and do, they may not prove effectual, even if willing to act for the infamous purpose. - thus by delay alone of proper measures may not only the base designs of the colonists be frustrated, but what must be lamented, the benevo- lent intentions of the government and nation may also be rendered abortive.- what is necessary to be hich mote ac- done ought to be done promptly and effectually-no half measures, no delay. the west india party would fain as formerly con- tinue to glide silently on without observation, and trust to the distant corner of our empire, where alone slavery is suffered to exist for concealment of its atrocities- but the secrets of the prison-house are unfolding to the people of england, and that is the best appeal to their judgment and feelings.* do- uch antly -red ery ume, be con- sto our n - ditt ture tion ous nay * mr. george hibbert, agent for jamaica, a shrewd and know- ing man, well versed in the mystery of west india policy, and very dexterous in the management-usually on any convention of a public meeting of west india proprietors, recommends to the company “not to launch into debate on the general west india question, but to confine themselves to the business of the day, passing the resolutions which will be brought before them (ready cut and dry) and leaving the rest to be managed by their com- mittee and agents, who well know what ought to be done, and how to set about it.”—this is discreet, for the less said in public on the west india system, the better for its party.–and the more wary among them generally seek to shun discussion, but cannot always restrain their less judicious adherents. mr. h. bas lately been honored by an unanimous vote of thanks from the honorable house of assembly at jamaica for his services as their agent; which he richly deserves, for he has laboured hard, and long, and adroitly, in his vocation; and may be as proud of this feather in his cap, as captain john hawkins, of no- table memory, who (vide hume) received the honor of knighthood from queen elizabeth for the meritorious service of being the first of her subjects who opened the slave trade between england and africa !-and granted him a patent to bear for his crest a demi moor bound with a cord.--and to do him the greater honor, clarencieux, king at arms, was commanded to wait on him in pro- per form with the patent.-- what blushing honors for those who confer and receive them. mr. h. hath grown rich by the slave system--but naked came we into this world, and naked must we go out of it, stript of every thing but virtue, the only current coin in the world to come. the sts. as so i to ay che per sts vo- bay be slave-holders, mirabile dictu, expect that their system and themselves should be treated with the greatest courtesy and forbearance-but what is there to deserve it in either.-the system is the most unjust, inhuman, and impolitic that can possibly exist among any civil- ized people, most of all inexcusable among englishmen, and what must we think of its more immediate perpetra- tors.-- then too, who more furious and abusive than slave-holders-touch their system and you touch the apple of their eye-as if it were the most just and salutary imaginable, and themselves the most honor- able and wrongfully persecuted among mortals—they wish to pass as the emblem of injured innocence per- sonified.–fair argument they have none, their cause will not admit of it, so necessarily have recourse to sophis- try, invective, and false statement.–certainly the thou- sand pounds voted by the jamaica assembly, and proportionate quotas from the other slave colonies, for the purpose of hiring mercenary scribblers to make the best of a desperate cause, may purchase a plentiful deal —'tis said, that buonaparte's physician on receiving certain pro- posals, replied, “if it requires such qualities to make a great man, i thank god i do not possess them”-and so we may say of many a rich man. human life is short, even from its commencement-and though we attain its most protracted span; no sooner are we born, than we begin to die.—mr. h. is gliding down the vale of years, and hath grown grey in the west india service. great is the propen- sity of man to excuse and cajole himself even in his greatest aber- ration from plainest duties.what qualms of conscience, or per- adventure what degree of satisfaction, mr. h. may experience from the review of a long life spent in support of the slave sys- tem, i cannot pretend to know-or how far at the close of the scene, when he finds this world receding from bim, and be is verging on another state of retribution, he may hope for the welcome greeting, “ come thou good and faithful servant, enter into the joy of thy lord.” of cavil, falsehood, and scurrility--though if the nymphs of billingsgate could only write in the same strain as they can speak, the latter article of scurrility might probably there be purchased on lower terms, but cer- tainly not in grosser perfection.-yet in sober serious. ness, all this only renders the discerning people of england more abhorrent at the frightful system of slavery, and disgusted with the ferocity, baseness, and meanness of its abettors. slave-holders resident in the colonies, blinded by pre- judice, surrounding custom, and wrong notions of in- terest; elated with the power of domineering, and their imaginary superiority uver the black and coloured people, keep each other in countenance, all think and act in the same way, and really imagine among them- selyes that they are mighty good sort of people, and their system right and necessary, or at least very exeu- sable.-and so think the felons in newgate of them- selves and their depredations—but the just, intelligent, and dispassionate among the people of england enter- tain very different notions on the matter.—as for those in the colonies, who, callous to every honorable princi- ple, or feeling of humanity, would knowingly and willingly perpetrate any deed, however atrocious, to gratify or aggrandize themselves, if they could do it with impunity-there are no hopes of voluntary good from them.—but it might be expected that the more enlight- ened, and supposed honorable and liberal west india proprietors, chiefly resident in england, would not only be fully aware of the injustice of their system, but also, marking the signs of the times, would perceive that in all probability it cannot be much longer tenable, by any means in their power, and would have at least the good sense, (leaving honor and humanity out of the question) to cede to the necessity of the case, and prepare for a h than the present system.-when this shall be achieved, and they reap the advantages, the angry passions will subside, and even slave-holders may prove thankful to the abolitionists.- if we bore them any grudge, we need only leave them length of rope enough, and they would be pretty sure to hang themselves. to conclude--why should slavery exist any longer in the british dominions than it can well be got rid of ?-- that it can be best done away with at once and for ever with safety, justice, and advantage to all parties con- cerned, i have here endeavored to shew.-and if that has been proved, then what honest or plausible plea can we adduce to justify or excuse us in the opinion of the good and sensible part of mankind for its farther conti- nuance-cant and craft will not avail-with our preten- sions to liberty and liberal institutions, to superior sanc- tity, justice, and benevolence, we must stand confest as the most hypocritical, selfish, and inexcusable among nations. the author has here throughout recommended the immediate emancipation of all our slaves, under certain necessary regulations, as the best and most likely means, under existing circumstances in our west india colo- nies, by which the abolition of slavery can be accom- plished.--and even if it be admitted that slavery might be put an end to by slower degrees, yet why should such a monstrous evil be suffered to last any longer in the british dominions, than it can be got rid of with safety and advantage to all parties concerned. that it can be so immediately done, and its necessity, i am clearly convinced, and have here endeavored to shew. · i am aware that the proposition of immediate general emancipation, will startle those who have been in the habit of taking it for granted that slavery in our west india colonies can only be safely and beneficially abolished by very slow and cautious measures.-but i believe that this opinion, so generally entertained, has been adopted from want of sufficient knowledge of the practical nature and effects of the slave system scarcely admitting of improvement; with the general habits and dispositions of slave-holders and their agents, equally adverse to any innovation.-nor let us be unmindful of the progress of time and events; the present race of slaves are far more enlightened and civilized than their predecessors of former times, and proportionally fitter subjects for an extension of privilege, more impatient of their thraldom; and more dangerous as slaves to the white community; they are likewise as much entitled to freedom as their posterity; we have also lost much time, which now requires a plan of quicker operation. -and i conceive it will be difficult, nay impossible, to prove, that placing such slaves as freed subjects under the government and protection of the law and proper constitued authorities, allowing the fair controul, instead of arbitrary will and power of their masters, is not sufficient for every good and necessary purpose. i earnestly entreat my readers to fairly examine the matter--and trust they will be as thoroughly convinced as myself of the utility and necessity of the plan here recommended, in preference to any of less comprehen- sive nature, slower progress, or more uncertain effects. -to their candour i leave it. -- "tis a serious subject, requiring fair and full consideration.—what just man among us would not wish for the abolition of slavery as soon and entirely as prudently practicable. however, if what at least i deem a fatal error, should longer continue generally to prevail, namely, that slaves of the present race, at least those too old for education and proper training, are not fit subjects for general emancipation-then at any rate, it must be admitted that such objection cannot be urged against their children, under years of age, who must be as susceptible of all necessary improvement, as those of any generation which may hereafter exist. if then all the present race of slaves, above years of age (except say those of colour down to mulattoes inclusive) many of them still in early life, are to be generally doomed to the hard and hopeless lot of slavery, to end only in the grave-which i am convinced is as unnecessary, as crạel and unjust, moreover, may not be unattended with danger to the whites.--but if, alas! it should be so decreed, then, besides facilitating the means for individual manuinissions among this class, as far as deemed expedient, let the supreme government take proper measures for the amelioration of their con- dition as slaves, and entrust them to its own constituted authorities--though after all, slaves cannot be effectually protected from injustice-which is among the cogent reasons for the entire abolition of slavery, as soon and as well as we can. under this more contracted plan, let all existing slave children, of every shade, not above years of age, be at once declared free, properly brought up, and bound to serve their mother's owner gratuitously up to the age of -quite sufficient, as already shewn for his indem- nification and profit, and then be allowed to act as free agents and provide for themselves.-or if proprietors of such slave children, must be paid in money their standing worth, under years of age at the time of sale-then on the scale aforementioned, for , , at the average rate of £ . each, it will cost the nation £ , , . of all slaves of colour, above years of age, down to mulattoes inclusive, being when adults, at least a gene- ration before the negroe slaves generally at present in knowledge and civilization, and for other reasons afore- stated,* may, and ought to be at once emancipated, and at the age of , left to act as free agents, having served their owner gratuitously up to that period, and then paid for at the rate of £ . each; which at their estimated number of say , , (deducting one-fifth or , =£ , for their children, under years of age, to be purchased at the average rate of £ . each) will amount to £ , , . n.b,-the deduction of one-fifth for such children of colour, must be taken into the calculations of the pre- ceding pages, tears ittoes to be inced £ , , class , ment cost for redemption of all existing slare cbil- dren under years of age, at average rate of £ . each. cost for ditto of all slaves of colour, down to mulattoes inclusive, above years of age, at £ . each-to be paid on their having attained the age of . con tuted , , ually agent £ , , and thus then, the whole cost to the nation for redemp- tion of all slaves, on the limited scale of not including a age, vund age dem free the charter granted to the first settlers of jamaica by charles iid, contains the following passage—“and we do further publish and declare, that all children of any of our natural born subjects of england, to be born in jamaica, shall, from their respective births, be reputed to be, and shall be free denizens of england.” thus then, at least all persons of colour, down to malattoes in- clusive, born in jamaica, being white men's children, and their fathers englishmen, are free denizens of england, by right of birth, without fee or reward, purchase or favor.--i wish they would try the question on this side the water. ts of hing chen age slaves of the present race above years of age, except those of colour down to mulattoes inclusive, will amount only to £ , , .-certainly not a large sum, or to be grudged, for the accomplishment of so much good.-nor ought the additional expense in annuities stated at page , for the purchase of all other slaves at or above the age of , to be considered as a suffi- cient plea for leaving them to pass the whole of their lives in slavery-especially as the bounties and protect- ing duties, of much greater amount, now granted in support of the slave system, might be withdrawn, and thus slavery abolished with a saving to the nation- and west india proprietors would thrive better under a system of free labour, and general good management. let all children henceforth born of slave parents be declared free from their birth, be properly trained, and bound to serve gratuitously their mother's owner, if the child be reared by him, up to the age of -and then released from such servitude, and afterwards to provide for themselves.—this is six primest years more than allowed in colombia for indemnification of such proprietors-and ought to satisfy the more rapacious english slave-holder. thus then, on this limited scale of speedy emanci- pation, all slaves of the present race under years of age, and all slaves of colour aforesaid, will be rendered free. and though unfortunately, and i think unnecessa- rily, it leaves all the other existing slaves to bondage for life, yet all their children henceforth born will be free, which though a poor consolation to the parents for their own hard fate, or to restrain them from forcibly assert- ing their rights, and perhaps inflicting vengeance on their oppressors; yet, besides much present good effected, it fixes a certain specific time and mode for the entire abolition of slavery--which has ever hitherto been cept sum, much luities laves sufi. their tect- d in and on- der a alt. ts be - and -and is to carefully avoided by the abettors of the system.--all this might and ought to have been done long ago, when at least most of our slaves at the present day might now have been free subjects, properly trained, and acting as free agents for their own benefit, and useful members of the community—but up to this late period, we have done nothing, or next to nothing, for the abolition of slavery within the british dominions.—'tis high time we should redeem our character, and bring the matter to the test. let government, in which at its own seeking we have confided, now take the most prompt, judicious, and effectual measures for the purpose--if it do not of its own accord, then let the people of england insist that it shall be done, and it will be done.-in the interim, let overy conscientious person abstain from the guilty produce of slavery--this is in every one's power, and if generally done, will alone soon put an end to our slave system. if the people of england do not thus exert themselves to the utmost--then are they more inexcusable than the government, and even than slave-holders them- selves.---the government, under the present system, may plead the shackling power of west india influence over it--but the people of england are under no such shameful controul.--the crime of slave-holders may be somewhat paliated, by allowing for their prejudices, long continued habits, and supposed, though mistaken, notions of interesi.-but the people of england know and avow the iniquity of the slave system; and as for any advantage--'tis as fleecing as disgraceful to the nation.-therefore, if we do not all we ought and can to get rid of it--why then, as before said, our folly must be equal to our crime. the end. (published june, .) more such cious anci is of hered ssa. e for free, their sert- their d, it itire veen corrections. the number of slaves of colour, only down to mulattoes inclusive, as stated at page and –is probably much overrated-if so, it does not alter the principle of the plan proposed, but will cost the nation proportionately less for their separate redemption. the over statement, if any, proceeds from having taken the usual west india calculation, that the slaves of colour amount to about one-tenth of the whole slave population--but this probably includes samboes, a nu- merous grade, the offspring of negroe and mulattoe parents conjunctively. the plan proposed, only com- prehends slaves of colour down to mulatioes inclusive, which would be a great reduction of numbers, and con- sequently of expense for their purchase to the nation. -most likely, since the registry of slaves, the exact number of each and every class may be accurately ascertained-but i have not been able to gain access, if they exist, to any such documents. at page , £ . each is allowed towards the redemption of slave children of colour, under years of age-but no such extra charge need to be made, as such children must be fully included in the amount of £ , , . provided for the purchase of all slave children under years of age of every description- which is a further diminution of expense to the nation. --the deduction of one-fifth for the children under years of age, on , slaves of colour, at £ . each, amounts to £ , . only £ , . is deducted at page .-or say, deduct one-fifth = , from , -leaves , , at £ . each--amounting to lyº zºº, . %arbarb college library º from the bright legacy one half the income from this legacy, which was re- ceived in under the will of jonathan brown bright of waltham, massachusetts, is to be expended for books for the college library. the other half of the income is devoted to scholarships in harvard university for the benefit of descendants of henry bright, jr., who died at watertown, massachusetts, in . in the absence of such descendants, other persons are eligible to the scholarships. the will requires that this announce- ment shall be made in every book added to the library under its provisions. - | a d d r e s s is y tritz committee of the glaggom (ºmantipation sºotietp, to the ministers of religion in particular, and the friends of negro emancipation in general, o n a m e r i c a n s l a v e r y. g l a s g o w : printed by aird & russell, , argyll street; and sold by g. gallie, buchanan street; j. m'leod, argyll street; d. robertson, trongate; and william smeal, gallowgate. mdcccxxxvi. a d d r e s s. esteemed christian friends, it is in no spirit of hostility to america, that we now solicit your co-operation in striving to ex- pedite the extinction of its slavery. there may be those who denounce the guilt of its oppressions, in hatred and terror of its liberal institutions; but with these we have no sympathy, nor is it to these we now principally address ourselves,—for it will be found, if we mistake not, that they took little part in attaining emancipation for the slaves of our own colonies, and are no way disposed to exert themselves for the suppression of those evils in america, through which alone they can, with any hope of success, assail its disrelished virtues. perhaps it may be thought by some, that we should rather veil than expose the errors of our trans-atlantic brethren, with which their exalted principles are practically associated, lest we involve good and bad in the same common obloquy. but such temporis- ing expediency, such dereliction of duty, in apprehension of conse- quences, is the very prop and stay of that hateful and hated system which we desire to overthrow ; and, for ourselves, we fear nothing in vindicating the cause of him who was anointed to pro- claim liberty to the captives. but why, it may be asked, were not such representations and remonstrances employed sooner? american slavery is of long standing ; why then are we only now bestirring ourselves for its abolition ? this sort of objection might be reasonbly urged, were we defending the immaculacy of our past conduct; but if we have been reprehensibly negligent hitherto, that is no reason for neglecting duty still: on the contrary, we are the more bound to improve, promptly and indefatigably, what opportunities remain for its vigorous performance. if additional obligations, however, were necessary, they are not awanting. the emancipation of all slaves in the british empire, precludes other nations from now meeting us with the reproach, “physician, healthyself;” and arms us with a moral influence, for the use of which we are solemnly responsible. it is true our colonial negroes are not wholly free, but wherein our example is here deficient, our experience is the more admonitory; and we can assure all whom the assurance may reach, that our emancipation act has wrought well in all but its qualifications—that in antigua and the bermudas, where the boon of freedom was bestowed unmodified, all is contentment and com- parative prosperity; and that, as the result of the whole, we desire all expatriated africans to be as ours now are, excepting their apprenticeship. the ample and accurate intelligence now possessed, as to the state of american society, likewise augments the obligation to exert ourselves for its amendment. we knew there were slaves in the united states ; but we did not know till lately that nearly two millions and a half of the inhabitants are in a state of slavery. we knew that people of colour, even though free, were regarded with prejudice; but we did not know that they are subjected to a ceaseless and systematized ignominy, from which the sanctuary, itself, and even the table of the lord, afford them no retreat or protection. it was matter of notoriety, that abolitionists in america shared the jealousy of all magnanimous philanthropists; but the threatenings and slaughters breathed out against them by the periodical press, by ministers and magistrates, presbyteries and states, have incalculably exceeded our darkest suspicions, and filled us not less with astonishment than abhorrence. ~ but what have you to do with us, our american brethren may ask? why, being foreigners, intermeddle with our domestic in- stitutions? and what have you to do, we reply, with the heathen nations, to whom, on a scale so magnificent, you are sending de- voted, undaunted missionaries p why molest their household economy, by aspersing their household gods? is it alleged that the cases are different? our reply is—the same word which con- demns idols, condemns instruments of cruelty, and furnishes the maxim alike applicable to both :—thou shalt in any wise rebuke thy neighbour, and not suffer sin upon him. the cavil, however, is so weak, as to be unworthy of refutation. were we reasoning with idolaters, who say “keep your gods and we shall keep ours,” we might patiently expound our conviction that there is but one true god, and one true religion ; and plead the consequent neces- sity laid upon us, to press the universal adoption of that faith, and fulfilment of that law, which alone we account divine, and accepta- ble, and saving. but how can we composedly dilate on these first principles of the oracles of god, to american christians, who are at the very moment prosecuting efforts of gloriously-aggressive benevolence? such works are to us more expressive than words; and adopting the former as our model, in preference to the latter, we shall extend the same fidelity to america, as america to other nations. will you not, esteemed christian friends, aid us in this work and labour of love? think what is due to the gospel of jesus, which slavery in all its forms obstructs, outrages, and defies. consider what we owe to the subjugated, and, even when liberated, still abused negro. suppose him all that malevolence would pro- nounce him, are we not equally with an apostle, made debtors to the barbarians as well as to the greeks, by that holy religion, which proclaims god to have made of one blood all nations that dwell on the face of the earth; which enjoins to loose the bands of wick- edness—to undo the heavy burdens—to let the oppressed go free —to break every yoke; and whose comprehensive commission, as delivered by a once crucified, but then risen redeemer, is—“go into all the world and preach the gospel to every creature?” but many of these stolen, enslaved, insulted strangers, are accredited follow- ers of the lamb of god. they are not merely bone of our bone, and flesh of our flesh, but members of that one whole family, that is named in christ, bought with the same blood as ourselves, sanctified by the same spirit, crying on the same footing of adop- tion, “abba father.” how, then, shall we behold unmoved, the anguish of their souls, and not be verily guilty concerning our brethren? how shall we hear of their cruel bondage, and imag- ine, while acting as if we knew it not, that we are remembering those who are in bonds as bound with them; and them that suffer adversity, as being ourselves also in the body ? think what claims the emancipationists of america have on our resolute co-agency. among these are to be found some of the noblest spirits of the age—the brightest examples of humanity and religion. in naming some, we may be wronging others; but these will the most readily excuse us for instancing lundy, garrison, tappan, birney, cox, and jay—men who have not only engaged their superior powers, and not only sacrificed their time and their property, but braved a hurricane of obloquy and danger, placing life itself in jeopardy, to effect the liberation of the oppressed african. our efficient interposition would strengthen the hands and gladden the hearts of such men; would enhance the credit of the undertaking, with their countrymen, increase the number of its supporters, enfeeble the hostility of its opponents, and every- way hasten their ultimate victory. what, then, are all our lauded principles—what our high-sounding professions, if we deny to such benefactors a fraternal alliance, at once so easy to us and precious to them? at the same time, to be precious it must be immediate. one year hence, these regenerators of their country may less need our assistance. in a few years hence, their names will certainly be honoured by the very classes who now execrate them. but if they live to see the effect of their exertions, in this transformation of public opinion, they will look back from amid the admiring mid-day throng, to remember and acknowledge those earliest allies who first joined their imperiled standard; helping them when they needed help; approving and supporting them while yet vilified and assailed. in a word, reflect what is duty to the slave-holders themselves. are they not objects of christian philanthropy; the victims of a bondage so much worse than that which they inflict; as voluntary sin is more dreadful than involuntary suffering p it is true they may disrelish our expostulation, but the more it is disliked the more it is needed, and to wink at the offence is to contract its guilt. in whatever light, then, we contemplate the subject, it impera- tively requires us to be up and doing. there is no escape from the responsibility. the opinion of this country will be estimated by its expression, and wherever it is not expressed, silence will be construed into consent. such a construction would be, indeed, utterly groundless. there are some who deplore, and others who deride, and a few it may be who palliate, but who are they of our population that defend the slavery of america? if any speak of gradual cure, it is not so much as being necessary to the negro–a || | - | | | - lyº zºº, . %arbarb college library from the bright legacy one half the income from this legacy, which was re- ceived in under the will of jonathan brown bright of waltham, massachusetts, is to be expended for books for the college library. the other half of the income is devoted to scholarships in harvard university for the benefit of descendants of henry bright, j.r., who died at watertown, massachusetts, in . in the absence of such descendants, other persons are eligible to the scholarships. the will requires that this announce- ment shall be made in every book added to the library under its provisions. |- |- - |- - · | _ | - - -- |- ·- - - - |-- -- | _- · - ·-- - · · |- |- |- - |- --- - · - -- |- . -|- - l, s ſº-ºº: sard culº, § “… sep a d d r e s s. esteemed christian friends, it is in no spirit of hostility to america, that we now solicit your co-operation in striving to ex- pedite the extinction of its slavery. there may be those who denounce the guilt of its oppressions, in hatred and terror of its liberal institutions; but with these we have no sympathy, nor is it to these we now principally address ourselves,—for it will be found, if we mistake not, that they took little part in attaining emancipation for the slaves of our own colonies, and are no way disposed to exert themselves for the suppression of those evils in america, through which alone they can, with any hope of success, assail its disrelished virtues. perhaps it may be thought by some, that we should rather veil than expose the errors of our trans-atlantic brethren, with which their exalted principles are practically associated, lest we involve good and bad in the same common obloquy. but such temporis- ing expediency, such dereliction of duty, in apprehension of conse- quences, is the very prop and stay of that hateful and hated system which we desire to overthrow ; and, for ourselves, we fear nothing in vindicating the cause of him who was anointed to pro- claim liberty to the captives. but why, it may be asked, were not such representations and remonstrances employed sooner? american slavery is of long standing ; why then are we only now bestirring ourselves for its abolition ? this sort of objection might be reasonbly urged, were we defending the immaculacy of our past conduct; but if we have been reprehensibly negligent hitherto, that is no reason for neglecting duty still: on the contrary, we are the more bound to improve, promptly and indefatigably, what opportunities remain for its vigorous performance. if additional obligations, however, religion. in naming some, we may be wronging others; but these will the most readily excuse us for instancing lundy, garrison, tappan, birney, cox, and jay—men who have not only engaged their superior powers, and not only sacrificed their time and their property, but braved a hurricane of obloquy and danger, placing life itself in jeopardy, to effect the liberation of the oppressed african. our efficient interposition would strengthen the hands and gladden the hearts of such men; would enhance the credit of the undertaking, with their countrymen, increase the number of its supporters, enfeeble the hostility of its opponents, and every- way hasten their ultimate victory. what, then, are all our lauded principles—what our high-sounding professions, if we deny to such benefactors a fraternal alliance, at once so easy to us and precious to them? at the same time, to be precious it must be immediate. one year hence, these regenerators of their country may less need our assistance. in a few years hence, their names will certainly be honoured by the very classes who now execrate them. but if they live to see the effect of their exertions, in this transformation of public opinion, they will look back from amid the admiring mid-day throng, to remember and acknowledge those earliest allies who first joined their imperiled standard; helping them when they needed help; approving and supporting them while yet vilified and assailed. in a word, reflect what is duty to the slave-holders themselves. are they not objects of christian philanthropy; the victims of a bondage so much worse than that which they inflict; as voluntary sin is more dreadful than involuntary suffering p. it is true they may disrelish our expostulation, but the more it is disliked the more it is needed, and to wink at the offence is to contract its guilt. in whatever light, then, we contemplate the subject, it impera- tively requires us to be up and doing. there is no escape from the responsibility. the opinion of this country will be estimated by its expression, and wherever it is not expressed, silence will be construed into consent. such a construction would be, indeed, utterly groundless. there are some who deplore, and others who deride, and a few it may be who palliate, but who are they of our population that defend the slavery of america? if any speak of gradual cure, it is not so much as being necessary to the negro—a british arms, and courage, and tactics, they failed in the enter- prize. more recently we sent one combatant, and him unarmed, to liberate america's oppressed millions, by speaking the truth. and what has been the result p. he has fled. yes, as paul fled from iconium and lystra, to escape the jealousy and hatred con- sequent upon conquest. he has retreated, leaving behind him nearly” immediate abolition societies, in great part the fruit of his benevolent mission. were britain then to exert fully its moral power; or rather, by undivided fidelity to call down the full blessing from on high, american slavery, we are free to anticipate, could not withstand the onset. let ministers, and elders, and deacons, exert their appropriate influence with the flocks of which they are the responsible overseers. let the several churches, and ecclesi- astical courts, and congregational unions, proclaim in affectionate but faithful accents, their deep, and painful, and universal impres- sion of america's blameworthiness. these means, though simple, are invincible—they must prevail. before the first shock of weapons, not carnal, wielded by a mighty and united people, the surest stronghold of oppression will rend, and shake, and fall. and when slavery expires in america, where shall it survive p with such desertion from its ranks, and accession to its assailants, where and by what resources shall it maintain its ground? we are bold to reply nowhere, and nohow. the battle now fought in columbia decides for the world. all nations accounting it final, look on with gener- ous hope, or interested fear; and when victory declares—as it shall declare, so surely as god is true—for the friends of injured hu- manity, all the ends of the earth must speedily participate in the joyful consummation. transcendent jubilee, inferior only to that which it shall accompany and promote—the admission of all the families of the earth, into the glorious liberty of the children of god | * there are now above . a d d r e s s is y tiii. committee of the glasgom (ºmantipation sºorietp, ministers of religion in particular, and the friends of negro emancipation in general, o n a m e r i c a n s l a v e r y. g. l. a. s g o w : printed by aird & russell, , argyll street; and sold by g. gallie, buchanan street; j. m'leod, argyll street; d. robertson, trongate; and william smeal, gallowgate. mdcccxxxvi. q ard cul, is § “… sep ! i b r a rn * * *}. ºf ºx ) * ; a d d r e s s. esteemed christian friends,--it is in no spirit of hostility to america, that we now solicit your co-operation in striving to ex- pedite the extinction of its slavery. there may be those who denounce the guilt of its oppressions, in hatred and terror of its liberal institutions; but with these we have no sympathy, nor is it to these we now principally address ourselves,—for it will be found, if we mistake not, that they took little part in attaining emancipation for the slaves of our own colonies, and are no way disposed to exert themselves for the suppression of those evils in america, through which alone they can, with any hope of success, assail its disrelished virtues. perhaps it may be thought by some, that we should rather veil than expose the errors of our trans-atlantic brethren, with which their exalted principles are practically associated, lest we involve good and bad in the same common obloquy. but such temporis- ing expediency, such dereliction of duty, in apprehension of conse- quences, is the very prop and stay of that hateful and hated system which we desire to overthrow ; and, for ourselves, we fear nothing in vindicating the cause of him who was anointed to pro- claim liberty to the captives. but why, it may be asked, were not such representations and remonstrances employed sooner? american slavery is of long standing ; why then are we only now bestirring ourselves for its abolition ? this sort of objection might be reasonbly urged, were we defending the immaculacy of our past conduct; but if we have been reprehensibly negligent hitherto, that is no reason for neglecting duty still: on the contrary, we are the more bound to improve, promptly and indefatigably, what opportunities remain for its vigorous performance. if additional obligations, however, a d d r e s s n; y tritº committee of the glasgom (ºmantipation ºutietp, ministers of religion in particular, ann thre friends of negro emancipation in general, o n a m e r i c a n s l a v e r y. g l a s g o w : printed by aird & russell, , argyll street; and sold by g. gallie, buchanan street; j. m'leod, argyll street; d. robertson, trongate; and william smeal, gallowgate. mdcccxxxvi. lº s ſº-sº q m&d cul, ,- $ “… sep ! i b r a rn were necessary, they are not awanting. the emancipation of all slaves in the british empire, precludes other nations from now meeting us with the reproach, “physician, healthyself;” and arms us with a moral influence, for the use of which we are solemnly responsible. it is true our colonial negroes are not wholly free, but wherein our example is here deficient, our experience is the more admonitory; and we can assure all whom the assurance may reach, that our emancipation act has wrought well in all but its qualifications—that in antigua and the bermudas, where the boon of freedom was bestowed unmodified, all is contentment and com- parative prosperity; and that, as the result of the whole, we desire all expatriated africans to be as ours now are, excepting their apprenticeship. the ample and accurate intelligence now possessed, as to the state of american society, likewise augments the obligation to exert ourselves for its amendment. we knew there were slaves in the united states; but we did not know till lately that nearly two millions and a half of the inhabitants are in a state of slavery. we knew that people of colour, even though free, were regarded with prejudice; but we did not know that they are subjected to a ceaseless and systematized ignominy, from which the sanctuary. itself, and even the table of the lord, afford them no retreat or protection. it was matter of notoriety, that abolitionists in america shared the jealousy of all magnanimous philanthropists; but the threatenings and slaughters breathed out against them by the periodical press, by ministers and magistrates, presbyteries and states, have incalculably exceeded our darkest suspicions, and filled us not less with astonishment than abhorrence. but what have you to do with us, our american brethren may ask? why, being foreigners, intermeddle with our domestic in- stitutions? and what have you to do, we reply, with the heathen nations, to whom, on a scale so magnificent, you are sending de- voted, undaunted missionaries? why molest their household economy, by aspersing their household gods? is it alleged that the cases are different? our reply is—the same word which con- demns idols, condemns instruments of cruelty, and furnishes the maxim alike applicable to both :—thou shalt in any wise rebuke thy neighbour, and not suffer sin upon him. the cavil, however, is so weak, as to be unworthy of refutation. were we reasoning religion. in naming some, we may be wronging others; but these will the most readily excuse us for instancing lundy, garrison, tappan, birney, cox, and jay—men who have not only engaged their superior powers, and not only sacrificed their time and their property, but braved a hurricane of obloquy and danger, placing life itself in jeopardy, to effect the liberation of the oppressed african. our efficient interposition would strengthen the hands and gladden the hearts of such men; would enhance the credit of the undertaking, with their countrymen, increase the number of its supporters, enfeeble the hostility of its opponents, and every- way hasten their ultimate victory. what, then, are all our lauded principles—what our high-sounding professions, if we deny to such benefactors a fraternal alliance, at once so easy to us and precious to them? at the same time, to be precious it must be immediate. one year hence, these regenerators of their country may less need our assistance. in a few years hence, their names will certainly be honoured by the very classes who now execrate them. but if they live to see the effect of their exertions, in this transformation of public opinion, they will look back from amid the admiring mid-day throng, to remember and acknowledge those earliest allies who first joined their imperiled standard; helping them when they needed help; approving and supporting them while yet vilified and assailed. in a word, reflect what is duty to the slave-holders themselves. are they not objects of christian philanthropy; the victims of a bondage so much worse than that which they inflict; as voluntary sin is more dreadful than involuntary suffering p. it is true they may disrelish our expostulation, but the more it is disliked the more it is needed, and to wink at the offence is to contract its guilt. in whatever light, then, we contemplate the subject, it impera- tively requires us to be up and doing. there is no escape from the responsibility. the opinion of this country will be estimated by its expression, and wherever it is not expressed, silence will be construed into consent. such a construction would be, indeed, utterly groundless. there are some who deplore, and others who deride, and a few it may be who palliate, but who are they of our population that defend the slavery of america? if any speak of gradual cure, it is not so much as being necessary to the negro–a dogma which the recent history of our colonies has signally ex- ploded—but to the masters, who cannot be expected, it seems, to act righteously all on a sudden, after being so long habituated to extreme unrighteousness, and must needs themselves go through an apprenticeship to prepare them for doing justly, and loving mercy this is the highest pleading proffered in our country to trans-atlantic slavery. and will high-minded america accept of this vindication ? it cannot be, and next, therefore, to earnest remonstrance, we desire nothing more earnestly than a publica- tion of this defence from our neutrals, of their non-interference; for if such be the vindication of america, what is its condemna- tion ? if any, however, be speechless, their taciturnity will be misconstrued, and all, therefore, who do not interpose to dissever, are powerfully, though indirectly, confirming the delusions of the oppressor, and the calamities of the oppressed. the question, then, is not, whether we shall be actionless, but whether we shall do good or evil; not whether we shall take a side, but which side we shall take; for, whosoever in this cause is not with christ, is against him, and he who gathereth not with him, scattereth. surely christians cannot waver between these alternatives. they came to a decision in relation to our own colonies, and how glorious is the result | as a political question, the abolition of slavery had been agitated for half a century in vain, the strong- est arguments from expediency achieving no perceptible advance- ment; but, no sooner was it discussed as a religious question, than the mountains were levelled and the valleys filled, before the re- sistless march of christian principle. how animating is the encouragement afforded by this successl and let it not be said that the influence so availing here, is insusceptible of extension to foreign shores. were we reasoning on merely civil grounds, we might be told of the difference of civil condition: but we argue on spiritual grounds, and derive our arguments from that word which owns no distinction of kindred or of clime. already our christian influence with america has been tested and established. what good has been already effected by mr george thompson, our eloquent and devoted deputy " once we sent thousands to subjugate america; and, with all the prowess of * the services of captain stuart deserve also to be acknowledged, as most arduous and valuable. religion. in naming some, we may be wronging others; but these will the most readily excuse us for instancing lundy, garrison, tappan, birney, cox, and jay—men who have not only engaged their superior powers, and not only sacrificed their time and their property, but braved a hurricane of obloquy and danger, placing life itself in jeopardy, to effect the liberation of the oppressed african. our efficient interposition would strengthen the hands and gladden the hearts of such men; would enhance the credit of the undertaking, with their countrymen, increase the number of its supporters, enfeeble the hostility of its opponents, and every- way hasten their ultimate victory. what, then, are all our lauded principles—what our high-sounding professions, if we deny to such benefactors a fraternal alliance, at once so easy to us and precious to them? at the same time, to be precious it must be immediate. one year hence, these regenerators of their country may less need our assistance. in a few years hence, their names will certainly be honoured by the very classes who now execrate them. but if they live to see the effect of their exertions, in this transformation of public opinion, they will look back from amid the admiring mid-day throng, to remember and acknowledge those earliest allies who first joined their imperiled standard; helping them when they needed help; approving and supporting them while yet vilified and assailed. in a word, reflect what is duty to the slave-holders themselves. are they not objects of christian philanthropy; the victims of a bondage so much worse than that which they inflict; as voluntary sin is more dreadful than involuntary suffering p. it is true they may disrelish our expostulation, but the more it is disliked the more it is needed, and to wink at the offence is to contract its guilt. in whatever light, then, we contemplate the subject, it impera- tively requires us to be up and doing. there is no escape from the responsibility. the opinion of this country will be estimated by its expression, and wherever it is not expressed, silence will be construed into consent. such a construction would be, indeed, utterly groundless. there are some who deplore, and others who deride, and a few it may be who palliate, but who are they of our population that defend the slavery of america? if any speak of gradual cure, it is not so much as being necessary to the negro–a dogma which the recent history of our colonies has signally ex- ploded—but to the masters, who cannot be expected, it seems, to act righteously all on a sudden, after being so long habituated to extreme unrighteousness, and must needs themselves go through an apprenticeship to prepare them for doing justly, and loving mercy this is the highest pleading proffered in our country to trans-atlantic slavery. and will high-minded america accept of this vindication ? it cannot be, and next, therefore, to earnest remonstrance, we desire nothing more earnestly than a publica- tion of this defence from our neutrals, of their non-interference; for if such be the vindication of america, what is its condemna- tion ? if any, however, be speechless, their taciturnity will be misconstrued, and all, therefore, who do not interpose to dissever, are powerfully, though indirectly, confirming the delusions of the oppressor, and the calamities of the oppressed. the question, then, is not, whether we shall be actionless, but whether we shall do good or evil; not whether we shall take a side, but which side we shall take; for, whosoever in this cause is not with christ, is against him, and he who gathereth not with him, scattereth. surely christians cannot waver between these alternatives. they came to a decision in relation to our own colonies, and how glorious is the result | as a political question, the abolition of slavery had been agitated for half a century in vain, the strong- est arguments from expediency achieving no perceptible advance- ment; but, no sooner was it discussed as a religious question, than the mountains were levelled and the valleys filled, before the re- sistless march of christian principle. how animating is the encouragement afforded by this success! and let it not be said that the influence so availing here, is insusceptible of extension to foreign shores. were we reasoning on merely civil grounds, we might be told of the difference of civil condition: but we argue on spiritual grounds, and derive our arguments from that word which owns no distinction of kindred or of clime. already our christian influence with america has been tested and established. what good has been already effected by mr george thompson, our eloquent and devoted deputy " once we sent thousands to subjugate america; and, with all the prowess of * the services of captain stuart deserve also to be acknowledged, as most arduous and valuable. british arms, and courage, and tactics, they failed in the enter- prize. more recently we sent one combatant, and him unarmed, to liberate america's oppressed millions, by speaking the truth. and what has been the result p. he has fled. yes, as paul fled from iconium and lystra, to escape the jealousy and hatred con- sequent upon conquest. he has retreated, leaving behind him nearly” immediate abolition societies, in great part the fruit of his benevolent mission. were britain then to exert fully its moral power; or rather, by undivided fidelity to call down the full blessing from on high, american slavery, we are free to anticipate, could not withstand the onset. let ministers, and elders, and deacons, exert their appropriate influence with the flocks of which they are the responsible overseers. let the several churches, and ecclesi- astical courts, and congregational unions, proclaim in affectionate but faithful accents, their deep, and painful, and universal impres- sion of america's blameworthiness. these means, though simple, are invincible—they must prevail. before the first shock of weapons, not carnal, wielded by a mighty and united people, the surest stronghold of oppression will rend, and shake, and fall. and when slavery expires in america, where shall it survive p with such desertion from its ranks, and accession to its assailants, where and by what resources shall it maintain its ground? we are bold to reply nowhere, and nohow. the battle now fought in columbia decides for the world. all nations accounting it final, look on with gener- ous hope, or interested fear; and when victory declares—as it shall declare, so surely as god is true—for the friends of injured hu- manity, all the ends of the earth must speedily participate in the joyful consummation. transcendent jubilee, inferior only to that which it shall accompany and promote—the admission of all the families of the earth, into the glorious liberty of the children of god | * there are now above . nypl research libraries sekm letter ਦਾ ਆਧਾਰ ਦੀ । د: من sekm اردنية (( أند زا! - زعلت من - متا british e.p ah letters on the necessity of a prompt extinction of british colonial slavery; chiefly addressed to the more influential classes. “whatsoever thy hand findeth to do, do it with all thy might." to which are added, thoughts on compensation. london: sold by hatchard and son, piccadilly, and by t. combe and son, leicester. mdcccxxvi. t? ?**? . k pool, ry a astor, lenox and tilden foundations r l advertisement. since the prospectus of the following work was issued, its title and contents have undergone considerable alter- ation, consequent upon the change produced in some of the writer's views of the subject, by a correspondence with one of the most able and devoted leaders of the anti-slavery society. from this privilege however, it is feared that the following pages will evince that the writer has profited but very partially. printed by combe and sor, leicester. table of contents. letter i. to the great leaders of the anti-slavery society. west indian slavery essentially the same at the present moment as before the issue of the orders in council, &c. p. ... inadequacy of the remedy proposed by gradual eman- cipation. ... fundamental principle lost in the proposition of gradual emancipation. ... injurious effects of delay. ... wretched consequences of the admission of just principles without a prompt conformity to their requisitions illustrated in the conduct of france respecting the slave-trade. . . investi- gation of the conduct of emancipated slaves in america, &c. . in st. domingo. ... safety and expediency of immediate emancipation the inevitable result of this investigation. .. preparatory school of discipline unnecessary and impracti- cable. . letter ii. to those who are tired of the subject of west indian slavery. - p. . declension of anti-slavery zeal where least to be expected. ... necessity of pressing this “trite and hackened subject" still more closely on the public attention. ... awful respon- sibility incurred by acquaintance with its nature and conse- quences. ... danger of trifling with known duty. ... dives and lazarus. . letter iii. to the more infuential classes of the christian public...p. . necessity of bringing christian sympathy and principle into more vigourous operation ... reproachful disproportion between the evil of slavery and the efforts hitherto made for its destruction. ...folly of expecting its destruction with- out the strenuous exertion of rational means. ...tropical free labour company. . . immediate emancipation required on the ground of divine command. .. as explicit in the case of the negro slave as in that of the israelites under egyptian bondage. ... inconsistency and hypocrisy of reprobating the slave trade whilst we uphold slavery. . .objections to the substitution of east for west indian sugar. ..process of west indian sugar cultivation. .. its destructive con- sequences. .. criminality of west india sugar consump- tion. . contents. p. . letter iv. on the most efficient meuns of deepening and extending the public interest in the speedy extinction of west indian slavery. strict propriety and great importance of employing the christian pulpit in the anti-slavery cause. ..peter the hermit. . . picture of west indian slavery drawn by the colonists themselves. . . the malignant hostility of slavery to christianity. .. influence of slavery upon missionaries. ..moravians. .. duty of denouncing from the chris- tian pulpit this anti-christian tyranny. . letter v. on the importance of associations for the purpose of obtaining the cooperation of the humbler classes. p. . successful result of personal visits for the purpose of dif- fusing wider information on the nature of slavery. .. ad- vantage of this general extension.—their probahle influence on the next general election. . .resolutions of the calne meeting. . letter. vi. to the friends of immediate emancipation. p. . incitements to zeal and courage. ..cautions against spu- rious candour. .. . necessity of more numerous and urgent petitions to parliament. ..caution against the imposition of slave-cultivated sugar for the produce of free labour.- strongly marked discouragement of the sale of west india sugar recommended. .. encouragement to perseverance in the work of emancipation from the certain evidence of its accordance with the divine will. ... miraculous inter- vention not to be expected. .. emancipation not to be suspended on the successful issue of commercial speculations, it may be effected by a speedier process. . .force of public opinion. thoughts on compensation, p. . misapplication of public sympathy. . its injurious effects. .. claims of the slave - holders to compen- sation groundless and audacious. .. on civil and poli- tical as well as moral principles. .. passions of the colo- nists exasperated by all attempts at conciliation and conces- sion. .. origin of west indian slavery. .. original grants and permissions founded in fraud and falsehood. .. charters all forfeited. .. ultimate advantage resulting to the planter from emancipation. ..superior profitableness of free to slave labour. .. compensation justly due to the slave not to the slave-holder. . letter i. an earnest appeal to the great leaders of the anti-slavery society. in appealing to the great leaders of the anti- slavery society, we appeal to the concentrated wisdom and virtue of the nation - consequently the language of great deference and respect is justly due. none can appreciate more justly than we do, the talents and virtues of those whom we thus presume to address; their disinterested, perse- vering exertions, in the great cause of humanity and justice are beyond all praise; but no emi- nence in virtue or talent exclude a liability to error; imperfection is inseparable from humanity: the ablest, the wisest, the best men, who in different ages have been an ornament and a bles- sing to society, have been partially wise, imper- fectly good; on some important point of opinion b or practice, the most enlightened have been in the dark; the most acute and discerning, deceived ; the most sincere and upright, opposed to the truth. in the great conflict of right against might, you have borne the heat and burden of the day ; you have stemmed the strong torrent of west- indian interest and prejudice; you have rowed hard against wind and tide, “ toiled all the night and (have, as yet) taken nothing.” ask your- selves why the persevering exertion of so much zeal, of so much talent, in a cause so just and so righteous, should have been so little availing. the appalling “ view of negro slavery exist- ing in the british colonies,” drawn up and cir- culated by your committee, in april, , is circulated again in ! had any important change, any change worth noticing taken place in the system, it would, of course, as a matter of justice, have been recorded. but notwithstanding the petitions to parliament, for its mitigation and gradual abolition; notwithstanding the orders in council, and meliorating measures, recommended two years ago, to the colonial legislators ; still, the “view of negro slavery,” as it exists in , is precisely the same as it existed in --and such, without miraculous invention, will it, in all human probability, remain to the end of the cen- tury unless some important change be effected in the sentiments and measures of the abolition- ists ;--unless there be a greater agreement between the evil they have exposed, and the remedy they propose for it. the evil they have exposed is of the most enormous and flagitious nature; it involves, ac- cording to their own statement, the worst crimes which can disgrace, and the severest sufferings which can afflict our fellow-creatures ;-" it out- rages every feeling of humanity, every recognised principle both of the british constitution and of the christian religion.” the abolitionists have in- formed us that the objects of their sympathy, have, “ themselves or their parents, been the victims of the slave-trade. they were obtained by no law- ful means, but by the most undisguised rapine, the most atrocious fraud. torn from their homes, from every dear relation in life, barbarously mana- cled, or driven like herds of cattle to the sea-shore, crowded into the pestilential holds of slave-ships, transported to our colonies, where they are branded like cattle with hot irons ;-separated and sold with- out regard to family ties, to the highest bidder ;-am compelled to labour, night as well as the day, for the sole benefit of their owners, from whom they re- ceive no wages ; subjected, for any, or for no offence, at the caprice of their master or his dele- gate, to have their persons shamefully exposed and barbarously tortured, with the cart whip, an in- strumeut of dreadful severity, which cruelly lace- rates the flesh of the sufferer ;-denied the means of legal redress, even in cases of the most atrocious barbarity, by the rejection of their evidence in the colonial courts,” &c. &c.—therefore, this sys- tem of barefaced injustice and merciless oppres- sion, is only to be mitigated and gradually abo- lished!! what agreement we ask, is there between such promises and such conclusions ? an impenetrable veil of mystery and delusion seems to envelope and screen this enormity from merited and prompt destruction. the wisest and the best seem to be withheld from applying to it, not their own superior wisdom and exalted prin- ciples merely, but that common sense and common justice which govern common mortals in their ordinary transactions. on the subject of west- indian slavery, a theme in the abstract, so inex- haustibly fruitful of eloquent declamation and powerful argument, the wisest and the best, when they come to the practical application of their own cogent reasonings, seem to reverse their ordinary every day conclusions. “ no effectual steps (the abolitionists inform us) have yet been taken, since the extinction of the slave trade (eighteen years ago) either by this country or the colonists for softening the rigour of negro bondage" -or for putting an end to “ a condition of society, which outrages every feeling of humanity.-every re- cognized principle both of the british constitution and the christian religion.”—and therefore they see a brief view of the nature and effects of negro slavery," published by the anti-slai ery society. still propose only to mitigate and gradually to abolish it!! suffer, we entreat you, the word of serious and earnest remonstrance. compel yourselves to examine afresh, the ground you have taken as gradual abolitionists,—and see whether it be such as affords any rational hope of success ;-see whether it be not hollow and treacherous ground, which it is high time to abandon. hollow and treacherous we are confident that it is--and dan- gerous also,—dangerous to your own principles, as well as treacherous to the cause you have em- braced. the proposition for gradual emancipa- tion is, we are confident, secretly sapping the foundation of public virtue, paralizing its resolu- tion, familiarizing and reconciling us to crime; rendering us a nation of hypocrites---empty preluders to humanity and justice, who expose and reprobate crime, not to extirpate but to tolerate and foster it;-who plead, for the op- pressed and miserable, not to rescue, but to abandon them. this pusillanimous proposition is operating like a powerful opiate on our feel- ings and principles ;—it is neutralizing our sym- pathy, palsying our exertion, and benumbing our charity in behalf of the poor negro like the touch of the torpedo. without the spirit of prophecy we confidently predict that the mitigation and gradual abolition of west-india slavery will, humanly speaking, never be obtained; and moreover, that if the great leaders of the anti- slavery society, remain satisfied with no higher aim, they themselves, the most enlightened and humane, will find their feelings and their prin- ciples gradually, imperceptibly accommodated, like those of the planters, to the existing state of things ;--the wisest and the best, on this trite and hackneyed subject, will come to have “ eyes that see not-ears that hear not-hearts that un- derstand not.” such is the inevitable conse- quence of tampering with conviction ; of familiar knowledge of abuses, long acquaintance with oppression and cruelty which are only partially and feebly resisted. if west-india slavery be the monstrous in- justice and atrocity which you have represented it, with what consistency can the friends of humanity and justice tolerate and tamper with it? we wish to be temperate,--to reason rather than declaim on a business so momentous,--but the mysterious incongruity in the language and conduct of the gradual abolitionists, seems to justify some warmth of remonstrance. their language has been in the highest degree, calculated to rouse, and stimulate, general indignation against slavery. they have represented it as involving crimes of the deepest die, as a concentration, the very focal point of all crimes. consistency requires that the disclosure of its enormity should be followed up, by determined and unremitting exertions for its speedy and utter extinction.-it had been better never to have known the horrors of the system than having known, to tolerate and cherish it. the exposure of its iniquity, so long as it is suffered to exist, only occasions an increase of crime and suffering ;-an increase of crime in those, who passively sanction, as well as those who actively support it, in as much as sins against light and knowledge are greater than those of ignorance:--the sufferings of the slaves will be aggravated by the bitter disappointment of those hopes of redress which the public ex position of their wrongs excited, and the rigours of their bondage will be increased, so long as gradual emancipation, is hanging, in terrorem, over the heads of the planters, who, exasperated by british interference and fearing more decided hostility, will determine to make the most of their slave property whilst they have it in possession, by extracting all the advantage they possibly can out of it. the work of emancipation, if it be not vigourously pursued, had better never have been meddled with. insurrections have increased in consequence of the knowledge obtained by the slaves of the public sympathy and of the inter- position of the british government in their favour ;-they claimed the benefit of that inter- position-and have been massacred or executed, or doomed to endure the protracted torture of a thousand lashes—and to labour in chains during the residue of their lives, for their audacity.!!!b after all that has been said and written about the shameful degradation, the enormous wrongs of the poor negro, what has he gained by all our declamation against the atrocious injustice and cruelty of which he is the victim? worse than nothing. his tyrants have only strength- ened their fortifications and entrenched themselves deeper against future attacks, by organizing a powerful body of supporters in this country, backed with a capital of two millions, whereby the ramifications of the slave-holding interest are greatly extended and the chains of the slave more strongly rivetted. " but there must be time allowed for the seed sown in the cause of emancipation to take root.” yes, but it has had time to take root-and to bring forth abundantly, - and its produce has been suffered unprofitably to perish. by the information which has been so copiously diffused on the nature and effects of west indian slavery, the public sympathy and indignation have been powerfully awakened—to no purpose—no right direction has been given to them and they are rapidly subsiding into the most torpid insen- sibility. “ but great moral revolutions must be effected f see the sentences passed on the insurgents at demerara, by slow degree.” why must they? there is a warmth of feeling and an energy of principle awakened by the first powerful conviction of the duty and necessity of such revolutions which would facilitate and expedite their accomplish- ment. but this warmth of feeling and energy of principle will gradually subside if not kept alive by those vigourous exertions to which they in- stinctively prompt; and when they have sub- sided, the work of reformation will indeed be effected by slow degrees. reason, humanity, justice, religion in such a case as this, all unite in calling for dispatch, not delay. to keep up the spirit of an enterprise it must advance,- if it be a just and righteous one, the more rapidly, the better. “ but deeply rooted prejudices are not hastily eradicated ;-long established interests, however unjust in their origin, are not violently to be de- stroyed.” why are they not? deeply rooted prejudices, the longer they are suffered to grow, will strike their roots the deeper; and long es- tablished corrupt interests, ill-gotten, or ill-re- tained possessions, are never voluntarily relin- quished. the futile and audacious claims of the slave-holders to the detention of their captives, or to remuneration for their loss, have been often exposed and indignantly repelled. it has been proved that the labour of the slave, on the lowest calculation of its value, replaces his cost, sup- posing it to have been so high as £ , in seven years. this consideration however, let it ever be remembered, has no bearing whatever on the justice of the question. the slave did not sell himself;—consequently his purchaser has no right to an equivalent out of his labour. “ but the planter will be ruined by the im- mediate liberation of his slaves.” if, by the ruin of the planter, is meant only his temporary em- barrassment and humiliation ;-we candidly say -"'tis a consumation devoutly to be wished.”- 'tis the natural, the necessary means of his cor- rection, and improvement, the only cure for his pride and his insolence, his sordid selfishness and hardheartness. — when were long established habits of robbery, oppression and cruelty aban- doned without humiliation and suffering ?-when was vice cured without punishment ?-on the petty robber it falls with unsparing hand. is theft criminal only in the poor? is the crime cancelled when committed by the rich on the persons of the poor? shall the poor man, who steals a sheep, forfeit his life for it? and shall the rich man who steals his brother, or (which is the same thing) detains him in unjust and cruel bondage (being stolen) shall he be held guiltless ? shall he be required to make no restitution till restitution be attended with no loss c see “ the west-indies as they are," by the rev. r. bickell, p. . or inconvenience? shall “ the stolen captive” never be reclaimed, -the helpless prey never taken out of the hands of the robber,—till an equivalent be provided, till no loss accompany the restitution ? “ but the planters purchased their slaves, or they obtained them by inheritance, and therefore consider them as their rightful property.” and can the payment of any sum, for an article over which the seller had no right, impart any right to the pur- chaser ? impossible! if justice be any thing more than an empty name, -a mere nose of wax, which may be mould- ed and fitted to any face, the holder of the sla e, whether he obtained him by purchase, or by inheritance, is as guilty as the original thief. the right of the slave to his own freedom is inherent in himself;he does not lose his right because a robber and a tyrant wrest it from him. god made him free-and appointed the bounds of his habitation in the wild regions of africa. the wretch who stole him thence, could, by no possible means, either acquire, or transmit, the right to make a slave of him, or to keep him in slavery. he has a right to his liberty; through whatever number of transfers the usurpation of it may have passed his right is undiminshed and so is the crime of witholding it. “ but of what advantage is it to contend for his right, if he cannot obtain it? his possessor will not voluntarily restore it; — the law will not compel him,—and the slave himself has no power of reclaiming it.” but though his possessor re- fuses voluntarily to liberate him ;- though he be unable to assert his own liberty; though british law has hitherto declined to award it because it has never yet been demanded ; - it may yet be had for asking. it could not be withheld by the british government from the united claims of humanity, justice and religion, if boldly and per- severingly urged. the abolitionists have hi- therto gained nothing for their poor clients, be- cause they have asked too little. “ but immediate emancipation is regarded by the sober and dispassionate, as a wild and imprac- ticable theory, scarcely entitled to a serious thought.” - wild and extravagant as it may ap- pear in some quarters, in others, it is rapidly gaining ground- and we trust the time is not far distant when this startling proposition will cease to alarm the most sober and dispassionate, and be unanimously adopted by every friend of justice and humanity. negro slavery, being, (according to the declared convictions of the gradual abolitionists) “ un out- rage of every feeling of humanity, every recog- nized principle both of the british constitution and of the christian religion”—its existence on bri- tish ground, must be regarded by them as an open mockery of her laws, -an impious defiance of her religion ;—they must see it pointing with the finger of scorn and derision to her pretended equal administration of justice, — her high chris- tian profession ;--- writing on her criminal courts tyranny,”-on her christian temples “ hypo- crisy;" — displaying with insulting triumph, its broad license to commit injustice, robbery and sacrilege, in comparison of which the crimes which crowd our prisons and furnish the execu- tioner with ceaseless occupation are slight and venial. for a long season the public were unac- quainted with the real nature of this abomination; -- it is an infernal birth, which has for ages, thriven in darkness ;-at length it has been dragged to light ;--- rather, it has with blind and frantic infatuation, obtruded and forced itself into light. the frightful monster, with hideous hissings, has darted into public view, unfolded its enormous coils, stretched the full length of its horrid de- formity in broad day-light. it has reared its brazen front, displayed its poisoned fangs—and has menaced and defied both earth and heaven." d witness, the late transactions in barbadoes and demerara : trial of the missionary smith ; language of the colonists on the receipt of the orders in counsel, &c. &c. and shall we suffer it to live to continue its ra- vages, - to taint the moral atmosphere around it with poisonous infection, - to blast with pesti- ferous breath every principle of justice, humanity and religion within its reach? or shall we with cruel and imbecile lenity, instead of crushing it at once, condemn it to die by inches, doom it to gradual destruction, — to lingering torments ? you admit that it is worthy of death, — that its protracted existence is protracted crime and mi- sery, disgrace and infamy. and can crime and misery be too soon arrested? - can disgrace and infamy be too soon obliterated ? slavery is the one grand impediment to the moral renovation both of the negro and his master. if the slaves are kept in bondage for another generation, they will not be at all better prepared for freedom than they now now are, are, - nor will their tyrants be at all more willing to relinquish their pre- tended right to them. no good reason can be given for suffering slavery in the british colonies to exist for another year which cannot be given for its existence for interminable ages. in the proposition for gradual emancipation there is a manifest dereliction of the fundamental principle on which emancipation is grounded, a tacit denial of that unqualified right of the slave to freedom on which rests all the justice of his enfranchisement. by acceding to his remaining in slavery until he shall be better qualified for freedom, or until, by a stipulated quantity of labour he shall, in a course of years, have worked out or purchased his own freedom,—the right of his possessor is recognised to hold him in bondage ; and the same sort of reasoning which can justify the withstanding his liberty for a year or a day, will justify the witholding it for ever. “but gradual emancipation, is defended on the ground of expediency rather than that of strict · justice.” but by quitting the high ground of justice, for that of expediency, the impregnable bulwarks of the cause are surrounded, and its advocates, instead of struggling for eternal prin- ciples of right,-contend for a delusive phantom, -an ignis-fatuus which will perpetually elude . for gradual emancipation, what- ever may be said of its expediency, will be found utterly unattainable. the proposition has done nothing, and will do nothing but deceive and betray ;-deceive its individual advocates with vain imaginations of the utility of their la- bours and betray the cause of emancipation into the hands of its enemies. an emancipation so gradual as would have been attained by a law se- curing the freedom of all negro children born after a specific time has been solicited in vain. we are bold enough to predict that the solici- tation of a law for the prompt and complete ex- tinction of slavery would meet a more successful issue. by the last discussion of the question in their grasp parliament, the planters are said to have gained a complete triumph. with insolent audacity they · resist the authority of the british legislature, and set at nought both its recommendations, and its laws. they assume the control of absolute mo- narchs, lawless tyrants,—they hold no party with justice,-make no concession to humanity. they have the power and are determined to surrender no modicum of it to treaty or remonstrance. had the best concerted measures for the mi- tigation and gradual abolition of colonial slavery been fully acceded to by the british government, -and the colonists, instead of openly resisting, had, from motives of policy, appeared to acquiesce; -still they would have contrived to evade their operation. no plans of melioration or gradual emancipation have any chance of taking effect in such a soil. what says the report of mr. cooper after a residence of three years on the estate of a planter who invested him with full authority to improve the condition of his slaves ? “he could do nothing.--the habits and prejudices of the colonists, independently of their laws, ren- dered improvement impracticable.” what says the journal of the martyred missionary smith ? " the (slave) system is incapable of improvement, it must be abolished altogether.' the proposition of gradual instead of imme- diate emancipation has utterly failed as far as rgards the conciliation of the planters, they hav- ing as vehemently protested against the one as the other. the exercise of unlimited power having so completely blinded their understand- ings, hardened their hearts and subjected them to the tyranny of their own lawless passions, that it will be found far more difficult to subject them, than their slaves, to the restraints of reason and justice. if conduct is ever to be regarded as the surest test of principle, how high, in the scale of morals does the poor negro mount above his master! patience, fortitude, magnanimity, bound- less gratitude to his benefactor, - forgiveness of injuries ;-are his ordinary characteristics:'-and • the following anecdote is selected, from many others of a similar character, from the “ west indies as they are." “in the city of kingston, where there are eight or ten thousand slaves, and a greater number of free blacks and free people of colour, there was a strong guard kept all the holidays, and fearful rumours were afloat, of the horrid and diabolical intentions of the slaves. it was said that they were all to rise on a certain night, to set fire to the city in ten places, and murder all the white people as they should come out of their dwellings. the free blacks and people of colour were also suspected of being inclined to join them. but an incident happened, just before the commencement of the holidays, which completely satisfied my mind that all those fears were idle dreams. a fire occurred within fifty yards of my own residence; it broke out about ten o'clock at night, and as i was retiring to my bed-chamber, i heard the exclamations of the mistress of the house, crying fire! fire! soon after the drums beat, and the church bell struckout, giving the alarm. i ran up stairs, and from a back gallery could clearly perceive the fire, which was very alarming. though с if in spite of the brutal ignorance, the heathen darkness in which his task-master would bind him, — he should happily hear and embrace the glad tidings of the gospel—then might the high- est professor of religion look to the slave for prac- tical illustrations of its transforming efficacy. what though, whilst forcibly withheld, (as the far i never gave full credit to the rumours of the horrid inten- tions of the negroes, yet i was somewhat staggered, and hardly knew what to do, being the only white person in the house. i considered, however, that if the fire was not got under in half an hour, it would reach us, and we should be burnt out or perish in the flames; so that if a conspiracy were taking place i might as well be murdered as burnt; and that moreover, i should have some chance of my life by fighting for it; so i resolved to go out and do my best. calling therefore my own black servant, and arming myself, i proceeded to the conflagration, and found very few whites indeed, but many people of colour and blacks, free persons as well as slaves, who were all busily employed in carrying water, and otherwise assisting to extinguish the burning mass, i remained there till the fire was got under, and i never saw people behave better than the free people of colour and the slaves did. it may be truly said, that they saved the city from much damage, for it was in great danger. they prevented the flames spreading before the firemen or soldiers arrived at the spot; for as to the few whites who were there, they did little or nothing. had the slaves and people of colour then been inclined to mischief, they had an excellent opportunity, for there were no armed men to prevent their extending the fire. on the contrary, however, they and they only, put a stop to it, and by so doing, completely shewed that they were not deserving of the infamous insinuations spread abroad to the injury of their character.” the following anecdote was inserted in a respectable pro- vincial paper, published a few weeks since. “when the late a theft upon holding greater proportion of them are) from all know- ledge of the true religion, he be justly charged with propensities to theft and idleness,-how can such propensities, in his circumstances, be re- garded as crime? the master commits the person of the slave, in him in unjust and cruel bondage, com- pared to the enormity of which, all other thefts are slight and venial;- and it is preposterous to accuse a human being of idleness, from whom every stimulant to labour is withheld, but that of the cart-whip! it is the slave-owners (generally speaking) far more than the slaves, who have proved themselves unqua- lified for liberty who stand most in need of coer- cion — who are most deficient in religion and morals. the great majority not only reject reli- gion themselves, but, like the dog in the manger, exclude their poor captives from all participation in its blessing. with a few honourable excep- edward rushton, of liverpool, early in life, was engaged in the sea service, he was one day detached with a boat's crew, of which quimina, a negro, for whom he had contracted a friendship, and whom he had taught to read, was one, the boat upset, and rushton attempted to reach a small water cask, a point of safety which quimina had already attained. the poor african, with a warmth of generosity to which tu- tored minds would probably have been strangers, seeing that his benefactor was too much exhausted to reach the cask, pushed it from himself towards m, bade him 'good bye,' and sunk to rise no more." c tions, the evidences are so palpable of the pro- fligacy and impiety of slave-holders ;--in barba- does and demerara these evidences have recently been so infamously marked, in their outrage of all law and justice,—their malignant hostility to reli- gion,—their bitter persecution of its ministers, their savage and relentless barbarity towards the wretched victims of their lawless power, when feebly struggling, not for the recovery of their rightful possession, but merely for that little dole of charity, that modicum of mercy, which the british government had dealt out to them,- that there can be no question, in the estimation of impartial justice, which of the two parties, the slave or his master, may be most safely entrusted with liberty. we may as well close our ears and our hearts for ever to the deep groans of these , of our oppressed and abused fellow-creatures, as persist in pleading for their gradual emancipation. from the first moment when the jus- their emancipation was a d- mitted, every day's delay is deducting tice of something from the conviction of its adding something to the duty, and difficulty of its accomplishment. had the colonists acceded to the meliorating measures recommended by the british government, eman- cipation (humanly speaking) might for ever have been despaired of. for what is the present grand opposing plea of the west indians and their nu- merous partizans? that their slaves are more contented and happy than the british peasantry; -that emancipation would be cruelty instead of kindness! - how then would they exclaim against the aggravated barbarity of emancipation had the condition of slavery, by the adoption of the proposed improvements, been rendered still more felicitous ? the true friends of emancipa- tion may congratulate themselves that the colonists have resisted and scouted these same meliorating propositions, since their adoption would, in all human probability, have been fatal to their object. at all events, they would greatly have retarded it by rendering the duty less obviously urgent. we have seen in the conduct of france, what has been the result of the proposition of gradual abolition, as applied to the slave trade ;—what consequences have followed a full recognition of the principles of justice without their immediate adoption,-a distinct avowal of guilt without its instant abandonment. the late king of france, in the definitive treaty of peace signed in , (after the first fall of bonaparte) admitted that the slave trade was " repugnant to the principles of natural justice”-and agreed to relinquish it in five years from the date of this admission !! the five years demanded by france, and granted by the british ambassador to continue (or rather to create a new slave trade; for france had not, at that time, a foot of ground on the habitable globe to be cultivated by the toil and blood of a single negro:-she had no property embarked in that commerce of human misery; all her colonies had been conquered ; and in them all, the slave trade had been abolished by the irreversible decree of great britain, the absolute possessor of them): the five years granted to france to pursue this new created traffic in the bones and muscles of living men, has long since expired, yet it is still pursued in full vigour. the fiend-like cruelty, with which it is carried on by that country is lit- tle known and less regarded by our own. look at the th and th reports of the african insti- tution, to see in what manner his most christian majesty carries on this merchandize in slaves and souls of men'-years after their sovereign had stipulated to abandon it! does the example of france in illustration of the principle of gradual abolition, as applied to the slave trade, afford no warning to us against its application to slavery? his late“ most christian majesty,” in , admitted the slave trade to be “ repugnant to the principles of natural justice,” and agreed to relinquish it in five years :: -yet still it is carried on by france, with in- creased avidity and aggravated cruelty. mr. f + see montgomery's “ voyage of the blind." rating canning, in , admitted, “ that it is expedient to adopt effectual and decisive measures, for melio- g the condition of the slave population in his majesty's colonies, and preparing them for a par- ticipation in those civil rights and privileges, which are enjoyed by other classes of his majesty's sub- jects." -yet slavery, in unmitigated rigour still exists in the british colonies. the abolitionists are said to have gained something, by these con- cessions of france and of the british minister. what have they gained—but the conviction that all their labours to disclose the enormities both of the slave trade and of slavery, have been utterly fruitless-worse than lost labour? the trade has been carried on with keener avidity, with more relentless barbarity since the concession of france than before. and may not similar results be anticipated from all the labours of the anti-slavery society, to disclose the enormities of slavery in the british colonies, so long as they aim only at its gradual abolition ? an action had better never have been proved and admitted to be criminal, if after having been so proved and admitted it is still to be publicly sanctioned and legalized. it is better to sin in ignorance, or by secret conni- vance, than to sin against conviction by public licence-better for the criminal--better for society since by the latter course, the culprit is em- boldened and rendered irreclaimable, and crime instead of being winked at, is publicly authorized as crime. are we not fully warranted in the conclusion that gradual emancipation has no ground either of justice or expediency, to stand upon ? may we not reasonably call for its abandonment on this ground, if on no other, (viz.) that it is making no progress, that it is literally standing still, that its supporters however earnest, however indefati- gable, are labouring in vain,-spending precious time and precious talents to no purpose. from this delusion,--this « baseless fabric of a vision,” it is devoutly to be hoped they will speedily awake. the restoration of the poor negroes' liberty must be the beginning of our colonial reform, the first act of justice, the pledge of our sincerity. it is the only solid foundation, on which the refor- mation of the slave, and the still more needful reformation of his usurping owner, can be built. recent transactions prove incontestibly, that slavery has a far more malignant influence upon the latter,-in as much as moral degradation is worse than physical. the perversion of mind, hardness of heart, and moral depravity consequent on slave-holding ;- its shocking effects on the higher and cultivated classes ;-" on men of edu- cation and liberal attainments”;--and even upon the softer sex, in obliterating their natural tender- ness, and substituting in its place a disgusting and ferocious cruelty ;-is delineated with tempe- rate, yet dreadful accuracy, by the very intelligent and benevolent adam hodgson in his “ letters from north america. but the grand objection to immediate eman- cipation, that, which with the great leaders of the anti-slavery society is said to outweigh all the rest, is the interest of the slave himself. were he in a fit state to be intrusted with the full posses- sion of his liberty, it is freely admitted that we have no right to withhold' it a day-no, “not a single hour, on account of any intermediate ad- vantage to be derived from his labour.” that he is in a fit state to be intrusted with the full possession of his liberty has been abundantly pro- ved by the laborious investigations of one of the most cautious and dispassionate of your own body. it is true indeed, that the avowed object of his indefatigable labours is to recommend gradual emancipation, but the facts which he has brought forward and the powerful reasoning which he has built upon them, fully establish the conviction that all apprehensions of danger from immediate see letter th, pages and . h such at least, is the declared conviction of the member for norwich. i see “ thoughts on the necessity of improving the con- dition of the slave in the british colonies, with a view to their ultimate emancipation," by t. clarkson, esq. emancipation are groundless and futile. familiar as his important “ thoughts" upon the subject must be to every well informed abolitionist, some passages present such irrefragable proof of the safety with which the slave may be entrusted with liberty, both as it regards himself and his master, that we cannot withhold their insertion. “ in examining a period comprehending the last forty years, i find no less than six or seven in- stances of the emancipation of african slaves in bodies. the first occurred at the close of the first american war. a number of slaves had run away from their north american masters and joined the british army. when peace arrived, their services were no longer wanted. to leave them behind to fall again into the hands of their former masters would have been great cruelty as well as injustice. it was therefore determined to give them their liberty, to disband them in nova scotia, and to settle them there upon grants of land as british subjects and as free men. the nova scotians on learning their destination were alarmed. they could not bear the thought of having such a number of free blacks among them, particularly as they understood the use of arms. government however, persevering in its intention, distributed them into the country,' to the amount of two thousand and upwards. to gain their livelihood, some worked upon little portions of land of their own; others worked as carpenters; others became fishermen. in process of time they raised places of worship of their own, and had ministers of their own from their own body. they lead a harmless life, and gained the charac- ter of an industrious and honest people, from their white neighbours. a few years afterwards the climate being found too cold for their consti- tutions, a number of them, to the amount of between thirteen and fourteen hundred, volun- teered to form a new colony, which was then first thought of, at sierra leone. and they are to be found there, they or their descendants, most of them in independent, and some in affluent cir- cumstances, at the present day.” « the second case may be taken from what occurred at the close of the second, or last ame- rican war. some hundreds of slaves joined the british standard, by invitation, in the southern states of america. when the campaign was over, the same difficulty occurred about disposing of these as in the former case. it was determined at length to ship them to trinidad as free la- bourers. but here, an objection was started against receiving them, on a different ground from that which had been started in nova scotia. the planters of trinidad were sure that no free negroes would ever work, and therefore that the slaves in question would, if made free and settled among them, support themselves by plunder. sir ralph woodford, however, the governor of the island, resisted the outcry of these prejudices. he re- ceived them into the island and settled them where he supposed the experiment would be most safely made. the result has shewn his discern- ment. these very men, formerly slaves in the southern states of america and afterwards emancipated in a body at trinidad, are now earn- ing their own livelihood, and with so much industry and good conduct, that the calumnies originally spread against them have entirely died away.” “ a third case comprehends those negroes which composed our west-indian black regiments. certain of these regiments were transported to sierra leone and disbanded there, and the indivi- duals composing them received their discharge as free men. this happened in the spring of . many hundreds of them were set at liberty at once upon this occasion. some of these were after- wards marched into the interior, where they founded waterloo, hastings, and other villages. they were all settled by grants given them by government. it appears from accounts received from sir charles m.carthy, the governor of sierra leone, that they have conducted themselves to his satisfaction, and that they will prove a valuable addition to that colony.' “ a fourth case may comprehend what we call the captured negroes in the colony last men- tioned. these are totally distinct from those either in the first or last cases which have been mentioned. these were taken out of slave ships captured at different times from the commence- ment of the abolition of the slave trade to the present moment, and on being landed they were made free. after having been recruited in their health they were marched in bodies into the in- terior, where they were taught to form villages and to cultivate land for themselves. they were made freeas they were landed from the vessels, from fifty to two or three hundred at a time. they oc- cupy at present twelve towns, in which they have both their churches and their schools. regent's town having been one of the first established, has become a pattern for industry and good exam- ple. “the people there have now fallen entirely into the habits of english society. they are de- cently and respectably dressed. they attend divine worship regularly. they exhibit an orderly and moral conduct. many of them after having supplied their own wants for the year, have a surplus produce in hand for the purchase of com- forts or superfluities.” “here then are four cases of slaves, either africans or descendants of africans, emancipated in considerable bodies at a time. i have kept them by themselves, because they are of a different complexion from those which i intend should follow. it will be said that the three first cases are not strictly analogous to that of our west indian slaves, whose emancipation we are seeking it will be contended that the slaves in our west indian colonies have been constantly in an abject and degraded state. their faculties are benumbed. they have contracted all the vices of slavery. they are become habitually thieves and liars. their bosoms burn with revenge against the whites. how then can persons in such a state be fit to receive their freedom? the slaves, comprehended in the three cases above mentioned, found in the british army a school which fitted them by degrees for making a good use of their liberty. while there, they were never out of the reach of discipline, and yet were daily left to act as free men. they obtained also in this prepara- tory school some knowledge of the custoñs of civilized life. hence it will be said, they were in a state much more favourable for undergoing a change in their condition than the west indian slaves. i admit the difference between the two situations. but as a comparison has been insti- tuted it must not be forgotten, that if there was less danger in emancipating the other slaves, because they had received something like a pre- paratory education for the change, there was far more in another point of view, because they were all acquainted with the use of arms. this is a con- sideration of great importance. would our west indian planters be as much at their ease as they now are, if their slaves had acquired a know- t t ledge of the use of arms? would they think them on this account more or less fit for eman- cipation?” " it will be said again, that the fourth case, consisting of the sierra leone captured negroes, is not strictly analogous to the one in point. these had probably been slaves but a short time, when they were returned to the rank of free men. little or no change therefore could have been effected in their disposition and character; and as they were never carried to the west indies, they never contracted the bad habits, or degrading vices of slavery there. it will therefore be contended, that they were better, or less hazardous subjects for emancipation, than the slaves in our colonies. i admit this objection, i give it its full weight. i admit it to be less hazardous to emancipate a new than an old slave. yet the case of the sierra leone captured negroes is a very strong one. they were all africans. they were all slaves. they must have contracted as mortal a hatred of the whites from their sufferings on board ship, by fetters, whips, and suffocation in the hold, as the west indian slaves from those severities which are attached to their bondage upon shore. under these circumstamces then we find them made free; ;- not after any preparatory disicipline, but almost suddenly, - not singly, but in bodies at a time. we find them also settled or made to live under the unnatural government of the whites; of this. and what is more extraordinary, we find their present number as compared with that of the whites in the same colony, nearly as one hundred and fifty to one." “ it will be said, lastly, that all the four cases put together prove nothing. they give us nothing like a positive assurance, that the negro slaves in our colonies would pass through the ordeal of emancipation without danger to their masters or the community at large, certainly not. nor if these instances had been far more numerous than they are, could they, in this world of accidents, have given us a moral certainty they afford however a hope, that emancipation is practicable without danger. they afford ground for believing, that there is a pecu- liar softness, plasticity, and pliability in the african character." “ the fifth case may comprehend the slaves of st. domingo, as they were made free at differ- ent intervals in the course of the french revolu- tion. to do justice to this case i must give a brief history of the circumstances connected with it. when the french revolution which decreed equality of rights to all citizens, had taken place, the free people of colour in st. domingo, many of whom were persons of large property and liberal education, petitioned the national as- sembly, that they might enjoy the same privileges as the whites there. at length their petition was granted, but in terms so ambiguous as to occasion disturbances and bloodshed between the whites and people of colour. in , the people of colour petitioned the assembly again, the result of which was a more explicit decree, determining that the people of colour in all the french islands were entitled to all the rights of citizenship, pro- vided they were born of free parents. the news of this decree had no sooner arrived at the cape, than it produced an indignation almost amounting to phrenzy among the whites. they trampled under foot the national cockade, and with difficulty. were prevented from seizing all the french mer- chant-ships in the roads. the two parties armed against each other. horrible massacres and con- flagrations followed, the reports of which, when brought to the mother country, were so terrible, that the assembly abolished the decree in favour of the free people of colour in the same year.. the news of the rescinding of this decree pro- duced as much irritation among the people of colour, as the news of the passing of it had done among the whites, and hostilities were renewed between them. new battles, massacres, and burnings, took place. when these events be- came known in france, the conventional as- sembly knew not what other course to take than to do justice, whatever might be the consequences. they resolved accordingly that the decree of , which had been both made and reversed d. by the preceding assembly in the same year, should stand good, and appointed santhonax and polverel to repair in person to st. domingo, to act as commissioners, to enforce the decree, and to keep the peace. in , the same divisions and bad blood continuing, the commissioners, who had little more power than the authority which their commission gave them, resolved to call in the negro slaves in the neighbourhood to their assistance, and issued a proclamation, pro- mising freedom to all the blacks who were willing to range themselves under the banners of the re- public. the result was, that a considerable num- ber of slaves came in and were en franchised. soon after this transaction polverel left his col- league at the cape, and visited the capital of the south, where, finding the minds of the slaves to be in an unsettled state, in consequence of their having become acquainted with the riots at the cape, and the proclamation of santhonax, and being convinced that emancipation could neither be stopped nor retarded, and that it was absolutely necessary for the personal safety of the white planters, that it should be extended to the whole island, drew up a proclamation to that effect, and exhorted the planters to patronize it, they having become pretty generally convinced by this time that their own personal safety was concerned in the measure. in , the conventional as- sembly of france passed a decree for the abolition of slavery throughout the whole of the french colonies.” “ i shall now inquire how those who were li- berated on these several occasions conducted themselves after this change in their situation, whether they used their freedom properly, or whether they abused it. with respect to those emancipated in the north, we have nothing to communicate. they were made free for military purposes only; and we have no clue whereby to find what became of them afterwards. respecting those emancipated in the south, and those di- rectly afterwards in the west, by the proclamation of polverel, we are able to give a very pleasing account. fortunately for our views, colonel malenfant, who was resident in the island at the time, has made us acquainted with their general conduct and character. his account, though short, is quite sufficient for our purpose. after this public act of emancipation (says he) by pol- verel, the negroes remained quiet both in the south and the west, and they continued to work upon all the plantations. there were estates, indeed, which had neither owners nor managers residing upon them, for some had been put in prison, and others, fearing the same fate, had fled. yet upon these estates, though abandoned, the | negroes continued their labours, where there were any inferior agents to guide them; and on those estates where no white men were left to d direct them they planted provisions; but upon all the plantations where the whites resided, the blacks continued to labour as quietly as before.' ridiculing the notion entertained in france, that the negroes would not work without compulsion, he alludes to others who had been liberated by the same proclamation, more immediately under his own cognizance. • if (says he) you will take care not to speak to them of their return to sla- very, but talk to them about their liberty, you may with this little word chain them down to their labour. how did toussaint succeed? how did i succeed before his time in the plain of the cul de sac, and on the plantation gourand, more than eight months after liberty had been granted by polverel to the slaves ? let those who knew me at that time be asked. they will all reply, that not a single negro' upon that plan- tation, consisting of more than four hundred and fifty jabourers, refused to work; and yet this plantation was thought to be under the worst dis- cipline, and the slaves the most idle of any in the plain. i, myself, inspired the same activity into three other plantations, of which i had the ma- nagement.'. such was the conduct of the negroes for the first nine months after their liberation, or up to the middle of . let us pursue the subject, and see how they conducted themselves after this period.” during the year and part of , i learn nothing about them, good, bad, or indif- ferent, though i have ransacked the french his- torians for this purpose. had there, however, been any thing in the way of outrage, i should have heard of it: and let me take this opportunity of setting my readers right, if, for want of knowing the dates of occurrences, they should have con- nected certain outrages, which assuredly took place in st. domingo, with the emancipation of the slaves. the great massacres and conflagrations, which have made so frightful a picture in the his- 	ory or this unhappy island, had been all effected before the proclamations of santhonax and pol- verel. they had all taken place in the days of slavery. they had been occasioned, too, not originally by the slaves, but by quarrels between t e white and coloured planters, and between the royalist and the revolutionists, who, for the pur- pose of reeking their vengeance upon each other, called in the aid of their respective slaves. i re- peat, then, that during the years and , i find nothing wherewith to reproach the emanci- pated negroes in the way of outrage. there is every reason to believe, that they conducted them- selves, during this period, in as orderly a manner as before." “ i come now to the latter part of the year ; here, happily, a clue is furnished, by which i have an opportunity of pursuing my inquiry with pleasure. we shall find, that from this time there was no want of industry in those who had been emancipated, no want of obedience in them as hired servants: they maintained a respectable character. let us first appeal to malenfant. • the colony (says he) was flourishing under toussaint. the whites lived happily and in peace on their estates, and the negroes continued to work for them.' now, toussaint became general- in-chief of the armies of st. domingo, a little before the end of , and remained in power till , or till the invasion of the island by the french expedition of buonaparte, under le clerc. malenfant means therefore to state, that from the latter end of to , a period of six years, the planters kept possession of their estates; that they lived upon them peaceably; and finally, that the negroes, though they had been all set free, continued to be their labourers. can there be any account more favourable to our views than this, after so sudden an emancipation ?” “i appeal next to general lacroix, who pub- lished his memoirs for a history of st. do- mingo,' at paris, in . he informs us, that when santhonax, who had been recalled to france, returned to the colony in , he was as- tonished at the state in which he found it on his return. the same author tells us, that in the next year ( ) the most wonderful progress had been made in agriculture. • the colony (says he) marched, as by enchantment, towards its ancient splendour; cultivation prospered ; every day produced perceptible proofs of its pro- gress. the city of the cape, and the plantations of the north, rose up again visibly to the eye!' now i am far from wishing to attribute all this wonderful improvement to the mere act of the emancipation of the slaves. but i must be al- lowed to maintain, that unless the negroes, who were made free, had done their part as labourers, both by working regularly and industriously, and by obeying the directions of their superintendants, the colony could never have gone on, as relates to cultivation, with the rapidity described.” “ the next witness to whom i shall appeal, is the estimable general vincent, who lives now at paris, though at an advanced age. he was sta- tioned in st. domingo during the time both of santhonax and toussaint. he was also a pro- prietor of estates in the island. he was the man who planned the renovation of its agriculture after the abolition of slavery, and one of the great in- struments in bringing it to the perfection men- tioned by. lacroix. in the year , he was called upon by toussaint to repair to paris, to lay before the directory the new constitution, which had been agreed upon in st. domingo. he obeyed the summons. he arrived in france just at the moment of the peace of amiens, and found, to his inexpressible surprise and grief, that buo- naparte was preparing an immense armament, to be commanded by le clerc, for the purpose of restoring slavery in st. domingo. he lost no time in seeing the first consul, and he had the courage to say at this interview, what, perhaps no other man in france would have dared to say at this particular moment. he remonstrated against the expedition ;-he told him to his face, that though the army destined for this purpose was composed of the brilliant conquerors of europe, it could do nothing in the antilles. he stated that the expedition was totally unnecessary, and therefore criminal; for every thing was going on well in st. domingo. the proprietors were in peaceable possession of their estates; cultivation was making rapid progress; the blacks were indus- trious, and beyond example happy. he conjured him therefore in the name of humanity, not to reverse this beautiful state of things. but, alas ! his efforts were ineffectual. the die had been cast: and the only reward which he received from buonaparte for his manly and faithful represen- tations, was banishment to the isle of elba.” “ having carried my examination into the conduct of the negroes after their liberation to , or to the invasion of the island by le clerc, i must leave a blank of nearly two years. it cannot be expected during a war, in which every man was called to arms to defend his own per- sonal liberty, and that of every individual of his masters. slavery obtains. family, that he should see plantations cultivated as quietly as before, or even cultivated at all. but this was not the fault of the emancipated negroes, but of their former it was owing to the prejudices of the latter, that this frightful, invasion took place; prejudices, indeed, common to all planters where accustomed to the use of arbitrary power, they could no longer brook the loss of their whips. accustomed to look down upon the negroes as an inferior race of beings, or as the reptiles of the earth, they could not bear, peaceably as these had conducted themselves, to come into that familiar contact with them; as free labourers, which the change of their situation required. they considered them, too, as pro- perty lost, but which was to be recovered. in an evil hour, they prevailed upon buonaparte, by false representations and promises of pecuniary support, to restore things to their former state. the hellish expedition at length arrived upon the shores of st. domingo:-a scene of blood and torture followed, such as history had never before disclosed ; executed by the whites. but the french were not the authors of tearing to pieces the negroes alive by bloodhounds,-or of suffocating them by hundreds at a time in the holds of ships,—or of drowning them, whole cargoes, by scuttling and sinking the vessels ;- but the though 'planned and their all. planters. till that time the planters retained their property, and then it was,-but not till then, that they lost in fine, the french were driven from the island, and in , dessalines was proclaimed emperor of this fine territory. in process of time; the negro troops were disbanded except such as were retained for the peace-estab- lishment of the army. they who were disbanded, returned to cultivation. as they were free when they became soldiers, so they continued to be free when they became labourers again. from that time to this, there has been no want of subordi- nation or industry among them. they or their descendants are still the persons, by whom the plains and valleys of st. domingo are still culti- vated, and they are reported to follow their occupa- tions still, and with as fair a character as other free labourers in any other quarter of the globe. we have now seen, that the emancipated negroes never abused their liberty, from the year , (the era of their general emancipation) to the pre- sent day,-a period of thirty years. let the conviction which this brief narrative must force upon every unprejudiced reader be carefully cherished, let it be honestly and boldly avowed. let every tongue give expression to the judgment of his understanding and the feel- ings of his heart, and declare that the oppressed and calumniated negroes in our own colonies, are not only entitled to present liberty ; -may not only be safely entrusted with ;---but that it is in- justice and cruelty (not prudence and humanity) to withhold it for a day, or, (to use the ex- pression of the worthy member for norwich), for “a single hour.” we do not follow our author in the statement of his two succeeding cases because they do not directly bear upon the subject in question---that of complete emancipation. we make no apo- logy for these long, though somewhat abreviated quotations from these important “ thoughts.” much as they have been read and applauded for the strong sense, powerful argument and striking facts which they exhibit, it is evident they have been read and applauded too superficially. we cannot but believe that their benevolent author intended them to produce convictions in the minds of his readers far beyond those which he pro- fesses to establish. when they were first pub- lished the public mind would have revolted at the avowed project of immediate emancipation; but subsequent events have been preparing the way for its reception-have been forcing the conviction of its expediency and necessity. the writer of the work from which we have made these large extracts, must, we doubt not, have designed to bring the public indirectly and un- suspectingly to this conviction. he must have cast these lucubrations like “bread upon the waters,” trusting that it would be “found after many days;” trusting that his occult meaning would, in time, be developed ;--that the evi- dence of his facts and the force of his reasoning would, at length, be fully admitted,—and that immediate emancipation would, be to be both safe and expedient and neces- seen sary. let such as still contend for a preparatory school of moral discipline, enquire who are to be its superintendents ;-where is to be found the requisite authority for carrying its provisions into execution ? the persons to whose absolute con- troul the pupils must be intrusted, during the in- terval of their probation, have proved themselves not trust-worthy. judging from experience, we may, without breach of charity, expect as a matter of course, that the slave masters would do their utmost to defeat the object of this prepara- tory discipline, and to render it abortive. they have, it is now apparent, themselves devised plots and instigated insurrections for the purpose of evading the orders in council and meliorating measures re- commended by the british govern- ment. and may they not reasonably be ex- pected to devise fresh plots, to instigate fresh in- surrections for the purpose of defeating a measure k see the article jamaica, in the pamphlet entitled “ the slave colonies of great britain." k still more abhorrent to their prejudices and sup- posed interests--that of forth with preparing their captives for liberty? are men who can perse- cute to the death the disinterested and devoted ministers of religion ;-who can, in open day, pull down places of worship ;--who trample bibles under foot;' who defy and menace all authority ; - who triumph and exult, like maniacs, in their devastations and outrages ;- who punish in their slaves, the most exalted vir- tụes, as the most atrocious crimes ;>who immure in dungeons the noble minded negroes, who, in despite both of bribes and threatnings, firmly re- fuse to bear false witness—to criminate the guilt- less ;” are such men proper superintendants of a system of moral and religious education designed to prepare their slaves for freedom? we need not enumerate all the frightful items in the long catalogue of crimes with which the slave-masters stand accused and convicted. we only protest against the farther delegation of absolute power to hands which have so tremendously abused it. but were it otherwise. did slave-holding pro- duce fruits of a less malignant, less virulently poisonous quality ;--- did it present no decided hostility to this preparatory school for slave eman- see an authentic report of the debate on mr. buxton's motion relative to the demolition of the methodist chapel.” page . m see the “ anti-slavery reporter.", no, . page . cipation ; did it even accede to, and shew a dis- position to favour the design--still , must we pro- test against it, as a farther violation of the rights of justice ;-- as a farther protraction of our cruel aggressions ; — as an arbitrary assumption, or rather retention of power, which we have no right to exercise. but, if we have reason to believe that the liberated slave would abuse the sudden restoration of his liberty, it would surely be right and just and humane not to restore it to him suddenly.” no, we cannot accede to the justice even of this assumption. it leads to the invasion of a pro- vince which does not belong to us,—that of futu- rity. prescience is no human attribute. man is a very limited, short-sighted creature, and it is well both for individuals and for society, that very precise and explicit laws have been promulgated for the regulation of his conduct;-- that the lan- guage of the decalogue is express and imperative, and that the christian exposition of it is express and imperative also. - thou shalt not steal," includes a prohibition of all kinds and degrees of injustice, however modified, by whatever pretexts recommended. it does not admit the suspension of a clearly defined obligation, until we can ascer- tain what will be its precise consequences ;—it does not admit of our withholding from a fellow- creature his just right, until we can positively assure ourselves what use he will make of it; it does not admit of our detaining a fellow-creature in slavery who has once had the calamity to be unjustly deprived of his liberty, until we are sure that he will not abuse its restoration. it requires us to do our own duty and to leave the conse- quences, --guarding of course, as carefully as we can, against anticipated evil, --but not suspending the discharge of our own obligation on any un- certain contingencies involved in its performance. the indefatigable philanthropist from whose “thoughts” we have made such copious extracts, has (happily for our views) so arranged his own powerful arguments as to make them prove (as we have already observed) much more than he pro- fesses to establish. he has proved, as far as reasoning from facts and experience can prove, that the injured creatures whose cause he so ably advocates, may not only be safely intrusted with liberty after passing through a preparatory school of discipline, but that they may be safely intrusted with it before. in short, he has proved too much for gradual abolitionists—he has proved that the slaves in our own colonies may now safely be intrusted with liberty,--consequently that they ought now to be intrusted with it,--and that every additional day and hour that it is withheld, aggravates the guilt of those who have the power to restore it, and refuse its exertion. nevertheless, had all these very important and satisfactory proofs been withheld of the safety with which immediate emancipation may be effected; still we should have contended with equal confidence for the jus- tice and urgent necessity of the measure. the power we possess to hold them in slavery having been unjustly acquired, must of necessity be unjustly retained. the public understanding has been sufficiently enlightened to see the impolicy of slavery ; - the public feeling has been sufficiently awakened to revolt at its barbarity; public virtue has admitted that it stands impiously opposed to the laws of god-insolently defying the laws of the land :- it has been arraigned and condemned at the bar of justice and policy, of humanity and religion. what is it then which upholds and cherishes the pest? it is gradual abolition. but for this pro- position, sentence of death would, long since, have been executed. neither the government nor the people of england could have endured its exist- ence, after having been so tried and so convicted, had not humanity to the slave,-his pre- sent supposed incapacity for freedom, been admitted in bar of speedy-instant exe- cution. we never for a moment suspected the sin- cerity with which the abolitionists have advanced this plea ;-we believe them to be most sincere, but on this one point, most mistaken. we be- lieve them to be most upright and earnest in the + cause they have so disinterestedly and nobly es- poused, — but most deluded as to the means of obtaining a successful issue. we do not forget who they are to whom we have the temerity to apply this language; - that they are, many of them, persons of exalted rank, preeminent talent, distinguished virtue ; – that they are the wise and the good ; - the wisest and the best : and we are aware that by applying such language to such characters we must incur the charge of extreme ignorance and extreme ar- rogance ; nevertheless, we dare not withhold it. happily for the world, the laws of humanity and justice are clearly defined ;---the requisitions of religion and conscience are intelligible to the simplest understanding. “ the way-faring man though a fool” need not “err therein.” such, may be less liable to err on the subject in ques- tion, than those who are accustomed to deep reasoning and subtile argumentation, to look at all the bearings aud connexions of a simple propo- sition, till the plainest truths become invovled in intricate mazes of uncertainty, and the most ob- vious duties suspended or evaded by doubtful casuistry. the gradual abolitionists, though perfectly sincere in the belief that our west indian slaves are not in a fit state for immediate emancipation, may, nevertheless, have been unconsciously mis- led by the prejudices, the misrepresentations, the artful glosses, the palpable falshoods of the west indian party. our readers, we trust, will not forget, in the short sketch with which we have presented them of the invasion, by leclerc, of st. domingo, to what tremendous mistakes and destructive consequences the prejudices of slave- holders may lead. many of the leading abo- litionists are personally acquainted with west- indian proprietors who are “men of education and liberal attainments”-of humanity-and re- ligion ; by which means their judgments are in- sensibly biassed. these accomplished, humane, and pious slave-holders assert that their slaves are incapable of making a right use of their freedom; - that immediate emancipation would be de- structive of their own happiness, as well as the property and lives of their masters ;--and men of such high character must be believed ;-those who are in habits of intimacy with them cannot with- hold their assent:- but we can and we do, withhold ours. we would neither assert nor insinuate that thiese gentlemen are aware of the falsehood of their own representations. many of them, we have no doubt, are themselves deceived ; - they believe the lie which they so industriously propa- gate. prejudice and interest have so blinded their understandings and perverted their judg- ment as to render their minds, on this subject, inaccessible to truth. they are not impartial $ witnesses --consequently their evidence is not to be relied upon ;-the evidence we have quoted above, proves that it is not. “ we owe these poor vietims of our rapacious avarice and cruel injustice a debt,” - truly, the debt is an appalling one;-and every year, every month, every day, that we delay to do our utmost to discharge this debt, we are adding largely to its extent. the righteous law of our creator has not been impressed on our hearts ;-promulgated in thun- der and flame from mount sinai;--illustrated and enforced by the express word, the solemn injunc- tions of the son of god himself, to be cast be hind the back, or trifled with, with impunity. we may neglect the warnings, forget the denun- ciations of divine justice ;--we may lull our con- sciences asleep, and say in our infidel hearts, be- cause judgment is not speedily executed upon the oppressor, “god doth not regard.” but the decree has passed the lip of truth_with what measure ye mete it measured to you again.” and he hath solemnly pronounced heaven and earth shall pass away, but my words shall not pass away. though we forget or neglect the warning, its exe- èution will not be thereby rendered the less certain. who then, who believes in divine revelation, -who that is convinced that the globe we inhabit ?) shall be e is constantly subject to omniscient inspection ;- that all the varied actors in its busy fluctuating scenes, will individually appear at the tribunal of divine justice, there to “ give account of their stewardship;"- to receive everlastingly “ accord- ing to the deeds done in the body;"—to await the fulfilment of the unchangeable decree, above cited ; who, that really believes these solemn truths, but must tremble at the dreadful individual responsi- bility which every one of us is incurring by with- holding our utmost exertions for the immediate emancipation of our west-indian slaves ? “what, : (says the objector) would you let them loose upon their masters ?-turn them adrift upon society without resources, - without any means of support but depredation and plunder ?” no, certainly. the measure we 'so earnestly urge would most effectually obviate a catastrophe so dreadful — the near approach of which, from a general insurrection of the slaves, should they much longer be suffered to remain such, cannot but be anticipated. it is not a violent but a legal emancipation, for which we contend ; accompa- nied, as it would be, by wise and effectual pro- visional restraints and regulations. the requi- sitions of justice on behalf of our west-indian negroes would not be satisfied by the simple act of immediate emancipation. we owe them a deep debt, for having so long withheld from them their just rights, for subjecting them to so long a course of shameful degradation and bitter suffer- ing. we owe them guardianhip, protec- tion, and provision, (where necessary) as well as liberty. “ as some compensation for injuries committed, we owe them the attempt to confer upon them every benefit in our power. we owe them especially, instruction in the doc- trines and morals of christianity. but still, should we fail to bring one single slave to the pro- fession of the truths of christianity, or to the en- joyment of its blessings,-not one iota the less do we owe freedom to every slave we possess. his right to himself does not depend on his con- version ; nor although he should continue a hea- then to the day of his death, would the injustice of our detaining him in slavery be at all dimi- nished.”n the liberty of the slave being his unqua- lified right,-it must, of necessity, be an unqualified wrong to withold it. let this simple obvious inference of common sense and common justice unite all the friends of humanity in one common object—that of a speedy and complete emancipation. $ * see the speech of w. smith, esq. at the general meet- ing of the anti-slavery society, june, , . s letter ii. to those who are tired of the subject of west- indian slavery. those, to whom the following appeal is particu- larly directed, are not, we lament to say, exclu- sively confined to the selfish unfeeling multitude, nor to the heterogeneous mass of mere nominal christians. many who stand high in general estimation for benevolence and piety ;--many who have joined the anti-slavery standard; who have pleaded with such forcible eloquence the cause of the oppressed negro as to have blown the slumbering embers of pity, in other bosoms, into a fervid glow,--have suffered them to be extinguished in their own. many who have been awakened to the enor- mous guilt of human slavery,--who have been roused into a just sense of the disgraceful hypo- crisy of suffering it to exist in a christian country, -who have been alarmed by fearful anticipations of the retributive justice, the righteous vengeance impending over a nation whose practice, in this respect, so impiously opposes and mocks its pro- fession--appear to have sunk into a deep slum- ber of selfish insensibility, of cruel apathy to crimes and sufferings in which they imagine they have no immediate share. from this slumber so reproachful to their hearts, their understandings and their principles, we must endeavour to rouse them. you are tired of the subject of west indian- slavery ;- you are wearied and disgusted with reiterated details of atrocities and miseries which you imagine you have no power to redress ; un- expected difficulties and delays have arisen in the way of emancipation-and its attainment appears so remote and uncertain that you abandon it in de- spair ;-it ceases to interest--and is at length become an object of disgust. west indian slavery, is, it is true, a trite and hackneyed subject, but it must become more trite and hackneyed before it can be suffered to rest. after all the disclosures of the enormity of the system, of its wretched impolicy as well as wick- edness—the crime and disgrace of suffering it to continue are inexpressibly aggravated. the know- ledge obtained of this execrable tyranny, would, one should have imagined, in a civilized and christian country, have been followed up by earnest enquiries after the most certain means of putting a speedy end to it. if one expedient failed, another, we might confidently have expect- ed, would have been promptly resorted to; acquiescence or indifference under such an ac- cumulation of guilty. responsibility-one would have imagined impossible ;—but that we should not only continue passively to acquiesce in this atrocious system- but actively to support it at an enormous expense out of our own pockets of upwards , , , annually,!! is an unsolvable paradox. what a humiliating picture of apathy and imbecility, of inconsistency and hypocrisy does such conduct exhibit! we have exhausted all the powers of language in expressions of abhor- rence of slavery-we petition parliament for its abolition--whilst we are actively as well as pas- sively supporting it at the expense of our money, our character and our principles. we pretend to commisserate the wretched condition of the en- slaved negro, whilst by our daily habits we are riveting his chains ;-gratifying our appetite with the very luxury, the cultivation of which constitu- tes the most barbarous severity of his oppression. after all that has been said and written upon this inhuman business, it is evident that the public mind has never yet been properly impress- ed with it. our understandings have been informed and our feelings excited--but the crime of making or of holding slaves in an enlightened, a free and a christian country has never yet been properly felt-has never yet sufficiently penetrated our hearts or taken hold of our consciences. we acknowledge it to be a national crime, but have not felt it to be an individual crime ;--though its shame and its guilt rest with all who suffer them- selves to be indifferent or supine ; -with all who employ not their best exertions to put a speedy end to it. we execrate the injustice and cruelty of west indian slave-holders, but perceive not that we are in fact more guilty than they-be- cause, with less temptation, with less excuse, we are confederates in the crime. the west indians have large property embarked in slavery, they imagine that its destruction would involve them in ruin ;--but we, who consume its produce, are its chief abettors and supporters. we must remind you who are tired of the sub- ject of west indian slavery, that the emancipation of its wretched victims is not a matter of option in which a christian may engage or decline, and be equally innocent. by withdrawing his interest from this arduous work, he betrays a solemn trust, disgraces his christian principles, and deserts a cause peculiarly his own. “the lord executeth righteous- ness and judgment for all that are oppressed ". he invited you to become some of the honoured instruments of executing his righteousness and judgment for the most oppress- ed of his creatures. he caused you to become acquainted with their oppression, their hard and cruel bondage. he touched your hearts with sympathy for their bitter sufferings. he gave you zeal and ability to plead their cause,--to stir up the hearts of the people, to excite a general insurrection of feeling and principle in their be- half,--which, had it been kept alive, must shortly have insured their deliverance. but you have suffered the very considerations which should have braced your resolution and stimulated your exertion to relax and infeeble them. you have allowed your familiarity with west indian enor- mities to end in indifference; your confirmed knowledge of the most barbarous oppression, to extinguish your sympathy for its helpless victims. no longer urged on by impetuous feeling, by the ardour of a new enterprize, you have grown languid and weary. you have been so effeminately delicate, so fastidiously selfish, as to shut your ears to the enormous wrongs and sufferings of , , of your fellow creatures, because there is no novelty in the relation, because the sound has become monotonous. but we must, in spite of your weariness and disgust, do our utmost to force back your attention and to fix it upon the crimes and miseries of slavery, until the means are not only discovered, but vigourously applied, for putting an end to them. we must, to the ut- most of our power, ring changes upon this subject of weariness and disgust, until the sound and the sense sha]l have reached every ear and every under- standing-penetrated all hearts, made of “penetra- ble stuff,”--all consciences, but such as are "seared, as with a hot iron ;"—till the duty of immediate emancipation, is not only admitted in general terms, but its promotion, by every means in our power, is felt, individually, to be of imperative and urgent obligation ;-in short, until all who have any pretensions to religion and humanity are ac- tually engaged in it, with all their heart and with all their soul. by so doing, we are confident we shall render essential service to our country ;-we shall give practical efficacy to its best principles, exalt its moral character and thereby enlarge and secure its prosperity and happiness. by fixing general and individual attention upon this great and righteous work, until it be finally accomplished, we are persuaded that we shall be doing more for the cause of morality and religion, more for the best interests of society, than was ever effected by the most impressive dis- sertations on abstract principles of virtue. one instance of practical righteousness outweighs all the mere speculative knowledge in the world. it is better to do one good action, than merely to admit the propriety of a thousand. it is better thoroughly to discharge one paramount obligation of christian charity, than to be superficially occu- pied with the whole range. " whatsoever thy hand findeth to do, do it with all thy might.” thus the way of duty will be cleared, the path farther opened, -increased light will shine upon upon their it-greater strength and alacrity will be found in pursuing it. for want of such a method, many “disquiet themselves in vain,”-“toil all the night (and day also) and take nothing ;"_build high christian profession “hay and stubble”- abortive schemes, unsubstantial purposes of good, instead of those solid works of righteousness, of justice and mercy, which would follow them to that tribunal where they will be “judged ac- cording to their works.” and therefore, on this trite and hackneyed subject of slavery, though we want no more knowledge, we want a great deal more convic- tion, to prevent our being the worse for our know- ledge. : we are the worse for our knowledge, so long as it urges us to condemn this inhuman system in words only, and leaves us at liberty practically to encourage it. all our fine reason- ing and pathetic declamation against slavery in the abstract, whilst we decline to put forth a finger to liberate the slave,---only prove us to be eloquent hypocrites. with christians, whose hearts are true to their principles, their acquaintance with the nature of west-indian slavery would have been immediately succeeded by earnest inquiries for the most speedy and effectual means of its extinction ;—the discovery of those means would have been instantly followed up by their vigorous application :- this would be the natural - the necessary consequence. there is a lesson of deep and solemn import in that emphatic injunction, “ take heed how ye hear; for unto him that hath shall be given, but, from him that hath not, shall be taken away that which he hath.” this admonitory warning ap- plies to every perception of truth, every convic- tion of duty, every glow of benevolence, every pleading of compassion. these are not imparted as graceful embellishments of our nature, to kindle self-complacent satisfaction, but to stimulate to useful and beneficent exertion, -- to render us willing agents of the divine purposes,— fellow workers with god.” they are implanted for use, not for ornament; - if their purpose be not an- swered they will be withdrawn:=-the mind once divinely illuminated will become darkened, -- the heart once divinely tendered, will become insen- sibly obdurated;-from those who trifle with con- victions of duty, --- who suffer their compassion for sufferings which they have the power to redress, to evaporate in useless declamation ;- who, when empowered to arrest the arm of injus- tice, to rescue the victims of oppression, decline to interpose ;- from these, on whom the evi- dences of truth, the convictions of duty, the re- quisitions of justice and the pleadings of humanity have operated in vain ; - from these will be “taken away that which they have.” there are times and seasons in the moral as well as natural world of which it is our wisdom and our interest to take advantage, which it is dangerous—often fatal to neglect. as surely as suffering the appointed season for ploughing and sowing to pass idly over, will be followed by famine, so surely will the neglect of the appointed season and prescribed means of moral renovation be followed by corresponding consequences. “to him that knoweth to do good, and doeth it not, to him it is sin,”-sin, for which he must suffer the just punishment, — punishment proportioned to the magnitude of the evil which his cruel indif- ference or procrastination is the means of per- petuating. for all the information which has been so widely diffused on the subject of colonial slavery; -for all the sympathy which its wretched vic- tims have excited we are accountable. it is at our own peril that we trifle with our knowledge and convictions respecting it. for sins of ignorance there is mercy; - for patient suffering there is rich recompense. a glo- rious redemption in eternity, if not in time, may await the meek and unresisting victims of oppres- sion. but upon sins against light and knowledge punishment will fall in heavy inflictions. he who knew his lord's will and did it not, will be beaten with many stripes.” that it is the divine will that this abomination should be swept away, that the time is fully come for its utter extirpation, may be clearly ascertained by the full blaze of truth which has been made to shine upon it;— by the strong evidence which has been forced upon the public mind of its mise- rable impolicy and wasteful prodigality, as well as horrid injustice. it was not without design that so many great and good men have been called to devote their time and talents to the detection and exposure of that “refuge of lies'( behind which it has endeavoured to screen itself from public in- dignation ;) — to drag it forth from all its dark, hiding places of fraud and artifice, to strip it of every disguise, and to expose every feature of its horrid deformity to the broad day-light of truth;- it was not merely to gratify curiosity, to fill the imagination with horrid images, to appal and over- whelm every feeling mind with unavailing grief and shame and indignation, that the real nature of west-indian slavery has been so clearly ex- posed.-no,-it was to excite our abhorrence for the purpose of rousing and stimulating our best exertions for its speedy and utter extinction. but though our eyes have been wide opened to this enormity ;-though we have revolted with horror at the frightful mass of crime and misery which it has presented ;—though we have shud- dered at the dreadful extremes of depravity at which human nature has arrived under its malign influence ;-though we have admitted that it is as impolitic as wicked—as repugnant to every maxim of enlightened interest as to every feeling of compassion, every principle of religion and justice; —though we have the means put into our own hands of expelling from our country this scourge of humanity, of obliterating this foul blot, this brand of infamy from our national character, --there it still remains, deepened and aggravated a hundred-fold by our empty professions of guilt, our fruitless professions of repentance. on this appalling subject, the convictions of judgment, the compunctions of conscience, the tender feel- ings of pity, the stern requisitions of justice, the solemn obligations of religion-have hitherto been admitted in vain. surely, no force of language can justly portray the odious combination of vices, the imbecility, cruelty and hypocricy which must stamp our character, if we continue supinely to suffer the , , victims of west indian injustice, to remain in slavery-in aggravated slavery-tantalized with hope, which is to be extinguished in despair. “ there is a time (a right time) for every thing under the sun.” we believe that the right time is fully come for the extinction of british slavery. we believe, moreover, that the present moments are critical,--that the right time being come for the execution of this righteous work-it is dangerous to trifle with it. we believe it must be now, or never, as far as our agency is concerned. the work lies straight before us, - we are invited, but not compelled to it. the purposes of divine mercy towards the despised outcasts of the great family will not be frustrated, but other means may be employed in their accomplishment, --and we may be left to abide the fate of unprofitable, dis- obedient servants. we are invited by every ar- gument which can convince, every motive which can persuade, every consideration which can sti- mulate the exertion of moral agents, accountable creatures--christians, most especially, -- but we are not forced upon the work. we may know our obligations, and feel their weight-yet refuse to discharge them--but it is at our peril that we do so. that an institution so repugnant to every prin- ciple of humanity, and justice, --so impiously op- posed both to natural and revealed religion, should have been suffered to exist for so many ages, unknown or disregarded by the christian world, is an; inscrutable mystery ;- but the long-con- tinued existence of every other moral and physical evil is an inscrutable mystery also. infinite power, wisdom and goodness, could, doubtless, hy the simple volition of his will, expel from the universe, evil, of every description--and this we are assured will be the final issue of his dispen, sations. in the mean time, the permission of evil is essentially connected with our present probationary state and instead of inquiring why almighty power and goodness are not mira- culously exerted in extirpating slavery and every other species of oppression and suffering from the face of the earth, let us rather inquire into our own duties, and learn how we ourselves are re- quired to act in relation to that mighty mass of moral and physical evil withi which we are sur- rounded ;-especially towards that which is con- centrated with such dreadful force in the british west indies. woe unto the world because of offences; for offences must come; but woe unto “them by whom they come”-and by whom they are perpetuated. some well-meaning persons have not scrupled to declare, that the evil in question, is too gigantic for human encounter,--that it can be vanquished by no power but that of omnipotence; -- the hitherto unsuccessful issue of the anti-slavery exertions has been presumptuously referred to the divine will; ; - the time for accomplishing their object, it has been said, has not yet arrived-and instead of ascribing their failure to a deficiency of general interest and co-operation, impiously call in question the divine goodness-and expect the intervention of miracles to supply the place of the right exertion of the various talents and capacities with which we have been entrusted. what great reformations were ever effected without the stren- uous exertion of human means? though it be true, that “the good that is done in the earth, f “the lord doeth it," - he doeth it nevertheless, through human instrumentality,~by enlightening the understanding and influencing the will of his intelligent creatures. to supply the millions of the human race with food produced from the ground on which we tread, is, we are sure, the work of omnipotence; but we do not therefore conclude that the puny labours of man, the ope- rations of ploughing and sowing, may therefore be dispensed with. rich harvests in the moral as in the natural world, are the result of diligent, well-directed, persevering exertion,—though it be god alone, in both, who "giveth the increase.” the difficulties which obstruct the work of emancipation furnish no just cause of discourage- ment; they ought rather to be considered as tests of sincerity. abhorrence of slavery is an involun- tary consequence of its exposure; but its ex- tinction must be a work of labour and difficulty proportioned to its strength and deeply-rooted te- nacity. shall we therefore abandon it, because it is connected with no present interest of our own? -because there is nothing to bind us to it but the generous sympathies of nature, the tender plead- ings of pity, the strong ties of christian obligation? why the divine image, in these oppressed africans, has been so long suffered to be trodden under foot,-_why their sufferings have been hi- therto so little known and so little regarded—is no concern of ours. the veil of ignorance being now withdrawn--the horrid "secrets of their prison house” being now disclosed - it is at our peril that we make light of them. the arm that go- verns the universe, let us remember, is an al- mighty arm;- it lifteth up and casteth down nations as well as individuals. the father of all the families of the earth. “will do right”—he is a god of justice and judgment as well as mercy. all the powers of nature are his obedient mi- nisters. — “he speaketh, and it is done; he commandeth and it standeth fast.” how soon may our vaunted pre-eminence among the nations be lost. how soon may we exchange the proud station of command for that of subserviency,—the character of masters for that of slaves. from a quarter the most unexpected at a moment the least thought of, the instruments of our humilia- tion and punishment may arrive. to dispel our infatuated dreams of endless prosperity and secu- rity, divine judgments may be commissioned to break in upon us, (as formerly upon the secure and voluptuous chaldeans) in a moment, without warning ;--- or they may proceed by silent, un- perceived, yet unerring progress towards the cer- tain accomplishment of their unsuspected purpose. but though national judgments may be long suspended or averted, - not an individual can escape the visitations of retributive justice in that eternal world to which we are hastening. there, “ judgment will be laid to the line, and justice to the . plummet;"'--there, if not here-we must ex- . perience the strict fulfilment of the divine warn- ing with what measure ye mete, it shall be measured to you again.” and from the awful parable of dives and lazarus, we may derivep ro- fitable notice of the kind and degree of punish- ment which will hereafter fall, not on the tyrant and the oppressor alone, but on such as have been regardless or negligent of the sufferings of the afflicted and destitute. this parable may have a much wider application than we are generally aware. it may unfold the future destiny not only of the slave and the slave-holder, - but its design may not be at all distorted by supposing, it may also indicate the separate abodes of the cultivator and the careless unfeeling consumer. of west-indian produce. the first idea may be offensive and revolting, but a little reflection will prove that there is nothing fanatical or extravagant in the supposition. for what were the different characteristics of dives and lazarus, which placed such an impassable gulph between them? no greater crime, no more palpable offence is charged or insinuated against the former, but those of selfish indulgence, thoughtless insensibility, or unfeeling neglect of a fellow creature's priva- tions and sufferings; nor is any virtue exhibited in the latter, but that of patient endurance of those privations and sufferings :-yet is divine justice represented as placing these two charac- ters, in the next life, at an infinite distance from each other,--the one in torments--the other, in blessedness. the omniscient arbiter, judgeth not as man judgeth. “ man looketh on the outward appearance, but the lord looketh at the heart." -tliat which is highly esteemed among men, is abomination in the sight of god." he acquits where man condemns,--he condemns where man acquits. a poor outcast from soci- ety;-a loathsome beggar,—(whom modern re- finement regards as a public nuisance;-whom modern justice suffers not to beg at the rich man's gate, for the crumbs which fall from his table, but sentences to prison as a criminal)-js carried by angels into abraham's bosom ;-the rich man, on the contrary, -respected, applauded, probably, by his contemporaries for his hospi- tality, his generosity,—his splendid and costly entertainment of his rich friends and neigh- bours ;—who had a conscience, it might be too scrupulously tender to encourage beggars, who was too observant of his social duties to suffer even the crumbs which fell from his table to be given a poor lazarus-he lifts up his eyes in torments! that omniscient eye, which, with ineffable tenderness, and compassion, wept over jerusalem, foreseeing the awful impending consequence of her obdurate impenitence-taking into account the eternal duration of human existence, the transitory nature of time, the comparatively short duration of the most protracted corporeal suffer- ings,—the strict responsibility of man for every talent entrusted to him ;=for light and knowledge, for mental, moral, and christian cultivation ;- for all the discoveries of duty, all the capacities and means of doing good ;-ordaining that to whom much is given, of him will much be required :- that omniscient eye, may discern in the free-born, illuminated, highly favoured sons of britain, more than in the enslaved, benighted, afflicted children of africa, to call for compassion, for mourning and lamentation. possibly, those to whom this appeal is parti- cularly directed may regard it in no other light than that of a declamatory invective, uncalled for and unmerited by the parties addressed, who, having expressed their abhorrence of slavery, and petitioned parliament for its mitigation and gra- dual abolition, imagine that they have fully dis- charged their consciences and done all respecting it which duty requires of them. but the slavery against which they have petitioned still exists in unmitigated rigour. the voice of the people has, as yet been very partially and feebly exerted against this enormity ;--so partially and so feebly, that its supporters have argued from thence, that the sense of the country is with, and not against them. “but the people (it may be said) the great mass of society, admitting they have the power, by the reiterated and more unanimous expression of their abhorrence of slavery, to put an end to it, have not the principle to exert that power ;--they are not to be wrought upon by abstract con- siderations of humanity and justice; they are governed by custom and interest.” the great mass of society inherit the same intelligent nature, the same capacities and feelings with the more en- lightened and conscientious—and may be wrought upon by the same motives and principles of action. the people, the great mass of society, who appear so inert, so little accessible to any appeals but those of passion or interest, are nevertheless ca- pable of a much higher and better influence. they may be moved, powerfully moved, by a sense of justice, by feelings of compassion, by motives of moral and religious obligation-were proper means employed to bring these feelings and motives into exercise. were persons of ability and influence, such as we are now ad- dressing --who have been qualified to labour in the great vineyard,--to enlighten the ignorant, to teach the thoughtless to reflect ;-were such as these faithfully occupying the five and ten talents with which they have been entrusted, such a general and deep abhorrence of this baneful insti- tution might soon be excited and expressed, as could not fail to be decisive with the british legislature. such is the preponderating weight of west indian influence, that without such a strong expression of public feeling and public principle, no radical change of colonial policy is to be expected. but besides the incitement of more general and earnest petitions and re- monstrances to parliament against slavery, there is one simple and obvious means of discounte- nancing it which lies within the reach of every individual, which every individual of common humanity is bound to adopt and to urge upon all within the reach of his influence, (viz) the sub- stitution of the produce of free for that of slave labour. but whilst this simple and obvious means of undermining and extirpating slavery is so generally neglected by the more influential class, and so little exertion is made, éven by such as adopt it themselves, to bring it into general operation - we believe they are incurring a heavy weight of guilty responsibility. how much of the bitter sufferings of their enslaved fellow creatures, they will have to answer for, who have the power thus to excite: and to keep alive the public feeling in their behalf and neglect to exert it, is not for us to ascertain; but we are forewarned that we are in the strict- est sense responsible for neglected as well as abused talents, for the good which we have ability to do, and leave undone, as well as for the positive evil which we do. sloth and infidelity often assume the guise of humility. “how little (they exclaim) can human effort accomplish with regard to the wide extent and appalling magnitude of crime and misery which have from age to age deformed and afflicted the world! how perplexing is the attempt to reconcile the present state of things with the dis vine attributes --- with the infinite goodness and love, as well as wisdom and power of the great governor of the universe! he hath all power in heaven and in earth. he doeth his own plea, sure-none can resist his will: he turneth the hearts of the people like rivers of water.' but what can the puny efforts of man effect with regard to that mighty mass of sin and suffering which seems to cover the earth as the waters cover the sea ? to the few whose hearts have been in some degree softened by the tendering influences of religion, that sin and that suffering are the occasion of mourning and painful sym- pathy :-they are anxiously solicitous to restrain the one and to heal the other. a love of recti- tude, the awakened sensibilities of humanity, as well as a sense of duty, stimulate their exertions; -but alas ! what do they atchieve? here and there, they do a little -- a very little ; — the refor- mation theye ffect, the relief they administer, is but deducting, drops as it were, from the overwhelming flood of moral and physical evil :—and yet, a single effort of the divine will a word, from the mouth of him, who “speaks and it is done,” would re- store virtue and happiness through all the bounds of the creation! we stand appalled at the fright- ful accumulation of crime on the one hand, we weep over the heart-rending extent and variety of suffering on the other, yet it is little, almost no- thing which human effort can do towards the dimi- nution of either! in reference to this terrible evil of slavery, the most prolific source of crime and misery ; -- what has been accomplished by years of persevering unremitted labour? our compassion for the wretched slave can bear no proportion to that of his heavenly father, - his divine redeemer ;-yet still he is suffered to re- main in hopeless bondage still he is suffered to be disinherited of his birthright, and degraded below the level of the brute!” probably there are few minds, accustomed to reflection, in which thoughts like these do not occa- sionally pass—and what is their practical tendency? a folding of the hands in slothful apathy, or in hopeless despair. but what will the humble- minded believing christian say to such reason- ings? he will say, “get thee behind me satan,” - he will resist them. he sees that their ten- dency is to negligence, to unbelief, to atheism. he knows that “here we see through a glass darkly”—that the dispensations of providence are to us, in our present state, veiled in clouds and darkness, - nevertheless, he has the fullest assu- rance that “the judge of all the earth will do right,” -- and a ray of heavenly light clearly points out his own path of duty. the course he is to follow has been illuminated by the footsteps of his lord and master ;- pursuing that radiant track, he is certain to join the triumphs of his glorious leader, who, though invisible, is "going on conquering and to conquer;"—who “ reigns king of kings and lord of lords,—who “must reign, until all things are subdued under him,”- until “all things that offend” are gathered out of his kingdom ;-till sin is vanquished, and “ death swallowed up of life." in the mean time, for purposes inscrutable to finite comprehension, the tares are suffered to grow with the wheat,— sin and suffering are both permitted ;-- and the busi- ness of his humble followers is, to “ eschew evil and to do good ;" — their duty and high privilege is to become “co-workers with god.” to in- struct the ignorant—to reform the vicious-to feed the hungry- to clothe the naked to relieve the stranger-to visit the prisoner-and to redeem the captive, are, according to their ability, their chosen and happiest employments. they will not with- hold their hand because they can do so little, but will faithfully employ their one, or their ten talents in promoting the cause of righteousness upon earth ;-and however slow its apparent progress- whatever powers of earth or hell may resist it they will go right onward in the path of duty, well knowing, that whilst they are so engaged stronger is he that is for them than all which can combine against them. those whom we are now especially addressing, may still object to the particular exertions which we so earnestly recommend, that they are confi- dently persuaded their great object will never be by such means accomplished. certainly it will not; — if those means are not brought into ope- ration ;-if the exertion of them continues to be generally discouraged. but we rejoice in the conviction that this will not be the case, for should the more influential classes remain inert or opposed to the measures in questions; others, we doubt not, will be raised up to supply their “ lack of ser- vice;"_" if they hold their peace, the very stones will cry out:"-humbler, but more devoted and laborious agents will take the places which they ought to occupy. uncertainty, must, of necessity, ever attach to human efforts;-nevertheless, in the great work of emancipation we are bound to exert them to the uttermost, in dependence on that power which alone can render them successful. to use the fervid language of one of the most able and de- voted leaders in this righteous cause ;-" every heart and hand and tongue and pen should unite in promoting public meet- ings;-in exhibiting before them sla- very in its true and horrific colours; and in multiplying petitions to both houses of parliament, until parlia- ment and government are convinced, which they are not at present, that the public voice is decidedly in favor of extinguishing slavery:"we must add-of extinguishing it promptly. ( letter iii. to the more influential classes of the christian public. in appealing to the christian public on the subject of west indian slavery, we have no adequate medium through which to convey our convictions of its urgent claims to a deeper atten- tion in this quarter than has hitherto been bestow- ed upon it. argument and eloquence. have been employed to exhaustion.” in the exposure of its impolicy and wickedness,—its hostility to every recognised principle of the british consti- tution, its impious violation of the laws of nature and of god. yet the crime and disgrace so broadly exposed, so eloquently deplored, so generally execrated ; against which we have protested and petitioned-still exists. and we believe it will continue to exist until christian feeling is more deeply interested, until christian principle is more earnestly exerted for its: extinc- tion. if slavery in the british colonies be ever eradicated without violence and blood-shed, it must be through the awakened energy, the con- straining force of christian obligation; through the authority of laws which have been long 'since promulgated ;-which are as old as the world ;- which were impressed upon the very frame and constitution of man, written on “fleshly tables of the heart” by thc supreme lawgiver, before they were written on tables of stone. in the christian code, their obligations are extended and enforced by considerations the most persuasive and solemn by which the human mind can be affected. these laws are uncompromising and peremptory. this is their explicit imperative language “thou shalt not kill.,'"thou shalt not steal.”—and how are these prohibitions interpreted to the christian? “thou shalt neighbour as thyself. “by this shall all men know that ye are my disciples. if ye love one ano- ther." of what kind and of what degree is the love which constitutes this infallible criterion ? it is no other in kind, -no other in degree, than that which thou bearest thyself. “all things whatsoever ye would that men should do unto you, do ye, even so unto them, must it not follow then, of necessity, that the christian, -he to whom the name truly belongs, he who would be acknowledged as such on the love thy great day of distinction, of final separation be- tween the sheep and the goats, must take a deeper interest than he has hitherto done, in the cause of the enslaved african ?- must, in short, make it is own? :-keep alive his compassionate sympathy,-exert himself in his behalf, with such zeal and perseverance as he would implore for himself were he to exchange places with the slave? with the nature of his slavery we are but too familiarly acquainted. we have heard of his cruel wrongs and bitter sufferings till we cease to be affected by them. the numberless well au- thenticated details of west indian barbarity may produce upon their hearers similar results to those which a long residence in the country almost invariably effects,-a lowering of the standard both of feeling and of principle, –a searing of the conscience and a hardening of the heart. but no such consequence would ensue were the knowledge of these enormities followed up by determined and persevering exertions to destroy their prolific root. our interest in the arduous work would deepen in proportion to the earnest- ness of our labours. we are become so cold and heartless in the cause of emancipation because we are so idle. having once been awakened to a just sense of the enormity of the individual as well as national crime of slavery ;-having seen the complicated injury, the dreadful extent of suffering which it entails on one party, the appal- g ling depth of guilt into which it plunges the other ;—that it degrades the image of god on one hand into a brute animal-transforms it on the other, into a fiend ;—that it obliterates in the more immediate agents of this infernal system, every vestige of humanity, extirpates every feeling of compassion, --converts the “milk of human kind- ness” into gall and wormwood-into corrosive and deadly moral poison-and renders man to his fellow man a monster of cruelty more fell and remorseless than the tiger or hyena :-having seen that it dooms hundreds of thousands to hope- less misery in the present life;—that it plunges countless multitudes into final perdition :-it might have been expected as a matter of course-of ne- cessity, that every christian would combine his best exertions to put the speediest termination to a system so terribly destructive of human virtue and happiness. but hitherto they seem only to have contemplated the evil as a frightful phantas- magoria, a scenic representation of horrors exhibi- ted for stage effect,—for the mere purpose of strong and transient excitement. at most, they seem to have consideration the pictures presented by it of human degradation, crime and misery, as a history of past enormities, of scarcely credible brutalities which marked the long gone by ages of ignorance and barbarism. they never yet seem to have beheld them as faithful representa- tions of the present actually existing state of things in the british empire, in the very heart of christendom ;-much less, do they seem ever to have suspected that they are all individually implicated in their wilful encouragement and support ;-otherwise, how could so profound an apathy have prevaded the more conscientious por- tion of the community on a subject so calculated to rouse and to keep alive its intense interest? where their own interest is at stake, they can reason wisely, act consistently, vigourously, per- severingly, --consequently, with the reasonable prospect of a successful issue. but, where the interest temporal and eternal, of , of their enslaved fellow creatures, whom they are bound by their christian profession to love as themselves, is at issue-then, though they have most elo- quently pleaded their cause in public meetings, described them as degraded below the brutes, subjected to a tyranny so severe, to outrages só barbarous, that every feeling of humanity has re- coiled at the relation,—the heart has sickened at the horrid catalogue “of ills which man inflicts upon his fellow man”-and the listener has blush- ed and hung his head, to think himself a man.” yet, when from declamation, they come to ac- tion, - when from appaling descriptions of op- pression and cruelty-duty calls to administer relief-then, what a reproachful contrast do their reasonings and actions present to those of which self-interest is the object. instead of pursuing g the natural, obvious, and certain method of de- stroying this inhuman tyranny, by ceasing to en- courage it themselves, and by using their best exertions to engage all within the reach of their influence in the same resolution of withdrawing its support by refusing its produce;- instead of striving by every possible means to keep alive and to increase the public interest in the cause of emancipation, by inciting the people to renewed and more earnest petitions to parliament, for jus- tice, strict, impartial justice, to all the subjects of british government, without distinction of co- lour ;-to rescue, as it becomes a christian le- gislature, the weak and helpless from the grasp of oppression ;--instead of this, too many, even of the high professing christian world, seem to have closed their eyes, and gone to sleep over the dread- ful history of west-indian barbarity, and left its wretched victims carelessly to their fate. alas ! how grossly may we flatter ourselves with the imaginary possession of virtues to which we have no real pretension, by mistaking feeling for prin- ciple— transient impulses of humanity for the virtue of charity. we know that human nature is versatile, selfish, indolent; - that however eagerly it may start in the cause of suffering humanity, when spurred on by indignant abhorrence of oppression and involuntary sympathy with the oppressed, that it will soon relax when those impulses are withdrawn. we know how powerfully it is wrought upon by novelty, and how difficult it is to prevent familiarity with crime and suffering from begetting indifference: and we also know that no important good can be secured without thwarting and overcoming this natural instability. we know that all the great momentous objects of our regard - death, judgment, eternity, are fami- liar themes, and that neither our own true in- terest nor that of our fellow-creatures, can be pro- moted, unless principle be made to supply the transient ebullitions of passion and feeling. and we know that the poor negro, after all the elo- quent commiseration which his enormous wrongs have called forth, --will, notwithstanding, be left, from generation to generation, in the grasp of his ruthless oppressor, unless violence be done to this selfish supineness ;- unless christian principle re- kindle our zeal in his cause, and quicken our tardy humanity. the enfranchisement of eight hundred thou- sand of our fellow-creatures from the galling yoke of west-indian bondage will be found no easy atchievement. all who are really in earnest in the cause of these defenceless outcasts, will prove it by their conduct as well as their language. we have no rational ground to expect that their dea liverance will ever be accomplished, without la- borious persevering effort. the double chair which binds them in moral and corporeal slavery, will not fall off of itself-its strong rivets will not be loosened by declamatory invectives. the great and difficult work of emancipation must be ef- fected, like all other great and difficult works, by the diligent application of rational and appropriate means. by the conduct and language of some pro- fessed enemies of slavery, one would imagine they expected this mighty revolution would be effected without effort,—by magic, - by some self-moving mysterious process in direct contradiction to the established order of things. “ the work (they tell us) is in progress, and will be accomplished by the gradual advance of knowledge and moral improvement.” though they take no active in- terest in it themselves, but, on the contrary, do their utmost to retard it, by continuing to con- sume the productions of slavery, and to discourage those who are using their utmost exertious to pre- vent that consumption, the same mode of rea- soning and acting applied to the common business of life, would lead the farmer to sit still in the confident expectation of a plentiful harvest, though he neither ploughed his fields, nor sowed them with grain ; - they would lead the sick man to presume on the recovery of his health by per- sisting in those very courses which had engen- dered his disease ; — they would lead the man whose house was on fire to expect the confla- gration would be stopped by fanning, instead of throwing water on the flame. it is vain to urge in their excuse that they are not convinced that abstinence from the productions of slavery will ever effect its destruction. it is one important means which it is the duty of every man of com- mon humanity to exert to the uttermost as a tes- timony of his own abhorrence of the system, and his determination to do all in his own power to destroy it. and though the operation of this single means, however generally exerted, might fail in itself, to effect its speedy and complete de- struction, yet, in conjunction with stronger remon- strances, more earnest petitions to the legislature, we may reasonably hope that another session of parliament would not be suffered to pass without its accomplishment. we have heard the insolent contempt with which the orders in council, the recommendations and the commands of government, have been re- ceived by the colonists ;— and we have seen that their language of insult and threatened rebellion, instead of meeting with its deserved chastisement, has, on the contrary, been succeeded by additional concessions in their favour, and by a reduction of the duties on west indian produce!!! by what other means then, but the rejection of that produce, and by earnest appeal to par- liament for the assertion of its own dignity ; for the establishment of national honour and security, by the administration of equal law and equal jus- tice through all the bounds of the british empire, -can we expect that west indian slavery will ever be extinguished ? is it by commercial spe- culations ? - by more enlightened and accurate calculations of interest ? - by the establishment of a “tropical free labour company”?“are we to leave , , of our fellow creatures in the hands of their merciless task-masters, until their liberation becomes the inevitable result of mercan- tile competition ?- would this be to do justice and to love mercy, on christian principles ?-spe- culations on the comparative profitableness of free and slave labour, may ultimately effect the de- struction of slavery,—but christian charity will not wait the tardy uncertain result ;-she will employ the best means in her power for its spee- diest destruction,-and as abstinence from slave produce is the only means over which the people have absolute control, this, she will use her utmost exertions to bring into prompt and vigorous ope- ration. the formation of a society which in- lists the all controling principle of interest on the side of humanity, shews something, it is true, of "the wisdom of the serpent,”-but true chris- tian charity will far outstrip even the rapid motion of self-interest, and secure its object by a more direct course. she will hail such establishments as that of the “tropical free labour company” as auxiliaries and secondaries, but will not suffer them to usurp the place, or supersede the exer- tion of moral and religious principle. the laws which guide her operations are quick and spon- taneous, and prompt to the same exertions for the relief of others sufferings as for her own. she regards the dreadful disclosures of the real nature of colonial bondage as affording a test, a certain test of the sincerity or spuriousness of christian profession. “if a man love me (said our lord) he will keep my commandments.” what com- mandments? how readest thou ? what was the reply to the enquiry—“which is the first and great commandment”? -"thou shalt love the lord thy god with all thy heart, with all thy soul, and with all thy mind. this is the first and great commandment. (but mark the sequel.) the second is like unto it. thou shalt love thy neighbour as thyself. on these two command- ments hang all the law and prophets.” “if we love not our brother whom we have seen, how can we love god whom we have not if we so love not our degraded and oppressed fellow creatures, of whose nature we so intimately partake, and with whom the spon- taneous sympathies of humanity compel us to feel ; if we so love them not as to exert every means in our power of rescuing them, from the merciless thieves among whom they are fallen ;-how can we love god, their father as well as ours ? by the fruit alone is the nature of the tree ascertained. by “works of mercy and labours of love" are seen ? " genuine christians to be distinguished from the promiscuous throng of empty professors. “ here- in, is my father glorified that ye bear much fruit”. -do we ask, what fruit? let us turn to the di- vine sermon on the mount,-to the awful disclo- sures of the day of judgment, and see, what are the fruits, the different course of life, which mark the difference between the ransomed and the reprobate. can it possibly be imagined after the affecting enumeration of acts of kindness and mercy re- corded in the close of the th chapter of st. matthew, which our lord represents himself as accepting and rewarding as done unto himself, because done unto one of the least of his family ; -can we possibly imagine that acts of justice and mercy to those wretched captives who stand so much in need of our sympathy and assistance, will not be equally accepted ? let such as have not yet ascertained the pre- cise line of duty between the two propositions of immediate and gradual emancipation, refer their doubts to the divine records for solution. all things, whatsoever ye would that men should do unto you, do even so unto them”. mark the precision, the commanding force of the lan- g uag. here is no room for evasions or excep- tions; - no admission for cold procrastinating delays. the rule is short, intelligible and decisive -and requires us to pursue that precise line of small compass. conduct towards all men, which we ourselves would reasonably desire were we in their circum- stances. the enquiry therefore, what line of conduct a christian should pursue respecting the subject in question, resolves itself into a very he must put himself in the place of the slave-think of the torture of his gal- ling chains, his ulcerated wounds ;—the premature exhaustion of his powers, from over-strained ex- ertions, under the most barbarous coercion ;-the painful consumption of his life in hopeless des- pair. he must remember, that the poor negro, has no one in the land of his oppression, to plead his cause or to avenge his wrongs ;-he must re- member the strong arm of power with which every feeble struggle for his own relief is borne down; --the inhuman chastisement with which his una- vailing complaints are silenced ;--then, let him ask his own heart if he would not, above all earthly blessings, above life itself, desire, groan, for imme- diate liberation from the horrors of such a bon- dagem we have then the express authority of a divine command, to stimulate and combine all our exertions for his prompt emancipation. then, let all who humbly hope for divine approval, en- m let it ever be remembered that emancipation from slavery is not emancipation from law,- does not preclude such wise provisional regulations and restraints as so sudden a change of condition might render expedient. gage without delay, and with all their hearts, in the arduous work. let them no longer deal treacherously with their own principles, and keep back any of the price which they demand. let those who have leisure and influence make it their business to diffuse more general information of the horrors of west indian slavery ; to incite a deeper and more general sympathy for its wretched victims, and (as the british legislature can alone effect their speedy and complete eman- cipation) to incite throughout the nation the most earnest and pressing appeals to parliament no longer to withhold from these despised out- casts their full rights, because they are them- selves too feeble to demand them, because they are so crushed by oppression that they dare not even beg for them ;- no longer to listen to the cruel suggestions, which procrastinating selfish- ness is ever insinuating, --that because they have been so long the victims of lawless power, -be- cause their necks have so long been accustomed to the yoke, - because they have never partici- pated in the rights of humanity and justice,-be- cause the image of their creator has, in these his abused creatures, been so long trampled under- foot, that therefore there need be no haste to rescue their bodies from lacerating whips and galling chains—and their minds from brutish ig- norance and pagan darkness. and let none of us any longer mock the sacred name of truth by calling those slow reluctant feeble concessions, implied in the principle of gradual emancipation, just, reasonable, merciful, — when, in fact, they are only new modifications, more disguised and subtile modes of oppression. “let my people go,”-is the authoritative language of the great parent of the universe, to all who have ears to hear the voice of reason, of conscience, of revelation ;--to all who keep aloof from the confused babel of sordid interest and political expediency ;- who turn a deaf ear to those artful glosses, those selfish evasions, those “ vain traditions,” whereby the divine command is rendered “ of none effect.” “let my peo- ple go,”-is as clearly the divine command respecting these poor despised outcasts, as it was respecting the oppressed israelites. in their case, it is true, the command was express and audible,-enforced by great signs and wonders- and its resistance attended by immediate and supernatural punishments. but in the case of the poor negro, the command is not less intel- ligible, in a christian's ear, because conveyed by the spirit, instead of the letter, of the divine in- junction—and the punishment of disobedience, though it do not immediately follow, will, he is sufficiently warned, fall in heavier inflictions upon christian, than upon egyptian slave-holders. and who are so emphatically slave-holders as the consumers of slave produce? is not he who bribes another to commit a robbery or a murder, the greater criminal of the two, though he shed no blood and commit no violence ? he who kidnaps and forces away the defence- less negro from his friends and country, and puts him in irons on board a slave-ship;-he who buys him of the slave merchant, -- who stamps brand marks into his flesh with hot irons; who com- pels him to labour all the days of his wretched existence, without wages, under the lash of the cart-whip ;-who, if he attempt to escape, or make any resistance, hunts him down like a beast of prey, - chains and flogs him without mercy, shoots and gibbets him at his pleasure ;-who seizes upon his children also, from generation to generation, as his lawful prey ;-all these,--he who steals and makes merchandize of his fellow man;-he who buys the stolen merchandize, and he, who inheriting such ill-gotten property, lays impious claim to it as a rightful possession ;- all these, guilty as they are, are not the most guilty parties in these transactions of iniquity ; they have employers, who make it worth their while,—who bribe them to commit these atrocities. it is a true adage,-“if there were no receivers of stolen goods, there would be no thieves.” for what are those poor negroes stolen away from their native country? for what are they bought and sold like cattle? for what are they lightened a profitable chained and branded and forced to labour, night as well as day under the most brutal coercion ?- because the produce of all this op- pression and cruelty-finds with en- christians, market!! heretofore, we sinned in thoughtless igno- rance ;-we knew little of the dreadful price at which our west indian luxuries were procured ; -now, the veil of ignorance is removed. the enormous crimes and sufferings inseparable from the system of slave cultivation, have at length, been fully exposed ;-- henceforth the guilty re- sponsibility of slave holding rests with the consu · mers of slave produce. let conscience therefore do her office and fix the conviction of blood-guilti- ness in our own bosoms. let us seek no inge- nious palliations or self justifying evasions, but confess that “we are verely guilty concerning our (captive) brother,”—and determine to make all possible atonement for past criminal carelessness of his wrongs, not only by conscientiously abstaining from all farther consumption of the produce of his inhuman oppression, but by deter- mining, henceforward, to make his cause our own, and resolving never to desert it until the rights of humanity are restored to him,-till he is raised from the condition of a brute to that of a man and a christian. henceforward, let us - remember those that are in bonds, as bound with them.” let the speedy redemption of the captive negro be the object of our fervent prayers, of our earnest per- severing labours,—of prayers so fervent, of labours so earnest and persevering as may bear some resemblance to those which we ourselves should desire, were our own enfranchisement suspended on their issue. our prayers will then be heard; the divine blessing will crown our exertions-- and british slavery will be annihilated. and though our power to liberate the captive sons of africa, be restrained within the bounds of our own territory – our example, when it becomes consistent, will not be so limited. it is con- sistency alone which gives force either to indi- vidual or national example. why has no greater efficacy hitherto attended our tardy example in the relinquishment of the african slave trade?- because it has wanted this essential virtue;- because when we relinquished the traffic, we re- tained its guilty perquisites ; – because we not only detained the living victims of the slave trade in cruel bondage, but doomed their children also, and their children's children to the same dreadful inheritance ;-because, whilst we persist in so doing, we appear to surrounding nations, with polluted hands, and a janus face, consequently disqualified for successful pleaders against a system of iniquity which we have so reluctantly and partially renounced. had christians continued to adorn the doc- trine they profess with those living fruits, those works of mercy and labours of love with which it was at first ornamented ;-had the extended knowledge and profession of the gospel been accompanied by a practical conformity to its righteous precepts,--slavery, with all its attendant crimes and miseries, must long since have been abolished throughout the world. but the separa- ting the profession of christianity from its righteous and beneficent practice, has rendered it, compa- ratively, of none effect; — has occasioned its glorious light to be “hid under a bushel,”—the salt,” given to counteract moral corruption, to “lose its savour,”—to be, in great measure, “trod- den under foot,”--calumniated and despised, as a thing of little worth. yet this gospel, whose lustre has been so tarnished by modern professors, is the only means appointed for salvation, to the ends of the earth. no new revelation is to be expected;—by no other power will that grand prophetic renovation be accomplished which shall “fill the earth with the knowledge of the lord, as the waters cover the sea.” the stone, “cut without hands,” seen in the vision of daniel, which “brake in pieces the iron, the clay, the silver and the gold ;”- which subdued every opposing power and “became a great mountain which filled the whole earth,”- h is no other than that gospel which, with us is held in such unprofitableness and unrighteousness. the world around us does not retain its pre- sent disordered miserable condition for want of light and information, for want of the means of its restoration to order and happiness. no, am- ple provision has been made for recovering the lost harmony of this discordant world. it would not remain as it is, waste and deserted of good, fruitful and rank in evil, were those who have been called to work in this great vineyard, dili- gently labouring in their respective allotments”; were “the children of light as wise (and as ac- tive) in their generation as the children of this world.” we can imagine nothing better calculated to rouse their slumbering zeal, to give new life and vigour to their torpid principles, than the conside- ration of the dreadful state of moral and physical wretchedness in which , , immortal beings are held on british ground, chiefly by the thought- less consumption of the produce of their slavery by professing christians; who, from the time when the real condition of slavery was first made known, must be accountable for every day's unnecessary prolongation of so inhuman an institution-and for all the crimes and miseries from which it is inseparable, whilst they neglect the use of any means in their power for its speedy and complete destruction. time flies swiftlyso does conviction of duty, so does the inclination and the power to obey it, from those who trifle or procrastinate. neg- lected capacities and opportunities of doing good, are not only withdrawn, but avenged, by leaving in their place the curse of increased insensibility, and those who have been most abhorrent of slavery, may, by remaining quiescent, impercep- tibly become as reckless of its sufferings as the west indians themselves. then let us “work whilst it is yet day” remembering that it is a short one,--that, with many of us, “it is far spent;”-and therefore “whatsoever our hand findeth to do (whereby the double bonds of these our oppressed and benight- ed fellow creatures may be broken) let us do it with all our might. ”- let our zeal and diligence bear some proportion to the magnitude of the work and the strength and resolution of its oppo- sers. the interests of slavery have hitherto stood firm, have, thus far, resisted and defied all attack, because they have been supported with pertina- cious and determined courage--and when the in- terests of humanity and justice are supported with equal zeal and resolution, they will not only prevail, but triumph gloriously. there is in their nature a spirit of ascendency and dominion. oppression would tremble and fall prostrate before them, were their professed friends and supporters but half as zealous and persevereing as their enemies. we may appear to have laid a very undue a exhaustible mine, whose treasures accumulate in proportion as they are drawn forth. it is not like gold, of which, if we are lavish in one quarter, we must be proportionably parsimonious in another. this wealth, on the contrary, the more it is used, the more it increases. but we have said enough, it may be, much more than enough, to prove, that it is an impera- tive christian duty to employ, to the uttermost, every means in our power for the speedy and complete extinction of west indian slavery. to the most efficacious of those means we have al- ready adverted. in themselves, they are simple and obvious, but to bring them into effective ope- ration, is acknowledged to be a work of labour and difficulty. these pages will probably fall into the hands of some who have already renounced the use of west indian produce, for the sake of christian consistency,—to preserve a conscience void of offence,ếan exemption from all participation or encouragement of crime; though they have no hope that their example will in the slightest de- gree, weaken the interests of slavery, which, they are well aware, are too firmly rooted to be shaken by a few such scattered instances of conscientious- ness. but, being morally certain, that the whole system, root and branch, must of necessity be destroyed by the general extension of such an ex- ample, they feel impelled to do their part. but what is that part ? surely it is the christian's part, his privilege, as well as duty, to do all, in such a cause, which he has the power to do. let him reflect--that he is at present literally doing nothing to lighten the burdens of slavery ;-that his own example, and that of his conscientious coadjutors, will produce no sensible effect on the condition of a single slave,—will be utterly useless-a mere waste of principle as far as he is the object. to effect any important charge in his condition ;—to prove that slavery is abhorrent to the nation ; to give weight and efficacy to our petitions against it, the example must become general—and how can it become general without exertion and la- bour?-and from what quarter is the requisite exertion and labour to be expected - but from real christians ? - from such as have time and ta- lents to devote to the cause? the consideration of the utter helplessness of these objects of our sympathy,--that they cannot plead for themselves,—that they have none in the land of their captivity to plead for them,--that their tears are unobserved that their sighs and groans reach us by no audible sounds,—that their lacerated, disfigured and mutilated bodies are unex- posed to our view,--that they stretch out to us no imploring hands-utter no piercing cries for deli- verance,--that all is silent, enduring, uncomplaining suffering-should, on feeling, generous minds, operate as the most eloquent and urgent of all claims to sympathy and assistance. to whom must we look for availing help, ---for the substan- tial compassion of the good samaritan? from whence can it be most reasonably expected, but from real christians of the more influential classes, whose elevated station gives them a persuasive influence over the sentiments and practice of those around them? from whence can it be most reasonably expected, but from those to whom it is given richly to enjoy the life that now is, as well as the glorious hope of that which is to come; - from those, to whom much has been given, and of whom much will be therefore required ? from whom, but from those who must be often inquiring, what they are rendering to the lord for all his goodness? how they are occupying the talents with which he has entrusted them? what account they will have to render of their stewardship? we want words to express our own conviction of the extent and importanceof the benefits which you have the ability to confer upon the most oppressed and abused of the hu- man family. you admit that abstinence from west indian produce must become general in order to accomplish its object— and to you we must look to make it general—to bring it into fashion. who else, but those who have time and talents at their own disposal, rather, at the dis- posal of the great giver, can be expected to de vote them to a cause to which there is no attraction ve m of ambition or interest, and for the most la- be borious and successful exertions in which, no reward is to be hoped for, but from him who is seeth in secret ? to be exempt from the crime of encouraging het and perpetuating slavery, and to make atonement is for past negligence, we must not only abstain ourselves from all farther consumption of its pro- duce, but determine, to the utmost of our power, to engage others in a similar resolution. we must make it a business, by every means of argu- ment and persuasion, to engage the cooperation of all around us, high and low, rich and poor,- not regarding opposition and ridicule, but making the best of our talents and influence, whatever they be, to extend the resolution far and wide, until it pervades the whole kingdom, -until the use of slave produce shall become a mark of re- proach, and those who have not renounced it upon principle, shall be constrained to do it for their credit's sake. a resolution and zeal short of this, will effect nothing; we shall only trifle with the subject, -trifle with our christian obliga- tions, and do nothing effectual towards discharg- ing the heavy debt we owe to our enslaved brother. christian charity, implies in its very nature, the spirit of sacrifice and self-denial. what costs us little, is, in general, of little worth. but what sacrifice (it may be asked) or self-denial, deserving the name, is implied in the rejection of slave pro- i ducé where the same articles may be obtained by free labour? certainly there is no sacrifice in the individual substitution, but such a substitution can never be expected to become general without exertions which involve considerable sacrifices. west indian slavery has been so often discussed, te has become so trite and hackneyed a subject that it seems by tacit agreement to be excluded from common conversation, and it requires no little courage to encounter the evident coldness or dis- gust with which it is generally received. there is a great deal of prejudice and hostility among a jarge proportion of the higher and middle ranks, against the measure in question, occasioned by the extensive ramifications of west indian influ- ence, and a prevailing notion, among such as + pride themselves on their loyalty, that it is an officious interference with the business of government. it is highly desirable that the friends of eman- cipation, should, as much as possible, for the sake of consistency, abstain from the consumption of all slave cultivated produce. but as the cultivation of sugar is the most lucrative, and by far the most oppressive of west indian slave labours ;—as the planter derives his chief emolument from the sale of this article, and his monopoly of the british market ;-it is against this article especially, that we must endeavour to close that market. but be- fore entering upon the consideration of the best ness and cruel indifference to other's sufferings influence their actions ? if these questions can be answered affirmatively, then, certainly, after an acquaintance with the shocking process of west india sugar cultivation, there is nothing utopian orvisionary in expecting that every indi- vidual possessed of common humanity, to say nothing of religion, should abstain from its con- sumption, were east india double the price, or even if there were no other sugar to be substi- tuted. the attention of those who are not thoroughly acquainted with that process, is par- ticularly requested to the following compressed description of “ the driving system," which, in the west indies, is chiefly confined to sugar cultiva- tion. “ in holeing a cane-piece, or turning up the ground into parallel trenches, for the reception of the cane-plants, the slaves of both sexes, are some persons object to the substitution of east for west indian sugar, nnder the notion that the former is dearer than the latter. the objection, though a very sordid one, ought to be noticed. a correspondent, well acquainted with the fact, says~"there is, in london, no difference whatever in the price of east and west india raw sugar, consequently, there ought to be none in the country. the east india re- fined sugar was considerably dearer, when first offered to the public, on account of the difficulty and expense attending the commencement of the refining process; but now, the diffe- rence of príce between east and west india lump sugar is not more than one penny or three-half-pence per pound." drawn out in a line, like troops on a parade, each with a hoe in the hand; and close, in the rear, are stationed the drivers, in numberduly proportioned to that of the gang. each of these drivers, has a long, thick, and strongly plaited whip, the report of which is as loud, and the lash as severe as those of the whips in common use with our waggoners, and which he has authority to apply the instant, he perceives occasion, without previous warning. thus disposed, their work begins, and continues without interruption for a certain number of hours, during which, at the peril of the driver, an ad- equate portion of the land must be holed. as the trenches are generally rectilinear, and the whole line of holers advance together, it is necessary that every section of the trench should be finished in equal time with the rest; if any were allowed to throw in the hoe with less rapidity or energy than their companions, the trench would be imperfectly formed; it is therefore the business of the drivers not only to urge forward the whole gang with sufficient speed, but to watch that all in the line, whether male or female, old or young, strong or feeble, work, as nearly as possible, in equal time and with equal effect; the tardy stroke must be quickened, and the languid invigorated ; and the whole line made to dress, in the military phrase, as it advances; no breathing time, no resting on the hoe, no pause of langour to be repaid by brisker action, can be allowed to individuals o gether.” (however exhausted): all must work or repose to- the labourers, having no motive for exertion but the fear of punishment, are impelled to their daily task in the cultivation of the sugar- cane, on a burning glebe, beneath a vertical sun, by the stimulant of the whip, which dr. collins, an experienced planter, and ablé apologist for slavery, admits, “is usually left to the discretion of the driver, and is of course administered neither with impartiality or judgment; but is generally bestowed with rigour on the weakest of the gang, and those who are so unfortunate às not to be in favour with the subdespot, on any part of the naked body or head, by which means the weaker negroes are over-wrought and compelled to resort to the sick-house”p let it be remembered also, that in addition to this severe and exhausting day-pro- cess, in the cultivation of the sugar cane, there is the aggravated oppression of alternate night labour, during nearly half the year in grinding at the sugar-mills, &c. surely there is nothing utopian or visionary in expecting that every person of common hu- manity, not immediately interested in the support of slavery, will desist from the consumption of • see “slavery of the west indies delineated" by james stephen, esq. vol. . p. . . p see “ practical rules, &c. for the treatment of slaves in the sugar colonies." p. , . . a luxury cultivated under such a system as this ;- a system so exhausting and destructive of human life in those islands where it is most cultivated, as would, were the same mortality generally to prevail, “unpeople the earth in half a cen- tury”!!! surely there is nothing utopian or vi- sionary in expecting that all who retain any sense of moral justice, will renounce the consumption of sugar thus cultivated, were there no other sub- stitute to be obtained for it; more especially when acquainted with the fact (which all may be by referring to the last-mentioned anti-slavery report) that this horrid system will be mitigated or aggravated in exact proportion as the demand for this luxury increases or diminishes. to the second objection, that the substitution of east, for west india sugar would be utterly futile as it regards the destruction of west indian slavery; since the sugar rejected by us would be exported to the continent; we imagine the west indians themselves have furnished a complete confutation. for to what do their violent pro- testations against the equalization of the duties on east and west indian sugar,--their virulent in- vectives against those who attempt to promote the substitution of the former for the latter, amount?--but to so many proofs that they regard see the “second report of the committee of the anti- slavery society." these measures as attacks upon the very vitals of their system. one of their ablest champions, having asserted in so many words, that—"the continent can be, and is supplied with sugar at a cheaper rate than it can be grown by the british planter.”-and in a small tract recently issued by the west indian party, addressed “ to the con- sumers of sugar,” the public are admonished not to be the “dupes of the humbug of interested people, who would persuade them to substitute east for west india sugar, and by that means involve the colonies in utter ruin.” they are warned against the “selfish designs of interested cunning persons, who, regardless of the sacred obligations of truth, would, if they could, sacrifice the west indian colonies to their own narrow interests, which, whilst they assume the gloss of humanity to the negroes, would disable their masters from feeding, clothing, protecting, and imparting religious instructiontothem; and condemn to ruin an integral part of the british empire.” it is evident that the measure in question is regarded by the colonists with the utmost alarm see a masterly pamphlet entitled “east and west indian sugar, or a refutation of the claims of the west indian colonists to a protecting duty &c.” (page ) to which also we refer our readers for a complete exposure of the fallacy of the objection that the commercial interests of the country would be injured by the substitution of east for west india sugar. and dismay, consequently, it cannot be of that nugatory, insignificant nature which the objector would represent. but the production adverted to, insignificant and contemptible as it may appear, must not pass without farther comment. it is, an important document, full of “ pith and argu- ment,”-exhibiting, in narrow compass, the wretched shifts and miserable extremities to which the upholders of slavery are driven. it revives and puts into popular, wholesale circulation the often confuted falshood of the assertion that east india sugar is not the production of free la- bour, but of a system of slavery more severe than that of the west indies--many respectable au- thorities being brought forward to prove that such slavery exists in the lower carnatic. the author of this precious document miscalculated in supposing that it would meet the eye of none but casual unreflecting readers, who were too ignorant or too thoughtless to consider that the lower carnatic is a thousand miles distant from the province of bengal, where the sugar brought from the east indies into this country is cultiva- ted. we refer the reader to a very sensible reply to the insinuation that east india sugar is not the production of free labour, in a small tract, bearing the same title,~" to the consumers of sugar,” by the eloquent author of “the rights of man in the west indies"-but as this writer has entirely passed over the objections of the west iudian declaimer against the substitution of east for west indian sugar, on account of the cruel effect it would have upon the slave, as well as his master, (thinking it, no doubt, contemptible to de- serve a reply, its fallacy having been so often exposed)-yet, being aware that many are still under this delusion, we quote the following brief passages from the “second report of the commit- tee of the anti-slavery society,” as a complete answer to the last mentioned objection. “the west indians assert that if prices (of sugar) should fall, the slaves' must starve; but in what way are low prices to produce this effect? the food of the field slaves in jamaica is raised entirely by their own hands, on the portion of ground allotted to them for that purpose, and cultivated during that fragment of their time spe- cifically assigned them by law. is it then by de- priving the slaves of the land which has been set apart for their subsistence, and which the owner himself has now less temptation than ever to oc- cupy, that starvation is to ensue? or is it by depriving them, without any assignable object for so doing, of the scanty portion of time which the law allows them for cultivating their allotments ? if not, how is it possible for them to starve”? “ the tendency of a low price of sugar is obvi- ously to direct a larger share both of land and la- bour to the growth of provisions, or of some other article of exportable produce than sugar ;-and, i . whatever article may be substituted for it, the change must operate as a relief to the slaves ; the culture of sugar being by far the most oppressive branch of colonial husbandry.” “the baha- mas grow no sugar. there, the increase of the population is very considerably greater than in any other colony. the only other colony of great britain, in which there is any increase of the slaves, is barbadoes; and that is the colony (with one exception) which makes the smallest quantity of sugar in proportion to its numbers.” “in st. vincent, grenada, tobago, and deme- rara, where the proportion of sugar is the largest,_there the decrease proceeds at a rapid rate; at a rate, in some would un- of them, which people the earth in half a century”!!! these, let it be remembered, are not vague unsupported assertions ;-they are grounded on authentic documents, on accurate calculation, on notorious facts, which no ingenuity can evade or confute. from these documents are we not fully warranted in urging all who have heads to think and hearts to feel, to the conscious rejection of west india sugar and rum ?-for should such a resolution fail to become sufficiently general to accomplish its ultimate object, yet, it is evident that it would essentially mitigate the sufferings of the slave, sugar cultivation being the most dread- fully oppressive and destructive of all his labours. but we have not quite done with this west india sugar tract. if the british public substitute east for west india sugar-then,“ their masters (we are told) will be disabled from imparting religi- ous instruction to their negroes.” here is a “hum- bug,” to which there is surely no parallel ! in this wretched effort of imposture, we know not whether audacity or imbecility are most conspicu- can the writer possibly imagine after the notorious opposition made by the great body of planters to the religious instruction of the ne- groes ;-after the dreadful tragedies so recently acted in barbadoes and demerara, that the people of england can be deluded by such miserable cant ous. as this? it were endless to enumerate all the objections which may be urged against the measure in ques- tion. we trust enough has been said to prove that it is neither a utopian, a useless, or pernici- ous project to endeavour to dissuade the british public (all, at least, who have any real sense of religion, of hnmanity, or moral justice) from the consumption of slave cultivated sugar, when once acquainted with the object and tendency of its rejection. we should shudder at the idea of being ourselves the immediate agents of the horrid sys- tem of oppression above described,,but volunta- rily to sanction and encourage that oppression in others, is, in effect, equally criminal. this remark will be said to imply a sweeping condemnation of all who entertain different opini- ons from those here expressed of the measure in question, and who are consequently not disposed to adopt it. we certainly do consider the con- sumption of west india sugar, under the present system of cultivation, as absolutely interdicted by the laws of religion, humanity and justice. that many highly respectable, humane, and truly religious persons persist in the use of it, we are quite aware; but that circumstance does not in the least alter the moral character of the practice. they who do persist in it after being acquainted with its tendency, do so at the ex- pense of their principles. that the practice is attended with no feeling of compunction, is no proof of its innocence. it is possible, let us ne. ver forget, for the very worst crimes to be perpe- trated without any consciousness of their guilt. it is well, disposed as we all are to self compla- cent indulgence in any habit to which prejudice custom, or interest incite us, that we are not left to the uncertain, capricious guidance of individual opinion, but that we have an explicit, intelligible, immutable rule, a divine command, applica- ble to every variety of circumstance and character, to restrain and direct our conduct, (viz)-to do unto all men, whatsoever we that they should do unto us. would letter iv. on the most efficient means of deepening and extend- ing the public interest in the speedy extinction of west indian slavery. in enumerating the various means by which an increased interest in the speedy extinction of west indian slavery can be most speedily and widely extended, is it possible to overlook the christian pulpit? to whom but the professed ambassadors of him who came to “undo the heavy burdens-to bind up the broken hearted to preach deliverance to the captives”-to break every yoke but that of his own mild and benign- ant sway ;-to whom but to those who are regard- ed as the delegated shepherds of the flock, who profess to watch for souls as they that must give an account";- to whom but to conscientious christian ministers, of all denominations, can we so reasonably look for deepening and widening the public interest in the speedy extinction of this anti-christian institution ?-by making it a sub- ject of pulpit admonition. should any object, that it would be a lowering of the dignity, a desecration of the sacredness of the christian pulpit to employ it in the discussion of secular or political questions ;-we would ask, whether the present wretchedly degraded and op- pressed condition of , immortal beings,- the brutish ignorance and heathen darkness con- sequent upon and necessarily connected with their cruel bondage ;-whether an enquiry into the best means whereby the restoration of those natural rights which they have never forfeited, and the enjoyment of those civil and religious privileges to which they have an equal claim with ourselves, may be best secured to them,--can be regarded as mere secular or political considerations ? ifthey can, then are a large portion of the instructions of our great lord and master of the same secular and political character. for on what themes did he chiefly discourse with the scribes and pharisees and with his own disciples, in his divine sermon on the mount, but on those of justice and mercy -of compassion and kindness ?--and what were the objects of his severest maledictions but injus- tice, oppression and cruelty-above all, hypocrisy -the combination of high religious profession with the violation of its righteous precepts ;-long prayers and sanctimonious observances with the “devouring of widows houses”-extortion and oppression? what was the chief aim of his in- structive parables, of dives and lazarus, -of the good samaritan,-of the relentless fellow ser- vant-and of his awful illustrations of the day of judgment, but to inculcate lessons of compassion and sympathy—to incite to works of justice and mercy ? but we need not labour to obviate objections which have no real existence. the pulpit is every where employed in pressing themes of an exactly similar nature, though of less urgent ne- cessity than that in question ;-in recommending the establishment and support of infirmaries and hospitals for the relief of temporal want and the mitigation of bodily suffering. we would not merely contend that the best ways and means of abolishing slavery may with the strictest propriety and accordance with established precedent be pointed out and recom- mended from the pulpit; but that such an em- ployment of it would be peculiarly appropriate. if righteousness, justice and mercy be essential parts of the christian character;—if “ all the law and the prophets be comprehended in the two commandments of loving god with all the heart soul and strength, and our neighbour as our- selves;--if christ himself hath said, that this second is like unto the first and great command- ment”-in its comprehensive nature and exten- sive requirements;—then, it is both expedient and necessary to dilate and expatiate upon this also;- to extend and apply it to existing circum- stances ;-to bring the habits and conduct of professors to this unvarying standard and touch- stone of christian rectitude. “ i say unto you, for every idle word that men shall speak they shall give account thereof in the day of judgment,”-is one of those deeply significant and comprehensive sentences in which is revealed the awful nature and extent of our accountability. in this concise declaration is condensed, information of immense importance, connected with consequences the most momen- tous. every word in this emphatic sentence has a deep and weighty signification. “i say unto you,”—what simple majesty, what solemn im- port in the introduction! the saviour and final judge of the world is the speaker,--he who is himself the truth,“who hath said“ heaven and earth shall pass away, but my words shall not pass away”—the son of god makes the awful declaration, that “for every idle word men shall give account in the day of judgment." the all- pervading presence of the invisible judge -- the all-controling nature of his 'religion — the im- perishable book of remembrance preserved by him of the whole tenor, the minutiæ, of the con- duct of his intelligent creatures -- and their cer- tain and strict accountability to him, are all di- rectly implied in this concise communication. if then, for every idle (thoughtless) word we shall give an account in the day of judgment, is it not a necessary inference that for every injurious action we shall be equally accountable? what infa- tuated self-deceivers we are! with what foolish, mad presumption we say to our souls, “ peace, when there is no peace!” we lose the recol- lection of the daily tenor of our own thoughts, words and actions, - even of the most guilty we retain but vague and transient remembrance ; we soon forgive and forget our own transgressions -and presumptuously and impiously imagine, even respecting those which are unrepented of- unannealed, that they are also forgiven and for- gotten by our omniscient judge; - though he hath with solemn emphasis declared that " for every idle word that men shall speak, they shall give account thereof in the day of judgment.” how much more of their deliberate actions ! these, will not only be remembered, but a far different estimate to our own, will be made of them. in assigning their respective places in the book of divine remembrance, "righteousness will be laid to the line and judgment to the plum- met," actions, many of which we regard as indifferent or innocent, will be ranged in the column of crimes, when their motives and conse- quences are taken into account. and will the encouragement given to human slavery (that most frightful complication of crime and misery) be overlooked? will the part we have taken re- specting the poor negro be left out of the esti- mate? will those be held guiltless who from thoughtlessness or carelessness, continue to con- sume the produce of his slavery with their eyes wide open to the nature of that slavery which such consumption tends to perpetuate? can any thing be more in character with a christian minister than to warn his hearers against such a delusion? -more especially, because the practice is so gene- ral and is therefore regarded as innocent. chris- tians are enjoined to be “holy and harmless, separate from sinners ;”-to “keep themselves pure;”--to “have no fellowship with works of darkness;”-not to be partakers of other men's sins." but by the consumption of slave produce all these injunctions are violated. " ye are the salt of the earth ;"_" ye are the light of the world,” said our lord to the first preachers of the gospel. “ ye are the salt of the earth ;"- to keep it from corruption, from be- coming a mass of moral putrefaction ; - to pre- serve the purity of christian doctrine, the righ- teousness of christian practice. ye are the light of the world,” - to illuminate its dark cor- ners -- to detect and reprove all unrighteousness. had such continued to be the character of preachers of the gospel, could human slavery, that horrid compound of all injustice, cruelty, and impiety, still support and exalt itself in this land of high christian profession, this age of pre- eminent benevolence and refinement? could it be possible, that a system comprising every cala- mity and outrage which man has power to inflict upon his fellow man, should exist in a country where christianity is not only tolerated, but es- tablished ; -- where temples for christian worship are profusely scattered over the empire;-whereits ministers have free access to all ranks of the community ;--where religion “lifts her mitred head in courts and parliaments ;” is suffered to raise her voice in the palace as well as the church ;-to admonish the legislature and the monarch as well as the people? why the deepest crime and foulest national disgrace should, with a few noble exceptions, have hitherto escaped the reprobation, and been imagined to lie out of the sphere of the christian pulpit—it were useless to inquire. we rejoice in the hope that the illusion is rapidly dissipating, and that the time is at hand when the righteous cause of negro emancipation will be advocated in the right place, — with the boldness and fidelity becoming christian ministers. we remember that a wild fanatic, peter the hermit, by his single preaching, lighted up the flames of war all over europe, and we doubt not that equal fervency and extent of zeal may be kindled by conscien- tious ministers of the true religion, in a war against oppression and impiety which have no parallel in the civilized world ;-in a war rightly denominated a holy one, in which every indivi- dual, possessing any just pretensions to the chris- tian name, ought to engage with all his might. some of the most distinguished dissenting ministers have already set the example, and we are anxiously desiring that those of the establish- ment may follow the noble precedent; — not merely by giving their respective hearers a single sermon on the subject of slavery and then dis- missing it;- not merely by describing the horrors of the system and exciting the sympathy of their hearers for its unhappy victims; but by pointing out and pressing the adoption of the most effectual means of putting a speedy end to it;—by shewing that every individual, however obscure his station, or humble his talents, may render important assis- tance, may do much by his own example and in- fluence towards its final destruction. we entreat all who are conscious of being but partially informed of the present character of west indian slavery, and are consequently deficient in arguments and facts wherewith to repel the artful misrepresentations and gross falsehoods by which it is attempted, but too successfully, to delude the british public into a persuasion that the pre- sent actual condition of colonial bondage is not only as little oppressive, but is, in fact, more com- fortable than that of the irish, or even british peasantry ;-we entreat all such to acquaint them- selves without delay, with one of the most im- . # portant documents (just published) which has yet appeared upon the subject, viz. the abridged substance of some highly interesting papers re- cently laid before parliament, entitled “ the slave colonies of great britain; or a picture of negro slavery drawn by the colonists themselves ;?' with the very appropriate motto, “out of thine own mouth will i judge thee.” “ the picture which it exhibits of slavery is so fearful and revolting, that we might hesitate to credit the existence of the reality, were it not that the statements are official, and emanate from the colonial authorities themselves. this is not a narrative of past and long forgotten atrocities, fur- bished up anew to excite the feelings of the british public, but a delineation of the actual state of our own slave colonies, at the present moment ; a narrative which tells us of stripes yet unhealed; of groans which still echo around our plantations ; of tyranny to this moment unchecked in its deeds of cruelty and crime; of injustice, oppression and inhumanity both private and legislative, bearing date not in dark ages or pagan lands, but in british colonies, and with the ink scarcely dry upon the record. the first impression which its perusal is calculated to produce, is a feeling of surprise and horror at the extraordinary state of society which it developes. in this analysis, the colonists are made to describe their own system; the proofs of its iniquity being drawn from the colonial laws, from other colonial records of un- questionable authority, or from the evidence of colonial proprietors. in the ameliorated slave- codes here brought before them, the public will find the proof, the irrefragable proof, of the de- termined pertinacity with which the colonists still cleave to the worst, the most revolting defor- mities of their system; and the utter worthless- ness of all the pretended improvements adopted by the colonial assemblies.” in the postscript to these official documents, an analysis is given of the report of the constitu- ted guardians and protectors of the slaves, by which we are admitted into the interior, the very pe- netralia of the slave system,” from whence, among other horrific disclosures, it will be seen what are its brutalizing effects on the female character—what refined barbarities it can train and habituate " la- dies” to exercise upon their slaves. in these documents the public will see that “demoralizing and murderous system” accurately portrayed for the maintenance of which they are burdened with imposts to the amount of annnal millions ; for the maintenance of which the lives of two thousand british soldiers are annually sa- crificed ;---for the maintenance of which british commerce is fettered by impolitic and injurious restrictions ;—the population of ireland kept in •see " the christian observer, oct. "--pages – . idleness and beggary ;-the interests of one hun- dred million of british subjects in india surren- dered to those of about two thousand west indian planters and merchants !!! but to return to the christian pulpit. the preacher, having once thoroughly acquainted him- self with the subject of west indian slavery, having convinced himself of the unexceptionable nature and authority of the evidence on which the horrid enormities of the system are asserted, will find it no theme of barren speculation or casual invective, but one of deep and wide interest, fruitful of instruction and bearing with important weight on the grand fundamental truths and essential duties of christianity. he will per- ceive, in the modern history of slavery, in the british dominions,-in its effects especially upon the white colonists -- the free-born sons and daughters also, of british christendom, the most appalling illustrations of human depravity ;-he will perceive the hardened callosity to which the human heart may arrive under the petrifying influence of unrestrained avarice;-the profound depths of wickedness into which man may plunge when invested with unlimited power ;-the tremen- dous extent of suffering which he has the will to see the luminous expositions of the impolitic and bane- ful effects of slavery, in the public speeches of the enlight- ened and philanthropic james cropper, of liverpool, as reported in various provincial papers. inflict on his fellow man ;-the extremes of corpo- real and mental anguish to which he can remorse- lessly consign his brother;-the monster of cruelty and oppression, the abhorred instrument of pure mischief which he may become, when abandoned to himself,--emancipated from the restraints of religion,-unawed by fear, unsoftened by love of the righteous governor of the universe. in the conduct of these white tyrants, he will see terrific illustration of the natural tendency of human in- terests and human passions ;-he will see awful demonstration that man, in his natural state, is indeed “a child of wrath”-a fit object of the vengeance of a holy god-even, of a god of love land will consequently obtain clearer perceptions of the necessity and infinite value of a redeemer and a saviour ;--of a new birth and complete renovation of nature. he will see that " every good and perfect gift cometh from above;”-that all the virtues and all the graces which have ever adorned and beautified the human character, are implanted by the divine spirit alone ;-that every fruit of righteousness which has ever appeared in this degenerate soil; from its earliest blossom to maturity, has been the production alone of the sun of righteousness. we earnestly hope that conscientious minis- ters of the gospel, of every denomination, will no longer withhold their earnest attention from this momentous subject, from an apprehension that it lies beyond the sphere of their influence. we are fully persuaded that they may, in a very short space of time, become the honoured instruments of ridding their country of its foulest abomination, by instigating the people of all ranks, through the most quiet and unexceptionable means, to throw down the altars of the bloody moloc of slavery, to expel from british ground every vestige of its impious worship. we cannot, therefore, but earn- estly hope they will lose no more time in exerting the great influence they possess over the people; - that they will suspend, for a season, their ac- customed course of instruction ;-deviate a little from the beaten track,-call the attention of their hearers for a time, from the principles, the ground- work of religion, to the contemplation of its beau- tiful superstructure,- that just, and righteous and benificent practice to which those principles incite. let them remind their hearers that he whom they preach, “gave himself for them that he might purify to himself a peculiar people zealous of good works ;''--that christians are commanded not to "touch the unclean thing;”—and that if gentile con- verts were expressly enjoined by apostolic autho- rity, under divine direction, to “abstain from meats offered to idols, and from blood,” it can be no strained unnatural inference to conclude that the spirit of this prohibition must necessarily ex- tend to an absolute interdiction of the voluntary consumption of the produce of slavery. when k christian ministers have once entered on the sub- ject, they will find it no barren and circumscribed theme ;-it will afford ample illustration of chris- tian duty, strong and varied appeals to the hearts and consciences of their hearers, especially to those of the higher and more influential classes, to whom a wide field of interesting labour may be present- ed, iņ endeavouring to spread and to keep alive a general interest and sympathy, for the most deeply injured of the human race, amang their friends and neighbours, -and in shewing by what means, relief may be most effectually admi- nistered, thus would a fresh and powerful im- pulse be imparted to benevolence and the warm glow of christian charity çirculated from bosom to bosom. thus would the rich, according to apostolic injunction, be admonished to “ do good, -to be rich in good works ;'-new sources of pure satisfaction would be opened to them, in exciting fellow, feeling and brotherly kindness in all around them, in tasting the luxury of benefi- cence, --in proving that the pleasures of sympathy far surpass those of selfish enjoyment;-that their own happiness is augmented in proportion as they are earnestly engaged in promoting the welfare of others; not that of their own neighbourhood and country alone, but that of the stranger, the poor captive in a distant land, of him who seems to have no human helper--and thus, inheriting the blessing of those who are ready to perish” and v f li m the richer blessing of him who hath declared that a cup of cold water alone, imparted in christian charity, shall not lose its reward. the preacher, by directing the moral percep- tions and religious principles of his hearers to the subject of west indian slavery, will shew them a great work of righteousness, of justice and mercy in which all may engage, from the highest to the lowest and thereby afford substantial proof that there is life and power in the religion they profess; that it is an active vigorous principle, a faith that works by love, which may be mighty, even in feeble hands, to the pulling down this strong hold of satan, and setting at liberty eight hundred thou- sand immortal beings, the wretched victims of a two-fold bondage, bondage of soul as well as body, withheld alike (as by far the greater proportion of them are) from moral and spiritual as well as cor- poreal freedom ; kept back from the sound of the liberty of the gospel, lest they should become more deeply sensible of their cruel wrongs, lest the iron yoke of oppression, the chains of igno- rance and mental darkness, should become still more intolerable. we are aware that great offence may be taken at such an employment of the christian pulpit ; at such an exposure, in such a place, of a system in which many persons of the first consequence and allowed respectability, “men of education and k liberal attainments,” are concerned. but that can be no solid ground of objection to those who consider the great offence excited by the preaching of their lord and master on a similar occasion; in detecting, exposing and reprobating “ wicked- ness in high places,”-the injustice, extortion and cruelty of scribes and pharisees, persons, in their day of great eminence and distinction. it will be no solid ground of objection to those who remem- ber that the disciples were forewarned that the servant was not greater than his lord, that those who had persecuted him would persecute them also; that if they were of the world, the world would love its own, but because they were not of the world, therefore the world would hate them. the offence therefore which may be taken by men of the world against such a proceeding, is rather a confirmation of its consistency and pro- priety. under existing circumstances, we can imagine no subject which can more worthily engage the constituted guardians of the public virtue, its mo- rals and religion, than the denouncing of that anti-christian, execrable tyranny, which obliterates all sense of natural justice, every feeling of huma- nity, every principle of religion ; which hardens the hearts and sears the consciences of its active agents and abettors, and subjects them to a more dreadful and hopeless bondage than that of its poor victims, in as much as there is reason to dread its extension beyond the period of their present existence. we can imagine nothing more truly in charac- ter with ministers of that religion which lays the axe to the root of every corrupt tree, than to pro- test, to make open war against, and to resist with all their might, this bold and malignant “enemy of all righteousness;” since it is apparent that the gospel can have no “free course, can be glori- fied by none of those “mighty works,”—those great extensive moral transformations which it is destined to accomplish, in any nation where this anti-christ is suffered to reign. what says the very temperate and candid author of “ negro slavery,”in his fairest exam- ple of west indian society (that of jamiaca)? “no virtuous man ought to trust his own charac- ter, or that of his children, to the demoralizing effects produced by slave keeping. the state of morals and religion, is as bad as can be imagined. it is well known that the morals of nineteen out of twenty white men are ruined before they have been a month on the island, and every idea of religion vanishes.” and what says a respec- table clergyman, nearly five years resident on the same island? “i shall never forget the horror and disgust which i felt on going on shore, for the first time, in kingston, august, : it u see “ negro slavery,” p. . du was on a sunday and i had to pass the negro market, where several thousands of human beings, of various nations and colours, chiefly negroes, instead of worshiping their maker on his holy day, were busily employed in all kinds of traffic in the open streets. the different noises and bar- barous tongues recalled the confusion of babel, but the drunkenness of some, with the impreca- tions and licentiousness of others, put me in mind rather of a pandemonium, or residence of devils. i have resided nearly five years in jamaica, and have preached two or three sermons almost every sunday; many other clergymen have also exerted themselves, but to very little purpose, as these horrid legalized scenes are just the same, and most of the churches in the island are nearly empty. i am aware there is a law in the island, imposing a fine on proprietors or overseers, for compelling the negroes to do certain kinds of labour on the sabbath ; but it is notorious that this law is alto- gether a dead letter, and in jamaica, the largest west indian colony of highly favoured christian britain, the sabbath is worse kept than by turks themselves. it is not enough that the poor ne- groes are compelled, on that day, to cultivate their own provision grounds to preserve life, (not having sufficient time otherwise allowed them) but to add to the abomination, a sunday market must also be kept, which is the only market they have, to which they trudge, like mules, with heavy loads, five, ten, or even twenty miles. in other eolonies, where the abundant fatness of the soil hås augmented the cupidity of the planters, the hardships of the poor negroes are even greater than in jamaica, they are very much overworked; especially the jobbing gangs (out of whose labour fortunes have been made in a short time.) these gangs have been compared, very aptly, to over driven horses : the poor slaves composing them, may certainly, without exaggeration, be compared to the london hacks. a double price is paid for them, and they are worked so very much, that they do not last long. it is gold versus life.” “were the colonists inclined to make any material beneficial changes in the slave code, nei- ther the british government nor british people would think of interfering ; but experiente teaches that their professions with respect to their slaves, are urmeaning and empty, and that even the few concessions that have been wrung from them aré not bona fide fulfilled. witness their not allowing them time to attend places of worship on sundays. witness the non-redress of their just complaints, for severity and cruelty of punishment. witness the preventing those of the curates who wished to attend on some of the estates, to preach and to cate- chise, from doing so, and thereby shutting the door of instruction on the poor slaves altogether.” “ it must indeed be plain to every impartial person, that the colonists do not intend to lighten the hardships of their slaves. their principal ob- ject is to keep them in total ignorance, and to compel them to raise the greatest possible quantity of pro- duce; for they calculate thus-if we do away with the sunday market, there must be more time given to the slaves, and our own crops will fall short; if we allow them to be instructed, it will take a little more time, and the negroes will also know too much to be content! they therefore do, and will, oppose all interference by the british parliament because they wish, and intend, at all hazards, to keep the slaves and their descendants in perpetual bondage. this writer farther observes, that “ many colo- nial clergymen are anxious to advance the know- ledge of religion, but are prevented through the general profanation of the sabbath, and the labour- ing and marketing of the negroes on that day. some who have attempted to introduce reforms have been stigmatised as methodists ; and it is scarcely safe for them to venture to preach against gross immorality, sabbath breaking,” &c. let it be remembered that this is the report of an impartial resident eye witness of the existing state of things in the island of jamaica. the striking illustrations given by this conscious writer (in addition to the ferocious transactions at bar- badoes and demerara) of the determined and malignant hostility which the slave system bears à see the west indies as they are. ” by the rev. r. bickell. pages , , , , , . to religion, is a loud call upon its conscientious ministers to interpose their influence; to use their utmost exertions to purify the british atmosphere from this - moral pestilence, which sheds a blight and a mildew upon every opening blossom of vir- tue, and forces into rapid and monstrous growth every poisonous shoot of vice. so active and in- sinuating is the demoralizing contagion engendered by slavery, that it seems to operate by a kind of magic ;-virtue becomes vice;—even piety her- self becomes impious on breathing the tainted atmosphere ; or, if she be firm and hardy enough to resist the malignant contagion, she then be- comes the object of persecution unto death. how has the christian standard been lowered and de- graded which has from time to time been raised in the land of slavery ! how have evil commu- nications corrupted good manners in certain me- thodist missionaries, who, through the tamperings of interest or the blandishments of flattery, have been disinherited of their reason, shorn of their strength,—have suffered their shield, the awful egis of christian truth, to be basely cast away, and instead of denouncing woes against the worship- pers, instead of “ crying out against the altars” of this most impious of all the idol gods of sa- tanic devotion, have dared to arraign and condemn the veteran band of abolitionists, have traduced and blasphemed the sacred cause they engaged to advocate, by asserting that christianity has no hostility to slavery; have themselves, joined the priests of this baal,-have become the apologists and defenders of the execrable system of west indian tyranny;-and have impiously dared to assert its compatibility with the divine will. how deep then, must be the poison of that moral in fection which can transform christian missionaries into priests of baal ?--the “salt of the earth”, into the means of its corruption? for the honour of the methodist body, it is to be hoped that these accommodating, time serving missionaries have been expelled from its membership. but we cannot withhold from our readers the following short ex- tract from a sermon recently addressed by à mis- sionary (said to be in that connexion) to a slave audience, in presence, no doubt, of their taskmasters; with which the advocates of west indian slavery have presented the public, illustrative of the bles- sings of slavery. “ it ought to be remembered that the situation of life in which providence has placed you, is not without its comforts; for when you have per- formed your appointed work, you are happily delivered from all anxiety and tormenting care, and can return to your humble cabins with con- fidence, being assured that no creditor will be there claiming the little property you possess ;- no sick wife or child will be there, without the aid y see the small tract before adverted to, addressed “ to the consumers of sugar." of medicine, and if required, of a nurse ;-neither will your children meet you at your doors with looks expressive of starvation, and pierce your hearts with cries of hunger. no, such scenes of misery are not to be found in your dwellings, " for your bread is given you, and your water is sure.” z was there ever a more shocking profanation of the sacred text, than thus to employ it in con- firmation of a lie? for can there be a lie more palpable than the inference which is made to follow this exordium, that the comforts and bles- sings of slavery are greater than those of the free- born british peasantry? of what kind is the bread that is given, and the waters that are sure to the west indian slave? is it not bread of af fliction and water of affliction ? are not their lives embittered with hard bondage ? are not their bodies lacerated with whips and galling chains ? disfigured with brand-marks ? are they not bought and sold like cattle? are they not considered and treated in all respects like beasts of burden? and what are the comforts of their « humble cabins”? what is the care they expe- rience in sickness ? what food is provided them in health? the author of " the west indies as they are," has informed us, “ of the great care taken of the slaves in sickness, and of the boasted frequent attendance of medical men on the dif- ferent properties. i have (says he) never seen z isaiah xxxiii. . any very flattering specimens, though i have been on a great many plantations, and have seen plenty of doctors. their hospitals, or hot-houses (as they are very aptly styled) are, generally speaking, , filthy receptacles. on most estates the hospital consists of a confined room with an earthen floor; on which is a platform of boards, upon which the sick lie down in their clothes. the hot-house is often the place where the negroes are also con- fined in the stocks; so that it is both hospital and gaol. they have not the comfortable cottage of the english peasant, which no one dares to enter without permission. no, in his mud built hut, without a window or a chimney, on two or three boards, or on the floor itself, the negro slave lies down on his mat, very often uncovered ; and if he wants a little fire, as in the mountains he some- times will, he must light his few sticks in the open air, and sit upon his heels shivering by them. as to food, the quantity in most cases is suffici- ent, (were it otherwise, they would be unable to perform the labour required of them) but in the quality, none but a bigotted low minded planter, or some interested professional resident, would compare the coarse yams and cocoas, and stringy indigestible plantains, with a few bad or rotten herrings, to the wholesome bread, potatoes, and other fine vegetables which the english cottager enjoys. i have seen a good deal of the english poor and can conscientiously say, that i never saw any one even a pauper, who lived in the mean hoggish way that the slaves in the west indies do; and moreover, that if such course food as the negroes generally eat, were offered them, they would reject it as unfit for human beings ; english stomachs could not well digest it.” such are the bodily “ comforts” of slavery ; what are its spiritual blessings we have before en- quired. but we return to the peculiar hostility which the system bears to christianity. we are told, that in spite of all the great obstacles with which it is surrounded in the west indies, it is now making rapid progress, and english liberality is appealed to, in various directions, to enable the moravians to extend their settlements on several estates to which the proprietors have invited them. it is a matter of heart-felt rejoicing that the preaching of the gospel in the land where “satan's sect (preeminently) is,” should not be unac- companied with its renovating power. - we have listened with delight to the unvarnished histories of its transforming efficacy upon the hearts and lives of the despised negro, but we consider such particular instances of its success as no argument against the general hostility which system of slavery bears to christianity. even the moravians, who stand so deservedly high in the devoted bands of christian missiona- ries, whose patient, judicious, self-denying labours are more tolerated, more encouraged by the plan- the i ters, than those of any other persuasion,—“becausc of advantage,”—because of the evident benefit which the slave owner thereby derives in the in- creased value of his slave property ; because his vassals thereby become more profitable, more patient of toil, more trust worthy ;-because they have thereby learnt the divine art of returning good for evil ;—even these devoted messengers of the gospel escape not unhurt by the infectious atmotphere of slavery, they imagine themselves under the sad necessity of exhibiting the glorious luminary of the gospel, as “the sun, shorn of his beams, - seen through a horizontal gloomy mist; "they imagine themselves under the sad necessity--though not of “handling the word of ļife deceitfully”—yet of administering it partially; inculcating upon the oppressed slave, its gentleness, meekness and long-suffering, but witholding from his oppressor the terrible woes which it denounces against injustice and oppression. the first messengers of the gospel who bore its glad tidings to a benighted enslaved world, were forewarned that they should be brought before rulers. their commission was to preach repen- tance to all to declare the whole counsel of god; to lay the axe to the root of every corrupt tree; to“ pull down wickedness in high (as well as low) places.” the incestuous herod was boldly reproved by the baptist ;-peter and john, when forbidden by the jewish priests and rulers to preach the new doctrine, replied with holy mag- nanimity—“whether it be right in the sight of god to hearken unto you more than unto god judge ye;" and they waxed bolder and bolder from the opposition they encountered. but though the same courage and zeal have directed many devoted mis- sionaries to our west indian shores, the air is so tainted, so heavily surcharged with moral poison, that the nerves even of christian courage relax;--- the truth, instead of being preached to all, without respect of persons, must, in this land of civilized barbarians, (more fiercely hostile to christianity than pagan savages) ---be preached to the poor negro alone, and that by stealth, or connivance. to preach the pure doctrines of the gospel to slave-holders--to speak to them even of the rights of common justice and humanity, would seem to be rushing into the very jaws of destruction. yet, had these missionaries reljed less on human pru: dence and more upon the god of daniel," who shut the lion's mouths ;---who, in former ages (and his power is ever the same) caused his devoted servants, “out of weakness to be made strong,' to“ wax valiant in fight”-and, though few in number “to turn to flight the armies of the aliens ;" who disarmed the flames of their power to burn ;-who caused his servants to walk unhurt in the midst of the burning fiery furnace, “ heated seven times hotter than it was wont to be heated": peradventure, the horrid maloc of slavery had long since been abandoned—its bloody altars thrown down—and a decree, passed under the force of irresistible conviction, had gone forth from the colonial legislators themselves, announcing the year of jubilee,-proclaiming christian, instead of martial law,—the reign of justice, of righteous- ness and peace. but “ the fear of man bringeth a snare”-a dangerous, a fatal snare. our mo- dern missionaries, with the timidity as well as harmlessness of the dove ;-restrict themselves by certain laws and prudential resolutions, not to be found in the scriptural directory, not to meddle with the established order of things ;-not at all to interfere between the master and the slave; to confine themselves wholly to the spiritual con- cerns of the latter :-never attempting to arrest the arm of lawless power, or to restrain its merci- less inflictions ;-to say to the cruel tyrant-"it is not lawful for thee” thus to degrade, to oppress, to torture thy fellow creature, — thy brother:- never reminding the lordly usurper that it is not lawful for him to make merchandize of human beings,-to treat immortal intelligences as brute animals ;-never warning him that it is at his own peril that he scourges and chains his over laboured defenceless victims ;-that he is thereby “heap- ing to himself wrath against the day of wrath ;” --that “ he shall have judgment without mercy who hath shewn no mercy;"—that “the same measure” which he is now meting to the slave, will certainly be “meted to him again.” no, the missionary says nothing of all this to the slave- holder. “no, it would be imprudent, it would be madness to do so ;--it would utterly defeat the object of his mission and involve himself in certain ruin.” but is not this “reasoning with flesh and blood”? is not this “the fear of man (which) bringeth a snare”? a snare indeed it hath brought; ; --- “ israel flees before his enemies ;”- “the ark is taken;"_"the philistines triumph. in one british colony, a christian temple is rased to the ground—its minister made to fly for his life and proclamation issued to forbid his return on pain of instant destruction ;--in another, an exemplary missionary is arraigned for treason, tried by court martial, condemned-and left to perish in prison !!-persecution more fierce or cruel than this, could hardly have been anticipated had the gospel been preached to the slave-holder, as well as the slave. what an imperfect mutilated picture of chris- tianity is exhibited, when its obligations are infor- ced upon the poor slave alone! the commission of its divine author was, to “preach the gospel to every creature.”—that gospel preaches to the afflicted and the oppressed, patience and submis- sion ;-it imparts blessings to the poor, the meek and the persecuted ;--but its preaching is also “ to humble the pride, to abase the haughtiness of man”;-to disarm the tyrant of his power;--to l break the rod of oppression ;—"to bring down the mountains and to exalt the vallies;”-to es- tablish justice, righteousness and mercy in the earth. but the unmutilated gospel, in this highly privileged portion of the british dominions may still be preached without hazard to the highest as well as lowest of the community, none daring to make the boldest asserters of its uncompromising requirements afraid. here slavery, the most daring and impious of all contemnors of the laws both of god and man, may be safely attacked from the christian pulpit--from thence also it may be successfully attacked and have its death blow speedily administered. “thirty-six years have elasped since the rights of the slave have occupied the anxious attention of the people of england ;-twenty years since the british legislature distinctly warned the slave owners that it was resolved to better their con- dition;- 'seventeen years since the law lifted up its voice to command that right and justice be done them.” “not one step, however, has yet been made towards a compliance with these warnings, or an obedience to this command. how much longer then' are we to wait in the expectation of these infatuated men listening to us, and rousing them- selves from that implicit reliance upon our care- lessness, or timidity, or insincerity, which it must be owned our conduct has been too well calculated to engender?”. is it not high time to resort to other more decisive and effective measures? is it not high time that christians, (those to whom the name truly belongs) should combine all their efforts-should concentrate all the force of their moral and christian principles in the strenuous use of every means whereby themselves and their country may be soonest purged of this deep pol- lution? is it not, most especially high time for “the priests, the ministers of the lord,” to inter- pose, that this moral plague, may be stayed, before this highly favoured land be smitten with a curse, with a worse than egyptian blindness and obdu- racy? of which indeed there are already alarming symptoms. let the worshippers of mammon, propose a league with this “enemy of all righteousness”-try to modify and restrain and accommodate its ope- rations to political interests and state expediency, - but let christian ministers give it no quarter, but like samuel, of old, hew this impious agag in pieces, which, exults as he did, in the confi- dence that “the bitterness of death is over." • see the edinburgh review, for march , p. . * letter v. on the importance of associations for the purpose of obtaining the cooperation of the humbler classes. we proceed to the recommendation of an expedient for exciting a deeper and more general interest in the extinction of slavery, which is of no doubtful or mere imaginary utility. we have positive proof that it is no romantic fruitless at- tempt to persuade people to substitute east for west india sugar before the equalization of the duties upon both articles shall have rendered the former the cheaper of the two. it must be distinctly stated, that the experi- ment has been already made, to a sufficient extent to justify, and as far as it has been tried, to exceed the expectations of its most sanguine advocates. in one large manufacturing town, a very few individuals, in the course of a few weeks, by the employment of only a few hours in the day in personal visits among their neighbours, obtained the willing promises of about two thousand fami. lies entirely to abstain, from that time forward, from all farther consumption of west indian sugar so long as west indian slavery continued to exist. similar visits have been made with similar success in other towns and villages, but the zeal of the visitors has been not a little damp- ed by the consideration, that unless such a plan of operation becomes general,--they may devote every hour of every day of their lives to this occu- pation, and yet, the labour, with regard to its ultimate object, prove altogether vain ; since the subtraction of a few thousands from fourteen million consumers of british plantation sugar in the united kingdom, would produce no percep- tible change in the condition of its wretched culti- vators. it seems however sufficiently evident, from the above experiment, that the extension of these personal visits, especially among the hum- bler classes, for the purpose of conveying infor- mation on the subject of west indian slavery and on the support it derives from our consump- tion of its produce, would effect an important change in the condition of the cultivators and prove also, that there is yet among us a large portion of moral principle, right feeling, and chris- tian charity. but, for the prompt exercise of that moral principle, right feeling, and christian cha- rity, with regard to the great object in question, truth obliges us to confess that they will be sought for most successfully among the poor and labouring classes. their superiors in station and intelligence should blush to hear, that whilst they themselves are unfeelingly or thoughtlessly grati- fying their appetite with slave produce,-object- ing, as many of the more opulent do, to the substitution of east for west india sugar, because they consider it a little more expensive,—that not one in ten of their poor neighbours, who has been informed upon the subject, hesitates to de- clare the resolution to take no more slave cultiva- ted sugar, though the sacrifice of a penny is much more to them than that of a pound to the rich economist ;-to hear moreover that many of them express an entire willingness to abstain from sugar altogether, should the supply of east india ever fall short of the demand, rather than contribute in ever so small a degree to the encouragement of slavery. to this class of consumers, whose bill of fare is so scanty, it should be remembered that the relinquishment of sugar would be no inconsi- derable privation, and the paying only a penny per pound more for east india, than they have been accustomed to pay for west india sugar (though of an inferior quality) is no contemptible sacrifice to principle on their part. of the value of a penny to thousands and tens of thousands, in this land of opulence, many of the higher and middle ranks have little idea. it may appear both cruel and absurd to engage the poor in this confederacy against west india sugar, especially as their indi- vidual consumption is comparatively so trifling ; but the apathy which so generally prevails among the higher and middle ranks has forced the deter- mined advocates for a speedy extinction of slavery upon this expedient, quite satisfied that there is nothing in it either cruel or absurd, since it is to them perfectly clear, from the common principles of justice, that we have none of us any right to retain our gratifications, our comforts, or even our health, at the expense of the comfort, the health, the liberty and the lives of our unoffending fellow-creatures. nothing but personal observation can fully demonstrate the efficacy of these personal appeals to the humanity of the humbler classes in the cause of negro emancipation. it would be too much implicitly to rely on all the engagements made in this quarter, for ever to renounce the use of slave-cultivated sugar, though they were per- fectly voluntary; but on the greater proportion, the visitors cannot hesitate to depend, they were made with such evident sincerity and earnestness. those who have heartily engaged in this work, find no draw-back from the great satisfaction with which it is attended, but that arising from the want of general cooperation, and the coldness and opposition they have to encounter where en- couragement and support might most reasonably have been expected. but coldness and oppo- sition in one quarter, should incite to greater zeal and perseverance in another. it seems evident to demonstration, to those who have made this experiment, that a general exten- sion of these simple missionary labours among the humbler classes, would do much to expedite the great work of emancipation. by this means, the consumption of slave-cultivated sugar might be greatly diminished, and the resistance of self- interest to the extinction of slavery would neces- sarily diminish in exact proportion to the dimi- nution of its profits ;-by this means the people might be more generally incited to more earnest petitions for a speedy emancipation; and should the present parliament fail to accomplish the work, the exertions in question would do much to prepare the way, at the next general elec- tion, for the choice of a parliament more una- nimous and devoted to the cause ;-they would do much towards deciding the great body of electors to withhold their suffrages from every candidate who refused to pledge himself to vote for a prompt and complete extinction of british colonial slavery. how then can those who attach such important consequences to the ex- tension of these simple exertions, refrain from inviting those who are themselves surrounded with all the bounties of a kind providence, blessed with hearts to sympathize with the op- pressed and miserable, with leisure and ability to plead their cause ;-how can they refrain from soliciting such, earnestly to engage in this pro- fitable and delightful employment? -- profitable and delightful they will certainly find it. those who enter heartily into it, will find it attended by an abundant reward, will feel the force of that divine benediction—"blessed are the merciful, for they shall obtain mercy.” to a few individuals, the labour of visiting every family in a large town, for the purpose of communicating information on the subject of sla- very, (whether by the dissemination of tracts or by verbal intelligence), may appear insurmount- able; but the most difficult work is rendered easy by methodical arrangement, and a proper division of labour. were large towns divided into dis- tricts, on the plan of the auxiliary bible societies, the field for individual exertion might be cireum- scribed within easy limits, and were proper means employed by such as are most interested in the cause in their own respective neighbourhoods, a sufficient number of willing agents would doubt- less present themselves. there is no novelty to object to in this mode of proceeding. when people are in earnest-when the business is ur- gent, canvassing is commonly resorted to. and what business, to a christian philanthropist, can be imagined more urgent than that of putting a speedy end to the crimes and miseries of west- indian slavery -- of rescuing eight hundred thou- sand fellow-creatures and fellow-subjects from the lowest abyss of moral and physical degradation and wretchedness? this great deliverance, it is evident, may be accelerated by simple means, were they brought into general operation. it does not appear to be the divine will that this work should be accomplished without human agency. human agency strenuously resists this righteous undertaking, and human agency must strenuously counteract that resistance. instead, therefore, of entering into nice calculations to ascertain what exact proportion of diminished consumption of west india sugar, would effect its object, let us rather strive to secure such a general rejection of it, as shall at once carry full conviction to the slave-holder, that there is no longer a market, on british ground, for that luxury, the consumption of which constitutes the main prop of his execrable tyranny, against which, british feeling and british virtue are at length up in arms, determined to give it no quarter. information to the humbler classes, on the subject in question, is not lost labour, like too much of that bestowed on their superiors in know- ledge and station. they do not admit the strong claims of justice, the clear rights of humanity, without making any rational exertions to enforce them ;—they do not listen to powerful arguments, eloquent appeals in behalf of the poor negro, without putting forth a finger to lighten his heavy burdens. no, the simple story of his aggravated wrongs is sufficient to excite their sympathy,- the simple information of the means whereby those wrongs may be redressed, is sufficient, with them, to determine their prompt and earnest adoption. on this rough but impressible ground, every touch of the moral artist will tell ;-a very few skilful strokes will produce an effect more striking and durable than those which with greater labour and ingenuity are impressed upon a smoother and more polished surface. besides the evident tendency of the work we so earnestly recommend, to promote its immediate object, it is profitable on other accounts. it dis- pels misapprehension and prejudice from the minds of the visitors, opens them to conviction, reveals the true character of the humbler ranks of the community, of which so unworthy and false an estimate is often drawn by those who keep aloof from their habitations, and too often condemn a whole class for the misconduct of a few indivi- duals. it enables the visitors to estimate more justly their own characters,mto weigh their own great advantages against the great disadvantages of their poor neighbours and to blush at the comparison, when they see, as they often will, that the one talent entrusted to the poor, is often turned to better account than the five or the ten committed to their superiors in station and edu- cation. these visits are, of course, sometimes painfully as well as pleasurably interesting. the varied pictures they present of humble life have their dark as well as light shades. they reveal scenes of privation and suffering little suspected by the prosperous to exist in this favoured country; sometimes, doubtless, the consequence of vice, or improvidence-often, of inevitable mis- fortune, borne with edifying patience and resig- nation. these visits, have also this great recom- mendation, that they excite a kindly feeling of sympathy and mutual good-will, which ought to subsist between all the gradations of a christian community from the highest to the lowest. they improve the moral perceptions, enlarge the field of christian benevolence, expand the breast of christian charity, open fresh channels of useful- ness, and shew how much more may be done in this portion of the vineyard than many imagine. they tend moreover to abate that pride and self- complacency so common and so natural to those who are raised ever so little above the common level. they are a practical conformity to the apostolic injunction, not to mind high things, but to condescend to mén of low estate. those who are incredulous respecting the efficacy of these visits, have only to make the experiment them- selves, in order to be convinced that this is no exaggerated statement of their utility. let those among the higher and middle ranks who persist in the use of west india sugar, reflect for a moment, how much their resistance obstructs the motion of that simple yet powerful machinery which humanity has constructed for accelerating her great object. those wheels which - seem to drag and move so heavily, would run with easy and rapid motion towards the accomplish- ment of their design, were this clog of opposition withdrawn. until it is withdrawn, the machinery will have to encounter much wear and tear, and a double portion of energy will be requisite in its main-springs and chief movers; in order to coun- teract this resistance. the arduous, though interesting and profitable employment of canvassing, on this important bu- siness, from house to house, which it is to be hoped will soon become general throughout the kingdom, — may be encountered with many a sneer of contempt or ridicule by such as can be patient, laborious and persevering in nothing but their own interest or pleasure ;-but the true christian, though he may not himself have time, or opportunity to join this little band of humble pedestrians, will be careful to throw no discourage- ment in their way. he will remember how many great effects have resulted from apparently slight causes. he will remember that it is not by might or by power” but often by very hum- ble instruments, that the great work of righteous- ness is promoted. he knows that the “ still small voice” of compassion and fellow feeling which is scarcely audible to the ambitious and b the mercenary, is distinctly heard by many who are of little account either in their own or in others estimation. he knows that “ foolish things, things that are not, -are (sometimes) chosen to confound the wise, and to bring to nought things that are.” the cause of emancipation, has been pleaded in the senate by the wise, the eloquent, the noble. now, it is pleaded in the workshop and the cottage, by women and children. and if it please the great controller of all things,—who accomplishes his purposes “ by many or by few,” -by weak as well as by mighty instruments ;- if it please him to accompany these feeble ef- forts, these apparently inadequate and trifling exer- tions with his blessing, - doubtless, they will prosper. here is a frightful monster, of enormous mag- nitude and strength to be destroyed, which has for ages desolated some of the fairest portions of the earth ; blasted with malignant breath the vir- tue and the happiness of millions of human beings: in the course of these missionary visits, children have been observed to pay particular attention to the unvarnished story of west indian oppression, and in some instances, to encourage their parents not to use the produce of that op- pression. a correspondent says, “the little son of a clergy- man (warmly interested in the cause,) collected subscriptions for the “female negro society; his sister, only seven years of age, would go, if permitted by her parents, to every cottage in the neighbourhood to persuade the people to leave off slave gugar." b -hitherto, like the great leviathan, it has scorned and derided all the attacks of its adversaries. " its heart is hard as the nether mill-stone;”- darts are counted as stubble; it laugheth at the shaking of a spear;”-it marketh derision of the strong shafts of truth, the arrows of conscience. “ it esteemeth iron as straw, and brass as rotten wood;”--the force of reason, the claims of justice, the authority of revelation, it setteth utterly at naught. but the monster does not live upon air; -though he keeps in his strong holds, he cannot subsist without nourishment, and of that the weakest of his adversaries may help to deprive him. though he is invulnerable to direct attack, scorns alike the declamation of the orator, the argument of the moralist, and the authority of religion,-he may yet be subdued and vanquished by fasting; by this means the most savage and destructive monsters have been rendered tame and innoxious ;--and thus, the most savage and destructive of all monsters, brute or human, if van. quished by no other means, may be starved to death. the people have combined to nourish and to pamper this pest of civilized society ; this impious contemnor of the laws both of god and man; and the people must combine in its destruction. hitherto, it has subsisted upon the unremu- nerated toil, the tears, the groans, and the blood of millions of human beings. the chief production and support of all that oppression and suffering (the sweet juice of the sugar cane) has hitherto been thoughtlessly consumed by a people calling themselves christians,-boasting of their refine- ment, their humanity,—proud of their own liberty. but they can thoughtlessly consume it no longer; the faithful delineation of the horrid system of slave cultivation precludes for ever the thoughtless consumption of its produce ;-and those who per- sist in its consumption prove their pretensions to superior refinement and humanity, to be vain boast- ing,—their vaunted love of freedom, to be mere selfish exultation in the possession of their own rights, and cruel indifference to the rights of others. but though the majority of the higher and middle ranks of society should continue to dis- courage the exertions which it is the object of these pages to recommend ;-it is evident, from the experiment adverted to, that there is a wide field in which they may nevertheless be suc- cessfully made. the result of personal visits, among the poor and labouring classes especially, has been, that more than nine out of ten families have cheerfully adopted the resolution, entirely to abstain from the consumption of west india sugar. we rejoice in the intelligence that associations for carrying this object into more extensive exe- cution are rapidly spreading in various parts of the kingdom. in birmingham and its neigh- m bourhood, in worcester, in sheffield, in col- chester, wednesbury, calne, &c. and we cannot more effectually promote their extension than by presenting the public with the following copy of the resolutions passed at the last mentioned town, originating with the wife of a highly respectable clergyman, which express a tender- ness of feeling, fervour of zeal and enlightened philanthropy, which should, in such a cause, animate every christian bosom. “ at a meeting of ladies, held in calne, the th of august, , the following re- solutions were proposed and approved. st.-—that we form ourselves into a society for aiding the cause of negro emancipation, and for procuring the pro- tection of the british law for all of the african race who are living under the british dominion, and who in are per: mitted, by enlightened christian britain to taste of whatever is most painful and dishonouring in the bitterness of slavery. nd. that all persons subscribing from s. to s. and upwards yearly, or two guineas at one time, be members of this association, and be entitled to receive one copy of the anti-slavery reporter. rd.—that the business of this society be conducted by a treasurer, two secretaries and a committee of eight district collectors, who shall have power to add to their number; and three of whom shall be competent to act : and that the treasurer and secretaries be members of the committee in virtue of their office. th-that the committee shall meet once a quarter on a day to be fixed by themselves ; and that there be an annual meeting of this society, when the accounts shall be presented, the proceedings of the last year reported, and the treasurer, secretaries, committee and assistant visitors be chosen for the ensuing year. th.-that the members of this society will encourage by their example, as well as by their influence, the use of the produce of free labour in preference to that of slave labour; and that the collectors, and visitors, be requested to recom- mend to the inhabitants of the several districts into which this town and neighbourhood shall be divided, to adopt the same measure. th.—that it be the special business of the committee to disseminate throughout this place and neighbourhood, and wherever their influence shall extend, authentic information respecting the nature and baneful effects of the present system of slavery, particularly in our own west india colonies; and that they are authorized (subject to the approval of a general meeting) to adopt such farther measures as shall appear to them to be calculated to forward the objects of this society. th.-that every member of this society be furnished with the supplement and postscript to the royal jamaica gazette of the st of june, , and with mr. clarkson's arguments founded on the same, and from time to time with such other documents as may serve to shew the evils of slavery, and the guilt of england in continuing a system, the parent of so many crimes. th-that deeply impressed with the extremity of wretchedness endured by the deserted negro slaves who are worn out with labour or incurable disease, this associa- tion will apply some portion of its funds to the alleviation of their distress through the medium, in the first instance of the association for the relief of distressed negroes in antigua. th.—that this society will continue its exertions in aid of the cause of negro emancipation, till the time may come when the unhappy children of africa, shall no longer be treated as beasts, no longer be bought and sold and branded like cattle; and when the torturing and degrading cart whip shall no longer fall on the persons of helpless negro slaves : and when the negro mother, living under british govern- ment, shall press a free born infant in her arms. lest the zealous originator of these admirable resolutions should be mistaken for an advocate of gradual emancipation, we will venture to quote her own words on the subject, in a letter to a friend. “ men may propose only gradually to abolish the worst of crimes, and only mitigate the most cruel bondage, but why should we counte- nance such enormities by speaking of them in such acquiescing, unscriptural, heartless terms ? --- if we hope for the blessing of god on our under- taking, we must not talk of gradually abolishing murder, licentiousness, cruelty, tyranny, keeping stolen men, parting husbands and wives, &c, &c. i trust no ladies' association will ever be found with such words attached to it.” letter vi. to the friends of immediate emancipation. finally, we call upon all whose judgments are convinced, whose heads and hearts approve the proposition of immediate emancipation, to be bold in advocating it;—to beware of that spurious candour, that pusillanimous courtesy which com- promises principle, and betrays weakness or in- sincerity. a cause so righteous and so urgent should be supported with dignity and firmness, as well as zeal. if the encouragement of slavery by the voluntary consumption of its produce be criminal in you, it is also criminal in others : if they are unconscious of its guilt, it is your duty by every means in your power to awaken the conviction. when the consequences of this practice are taken into the account, we can imagine few more directly opposed to the sacred rule of doing to others as we would they should do unto us, con- sequently, few more criminal. those who con- tend for its innocence, after being acquainted with the real nature of that iniquitous system which it tends directly to encourage and perpetuate, must substitute vain imaginations in the place of re- alities ; — must behold the awful characters of justiceand righteousness in masquerade, their in- flexible aspect and unbending attitude exchanged for indiscriminating smiles and unbounded ac- commodation. after the broad exposure of the complicated wickedness of slavery, we cannot but regard the consumption of its produce as a wilful aiding and abetting of that complicated wickedness; we can- not but regard the exhibition of that produce for sale, in this enlightened and christian country as a mark of barbarism, a reproach and stigma upon the national character. we have no moral right to the productions of slavery; they are, in the very worst sense, stolen goods, and the receiver or purchaser, knowing them to be stolen, is as guilty as the thief. this language may be considered as intem- perate and offensive, but truth requires it. by a misplaced liberality, an unwillingness to sit in judgment upon others, with regard to the practice in question, the requisitions of humanity and jus- tice are compromised to politeness, to the arbi- trary claims of what is falsely called good manners. the best manners taught in the christian school, are those which on a subject so important, teach every man to speak the truth to his neighbour.” it is cowardice and treachery, in such a cause, to with- hold it. it is better to offend than to flatter where there is no alternative. those who have seen the consumption of slave produce to be criminal, are bound, by consistency, to protest against it, as such, by every method of temperate reasoning and gentle remonstrance which is best calculated to convince. the consistent friends of immediate emanci- pation will not pusillanimously yield to the pre- vailing disposition to keep the subject in the back ground, but will watch for opportunities of intro- ducing it, “in season, out of season.” those who are sincere in this righteous cause will be earnest ;-their earnestness is the only test of their sincerity. to say to the destitute, “ be ye warmed and be ye clothed,” without affording the means of relief, is the language of cant and hypocrisy—and to be professed advocates for im- mediate emancipation, without making the neces- sary exertions for its accomplishment, is equally canting and hypocritical. we have endeavoured to shew that the final extinction of british colonial slavery may be greatly accelerated by very simple means, but to bring those simple means into effectual operation will be an arduous task. the comparative small- ness of the numbers at present engaged in it must be supplied by individual energy and determined perseverance. in one decisive, consistent, immediate abolition- ist there may be the concentrated foree of thou- sands of timid, passive, gradual abolitionists. in the evident right, the manifest justice of imme- diate emancipation, there is every thing to inspire hope and confidence, to give heart and soul to the enterprise. the day, we trust, is not far distant when the great leaders of the anti-slavery society will transfer all the weight of their talents and influence from the weak and hopeless cause of gradual to that of immediate emancipation. in the mean time, let its present advocates put forth all their strength, make the best of their resources and take every rational means of augmenting their numbers. above all, let them constantly recur to those divine principles, those solemn christian obligations which can alone sustain those disinterested, energetic and persevering ex- ertions which the cause so urgently demands. let it never be forgotten, that the crimes and miseries inseparable from slavery are in no degree diminished because they cease to excite the shuddering horror produced by their first recital. in the cause of the poor negro, feeling may fluctuate, natural sympathy may decline, but exertion need not; that may be uniformly sustained by the unvarying principle of christian duty. the friends of immediate emancipation, know and are sure that the object for which they contend is a righteous one, they may therefore contend for it confidently. they have an invi- sible but unerring leader, whose word of com- mand—“whatsoever ye would that men should do unto you, do ye even so unto them,” is their sufficient warrant, and they fear no consequences; -they have no painful drawbacks to anticipate from the triumphs of victory ;--for theirs, will not only be a bloodless triumph, but will ulti- mately entail blessings upon the vanquished as well as the victors. the profession of christianity, having, for a long course of years, been made at a cheap rate, without any of those heroic and painful sacrifices by which in former ages it was inevitably attended, its professors have multiplied till chris- tianity seems to be the broad instead of the nar- row way; but the arduous work now in hand, will divide this promiscuous crowd, and separate the dooers from the mere hearers of the word. we trust that the former will prove that there is still nerve and sinew enough in christian arms to pull down the strong holds of slavery,to shake the pillars of this dagon-temple—and to raze it to its foundation. but it should ever be remembered that as this is a contest of right against might,—of humanity and justice against sordid interest and lawless power ;-as it is a christian not a political struggle -it must therefore be, maintained by christian exertions ;--that as the crime of slavery owes its origin and support to unrestrained selfishness (the most relentless and cruel of all human pro- pensities) it can only be expelled by the opposite virtue of disinterested christian charity. it has subsisted hitherto upon the connivance and support of the british public-and will (humanly speaking) continue to subsist until that connivance and support are withdrawn-and no longer. no bounties, or protecting duties, or military force can uphold this execrable tyranny when the people refuse its produce. and though its immediate extinction can alone be effected by an act of the legislature, such an act could not be withheld were the people loud and unanimous in calling for it. hitherto, there has been no such call ;- even for its gradual extinction, the voice of the people has hitherto been very parti- ally and feebly raised. it is a remarkable and reproachful fact, that the ample disclosures of the horrid nature of west indian slavery, have not, hitherto, produced one third of the number of petitions against it which appeared against lord sidmouth's bill for fettering the dissenters. this disgraceful apathy, the immediate abolitionists must labour to dispel ;-they must strive to arouse and to keep alive the public interest in the speedy extinction of slavery ;--to incite without delay, such general, reiterated and strong petitions upon the subject to both houses of parliament as shall convince government that the petitioners are in e good earnest ;--they must employ every means in their power to discourage the consumption of slave produce, sugar, more especially ; --- they must caution the public against the various at- tempts to practice upon their credulity by the imposition of sugar, cultivated under the worst system of slavery, for that of free labour. А very able and indefatigable advocate for the extinction of slavery, in a printed address to the society of friends, (alluding to the important benefits which the anti-slavery cause would derive from the abolition of the restrictive duties on the productions of free labour) says, “ an entire abstinence from the use of slave-grown produce would be equally, or even more effectual.” if so great be the importance of such abstinence, it is surely an urgent duty earnestly to recom- mend and promote it. and in order effectually to guard against imposition and to prove that the abolitionists are at length in good earnest,- strongly principled against all lukewarm, pusil- lanimous, half measures; we would suggest the expediency of endeavouring, without delay, to prevail on the grocers in their respective neigh- bourhoods, to pledge themselves to abandon the sale of slave-cultivated sugar (such pledge, if general, would involve no pecuniary sacrifice) e that of the mauritius is of this description, and is very generally imposed upon the unwary public as free grown east-india sugar. and in every town - where no such pledge could be obtained of them, to secure, as speedily as possible, some other agent who shall engage to supply the public with no sugar but what is the genuine produce of free labour. the zealous consistent advocates of a speedy emancipation will adopt every rational expedient for accelerating its accomplishment. their abhor- rence of slavery will be strongly marked. they will especially discourage, by every means in their power, the consumption of that luxury by which the inhuman system is mainly upheld. they will endeavour to fix a stigma upon its merchan- dize ;-to withdraw, as much as possible, the public countenance and support from those shops where it is exhibited for sale and give every encouragement to those from which it is consci- entiously excluded. measures so decisive, would probably draw upon their supporters no stinted share of censure and opposition, which, in such a cause, will be cheerfully encountered. charity, true christian charity, is not a mere passive sentiment of kind- ness and general good-will;-it is an active, cou- rageous, self-denying principle, and its exertions will be proportioned to the importance and ur- gency of the claims which are made upon it. it will be difficult to sustain that steady and earnest interest required for the support of these various continued exertions, in a cause where no personal interest i is at stake. it will be difficult, we admit, but not impossible. it will require effort, strenuous effort, to make christian principle supply the place of self-interest and evanescent feeling. but in the consideration of our strict responsibility,– in the spirit-stirring motives of the gospel-in the recollection that we are compassed about | with a great cloud of witnesses,”—that the eyes i of angels, and of god himself, are upon us, there is enough to stimulate our languishing zeal, to incite us to do violence to that natural indo- lence and selfishness, without which it is utterly impossible to be his disciples who requires his followers to take their daily cross. and let it ever b be remembered, that the most arduous toils of christian duty are not unattended, even in the actual performance, with a sweet recompense of reward. the faithful labourer in his lord's vine- yard, receives “ a hundred fold, now, in the present time.” in the hardest conflicts in a righteous cause, there is more satisfaction than in inglorious rest. and it is animating to think that the success of the great contest between the sup- porters and opposers of slavery, depends not on the physical or political strength of the combatants, but that its decision rests with the uc god of battle,”—who enables one, in a righteous cause, “ to chase a thousand." had it been the divine will, (as some who bear the name of christian ministers have im- piously asserted) that the slavery of the unhappy african race should be perpetuated,--would such a general sympathy have been awakened for their sufferings ?--would such an ardent zeal have been kindled for their emancipation ? - would the wisest and best men in the nation have been con- strained to devote themselves, as they have done, to the anti-slavery cause ?-no, certainly. the great lord of the household does not call his servants to work, and direct their operations, where their labour shall prove fruitless. if it be not crowned with immediate success, it is to exer- cise their patience, to stimulate, not to relax their exertions, assured, as they ought to be, that their labours shall not, ultimately, be in vain. why was the command to love one another, so often reiterated by christ to his disciples ? not that the principle should lie dormant and inactive, that it should exist only as a sentiment or a feel- ing --but to urge them to labour, arduous perse- vering labour for each other's welfare. the speedy liberation of eight hundred thou. sand captives from the strong grasp of west indian slavery, is a different but not impracticable work; the resistance though great is not insur- mountable ;-it may be permitted to try the sin- cerity, zeal and constancy of the abolitionists. in see “the house of bondage," by b. baily, a. m. the mean time, whilst earnestly endeavouring to do their own part, they may cheerfully commit these unresisting victims of the most inhuman oppression to the parental care of him whose “tender mercies are over all his works ; ' --who “heareth the sighing of the prisoner;" — who “ feedeth the young ravens that cry unto him;” and without whom, “not a sparrow falleth to the ground:"-who can, and doubtless does afford, by means not subject to human inspection or comprehension, mitigation and support under oppresion and suffering, when all human re- sources fail. this great deliverance could, we know, be wrought in a moment, by a single volition of the sovereign will : -- but that sovereign will has or- dained that the great purposes of his moral go- vernment shall be accomplished by moral agents. in the moral as in the natural world, a regular suc- cession of cause and effect are established. for the manifestation of divine omnipotence, to prove that nothing can resist his will, he sometimes breaks that connexion,-interrupts the general order of his providence,works alone,--accom- plishes his designs by miraculous intervention. but these are rare deviations from the established course of thingsare not to be expected,--do not, in the least, exonerate us from labour,-from the diligent use of the appointed means ;-~though with horror at the frightful representation,-but they awoke, “and behold it was a dream.” really to believe and to know, that our fellow- creatures are actually suffering under the iron yoke of so inhuman a bondage--and to rest satis- fied with cold prudential plans for the mitigation of their sufferings,- for their gradual emanci- pation ;-calculating that their enfranchisement will ultimately be wrought out by the slow ope- ration of natural causes, — by the more enlight- ened speculations of the self-same principle of selfish, sordid interest, which first tore them from their home and country, and has, ever since, held them in bondage !-exclaiming, that it is prema- ture to call upon their neighbours to refuse the luxury produced by the over-strained sinews, the groans and the blood of the poor negro, until they can obtain an adequate supply of the same luxury on cheaper terms by free labour !-is not to act the christian's part ;-is not to obey the injunctions of their divine lawgiver. no it is to trifle with the sublime precepts of his religion, -as well as with the wretched objects of their pretended commiseration. we cannot but regard with great jealousy and distrust all expedients for the extinction of slavery, which are suffered, in any degree, to supersede the prompt exertions of christian duty ;-to direct the public attention to remote causes for the accom- plishment of a change which ought immediately n to be effected. we must solemnly protest against all unnecessary delay ; --against all farther pro- crastinating propositions which would defer a present duty to a future opportunity ; -- which would overlook the obvious and certain means of its accomplishment, in quest of remote and uncer- tain ones. the deep crime and broad stigma of british slavery, (humanly speaking), might long since have been eradicated but for this plead- ing for time,- for prudence and caution; this deprecation of precipitancy ;--the exclusion of passion and feeling from the anti-slavery, councils and the admission of cold calculating policy in their stead. on the atrocious injustice and cruelty of slavery, passion and feeling have a right to be heard; on such a business, they properly belong to the executive department, and are essen- tially necessary to carry the requisitions of hu- manity, religion and justice into prompt execution. on such a subject, a christian, how męekly soever duty requires him to bear his own personal ini juries, may justify the utmost fervour of zeal; he may “ do well, to be angry”-that the natural, civil, and religious rights of the poor negro are so long, so cruelly, so reproachfully withheld from him, after having been so fully recognized. we would in no degree discourage such, es- tablishments as that of the “ tropical free labour. company,”—-far otherwise ; ---they seem admirably adapted, in, subserviency to the operation of higher principles) to promote the grand design of their enlightened and philanthropic projectors, that of the extinction of slavery throughout the world. we are only anxious that the friends of negro emancipation should not build too confi. dently on their result ;--that the sanguine expec- tation of their final success, should induce no relaxation in the exertion of other means more di- rectly appropriate and of quicker operation. we can discern no shadow of reason why the emanci- pation of our own slaves should be suffered to hang at all in suspense on the success of any such experiments. on the principles of eternal justice, they have a present right to emancipation; by the express commands of our supreme law- giver we are bound to impart it. with that right, and those commands, we have trifled too long; emancipation has already been too long withheld; ---by every principle of religion, humanity and justice, we are bound to withhold it no longer ; we are bound to enforce it by the prompt and earnest exertions of christian charity, without waiting till it is wrought out in the common course of events by the gradual operation of natural causes or commercial speculations. in the course of an animated speech delivered by lord calthorpe, at the last anniversary meet- ing of the anti-slavery society, he observed, that, whoever reflected for a moment upon the vast results which public opinion can produce, could not doubt that if the people of england did but will it to be so, slavery would cease. whoever reflected upon the vast influence which the middle classes can 'exercise in this country, could not hesitate in believing that if they were once to say -this must not be,' there would, at once, be an end to slavery. for, supported as the principle of emancipation is, in and out of par- liament, slavery could not last a year if the middle classes once expressed a decided opinion against it." this decided opinion, by a general rejec- tion of the productions of slavery, would be ex- pressed in a decided manner; in a manner so decided, that were it simultaneously as well as generally expressed; in conjunctions with petitions and strong remonstrances to the legislature, there would be an end at once to british slavery. its complete extinction, through these simple means, embraces so many and great advantages, obviates . so many and insuperable difficulties which obstruct the design of gradual emancipa- tion, that the mind is overwhelmed by the amazing disparity between the insignificance of the means and the vast importance of the various benefits combined in the end. in the first place, it will be a bloodless triumph over the most barbarous and sanguinary of all despotisms. it will expel the deepest national crime and disgrace, exalt the national honour and glory without any sacrifice of life or treasure. it will prove that no force can resist the force of public principle when vigorously exerted ;-that neither fleets nor armies, nor pro- tecting duties, can uphold oppression, when the people have virtue enough to resist it. it will expose the weakness as well as wickedness of cruelty, and prove that humanity and justice are stronger safeguards than arbitrary and licentious power. it will administer to the slave-holders, not retributive but corrective justice, and compel them to reform themselves. thoughts on compensation. there is among the higher and middle ranks of society so prevailing a disposition to admit the justice of the claims of the planters to compen- sation, in the event of the emancipation of their slaves--and principles of so much importance are involved in the admission, that the subject seems entitled to distinct consideration. nothing ever exhibited more conspicuously the force of prejudice and custom--the power of wealth and station to blind the understanding and pervert the judgment, than the general admission of these claims among those who have no interest whatever in the question; among the enlightened, the disinterested, the conscientious portion of the community “ not that the planters should be required to manumit their slaves, especially on a sudden, without compensation. it would be robbery, under the garb of mercy, to compel one class of indivi- duals to atone for the injustice of a nation,”-says the very liberal and intelligent adam hodgson, after describing the horrid injustice and cruelty of slavery in the darkest colours !! many of the planters, we are told, are “ men of education and liberal attainments”-of huma- nity,—" anxious as the abolitionists themselves, for the religious instruction of their slaves." what then ? are the moral qualities of actions changed by the circumstances or acquirements, or even by the virtues of the actors? do injus- tice and cruelty lose their turpitude when prac- ticed or sanctioned by men of “education and liberal attainments ?” is robbery a punishable, a capital crime in the poor uneducated vulgar, and is its guilt cancelled when perpetrated by gentlemen ? shall we admit the propriety, the necessity, of guarding our money and house- hold goods from depredation by the severest penalties - by imprisonments, imprisonments, transportations and sanguinary executions, and shall men stealers, purchasers, or keepers of sto- len men-robbers, or withholders of their fellow - creatures' liberty (the dearest treasure they possess)—be not only exempt from punishment, but entitled to com- pensation for the relinquishment of their human prey ? $ see letters from north america, page . when will british justice become in award and execution what she is in representation, hood-winked, even-handed, impartial justice? when will the enlightened, the benevolent, the christian world, judge and speak and act, with- out “respect of persons?”. when will punish- ment be equitably proportioned to crime? when will the advantages of rank, fortune and education be regarded (as they ought to be) aggravations, instead of extenuations of rapacity and injustice ? when will poverty, ignorance and necessity be admitted to plead in mitigation, rather than aggra- vation of punishment ? “ by emancipation without compensation, one party will be benefited at the expense of the other.” certainly it will, (temporarily at least). and how are the violated rights of justice, in any case, to be restored? how are usurpation and robbery to be effectually restrained but by the suffering of the offending party? where the parties at issue are the robbed and the robber, how can justice be done to either, without taking from the one and restoring to the other? by emancipation we shall benefit the slave at the ex- pense of the slave-holder,--the injured, at the expense of the injurer. can the designs either of justice or of mercy be otherwise accom- plished ? sin, must be corrected by suffering. the offender becomes penitent by feeling the con- sequence, the just reward of his offence. the [ t c c . . slave-holder will neither be softened nor reformed whilst he retains his unrighteous possessions. “ can one be pardoned yet retain the offence"? but compensation for the relinquishment of the most criminal and injurious of all usurpations is a virtual cancelment of its guilt—a full admission of the right of the usurper. the divine law, required that restitution should be made by the robber fourfold ; - he was not merely obliged to resign his theft, but made to smart for it in a way best adapted to restrain and to cure his rapacity. human wisdom will never find a better means of curing every species of injustice and oppression. but emancipation falls most indulgently short of this wholesome rigour ;-~it does not amount even to simple resti- tution ;-(alas ! that would require à price which the riches of all the planters would be insufficient to repay: not the wealth of the indies would suffice to make simple restitution for all the de- gradation, suffering and anguish involved in slavery)--but emancipation leaves the usurper in undisturbed possession of the unrighteous gain he has hitherto acquired, and only interposes a check to farther acquisitions. did the planters' illgotten, illretained pro- perty consist of inert matter,--of bags of stolen gold, of land or houses, of whole cities or pro- vinces fraudulently obtained ;--or did it consist of mere animal live stock, of eight hundred thou- [ mation but for the money it will bring ;-educa- tion and liberal attainments, not only exempt their possessors from punishment who thus deal with their fellow-man, because they have the power thus to deal with him, because their human. victim is too weak and helpless to resist ; -but are also allowed to confer a right to compensation for the relinquishment of those forced unremu- nerated labours to which the claimants were never, for a moment, justly entitled ;—for the re- storation of that liberty which they never for a moment had a right to withhold !! but, “it would be robbery under the garb of mercy to compel one class of individuals to atone for the injustice of a nation.” that slave-holding is a national as well as individual crime, we fully admit; inasmuch as the nation has suffered, con- nived at, and encouraged it;-but the individual crime is neither cancelled nor diminished by national sufferance, connivance and encourage- ment. those who entertain a contrary opinion are not aware of the dangerous, the impious con- sequences involved in it. it renders right and wrong, virtue and vice, dependent, not on any inherent principles of moral rectitude, but on the arbitrary, capricious standard of human allowance and opinion. it intimates that actions are inno- cent or guilty, good or evil, not as they are con- formable or opposed to the laws of immutable righteousness, but as they are conformable or op- posed to the ever-varying laws of human policy ;- in short, it virtually goes the length of excluding the great creator from the legislation of his in- telligent creatures ; - implies that they are ame- nable at the bar of human judgment alone, and leads directly to practical atheism. it goes to establish the conclusion that all practices are al- lowable and right, which are suffered to pass un- punished by human law, uncensured by public opinion. the disinterested, benevolent and conscien- tious portion of the community, by advocating the claims of the planters to compensation, are acting (unconsciously indeed, but most effectually) the part of the grand deceiver and betrayer of mankind;-standing between the criminal and the convictions of his own conscience, which the ex- pected arrest of his headlong course of ruthless oppression would tend to awaken, and saying to the alarmed and self convicted criminal, just aroused to the sense of the accumulated suffering from the frightful mass of moral and physical wretchedness which his cruel selfishness and sordid avarice have inflicted on his unoffending helpless brother ;--stung, it may be to the soul, with remorse and contrition ;-terrified with the sight of the flaming sword of divine justice, which the spiritual blindness induced by prospe- rity and impunity, till now prevented his behold- ing; with the hand writing also of heaven ap- pearing against him in characters more appalling than those which blanched the cheek of the vo- luptuous belshazzar, and caused his knees to “şmite one against the other;" -proclaiming retributive justice, in full measure ; -recompense, to the eternal world, now opening to his view ;- justice to the oppressed ----and judgment to the oppressor.” to hold out compensation for arresting the gains of the most inhuman tyranny, the most barbarous oppression ever exercised in any age or nation,-is to say, in effect, to the slave-holder, as the grand deceiver said to our first progenitor, “thou shalt not surely die,”-in other words, thou hast committed no crime in exercising thy power to oppress and afflict instead of protecting thy weak and unoffending brother ;--thou hast committed no crime~and shalt not only incur no punishment; but shalt receive compensation for any loss thou mayest sustain from the restoration of thy wretched captives, to that liberty and those just rights, which, though withheld by no law of equity, but by that power alone :-yet, thy coun- try, having suffered thee hitherto to abuse that power, heks is the guilt, and she shall pay the penalty!! we assert, therefore in spite of all “ the smooth emolients which downy doctors,” wise politicians, eloquent orators, and sympathising friends may administer, to, allay the pains of conviction, andi without delay, to such as are still within reach of human compensation, who have not yet shaken off this mortal coil”-and passed into that state where the wicked cease from troub- ling, and the weary are at rest.” though “ambition mock”-and “grandeur scorn with disdainful smile”-the privileges and enjoyments of which slavery has deprived the poor negro; yet let it be remembered that he who “ appoints the bounds of our habitation,” has or- dained that “ man shall not live by bread alone;" —that his true enjoyment shall not depend on the possession of rank or fortune ;-on the adven- titious refinements of artificial society ;-but, on conformity to the laws of his creator written on his heart, which produce in the wild indian and untutored savage, whilst undebauched by the treacherous corrupting acts of european refine- ment, fruits of disinterested kindness, generosity and magnanimity, which might shame the pro- fessors of a purer faith. liberty and independence, therefore, may be as dear-as productive of real enjoyment to the poor negro, as to his lordly master ;--- and the crime of withholding them from the one, is as great as that of withholding them from the other. let not the latter, there- fore, by a misdirected sympathy and perverted liberality, be tempted to delude himself with the false imagination, the preposterous conceit, that he is “more sinned against than sinning;”— o of the man, to the amount of a few shillings ;- the stealer of the man himself, or the holder of him when stolen, in cruel and ignominious bondage, --could not be held guiltless ;--could not, before required to relinquish a species of robbery in comparison of the turpitude of which all other robberies are innocent, be suffered to claim compensation ;-the people of england, the enlightened, philanthropic, christian people of england, the professed advocates of the poor negro, could not listen to a claim so audacious ; could not admit it,--incorporate it into their petitions for emancipation, and by so doing, virtually admit the justice of man stealing, or of withholding from him his best earthly possession, and subjecting him to the utmost extreme of degradation and wretchedness. admit the justice of compensation in this quarter, and you dash to the ground, and trample underfoot those sacred principles of eternal jus- tice for which the abolitionists have been hitherto contending. admit the slave-holders claims to com- pensation, and you admit the justice of slavery; you not only compromise, but sacrifice the great fundamental laws of righteousness; you surrender right and reason to bold and insolent pretension, h we have been informed that the petitions preparing in birmingham and other places, for the approaching session of parliament, admit the planters' claims to compensation. and open a wide door to all sorts of weak conces- sions and criminal compliances. common robbers and highwaymen, every description of public depredators, may with equal reason and justice claim and receive compensation before they renounce their respective professions - with more reason and justice; - since poverty and want may have plunged them into crime, and without it they may be utterly destitute of the means of subsistence. they, like the slave- holder, have, many of them, been initiated by education and circumstances into habits of think- ing and acting incompatibly (but not so incom- patibly as he has) with the principles of moral recti- tude~ their property also (such as it is) has, like his, been embarked in nefarious speculations, on the stability and success of which their subsis- tence may wholly depend. but are these consi- derations for a moment admitted as excuses, as pleas in bar of judgment, in arrest of punishment, when the peculators are detected ? — are they allowed to entitle the delinquents to compensation before they shall be required to abandon their career of depredation? “but the occupation of this class of offenders has been interdicted and proscribed by the laws of the land, and the em- barkation of capital in slavery has never been so interdicted or proscribed." true, it has not. the laws of the land have sanctioned and encou- raged it, consequently they cannot, and they ought not to punish it. but the speculation is not, on that account, at all the less criminal in a moral point of view ;--- it is not, on that account, at all less opposed to the laws of religion, of humanity, of justice. it is for the paramount obligation of these laws,—the immutable laws of our creator and divine legislator, that we are contending. against any admissions or concessions which tend to weaken or supersede their authority, and to give to human legislation the precedency in the public estimation the strongest protest ought to be entered. but we protest against compensation to the slave-holder on civil and political, as well as moral and religious grounds, for it has been proved to demonstration that ultimately he need be no loser, but, on the contrary; a great gainer, by cultivating his grounds with freemen instead of slaves, and stimulating their labour by the just recompense of wages, instead of the impulse of the cart-whip. the emancipation of his slaves will in no other way ruin the planter than as he obstinately rushes. upon his own ruin, by madly refusing to conform to a more wise and humane policy. these free observations are dictated by no hos- tile feeling towards the slave-holder or his apolo- gists; but there are occasions which require that plain truth should be uttered in plain and in strong language—and this is one. the softening, quali- fying language of conciliation and concession has been tried long enough-a great deal too long. how has it operated ? how is it still operating on the parties concerned ? it has neither softened nor conciliated, on the contrary, it has irritated and provoked scorn, contempt, insult and defi- ance. the violent prejudices and ferocious pas- sions which the language of conciliation and con- cession was intended to subdue, have, by that means been confirmed and exasperated; prejudice has become more malignant - passion more fu- rious; like flames which blaze out higher and hotter on which oil is thrown instead of water. see how the slave-holding spirit was affected on the receipt of the very conciliatory and conced- ing recommendations and orders in council trans- mitted to the colonists by earl bathurst. see how it exhibited itself in jamaica, in demerara, in barbadoes. in the first, how it bearded, set at nought, and put to defiance, not the govern- ment of england and the king's ministers alone, but the monarch himself. in demerara, see in what torrents of negro blood it wreaked its das- tardly vengeance ;-how it glutted itself with massacres, executions and fiend-like lacerations, at the bare idea of which humanity sickens. with what malignant, relentless hate it persecuted unto death the mild minister of the religion of peace and love. in barbadoes, see how its fury was sublimated to madness,“ breathing out threat- i see the royal jamaica gazette, nov. – , . ! + ! ning and slaughter,”-trampling on all authority, human and divine--boasting, exulting in havoc and destruction ;-blaspheming the sacred name, by appealing for divine confirmation of their hellish resolution to expel christianity, by hunting down its faithful ministers like beasts of prey ;- to persecute, “ to exterminate by fire and sword methodism and all methodists." see, the use which has been made throughout the british slave- colonies, of these very conciliatory and conceding recommendations and orders in council, by the newly enacted draconian slave - codes, (as in utter contempt and bold defiance of british autho- rity) which exhibit “such perversions of the forms of law to purposes of cruelty and oppression, as can only find their parallel in the execrated pro- ceedings of judge jefferies, or in the practical jurisprudence of constantinople, morocco, or algiers." the conduct of the colonists since the receipt of the meliorating recommendations and orders in council, is a fine comment on the wisdom of tem- porizing, half measures--of advising hardened + اور . ' * see “ an authentic report of the debate on mr. buxton's motion relative to the destruction of the methodist chapel in barbadoes.” i see “ the slave colonies of great britain, or a picture of negro slavery, drawn by the colonists themselves," con- taining most important documents, recently transmitted from the west indies. #t criminals to reform themselves. the ungovern- able and ferocious passions excited by their odious vocation of slave-holding, are only exasperated by gentle advice and mild remonstrance; they can be restrained and subdued by the strong arm of law alone-and in their case it would be the great- est kindness to exert it. unbridled power has in- toxicated, driven them to madness. they are maniacs of the most dangerous and desperate description. their own interest, their own safety, requires that their phrenzy should be restrained, should be subdued by a lowering discipline which nothing but the general rejection of their mer- chandize or the force of law can administer. the language and conduct of these colonial bravos have dispelled the delusion long and dearly cherished by certain speculative philanthropists, that crimes of every descriptions are best corrected by gentle means ;—the crimes produced by slave holding, are at all events proved to be exceptions. these crimes have, it is abundantly evident, been dreadfully aggravated and multiplied, by gentle conciliatory attempts at correction ;-restraint and coercion are now imperiously cal- led for. the slave-holding spirit is not to be softened or moderated by parly and remonstrance ; it will not be reasoned into humanity and gentle- ness; it will not be persuaded to enact laws to curb its own fury,-or if it be, it is only for the purposes of deception and imposture, to avert the house of commons at once rescind its resolu- tions, and leave the poor victims to their fate. but if any thing, however small, is to be done for their relief, i trust that parliament will cease im- potently and mischievously to recom- mend, and begin at length to ordain.” we must go one step beyond this enlightened and decisive philanthropist, and say, — let the words melioration, gradual emancipa- tion, and compensation be henceforth blotted out of the anti-slavery vocabulary; let the friends of negro emancipation take advantage of the te- nacious, unyielding spirit; the bold attitude of menace and defiance displayed by the colonists -and seeing that concession is useless,--that conciliation is hopeless, - let them make a virtue of necessity, discard all idea of compromisem think no more of temporizing, but collecting all their might; standing in the firm attitude of hoodwinked, impartial, even-handed justice, hold the balance steadily poised in which the rights of the slave and those of his master are suspended. hitherto, they have gained nothing for their poor clients, because they have asked too little, the slave-holder saw the weakness, may we without offence say, the pusillanimity, the half-faced cha- racter of gradual emancipation-and he naturally suspected there was not much sincerity or earnest- ness in the requisition ; he therefore determined not only to resist it-but to traduce, vilify and in- c still boldly avows that “ slaves are chattels as much as any other moveable property, -over whom the master has the entire control ;'-since he still contends for “ the principle in all its naked wickedness, by which he holds in fee simple ab- solute, the bodies and souls of his fellow-crea- tures:"_since, in trinidad, he still insultingly avows we did, and do declare, the whip to be essential to west indian discipline ;”—aye, as essential, my lord calthorpe, as the freedom of the press, and the trial by jury, to the liberty of the subject, in england, and to be justified on equally legitimate grounds. the comfort, welfare, and happiness of our labouring classes cannot subsist without it. the fact may have been denied by others, but never by us. we have never conde- scended to equivocate or disguise in this colony. it may be denied by the west indian committee, but it has never been denied by us.”-since the re- gistry-laws in the mauritius are “a perfect nul- lity,” and the slave trade may there be still carried on “ without limit or control :"p_since the slave-holder exhibits such a determined cha- racter of resistance to british humanity, and defi- ance of british authority ;-it is time for that humanity and that authority to take high and commanding ground, and since the proud citadel of slavery refuses to capitulate,-it is fit and right p see “the anti-slavery monthly reporter,” no. . massacres, until both parties are subject to the control of one authoritative impartial law. the colonists spurn at melioration and gradual emancipation. slavery is a desperate diseasema swollen and mortified limb, no emollient appli- cations can stop the rapid progress of the gan- grene,—the health and safety of the body politic require its speedy amputation. here we had intended to close our animadver- sions on compensation, but finding we have not yet done justice to our own views of the sub- ject, we venture to add a few concluding obser- vations. “ government,” it is said, “ would be guilty of great injustice, after having not only permitted and sanctioned but bribed the planters by pro- tecting duties, grants and charters to embark their capital in colonial speculations; were they at once to abolish slavery without compensation to the slave-holder, who, but for such permission, sanction and bribes, would have directed his capital into other channels.” there is, it must be admitted, some plausi- bility and apparent force in this reasoning - but before we suffer ourselves to be carried away with it, let us examine and analize it. we must again refer our readers to the work from which in a preceding letter, we have made such large extracts for incontrovertible arguments proving that the west indians have no title to their slaves on the ground of purchase, nor on the plea of the law of birth, nor on that of any natural right, nor on that of reason or justice.” “ it remains only to shew, that they have no title to them on the ground of original grants or permissions of governnent, or of acts of parliament or of charters, or of en- history informs us, that neither the african slave-trade nor west indian slavery would have been allowed, had it not been for the misrepresentations and falsehoods of those who were first concerned in them. the governments of those times were made to believe, first, that the poor africans embarked voluntarily on board the ships which took them from their native land; and secondly, that they were conveyed to the colonies principally for their own benefit, or out of christian feeling for them, that they might be con- verted to christianity. it was in the reign of elizabeth that the execrable slave-trade first began glish law. « thoughts on the necessity of improving the condi- tion of the slaves" &c. pages . . . in england. this great princess, on its very com- mencement, seems to have questioned its law, fulness--to have entertained a religious scruple concerning it, and to have revolted at the very thought of it. she seems to have been aware of the evils to which it might lead, and when cap- tain hawkins returned from his first voyage to africa and hispaniola, whither he had carried slaves, she sent for him, and expressed her con- cern lest any of the africans should be carried off without their free consent, declaring that it would be detestable and call down the vengeance of heaven upon the undertakers'! captain haw- kins promised to comply with the injunctions of elizabeth, but did not keep his word; for when he again went to africa he seized and carried off many of the inhabitants as slaves. · here (says hill, the historian) began the horrid practice of forcing the african into slavery, an injustice and barbarity, which, so sure as there is vengeance in heaven for the worst of crimes, will some- time be the destruction of all who encourage it.' “ we have therefore the fact well authenticated, as it relates to original grants and permissions, that they originated in fraud and falshood. neither have the masters of slaves in our own colonies, any title to their slaves on account of any charters which they are able to produce, though their charters are the only source of their unlawfully held in bondage. there is no master, who has any legal title to any one of them." .» how then could it be "robbery under the garb of mercy,” to deprive the planters at once, and without compensation, of property to which they have no legal title? but no licence, no en- couragement, no rewards which ever have, or ever can be held out either by individuals or govern- ments for the commission of injustice or cruelty, can, in any degree, absolve the perpetrators from the guilt attached to injustice and cruelty. by “ the law written on the heart”—by the voice of conscience-by the express word of the sovereign of the universe they are forbidden. no violations of duty,—no crimes, great or small, are ever com- mitted without a tempter, an instigator,---without bribes and proffered rewards ;-and virtue con- sists in nothing else but their rejection. "how shall i do this great wickedness, and sin against god ?" is the uniform voice of conscience, more or less audible in every moral agent, under the light of divine revelation, whenever tempted to sin by promised impunity, or instigated by prof- fered reward ;-if that “still small voice” be disregarded, and the sin committed, -- true re- pentance, or adequate punishment, must inevi- tably follow :-consequently, whatever intervenes to ward off that humiliation, compunction, and remorse, which would lead to repentance, is doing the greatest injury, instead of benefit, to the of- fender; since it is an irreversible decree that every offence shall receive a just recompense of reward:"-if it be not truly repented of in time, it will be punished in eternity. these, it may be said, are general observations, which do not directly bear on the very complex subject in question. we believe, on the contrary, that they bear directly on all subjects, however complex, in which moral principle is involved ;- but we hope to prove there is, in fact, no com- plexity in that before us. government has sanc- tioned and instigated the planters, by bounties, protecting duties, &c. to embark their capital in slave speculations. they have so embarked it- and they have had their reward;—they have pro- fited by these speculations. government may, therefore, with the strictest justice and propriety, say to the speculators, “ hitherto, we have in- considerately not only connived at, but, at an enormous national expense, supported and en- couraged your inhuman speculations. our eyes are now opened to its atrocity. we will neither encourage nor connive at it any longer. you yourselves have opened our eyes. your own language and conduct,--the fruit which your- selves have exhibited of slave speculations, abun- dantly convince us, had we no other evidence, of the necessity of putting an immediate stop to them. regard for our own character, for blishments to support your execrable tyranny, we have already drawn annual millions to put into yours. would that be doing justice? would the people tamely submit to such an impost, to remunerate you for the loss of a property to which you never had any just title, either legal or moral, now that their eyes are wide open to the shameful abuse you have made of it? would it be prudent? would it be safe to hazard the ex- periment of such an impost? we believe it would not. and therefore, gentlemen planters, we think it would be prudent and wise in you to forbear to press any such groundless and prepos- terous claims. we say prudent and wise, if you have any regard to your own credit or interest. depend upon it, the best resolution you can adopt on this dangerous subject, is to be silent,—to hush up this business of compensation as quickly as possible ; for the eyes of the people, and our own eyes, being completely opened to this com- pact of injustice, it is utterly vain for you to at- tempt to close them again. a flood of light has fallen, by heavenly direction, upon the whole system of slavery,its horrid wickedness and miserable impolicy have been fully developed and can never again be hidden. with the mere names and empty profession of humanity, justice, and religion, neither the government nor the people of this great nation will any longer be satisfied they will have the substantial realities. and labour does actually produce a very great profit to the planters. he saw that the negroes, like all other human beings, were to be stimulated to permanent exertion only by a sense of their own interests, in providing for their own wants and those of their offspring. he therefore tried rewards, instead of punishments, which imme- diately roused the most indolent to exertion. his experiments ended in regular wages, which the industry he had excited, enabled him to pay. here was a natural efficient, and profitable reci- procity of interests. his people became con- tented; his mind freed from that perpetual vexation, and that load of anxiety, which are inseparable from the vulgar system, and in little better than four years, the annual nett clearance of his property was more than tripled.' the same writer remarks, i must refer to an excellent pamphlet, entitled observations on slavery (pub- lished in , by dr. james anderson) which shews that the labour of a west indian slave costs about thrice as much as it would cost if executed by free men.' mr. botham, (the con- ductor of sugar-works at bencoolen) says, “after spending two years in the west indies, i returned to the east in . having experienced the difference of labourers for profit, and labourers from force, i can assert that the savings by the former are very considerable. i do suppose our sugar islands might be better worked than they dr now are by two-thirds, or indeed one half of the present force. let it be considered how much labour is lost by overseeing the forced labourer which is saved when he works for his own profit. i have stated with the strictest veracity, the plain matter of fact, that sugar-estates can be worke cheaper by free persons than slaves. but the evidence drawn from these experi- ments, and observations, is controverted and denied by the west indians and their abettors. and what evidence is not controverted and de- nied by them which tends, in any degree, to the detection and exposure of the impolicy and wick- edness of tneir present execrable system ? in opposition to all the facts and reasonings brought by their opponents in proof of the superior profi- tableness of free above compulsory labour, they assert that they ought to be allowed to be the best judges of their own interests ;--that were the broad fact such as the abolitionists have stated, the planters must be idiots or madmen not to act accordingly. but we ask, in the language of the intelligent author above quoted, -"does man always act with an enlightened view to self interest ? is he uniformly vigilant to observe, and see“ a letter to m. jean-baptist say, on the compara- tive expense of free and slave labour." by adam hodgson, p. - . . and appendix, p. . . • see “ review of the quarterly review." p. - . prompt to pursue his real good ? does prejudice or passion never blind or mislead him? nor habit render him slow to follow the dictates of his better judgment ?" we have alluded to the superior profitableness of free, above slave labour, not in confirmation of the justice, the expediency and necessity of im- mediate emancipation, (which would be equally just, expedient and necessary were the result of these experiments and observations the very reverse of what has been stated) we allude to the fact for the sole purpose of proving that all claims to com- pensation are groundless and futile on the plea of injury which the planter would sustain from the manumission of his slaves. he will, of course, thereby lose the power of obtaining the market price in ready money, for his human commodity, and may consequently experience a temporary in- convenience; but it will be the fault of his own mismanagement, if he be not ultimately a gainer by the conversion of his slaves into free labourers. but admitting, for the sake of argu- ment, that he would ultimately lose by the transition; is it reasonable or just that the most guilty party in this criminal transaction should be remunerated at the expense of the less guilty ? - the inconsiderate, and for the most part, uncon- scious public, which has for generations been pouring annual millions into the planter's pocket? we are disposed to resist these claims from no uncharitable or vindictive feeling towards the slave-holders ;--- from no anxiety to save the public purse, but from a conviction of the very in- jurious precedent which their concession would establish; and that the work of emancipation would be thereby defaced and tarnished which otherwise would be one of the most brilliant acts of national justice which the legislature could perform. we would resist all pretensions to com- pensation in this quarter, from a conviction that every iota which is conceded to the loud and im- portunate demands of the slave-holder, is de- ducted from the silent, yet powerful claims of the slave. which, however freely admitted in theory, will be practically withheld in exact proportion. as those of the former are allowed. to the slave-holder, nothing is due; — to the slave, every thing, which the wisdom of the nation can devise and the wealth of the nation can execute for the instruction, the reformation, the protection, the comfort of these patient victims of national as well as individual injustice and rapacity. finis. thomas combe and son, printers, leicester. aug - slavery in the united states. by the same author. i. price five shillings, second edition. criminal jurisprudence, considered in relation to cerebral organization. opinions of the press. "our opinion of its merits was indicated by the space originally devoted to it in our pages, and its value is increased by the way in which the author has cited many events of the past two years as additional corroborations of his theory.''"-spectator. " the work is distinguished by a style worthy of its subject; it is clearly, calmly, and classically written, and altogether is worthy the attention of the lawyer, the physician, the philosopher, and the philanthropist."-scotsman. " characterised by a high tone of philanthropy, and by a calm, clear, and conclusive method of logical treatment. harmonizing, as the general purport of this masterly essay does, with views so long and fervidly urged in these columns, we cannot but recommend it to a still more general circulation than it has already so worthily attained.''-morning herald, " we beg such of our readers as are interested in improving our criminal law, to direct their attention to the evidence of mr. sampson.''-athenaeum. " a remarkable work. it would be affectation to conceal that the verdict in the case of m'naughten goes very far to establish the doctrine of mr. sampson."'-fraser. " we recommend this work to our readers with an assurance that they will find in it much food for reflection."-dr. james johnson's medico-chirurgical review.'" we recommend the entire publication to all our readers; not one of whom can rise from a perusal of it without being pleased and instructed, and on the main practical points, we hope, deeply persuaded.''"-monthly review. " one of the most able works which have been written in recent times on criminal jurisprudence viewed in its relation to cerebral organization; and to the merits, sound judgment, and humanity of which, we have already borne our testimony. "-literary gazette. " we recommend it to general attention."-chamber's edinburgh journal. "' the disquisitions of this author are not less interesting than important."-liverpool albion. " we heartily reommend this work."' -'legal observer. " mr. sampson treats of the abolition of the punishment of death-we have seldom seen a point better argued." —justice of the peace and county law recorder. "a very acutely written work. for the reception of such a theory the public mind does not appear to be fully prepared, but at the same time it is obvious that the current of opinion is running in that direction. we do not indeed regret altogether to see the growing disposition to view great crimes as impossible, except to minds of an insane character; for in our opinion it will be a great improvement in criminal legislation, to take obedience to the laws in general as the standard of moral sanity." —the jurist. " that mr. sampson well deserves the success he has enjoyed, nobody will dispute who reads any half-dozen pages of his volume. statesmen and philanthropists, humanity and christianity, owe to him a debt of gratitude, for having placed the questions of capital punishment and the insanity of criminals upon intelligible principles, which, if adopted, will put an end to the doubts and difficulties in which these topics have been hitherto involved, and will prepare the way for some rational and satisfactory legislation."-law times. " all who are interested-and who is not?-should get mr. sampson's work."-tyne pilot. " mr. sampson supports his christian purpose by arguments and illustrations that appeal strongly to the reason of the reader. the work is humane, intelligent, and vigorous. it should be extensively circulated. opposed to the moral of the present law, it nowhere excites resistance to the strength of present institutions. mild in its principles, it is also gentle in its prompting. what the author sees right to do he would also teach to be rightly done. mr. sampson has written well, and there can be none who read his work but will wish well to his theory."-monthly magazine. " we welcome mr. sampson as a most valuable accession to the band of phrenological advocates of sound criminal jurisprudence.''-phrenological journal. ii. price sixpence. the phrenological theory of the treatment of criminals defended. in a letter to john forbes, esq., m.d., f.r.s., &c. editor of the british and foreign medical review. "the basis of the theory being sound, dr. forbes' sophisms will be of little avail against it."''-literary gazette. " mr. sampson's reply is in terms as mild as it is powerful. its severity consists in its total demolition of his opponents' reasoning."-phrenological journal. slavery in the united states. a letter to the hon. daniel webster. by m. b. sampson. london: s. highley, , fleet street. . london: printed by s. & j. bentley, wilson, and fley, bangor house, shoe lane. preface to the english edition. the following letter has appeared at a time when the people of the united states are too deeply absorbed in the texan question to give heed to a plan of abolition. the prospect of annexation has aroused the planter from depression and intoxicated him with the idea that, by a bold effort, slavery may not only be upheld but extended, while the friends of freedom,still, unhappily, a minority in the republic, —scared by the sudden energy of their opponents, so far from hoping the immediate overthrow of the iniquity would now be well satisfied with the certainty even of preventing its propagation. but this panic will soon subside, and whichever way the annexation question may be settled, it cannot fail to give increased intensity to anti-slavery agitation. from signs exhibited at the recent presidental election there is reason to hope that the result of the contest in may entirely turn upon the views of the candidates regarding slavery. every argument in favour of the institution has now become obsolete wherever civilization is known, and the only security vi preface. for its continued existence is in the apathy of mankind. a question like that of texan annexation, by dispelling all apathy on the subject, must hasten its approaching doom. but although this doom cannot be long deferred, there is reason to believe that it will not be wrought out by violence or spoliation. the growing intelligence which has extinguished everything like sympathy with the slave-holder, has at the same time developed broader views of the economical duties connected with emancipation; so that no measure of reckless legislation is likely now to be attempted. whatever, therefore, may be the immediate reception of the plan submitted to the american people in the following letter, the confidence of its author will in no degree be shaken with regard to its ultimate adoption. march, . co nt ent s. section i. page. of the interests involved in the abolition of slavery, and the extent to which they should be regarded section ii. of the measures hitherto taken for the abolition of slavery....... section iii. of the means by which emancipation should be effected note. the right of petition.... to the hon. daniel webster. sir, amidst all that has been written and spoken on the question of slavery in america, i have never met with any argument in which the claims of each interest seemed to be fairly comprehended. such statements, however, may have been put forth, although i have not had the fortune to meet with them; and i should therefore abstain from entering upon the subject, but for the belief that in analyzing these claims i shall be able to suggest a plan by which they may be adjusted. looking at the question as one of primary importance not only to america but to the world, i cannot address this letter more appropriately than to yourself. intended only to promote the practical and immediate welfare of all the interests to which it refers, it might be submitted indifferently to a representative of northern or southern views. it is because, without reference to those views, you b are regarded both at home and abroad with a respect which, in every mind, will survive all differences of'the hour, that i seek to gain a patient hearing by the influence of your name. for the sake of convenience, my remarks will be divided into three sections. first, i propose to consider the various interests involved in the abolition of slavery, and the extent to which these interests should be regarded. next, to point out the evils which must follow any scheme of emancipation in which abstract principles are sacrificed to doctrines of expediency, - particularly as exemplified in the case of the experiment in the british west indies; and lastly, to suggest a plan which shall reconcile the claims of each party, in so far as those claims are equitable, and which, avoiding the errors of british legislation, shall be capable of immediate adoption, without involving the anomalous spectacle of a measure righteous in itself leading to calamitous results. i am, sir, your faithful servant, m. b. sampson. clapham new park, surrey, england, th november, . section i. of the interests involved in the abolition of slavery, and the extent to which they should be regarded. the interests alleged to be opposed to the abolition of slavery are,-the slave-owners individually; the states, whose productive power would be destroyed; and the slave population itself, which is now controlled and provided for, but which, from a state of freedom, would fast retrograde into barbarism. . the claim of the slave-owner to his right of property is often met by a bold denial. it is alleged that no law can constitute one man the property of another, and in the abstract this is correct. but it is possible for a state to make an unjust law, and having thus tempted individuals into error, it cannot escape, when it sees the wrong which it has committed, from its liability to make amends to those whom it has misled. the slave-owner, when his legal title is threatened, will plead that, in passing the law which gave it to him, the state did not seek his individual profit, but its own; that no higher exercise of intelligence or morality could have been expected from him than that which has been manifested by the collective wisdom of his countrymen; and that the act to which a legal sancb tion had been given, was hardly likely to strike his mind as an improper one; that he does not profess to be wiser or better than others, and that even on points where he has doubts, he might be led to discard them through faith in the better judgment of the majority; that in all his social relations he has only sought to satisfy himself that he was acting in obedience to the laws, and that he never dreamed he could be legally punished for an act which, at the time of its performance, was not recognised as a crime. for the state to take from him a legal title which, for its own purposes, it voluntarily gave, and for which it permitted him to give a consideration, is undeniably a punishment, and one the injustice of which becomes more apparent, when it is recollected that the title was not only given, but promised to be maintained, so that any individual, or body of individuals attempting to deprive him of it should be severely punished. if we were to arrive at the conclusion that all laws may be abrogated the moment they are discovered to be unjust, without providing compensation to those who, acting under them, have parted with their money, there is very little property in the world that could be regarded as secure. to one diffident in his own judgment, and unable, in all cases, even with an earnest desire, to ascertain the true path, it would be no guide that he is supported by the law. "it sanctions such and such a course to-day," he might reflect," and if i invest my money i am told that it will be safe, that my title will be good, and that those who deprive me of it will be punished. but i am not able to determine its inherent morality; to-morrow the state may discover that it is wronglyfounded, and i may be a ruined man." it is considered by many that the largest portion of the national debt of great britain was contracted to carry on unjust wars, for which the future energies of the people were recklessly pledged; but even if the impolicy and injustice of these wars were universally admitted, no one would think of visiting upon the individual lender the consequences arising from the errors of the state. the majority of the mind of england gave sanction to them, and the same majority must provide the means of meeting their disagreeable results. but it may be urged that, admitting the liability of the state, where there are two parties to an unjust transaction, the one should bear the same proportion as the other. that the slave-owner and the government should divide the loss. this argument, however, will not hold good. it is the law itself which is unjust; the after acts of individuals are merely its inevitable consequences. the question, therefore, simply is, what share had the slave-owner in the framing and maintenance of the law which declared negroes to be " property," and what is to be his consequent proportion of the loss to be sustained by its abolition. his share was precisely that of an individual, and nothing further, and all that he can be called upon to bear is his proportion of such tax as may be necessary to defray the compensation to be given. each member of the aggregate body by whom the investment of capital in slave-holding was sanctioned, is liable to the same responsibility as the one who acted on that sanction. the best way in all cases to ascertain the duty of a state, is to see what it would be just for an individual to do under like circumstances. the state is merely the representative of the justice of the many. it says to individuals, " we take power out of your hands, because if you were permitted to use it, you would be swayed by personal feelings, which would cause you to act dishonestly. if you could set those feelings aside, and deal to every man justly and impartially, there would be no occasion for a government: but this is out of the question, and a central power must be established, which, owing to its being (as an aggregate of the many) free from private bias, will be able to do in each case what it would be right for the individual to do if it were possible to trust him." whatever, therefore, it is proper to demand from an individual it is, above all, proper to demand from a government. now, if a person delegated to represent the interests of the many, and known to possess the best means of collecting information and forming a judgment, were, in the exercise of his discretion, to tempt another to embark money in a particular direction, by undertaking, on behalf of his constituents, to execute a certain title-deed, and to maintain its legality, (it being generally understood that he was entitled to perform such an act,) what course should we require of him, as an honest man, upon his making the discovery that the title he has professed to execute applies to an object to which no legitimate possession can attach-that he had never, in fact, any right to give it, and that it is expedient, therefore, to cancel the whole transaction? most assuredly he is bound to say to the party whom he has misled, " you paid so much, as the value of the title which you received from me, and the legality of which, as an inducement for you to carry out my views, i promised to maintain. this promise i now find i cannot in conscience keep. i am aware, that in giving it i did not make any reservation in my own behalf; that in undertaking to protect your title against all other parties, i did not reserve the right of depriving you of it myself; nor did i give you leave to suppose that the undertaking was only for a specific period. it was altogether unlimited, and was put forth for the purpose of inducing you to invest your capital in a mode which i believed to have been for the advantage of those whom i represent. i have, therefore, no alternative, in taking back that which i indiscreetly gave, but to pay its market value,-a value upon which you have doubtless based all your proceedings. if i am unable to do this, if i assume the right to break my pledge, and at the same time refuse you an equivalent, of course, for the future i must be prepared to find that my word will be rejected by all men." thus then, although the law which constitutes one man the property of another is inherently unjust, it is binding in the country where it exists between the state and individuals. if the state has erroneously recognized such property, and has contracted in good faith, for its own ends, that the right of possession shall be held sacred, it is especially bound in its own person to recognize the obligation, or to make amends for its non-fulfilment. on the other hand, the relative position of the slave and his master admits of no discussion. it is founded and maintained in fraud, and fraud only, and of course cannot be recognized by other powers, or by the slave himself. the inalienable rights of life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness, have not been so inefficiently upheld by the wise through all the struggles of advancing civilization, as to admit of their appearing among the unsettled questions of the nineteenth century. in the case of the african, it is sometimes pleaded that his condition is greatly improved by his captivity amongst white men; but this does not palliate the means by which the improvement has been brought about. the condition of a human being who has passed his days in virtue, is raised beyond all conception by his release from this life; but the murderer who helps him to heaven must not expect on that account to escape retribution. we must recognize, therefore, the institution of slavery as sinful without mitigation, and that it is the perfect right of the slave to break his bonds whenever practicable. it would be well, however, that the acknowledgment of this right should always be accompanied by explanation. the great doctrines upon which is based the argument for emancipation also proclaim the sin of meeting violence by violence. he, therefore, who would instil into the slave the propriety of resorting to any means inconsistent with a forgiveness even of the tyrant who has most trespassed against him, counsels him to reject the very creed upon which rests the surest hopes of the freedom of his race. there are, i fear, some who profess themselves friends of the slave who will renounce this application of the doctrine; but to the common heart it will commend itself by its simple truth. all attempts to arouse the fears of the slave-owner by threats or attempts of violence, have only led to increased severities and a stronger dislike of emancipation; while by stimulating the lower feelings of the negro they must have tended to subdue those qualities of his nature by which alone he can permanently hope to defeat the injustice of his oppressors. if it is possible for the slave to escape without fraud or violence, it is his duty to do so,-otherwise it is his duty to submit to his lot, and to regard it as the will of that being who will requite in his own time, and who has expressly forbidden a return of treachery for treachery, or blow for blow. . having thus considered the interests of the slave-owner individually, and the extent to which his position is to be respected, we have now to contemplate the effect which the abolition of slavery would produce upon the interests of the state. of the two great arguments commonly used on this head-the danger of a war of races, and the certain ruin which must result from diminished production-the latter only is worthy of attention. it is against all experience to suppose that those who have shown docility and patience under oppression and ill-treatment, will all at once assume an opposite nature when their grievances are removed. the supposition is also at variance with the oft-repeated assertion made by southern men in defence of slavery, that the negroes, in their present state, are contented, happy, and well-cared for, and feel a strong affection for the families of their owners. this state of things could only have grown up under a mild rule, and it is therefore vain to allege in the face of it, that the negroes are only kept from attempting to exterminate the whites by the superior force which the latter, by means of the institution of slavery, are enabled constantly to exercise. it may be said that the advantage consists in the power to check any combination for violent ends; but it would be unreasonable to assume that a race of " contented and affectionate" people are only waiting for the power to combine in order to become discontented and savage; that it is a peculiarity, in ifact, of peaceable natures to become fierce and malignant in the aggregate! if, however, reason were not sufficient to decide this point, the example of the british west indies would be conclusive. in no state of america does the negro population preponderate more over the white than in south carolina, where it is , . against , , while in british guiana, in , it was , against . if the experiment of complete emancipation has taken place safely in guiana, it may surely be attempted elsewhere without dread;* and, apart from the evidence of the docility of the negro, it must seem a satire upon the white population of the southern states, to suppose them doubtful of their skill and courage to counteract any possible " combination" of an equal number of that race, whose intellect and energies they have ever held in scorn. so abundant are the evidences of the feebleness of the blacks, and their generally inactive and submissive spirit, that the argument offear, when urged by the white man, appears to be degrading to the position which he occupies, and one which the advocates of emancipation should therefore treat with utter disregard. the other argument, however, to which i have alluded, the effects of emancipation in causing diminished production, is one of undeniable weight. * in the island of mauritius the population was white against , coloured. of the slaves, about , are estimated to have been imported africans, and consequently far less ripe for freedom than those in the other british possessions, or in the united states. yet this island formed no exception to the general results. that sudden freedom of choice on the part of the negro between labour and idleness would always be followed, more or less, by a selection of the latter, was a fact easily to be inferred from his physical constitution: nor was it indeed often denied until the ardour of debate occasionally outran discretion. the result of the experiment in the british possessions has at length effectually closed all discussion on the point, and shown that the anticipations of evil in respect to it have a solid foundation. i recognize this argument, therefore, as possessing great weight, not in opposition to emancipation, but in opposition to any plan of emancipation in which it shall not have been duly considered. it is a simple task to sweep away evils if we are reckless as to those we substitute in their place; but it is the nature of all truly righteous acts to be free from attendant mischief. now, to the extent that emancipation causes a diminution of labour, it must not only throw land out of cultivation, and produce individual ruin, but deprive a large portion of the inhabitants of the globe of the necessaries of life. the english peasant must pay more for her cotton gown, and the farmer of new york must diminish his consumption of sugar; and although deprivations of this kind may at first sight appear simple, they are certain to produce many disastrous results both on the moral and physical condition of mankind. it will not do, therefore, to exclaim, " such things are not to be heeded. our first great duty is to get rid of the crying sin of slavery, at all hazards, and without regard to consequences." the creator has so ordered the world that even here prosperity is a certain result of virtue; and the power of showing that such is the case forms one of our strongest aids in awakening the sordidminded to his will. if, therefore, in carrying out any measure of duty we act so as to bring injurious consequences immediately in its train, we destroy our most convincing argument to induce others to do likewise. with regard to emancipation in the british colonies, it has been well observed,'" an effort must be made to show those tropical countries which still cling to slavery, that this moral triumph has entailed no counterbalancing sacrifice; that economically, as well as morally, all parties have gained by the change. if this can be done, the slave-holding countries will follow our example from interested motives; and the abolition of slavery will create that high and delicate sense of the rights of all human beings, which at present does not exist among them, and to which, therefore, we should appeal in vain. on the other hand, if we do not succeed in making free labour at least as available as slave labour, we shall have given to the slave-owners an additional motive for adhering to slavery, and, by affording them an advantage over us in the markets of the world, a stimulus to increase the number of their slaves and the activity of the slave-trade." that these results have actually taken place is now matter of history; and it therefore more especially behoves those who may hereafter legislate for the abolition of slavery to guard against the evil. if, indeed, we arrive at the conviction that there is no way of stepping from sin but such as in its first effects shall lead to disaster,-that the immediate consequence of a return to obedience must inevitably be bitter-it will of course be our duty to submit to it; but reason and experience combine to show that sacrifices of this kind are not required, and that they only follow as the penalty of our own imperfect plans. in the case of emancipation being effected without any arrangement to prevent a diminution of produce, the poor sugar consumer of civilized countries is exposed to daily privations destructive of health and comfort, which are comparatively unfelt by his wealthy neighbour; and hence a glaring disparity is evident in the distribution of the suffering consequent on the measure. that such a disparity could not arise under the laws of providence as the necessary working of an arrangement wholly just, will be admitted by all. it is a contingency which the framers of an emancipation act are bound to provide against; and the plea that the great end of their plan is a righteous one, will no more justify neglect on this point than it would if we were to bring a man into the open air after we had wrongfully confined him amidst infection, without taking precautions that the act of justice should not cause injury to others. of course if no party is able to suggest a less imperfect method of carrying out a paramount duty than one which involves a disregard of minor duties, which should be concurrently performed, it is best to act as far as our light will go, but we must not complain when we experience the natural consequences of our want of clear perceptions, nor regard them as unavoidably flowing from obedience to the divine laws. at the same time, also, we are bound to look with more leniency on those who, under such circumstances, refuse to follow our example, than if instead of rejecting truth in an imperfect form, they could be charged with spurning her when presented to them in her fair proportions. . the remaining argument that the welfare of the negro is involved in the continuance of slavery, since the restraint to which he is subjected is essential to prevent him from falling into barbarism, is wholly unsupported by experience. even supposing the effects of emancipation to be such as to drive the white population from the country, owing to their inability to render it productive, there is no reason to believe that the condition of the negro in his uncontrolled state would be lower than it is at present. in hayti, where the most unfavourable circumstances have been presented, the course of the people is still stated to have been one of progress rather than of retrogression, and " the population has been doubled by a natural increase since the establishment of freedom." it may be said that it is in opposition to the fact of the negro having been raised in the social scale by transportation from freedom in africa to slavery in the west, to suppose that his improvement would not be stopped by permitting him, without restriction, to select his own mode of life. but such is not the case. the negro does not advance in africa, because a pestilential climate keeps all white men from its shores, save those who, by means of the slave-trade, brutalize the natives, and divert them from the pursuits of industry; but on the continent of america the negro, even if he dwelt in a community of his own, would be brought constantly under the influence of traders and missionaries, and although his improvement would be slow, it would not be suspended. it would proceed, indeed, at a greater pace than can ever be hoped for under slavery; more especially such slavery as that which now exists in the united states, where the predominant effort of the master is avowedly to crush the development of all moral or intellectual power. that any condition of unregulated freedom is superior to slavery is also supported by the fact that the free coloured population of the southern states (described by southern orators as occupying the most unfavourable position in which the african race could by any possibility be placed) show a duration of life far exceeding that of their servile brethren. but although the argument of the maintenance of slavery being desirable for the welfare of the negro is wholly untenable, it must be admitted that any plan of emancipation will prove vitally defective which fails to provide the certainty of his steady and rapid advance. the condition of the people of st. domingo and liberia, although it may be one of progress, is certainly not such as to present to slave-holding countries any very striking conception of the injury they inflict upon the race by withholding from them their liberty; nor can the act of unriveting their chains, and permitting them to vegetate in freedom, be regarded as a fulfilment of what is due for three centuries of wrong. however gratifying might be the act of abolition, it would be a bitter disgrace to a civilized people to permit it to be accompanied by the avowal that with all their intelligence they are unable to devise a means to avert the disastrous idleness which threatens to result from it, and which, by preventing any satisfactory advance of the long-injured race, if not by leading to their actual deterioration, would rob the measure of its brightest fruits. for any plan, therefore, to be thoroughly welcome to the friend of the negro, it is essential that it should provide against the danger of his falling into that degree of sloth, the proverbial root of all evil, which would impede his progress in civilization; and although the want of power to suggest such a provision is not to be admitted as an argument against the demand for immediate emancipation any more than the want of power to devise a preventive for the falling off of the productive capabilities of the country, it would, as in that case, show the friends of emancipation to c be but indifferently prepared to fulfil one of the chief duties which the act involves, and that a further palliation might therefore be offered for the resistance directed against their efforts. the conditions which the foregoing considerations present as essential to any successful plan for the abolition of slavery, are: st, that it shall provide full compensation from the state to each individual slave-owner. nd, that it shall not compromise the prosperity of the state, by causing a diminution of its productive power. and lastly, that means shall be taken to prevent the negro from sinking into slothfulness, and to repair the injustice of the past by zealous efforts to develope his energies and raise him in the social scale. of these, the provision for compensation to the slave-owner is to be regarded as absolutely indispensable; the other two are so far essential that the neglect of them would amount to neglect of obvious duties, and would consequently involve severe calamities: but they differ from the first, inasmuch as if we were unable to see our way to enforce them, this inability would not justify a moment's delay in relinquishing the sin of slavery. it would amount to a grievous omission, a want of prudence and foresight, but not to the committal of a direct wrong. but in carrying out emancipation by a direct breach of faith with the planter, we should merely be substituting one wrong for another; and although the new sin may be apparently less than that which it dis places-although we do a small evil that a great good may come-we must remember that in no case is it permitted for us to seek our ends by conduct of this description. so long as we do not see that we can work towards the good we desire by wholly unexceptionable means, we may be sure that we have not yet hit upon the true path, and that it is our duty still to pause-not in apathy, but with an earnest seeking for direction, and the assurance that our efforts will be rewarded. it is therefore better that slavery should not be abolished, than that it should be abolished by denying compensation, because this would amount to the sin of acknowledging sufficient light to recognize the laws of god, and daring, while in possession of it, to assert that they can be worked out by fraudulent designs. the eagerness to carry out a favourite point by measures, of the perfect justness of which we entertain a doubt, is a sure way to retard our final aim. that justice cannot be inconsistent with itself, that there must be some way of redressing every evil which shall be free from injury to any human being, should always be borne in mind, and each scheme rejected, until that one is presented which satisfies the conscience as being consistent with integrity to all. if we o'erleap these points, and professing to serve heaven, offend, for the sake of " expediency," in the slightest degree against our sense of duty, we destroy that coherency which can alone give strength and beauty to our plan, and introduce at once the elements of its ruin. c section ii. of the measures hitherto taken for the abolition of slavery. having considered the points to be provided for in any measure which may be proposed for the abolition of slavery, it is proper to review the means which have already been taken or suggested by the united states or other nations for their accomplishment. if we can find in any quarter that the difficulties connected with them have been fairly met and overcome, the trouble of further inquiry will be spared, and america can have no pretext for a single moment to delay emancipation. if, however, only a portion of them have been got over, the task still devolves upon us of providing for the remainder; while, if none can be shown to have been successfully grappled with, we shall have to discard all consideration of what has already been proposed or adopted-useful only as a warning-and to suggest an independent plan. the british emancipation act, of , stands forth as the measure upon the success of which the progress of emancipation in other slave-holding countries was considered greatly to depend. de praved as mankind may be, no doubt can exist that the majority, if unperverted by false fears of damage to themselves, would prefer to show kindness instead of cruelty to their fellow-men; and it was therefore reasonable to entertain a certain trust, that if the measure adopted by great britain should be found to produce or threaten no injurious consequences, it would, after a fair trial, be speedily imitated by other nations. such imitation has, however, in no single instance taken place. eleven years have passed, and although the friends of emancipation in the united states and elsewhere, have used their constant efforts to hold up the example of great britain, and to pourtray in the brightest terms the results of her experiment, the feeling on the question, so far from having advanced, has undergone a most unfavourable change, and the prospects of the coloured race are less hopeful now than at any former period. the inquiry suggests itself, can this effect have arisen from the working of a judicious measure, or is it the natural consequence of attempting to achieve a good end by unjust and imperfect means? and an examination as to how far the british act was framed in accordance with the conditions which, in the preceding section, have been shown to be essential to success, will lead us to an answer. these conditions required that provision should be made for compensation to the planter, for the maintenance of the productive power of the country, and for the certain advancement of the coloured population. there appear to me to be few instances of more fatal delusion than that which is nursed by the people of england regarding the compensation voted by parliament to the parties interested in this question. from the commencement of the debates by which that vote was preceded, down to the present time, a constant outpouring of self-gratulation has always attended any reference to the matter. it was originally announced as " a costly sacrifice," widely spoken of in the house of commons as a "lavish sum," a " munificent gift," " an instance of magnanimity such as never occurred before," &c., and universally admitted out of doors, and even by foreign nations, as a " noble vindication of the right of property." subsequently it has been described not only by ardent abolitionists, but by political economists as " a measure reflecting quite as much credit on the wisdom and honesty as on the generosity of the british nation;" and these ideas (too agreeable to the national vanity to stimulate any very close questioning from less informed persons) meeting with universal reception, have led to a belief not only that our past sins in connexion with slavery have been effectually wiped out, but that england is entitled to boast of her singular virtue, and to cast stones at those countries which refuse to imitate her example. a little consideration would dissipate this error. it must readily be perceived that the act of emancipation was nothing more than an act to provide for fthe abandonment of a heinous sin, in which the state of great britain had through a long period indulged; and that even if its provisions had been framed in perfect wisdom and justice, the spirit in which it should have been adopted was that of deep humiliation for the past, together with a sense that in merely abstaining from a continuance in wickedness, we could certainly acquire no right to boast of having done anything to claim the especial praises of our fellowmen. under the most favourable circumstances, therefore, the subdued tone of sincere repentance would have been alone appropriate, coupled with that patient interpretation of the sins of others which a newly awakened consciousness of our own enormities is calculated to beget. but the mode in which the claim for compensation was dealt with, was not such as to entitle us even to the amount of gratification which might thus have been enjoyed, since it was characterized by features of injustice, showing too plainly that we were not prepared to effect our withdrawal from the sin of slavery without committing a new infringement of the moral law. in bringing forward his plan, lord stanley (then mr. secretary stanley,) having distinctly recognized the claim of the planters to full compensation for the withdrawal of their legal title to property in the coloured race, took as his estimate of the value of that property the sum of thirty millions sterling, being , slaves at . s. each; and the way in which he proposed to meet this amount was by a direct payment of twenty millions, and by conti nuing to the holders a right of property in the labour of the negroes for periods (according to their class as predial or non-predial) of twelve and seven years, the value of such labour being considered as equivalent to the balance. it will be seen from this that the government, after admitting the utter sinfulness of slavery, refused to abolish it at once, and entered into a sort of composition; they were willing to incur a certain expense, but could not summon resolution to meet the full amount. thirty millions being required, they could make up their minds to go as far as twenty; and to raise the remaining ten, they resolved to rob the negro of his labour for a further period of twelve years. it is, true, a pretext was urged for this course, that " immediate emancipation would be no less ruinous to the slave than to the master;" and that the period for the prolongation of slavery " under the specious title of apprenticeships, where nothing was to be learned, and no wages were to be paid," was alleged to be necessary as a probation. but, even if we admit the necessity of enforcing the labour of the negro for a certain term preparatory to complete emancipation, it is difficult to see how it justifies the appropriation of the value of that labour. the work might have been enforced so as to keep up the industry and discipline of the negroes, while the ten millions, at which it was estimated, might have been paid over to them; or if it had been deemed dangerous to place them suddenly in possession of money, it might have been reserved for their benefit at some future period. apart from this, however, the plea for the necessity of the apprenticeship, as far as regarded a large class of the negroes (if not the whole of them), was shown at the time to be completely untenable, for no one attempted to assert that the class of artificers and mechanics were not fit for instant liberty. although, therefore, it may be admitted that as respects twothirds of the required payment, the british government were disposed to act honestly, it is obvious that the c"noble example of the maintenance of the right of property," as far as it was involved in the remaining third, was to be upheld only at the expense of the coloured race. still, under this arrangement-supposing the estimate of the value of the slaves at thirty millions to have been fairly made — the compensation to the planters would have been complete, however questionable the means of raising it. if it had been carried out, no question, as far as the strict maintenance of the right of property amongst ourselves was concerned, it could have been raised; and although reproach would still have attached to the government, it would have arisen simply from the fact that after having sinned for upwards of two centuries, upon awakening at last to a sense of their guilt, they had thought it better to continue sinning for twelve years longer than to increase their payment of twenty millions to thirty. the doctrine promulgated by this line of conduct being, that it is inexpedient to pursue virtue at all costs, and that there is a point at which a continuance in wickedness may be permitted by providence to prove more profitable than a departure from it. but the full compensation declared by the minister to be due, was not destined to be paid even in this or any other form. during the progress of the debate, the advocates of the negro succeeded in showing that there was no just ground, even as a matter of safety, for prolonging the state of slavery, under the title of apprenticeship, for the periods proposed; and lord stanley, finding that he could not carry the measure if he persisted in that prolongation, reduced the periods from twelve and seven years to seven years and five. the question naturally arises, in what way was this reduction made up to the slaveowner? the minister had stated that'" he had considered the period of apprenticeship to be part of the compensation paid to the proprietor," and it is evident that upon a reduction of this part, it became necessary that an increase should be made in some other way. to the consequent interrogatory " whether, as he had reduced the period of apprenticeship, he intended to increase the compensation?" a simple reply in the negative was given, government having previously admitted the breach of faith, by announcing that " they had strenuously endeavoured to perform their portion of the engagement; but from the claims made upon them it became impossible, notwithstanding their utmost exertions, to carry it into effect." having no choice but to break their pledge, or to resign, they determined on the former course; and of just so much compensation as was represented by the term of apprenticeship taken off, the proprietors were consequently defrauded. thus then upon the confession of the minister this very measure of compensation, so universally quoted as a noble instance of national integrity, was marked by a breach of faith which has few parallels in modern legislation. the proceeding, indeed, was so flagrant, that no excuses were attempted; and it was evidently the nearly unanimous feeling of parliament that it had better be suffered to pass unnoticed. it was seen that a call for the sum necessary to make up the thirty millions would meet with universal opposition, and no one was prepared with a plan by which justice might have been satisfied without so fearful a drain upon the resources of the country; a drain which, owing to the system of taxation, must have fallen chiefly on the industrious classes. although, therefore, every member must have felt that the sum awarded was an unjust sum-that the proprietors were entitled to nothing or to more, the injustice, in the eagerness to gain a certain end, was wilfully overlooked, and evil ~was deliberately sanctioned that good might come. it will, perhaps, be alleged that the fact of the planters having consented to receive the compensation awarded, shows that no breach of faith can be considered to have taken place, the two parties being entitled to make what bargain they pleased. but this plea is denied, because the planters were not left to their own free action, but driven by intimidation to accept the terms proposed. the government were aware that by the discussion of emancipation the expectations of the coloured population had become excited to a pitch at which disappointment would have proved dangerous, that the unreflecting masses in england were determined also to have the measure passed without inquiring very rigidly into the means, and that consequently if the planters refused what was offered, they would, as the excitement increased, have to be content with less. the intimidation thus created proved sufficient to induce the consent of the west india interest, and also perhaps to impress them with gratification at having got off so well: but there is evidence that this gratification was only such as is felt by men who, having fallen into powerful and unscrupulous hands, find that by giving up a portion of their property they will be permitted to escape with the remainder. so notorious was the existence of this intimidation, that unreproved references to the advantages to be derived from it were of constant occurrence during the debates. "' wait for a little period," urged some members, " and a fourth of the money will be quite sufficient;" and one member more ardent than the rest, after connecting the " growing intelligence " of the people with a probability of their "' sponging off the national debt," animated by the advantage which the government had already taken of the fears of those with whom they had to deal, urged it very naturally as a plea for further spoliation. " we had a contest with ministers the other day, and what has been the result? they yielded. was ever such conduct witnessed on the part of any ministry before? did not ministers pledge themselves to the west india body to give them twenty millions and twelve years' apprenticeship? and yet after that contest, they the next day, without notice, came to a decision to take off six years of that term; and the west india interest gave in, for they were afraid. but if you on this side of the house will be but united as you ought to be —if one hundred and fifty of you will but stand by one another, i will be bound that the ministers will give up everything." in condemning the breach of faith which was thus practised on the slave-owner, it is not necessary to overlook the misconduct of his class. in no case can the character of the party with whom we have to deal bear in the slightest degree upon a question of right, save that it is necessary for us to act with more scrupulous fairness in our dealings with the corrupt than with the virtuous, inasmuch as any deviation into which we might fall would be attributed by the upright to unintentional error, while by the unprincipled it would be perpetuated as an example. it was urged amidst the many unweighed suggestions which abounded on all sides, that the planters should be deprived of compensation on ac count of their having broken their engagement to assist in promoting the ministerial scheme. this scheme was agreed to be carried out by the government on the understanding that the planters should co-operate; and if the planters failed to perform this part of their engagement, the ministers were obviously at liberty to cancel the entire bargain. but the cancelment of a bargain to work out emancipation by a particular method, could give them no right to do more than change it for some other method, consistent with honesty (which of course might be adopted independently of the consent of the planters), or else to leave the question undisturbed. in the house of commons, however, an opinion seemed prevalent that because the planters had agreed upon a certain mode of giving up a legal right, and had afterwards failed to fulfil their part of the agreement, it became just for the government to take that right from them by force, although in the contract there was no stipulation for such a penalty. having shown that the course pursued by great britain regarding compensation cannot be taken as an example by other nations, the government, notwithstanding their immense resources, having been either incapable or unwilling to grant its full amount; the next step will be to examine if her plan of emancipation included that which is to be regarded as the second element of success; —viz: a due provision for the maintenance of the productive power of the country. that a reduction in the work performed by the negroes would be the result of emancipation, unless some measures could be designed to avert it, was foreseen by the british government: and the plan adopted to meet the evil was, as we have seen, the establishment of a period of apprenticeship or modified slavery preparatory to complete abolition. into the provisions of this plan it is unnecessary to enter, its failure having been so complete as to lead to its discontinuance in the various colonies on the st of august, . at that period, therefore, the negro was suffered to come into possession of unrestricted freedom, without any further method having been devised by the government for guarding against his withdrawal from steady labour. the consequences of this neglect in diminishing the productive power of the west india colonies were such, to use the words of a report of a committee of the house of commons on west africa, as to give "an extraordinary stimulus to the slave-trade for the supply of cuba and brazil," and the extent to which the diminution of produce took place will be shown by the following tables: on this head it has been remarked:* " the extent to which the quantity of produce annually raised in the british sugar colonies was reduced, and the cost of production enhanced by emancipation, is startling to contemplate. the decrease in production was not confined to sugar; it extended to all the staple products of these colonies; and it can be shown that it was occasioned by the consequences of emancipation alone. " it has been proved by the evidence given to the west-india committee of the house of commons, that from to , in british guiana much less work was done in every stage of cultivation; that production had fallen off, and some estates had been put out of cultivation. in trinidad the difficulty of procuring continuous labour was such, that mr. burnley assured the committee, were he proprietor of every estate in the island he would throw the half out of cultivation, convinced that he could produce more by concentrating the work of the available labourers on the rest. in jamaica the produce of the large estates was reduced one half, and the estates of the poorer proprietors were entirely deserted by the labourers. in grenada no estates had been actually thrown out of cultivation, but the crops had been so diminished that the result was much the same." it will thus be seen that, as far as regards the second point to be provided for, the british measure of * spectator, april, . d emancipation affords no safe example; and it now only remains for us to inquire if it gives any guiding light upon the third point, viz.; the duty of providing for the certain advancement of the coloured population. that a great advance has taken place in the intellectual and moral condition of the negroes in some of the west india islands, from the date of the emancipation act, must be admitted by all who will consult the various statements put forth since that time. in jamaica, the calm and cheerful anticipations which grew out of the reports of their admirable conduct on the st of august, —the opening day of freedom-have been more than fulfilled; and there is ground to believe that under a continuance of favourable circumstances a degree of civilization would be reached, in which they would not suffer by comparison with the labouring classes of other countries. the progress which has thus taken place may be attributed to the faithful efforts of their religious teachers, and to the vigilance of the home government in enforcing the fair working of the new system. the emancipation act itself made no actual provision for the advancement of the negro, but merely set him free to work out his own progress, and to conquer the effects of past ill-usage. the results, therefore, as far as they have gone, will probably be quoted to show that nothing more was necessary; but a little reflection will satisfy us that such an argument would not hold good, and that the course of great britain has been as short-sighted upon this point as upon those we have already considered. if the negro has already advanced morally and intellectually, so as to fulfil all ordinary anticipations, what more, it will be asked, can be required? it is plain that this state of things would be perfectly satisfactory, with one proviso, viz.; the certainty that it is not a merely temporary progress, but such as will be steadily maintained. this certainty is wholly wanting, and there is evidence that the prospect is of the most precarious kind. no effective mode having been devised by the government to ensure the constant industry of the negroes, their labour since has only been attained at an enormous cost, and in an uncertain manner. it is true that the acquisitive propensity strongly marks their character; but the activity of this one impulse has not proved sufficient to overcome, even partially, their constitutional indolence, except when stimulated to a great degree. the consequence is, that the rate of wages, even for such labour as can be obtained, is so high as to render it impossible for the west india planter to compete either with the slave or free produce of other countries; and although, even under the recent alteration of the sugar duties, an amount of about a million and a quarter sterling will annually be paid as protection on that article alone, we are told that, without larger sacrifices on the part of the mother country, it will be impossible for the proprietors to d continue cultivation. at a public meeting at anatto bay, on the th of june last, resolutions were passed affirming that, under existing circumstances, "'the colonies are doomed to ultimate ruin," and that the inhabitants (both white and coloured) " scarcely know whether to surrender themselves to despair, or to attempt to remonstrate with the government." it is added also, that the approaching necessity for the abandonment of estates " will cut off all prospect of civilization for the children of africa, and thus entail a curse more grievous and deplorable, if possible, than the curse of slavery-the curse of savage existence and enduring barbarism." again: " a proprietor," under date the th of july, alluding to the recent measures, writes from grenada, " as things were, men fancied they might struggle on, in the hope that better times might come round; but now all hope is destroyed:" while from other quarters anticipations of the same gloomy nature have been forcibly proclaimed. it must be admitted as probable, that these statements, although they coincide with the representations of the west india body in the house of commons, greatly exaggerate the evils to be apprehended, and that the present amount of protection will prove sufficient to prevent an abandonment of cultivation; but they serve to confirm a very general impression, that no great reduction could take place without endangering this end, and that upon the continuance therefore of an enormous annual sacrifice the welfare of the negro depends. "if, under the difficulties of the present crisis," says mr. gurney in his "winter in the west indies," "the prohibitory duties on slave-grown coffee and sugar should be relaxed or extinguished, a market of immense magnitude would immediately be opened for the produce of the slave labour of the brazils, cuba, and porto rico. the consequence would be, that ruin would soon overtake the planters of our west indian colonies, and our free negroes would be deprived of their principal means of obtaining an honourable and comfortable livelihood." now when we consider that the cost of this protection presses chiefly upon the poorer classes of england, it is impossible to avoid the apprehension that it may not always be patiently submitted to. at all events, little can be said for the wisdom or justice of a government which has left the civilization of the coloured race to be dependent on the maintenance of an artificial price for one of the chief necessaries of life-an article equally in demand by the rich and the poor, and of which the free use is absolutely essential as a preventive of serious diseases. symptoms of impatience have already been widely manifested. "the high price of colonial produce," writes mr. oldfield, "for the last few years, has created throughout the country a very general feeling against the prohibitory duties upon the sugar and coffee of brazils and cuba;" and in one of the london journals the case has been strongly put. in allusion to the rate of wages demanded in the west indies, and to mr. gurney's description of the condition of the labourers, it is remarked-" the truth is, the negroes are in the flourishing condition described by mr. gurney, because almost the whole of the price paid for sugar goes into their pockets. the people of england will not long endure this. when they hear of the luxurious negroes, they will say,'we paid twenty millions to make them free; but we will not always submit to pay for the sugar they make, by working thirty hours a week, a price which enables them to enjoy the luxuries of the middle class at home, while our english labourers, by a week's work of more than twice as many hours, can barely earn a subsistence.' " that the moral and religious advancement of the negroes should comprise, in order to insure its permanence, strict habits of frugality and industry, will scarcely be denied. it is impossible, however, to read of labour for thirty hours per week being "' sufficient to provide comforts and luxuries to an extent not known by any peasantry in the world," without seeing that a state of things exists to beget rather than to overcome a dislike to. continued toil. when we meet, therefore, with descriptions of their handsome wedding-dresses, the eggs consumed for their wedding cakes, the wine in their cottages, the mules and horses on which they come riding to their chapels, their champagne, and their pic-nic dinners, so far from being struck with gratifying evidence of a growing civilization, we become impressed with the idea of a class of persons cruelly placed by defective legislation in a false position. it is no reproach to the negro that he does not work more continuously. in a country where twenty-six days' work during the year is sufficient to supply food for the labourer and his family, it would be difficult, even if he possessed the energy of a european, to prevent him from falling into idleness, unless some motive could be awakened in addition to those which ordinarily operate. he has been placed in a position which even the british or anglo-american labourer would be unable to resist, and which must inevitably unfit him to submit cheerfully to the low rate of remuneration which, under natural circumstances, is paid for unskilled labour in every other part of the world; a rate to which he must nevertheless approach, or be abandoned to self-government, whenever his present artificial condition shall be disturbed. although in the foregoing considerations we have looked only to the effects of emancipation on the moral condition of jamaica, and some other islands where they present the most favourable aspect, we find them fraught with alarming probabilities. the worst anticipations may therefore be entertained for the fate of those communities where, owing to a higher rate of wages, the necessity for prolonged industry is less. from evidence collected by the agricultural and immigration society of trinidad three years after full emancipation, it appeared that in that island an active labourer " could easily save six or seven dollars per week;" but that, although it was possible even for women to perform three " tasks" a day with ease, "' very few of the labourers performed two tasks, many only three or four in the week, and some not more than one;" that plunder of canes was carried on to a great extent, and could not be checked, because the planters were afraid the labourers in such case would leave their work and go elsewhere; that the greater number squandered their earnings in " drinking, gambling, and dissipation;" that so far from employing their spare time in raising provisions and small stock, " produce of that kind had fallen off," owing to the carelessness caused by high wages; and, finally, that the labour actually performed was "' dirty and slovenly, and infinitely worse than it was in the time of slavery." it may be urged that some of this evidence came from questionable, because interested, sources; but it found confirmation from other quarters: and even if only partially correct, it must lead to conclusions of a very unfavourable kind. it was shown on the most reliable testimony that " drinking was becoming more prevalent even amongst the women," and that the habit threatened' in two or three years to demoralize the whole labouring population;" that the vice of gambling was increasing also every day; that " instead of improvement in agriculture, everything had retrograded;" and that although no peasantry in the world were so well able to pay for the education of their children, they showed " the greatest reluctance to incur the expense." in the third case, then, as in the others, no due precautions were either adopted or suggested; and it will therefore appear, that in all the points essential to the success of emancipation, the british measure was deficient, and that it must consequently be discarded from the consideration of those who desire to promote in other countries the freedom of the coloured race. it is not unsatisfactory to arrive at this conclusion, because, if the measure could be shown to have been sound, the fact of its not having been imitated by other nations would present a sadder augury than need now be entertained. nor can those who refer to the opinions and motives avowed on this question in the british parliament feel surprise at the failure of their counsels. at an early stage of the discussion, lord stanley took occasion explicitly to deprecate a consistent adherence to principle. recognizing the experiment as one " more mighty, as well as more important and more interesting in its results, than any experiment ever attempted to be carried into effect by any nation in any period of the history of the world," his lordship deemed it impossible to be carried through without sacrificing "' some of those abstract principles - those wild, though benevolent theories," which are founded on the great rule of conscience, that you have no right to keep any man subject to any conditions except such as are imposed upon him by the laws of nature. it was particularly sought to impress upon parliament at the outset that they were " dealing with realities, and not with abstract principles," although it was omitted to be shown what light other than that derived from abstract principles should guide them in dealing with anything. it was as if the minister had said, " we are about to deliberate with a view to avert evils which we have drawn upon our heads by disobedience of primary laws; —we seek to proclaim to other nations that we now recognize those laws; and this attempt, more important and interesting in its results than any other in the history of the world, requires for its practical and safe operation that on minor points those laws should be disobeyed. it is vain to allege that while the very foundation of our measure consists in the assertion of an abstract principle, it is inconsistent to urge a departure from abstract principles in carrying it out. arguments of this nature are wild, inexpedient, and unstatesmanlike. the government of the world is so ordered, that while a departure from, abstract principles, on a great scale, inevitably brings the severest penalties, an infringement on minor points is often attended with the best results." the views on this head expressed by the proposer of the measure met with ready sympathy from those whom it was his business to conciliate; the only difficulty being such as must inevitably arise in all similar cases,-namely, that although the various speakers uniformly recognized the propriety of an occasional departure from principle, each of them seemed to differ as to the direction in which that departure should be permitted. it is not, indeed, clear that the government acted distinctly, even at starting, upon any principle whatever; for while, on the one hand, the minister referred to the measure as an act of " justice and humanity," which was imperatively called for, even though it would be attended with economical disasters, thereby recognizing those principles as his sole motive, he afterwards constantly alluded to it as a " great boon," and even boasted that " the government had not called upon the negro to pay any part of the debt which he owed to the state for his freedom." from this it is evident that while the government at times recognized the inherent claim of the negro, it was at other times felt that no such claim existed, and that emancipation therefore was a piece of liberality by no means absolutely called for. on the opposition side it was also evident that little advance had been made towards a comprehension of the moral argument on which the claim for freedom solely rests. sir robert peel could not recognize it, but thought that liberty should be sold to the negroes, and wished great britain to take a lesson from spain. " he did think it possible that by adopting, on a large scale, the principle of the spanish lawby holding out to the slave, as a stimulus to labour, the prospect of emancipating himself gradually by the produce of it, by aiding that produce, when it reached a certain amount, by a grant out of the public treasury, we should be promoting the most advantageous measure. if we had lain down the principle of aiding the slaves, by a grant a long way short of twenty millions, to purchase their freedom by their own labour, it would have been more for the interest of the slave than the course we were then pursuing." on the other hand, those who distinctly recognized the claim of the negro, and were, in this respect, able to comprehend and distinctly act upon a principle, showed that on other points they were not equally inflexible, and that while they clamoured for a strict adherence to the moral law in one direction, they were willing to sacrifice it in another. thus, while the government admitting the claim of the planter to full compensation, permitted themselves to depart from principle by granting a lower amount than they had acknowledged to be due, the friends of the negro, contended that the planters were not entitled to any compensation, and that the payment of it was a fraud upon the people of england, voting for it at the same time in all its alleged injustice for the sake of getting freedom for the slave. on all sides the readiness to concede principle-to arrive, in fact, at a desired end by improper means-was unequivocally manifested. that a measure entered into with such feelings should bring disappointment to its promoters, is consolatory to the friends of truth; for, if it had yielded any other result, it would have swept away the only doctrine by which they are sustained. so long as we can rely that the world is governed by consistent laws, and take our stand on the great principle, that no departure from them-however expedient to a narrow vision it may appear —can bring in the end anything but disaster, we have a rule by which to regulate our course amidst every wavering influence around us; but, if in any case we admit that an abandonment of this principle is advisable, that truth is not coherent, and that a great good may sometimes be helped by a little wrong, we at once plunge into confusion; recognizing the future as depending upon our own dexterity, instead of upon immutable laws, operating solely according to our present obedience. if this were to be admitted, if the statesman's plea of the necessity of unjust expedients-urged to cover his own personal incapacity to act without them —could be shown, even in one instance, to have been warranted by the result, the hopes of advancement, founded on the belief that mankind will at last learn the invariable connexion of disaster with injustice, would instantly be extinguished. the whole history of the world has hitherto tended to confirm these hopes; and it is because they would have been destroyed by a different result, that the failure of the british plan of emancipation may be regarded with satisfaction. it will, perhaps, be alleged, that in the fore going considerations too much importance has been attached to existing and coming evils, since, although they are of undoubted magnitude, they admit of an. easy remedy; that this remedy has already been recognized, and put in train for adoption; and that if it had been made part of the original plan, no difficulties would have arisen. now, we are entitled to believe that there are few errors which, even in the darkest hour, may not be retrieved by those who sincerely set about the task; and i am therefore far from denying, in the present instance, that a remedy is to be found. but, inasmuch as the leading members of the british senate, by whom the original measure was sanctioned, have not yet manifested a sense that its failure arose out of their departure from the straight path, it is to be feared that any remedy that may at present find favour in their eyes will hardly be such as to enable them to regain it. on the surface, therefore, there is nothing to inspire confidence; but it is, nevertheless, proper that we should pause, to enter into a short examination of the schemes proposed. the most unpromising feature of these schemes consists in their showing a total misconception of the cause of the evil which they are intended to cure. this evil, whatever it may be, cannot originate in the smallness of the population in the west indies, because the distress now complained of has arisen solely from emancipation; and emancipation, while it has not reduced the number of coloured inhabitants, has actually doubled their working capacity, owing to the fact- that the labour of a free man, when it is fairly brought out, is twice as productive as that of the slave. it is evident, therefore, that the evil has nothing to do with a scarcity of hands, but that it must be looked for in the defective legislation, which permits existing energies to lie dormant. "' the result of our own enquiries," writes mr. gurney, in , " is a conviction that the present population of jamaica, if its force be but fairly applied under a just and wise management, will be found more than adequate to its present extent of cultivation." the schemes, however, to which the british government have directed their attention, seem based on the idea that the existing distress arises from the want of a sufficient number of labourers, instead of from the absence of a salutary arrangement by which those already in the colonies might be rendered effective; that the problem, in fact, of the superiority of free over slave labour is to be solved by employing an extra number of hands to do the old amount of work, and it is consequently their policy to encourage immigration, even at an enormous outlay. whatever doubts may attach to this course, as to its effecting the desired end, there might be no objection to the attempt, provided it could be conducted on principles of justice: a short examination, however, will show that there is little prospect of immediate success; and that even if success is temporarily achieved, it will be by measures so completely objectionable as to lead inevitably to ultimate disaster. the sources whence immigration is looked for are western africa and the east indies. regarding the first, it has been made evident that if effected to any extent it must be by means little different from those of the slave-trade. materials for voluntary immigration scarcely exist. the most eligible would be found amongst the kroomen; and of the chances of success in this quarter, by any honest means, an idea may be gathered from the report on west africa, by a committee of the house of commons in . " as we proceed up the coast, we fall in, between cape palmas and cape mount, with a very singular race of men consisting of many small tribes, known commonly by the collective name of kroomen, scattered along a considerable range of shore; much given, though not exclusively, to maritime pursuits; forming part of the crew of every english man-of-war and merchantman on the coast; known by a distinctive external mark, and neither taken as slaves themselves nor making slaves of others. their numbers are uncertain, but are undoubtedly considerable, and seem to be increasing; and their confidence in the english character is ascertained. but it seems doubtful whether permission for large numbers to leave their shores could be obtained without some present to their chiefs; and their attachment to their own country, and their present habits of migrating, only for a period and without their families, make it also doubtful whether they would ever become permanent settlers elsewhere, or indeed remain away from home for a longer period than two or three years." the total immigration from sierra leone is stated to amount, up to the latest returns, to about , . " to convey these in small detachments, scattered over a space of three years, three first-rate ships have been employed, each having on board a navy lieutenant and surgeon with large salaries." * it must be admitted as probable that private vessels would be more successful than government ships have been; but this would arise from the circumstance that private and interested agents would be infinitely less scrupulous as to the means by which immigrants might be obtained. so well is it understood that voluntary immigration is not to be managed to any considerable extent that, in , the agricultural and immigration society of trinidad boldly recommended that the british government should enter into competition with the slave-buyers on the coast of africa, and purchase the captive negroes upon condition of their becoming immigrants. " the committee, therefore," these are their words, " after seriously considering the whole subject, both in its causes and consequences, presume to advise, that if a sufficient number of free labourers are not be found on the coast of africa * spectator, i june, . e disposed to emigrate to our colonies, some of the unhappy persons who are held there in bondage should be purchased and manumitted for that purpose." the great plea for resorting to strong measures to induce immigration consists in the advantages that would accrue to the african on being transported to the british colonies-a fact which is dwelt upon by the committee of the house of commons with great earnestness. the same plea, however, to a less extent, might have been urged to justify slavery. the question for our consideration is not if the african can be benefited by immigration; but whether, supposing such to be the case, the benefit can be conferred upon him by honest means. the attachment of the negro to his country is well known to be amongst the strongest feelings of his sluggish nature; and it is no more possible to tempt him to leave it by holding out those advantages of civilization which white men consider inducements, than it would have been possible to tempt a sioux or a fox to abandon his hunting grounds to partake of the refinements of new york. no doubt we might purchase immigrants upon the plan proposed by the trinidad society, to the ultimate advantage of the parties thus acquired; and supposing it to be impossible to set them free in their own land, and at the same time not culpable to become a party-even from good motives-to a trade in human flesh, and also that it was quite certain that for every " unhappy person" so removed some new victim would not be required to fill the gap, the scheme of the society might perhaps be listened to. regarding the second quarter whence immigration is looked for, some striking facts are already before the world. from to no fewer than , hill coolies were exported from british india to the island of mauritius, with such success, as far as the interests of the planters were concerned in increasing cultivation, as to awaken a strong desire in the west india colonies for a similar advantage; and in july, , an order in council was issued by the government, allowing the importation of hill coolies into british guiana under contracts for a period of five years. four hundred were accordingly introduced, and a much larger number would have followed, but for a timely exposure of the practices by which these immigrations had been promoted, which caused the authorities to issue a prohibition. from what is understood, however, of the views of the british government at the present time, it is believed that under certain restrictions the traffic will be largely renewed.* * the times of the st of august last gave insertion to the following:-" hill coolies.-a correspondent informs us that the , coolies which government has allowed to be transported from calcutta and madras, are to be sent one half to demerara, and the remaining , in equal proportions to jamaica and trinidad; these three colonies having given the requisite securities in regard to them. they are to leave the east indies some time between the months of october and march. each ship in which they are conveyed must carry a surgeon, and the number of coolies e the first immigrations to mauritius were characterized by singular atrocities. in a despatch to lord glenelg, dated the st of may, , sir w. nicolay says,'" that very nefarious practices have been resorted to in many instances in order to procure labourers for embarkation, is beyond all doubt;" and mr. anderson, a member of the committee of inquiry on indian labourers, alleges, that " many of them have been actually kidnapped from their own country, which they have all been induced to leave under circumstances of gross fraud." it is stated, that out of , coolies introduced, only were women. despite the most vigilant watch on board the ships in which they were transported, many suicides were committed. on board one ship, the " lancier," there appears to have been five, and in another, the "indian oak," twelve attempts took place, of which three were successful. the general mortality appears to have been excessive both during the voyage and after their arrival. in british guiana, also, a dreadful loss of life is stated to have occurred. in each is to be regulated in terms of the passengers' act. it is expected that the cost of transporting them to the west indies will be about . per head. the transport of these, it is thought, will require from to vessels of tons each. it is understood that government mean to apply to parliament early next session for an act to permit the introduction of any number of coolies to the west indies." — greenock advertiser. the last papers received from the west indies announce that the demerara legislature have voted, in accordance with the terms of a despatch from lord stanley, , . for the encouragement of hill coolie emigration. the treatment of the labourers by their new masters seems to have been characterized in many instances by the grossest personal violence and injustice; a fact which can hardly cause surprise, when the treatment previously endured by the negroes from the same hands is called to mind, together with the circumstance that after the slave-trade was abolished, the act of parliament regarding it was admitted by a secretary of state to have been violated to no less an extent than , times by the people of mauritius.* the fate of an ignorant * it is difficult to obtain information on which reliance can be placed regarding transactions in mauritius; but the following paragraph in the times of the th of july last tends to confirm existing suspicions, and to show that, after all that has passed, little sense of the duties of humanity has been awakened in that island:" the indian papers brought by the last overland mail record a shocking instance of mortality in a' coolie ship,' employed to bring back from mauritius a number of coolies whose time had expired. when she left calcutta to go to the mauritius with coolies (the full number permitted), she only lost three of them, including a woman, who died in child-birth. when she returned, she brought coolies-nearly a third more than her permitted number —and of these she lost seventeen. to the fact that so much more than the proper number was carried, do the local writers, who take the humane view of the question, attribute the increase of mortality, and the melancholy event gives them an opportunity of contrasting the conduct of the public authorities at the miauritius with that of the authorities of calcutta. at calcutta, as we have seen, no more than the right number could be shipped, and there are at the same place a variety of regulations concerning the supply of provisions for the voyage. at the mauritius, on the contrary, no such regulations seem to exist, or if they do exist, they are completely inoperative; and the assertion is well borne out, that after the engagement of the coolies has expired, all concern for their hindoo entrapped into such a community, unacquainted with their language, without money, and unable to return to his own country for five years, (save at an expense, under the most fortunate circumstances, of forty rupees,) can hardly be the subject of favourable anticipations; and when it is taken into consideration that under the circumstances into which the immigrant is thrown, the sanctity of his peculiar religious views is unavoidably broken through, while at the same time the presence and exertions of christian missionaries are understood to have been discouraged as tending to render him restless and dissatisfied, it will not be matter of wonder that in one of the despatches from sir lionel smith, the governor, it is stated, that " the coolies already introduced had given themselves up to a degree of disgraceful licentiousness which no person acquainted with their character and habits in india (dissolute as they are known to be) could possibly believe." * welfare ceases. there appears to be no necessity for providing medicine or medical attendance, and all that the captain is bound to furnish is a pound and a half of rice daily, two pounds of salt fish per week (which is found positively injurious), and some salt and wood, with accommodations for cooking. no regard is paid to the number of coolies put on board, and the owners may cram their vessels as much as they think fit. thus, while every precaution is taken on the voyage from india to the mauritius through the humane exertions of the bengal authorities, the very reverse is the case on the voyage back. the government of india is totally powerless in this matter, and the local writers urgently call for the interference of the home government. in two ships, it seems, no less than sixty-one persons have perished. * it is curious that, in the face of this, sir lionel smith has no the extent of the frauds by which these immigrations were effected can hardly be conceived; yet it is quite evident that so long as immigration continues it can only be by similar means. in support of the assertion that " in the absence of fraud no labourer from among the coolie race could be induced to leave his country," a significant fact was mentioned a year or two back in the house of commons. it was stated that a mr. dowson, who had himself been engaged in exporting indian labourers to the mauritius, became so convinced of the fraudulent system by which the coolies were entrapped, that he determined not to employ the crimps and duffadars to procure them, but to send a special agent. " my orders," he said, " were to engage no coolie without first explaining to him the nature of the employment, and that he was to leave his country for a period of five years." it proved a fruitless mission, for he did not succeed in procuring a single coolie, and that at the very time that duffadars sent by another party were engaging coolies by hundreds in the immediate vicinity. on the possibility of hesitation in asserting that " although he will not promise that no injustice or oppression shall be practised towards those who may hereafter emigrate, they will be infinitely better off than in their own overstocked country, and that their mercenary habits will be gratified to the ultimate advantage of india and mauritius." the bettering process appears from this view to consist in drawing a man from his home, family, and friends, in order to gratify his " mercenary habits,"-even though such gratification may lead to a " disgraceful licentiousness" previously unknown. arranging a system by which fraud might be prevented, lord auckland, as governor-general of india, gave his opinion:-" i greatly fear that though amendment and caution would no doubt come with time, no strictness of regulation, no vigilance on the part of the authorities, would immediately prevent the frequent infliction of grievous oppressions and deceits upon large numbers of persons, helpless from their poverty and from their utter ignorance and inexperience." it is impossible to convey to the ignorant coolie any idea of the nature of the engagement into which he enters when he consents to emigrate. he knows nothing of geography, nothing of the sea, nothing of the effects of separation from home; and although these things may be represented to him in due form, the representation will make little impression, especially while it is sedulously coupled with appeals to those " mercenary habits" which form the worst and most active feature of his character, and which it is the duty of his fellow men to endeavour to repress. if it can be shown that the coolie, when his ignorance is removed, is willing to serve in a foreign country, and to undertake an agreement after experience has rendered him competent to do so, there can be no objection to permission being granted; but there is but one way in which this experience can be conveyed to him. if he really understands the nature of a sea voyage and foreign labour at the time of consenting to emigrate, he will of course accumulating . sterling, and should be willing to sacrifice it to purchase his deliverance. in a measure of emancipation, then, the defects of which has led to the adoption of remedies such as these, we can find nothing but what is to be shunned; and even if the method above stated were adopted so as to prevent the coolie immigration from being what it now is-a new form of slavery, although one gross feature of injustice would be removed, the disastrous clumsiness of the whole would still stand forth. when we see the planters openly denied the full compensation admitted to be their due, the produce of the colonies reduced nearly one half, the coloured race perilled by habits of luxurious indolence, the slave-trade stimulated, and the prejudices of slaveholding countries confirmed, we almost come to the conclusion that further mischief is impossible; but when we are told that, in consequence of these things, a permanent protection is to be granted to the planters out of the pockets of the poor of england-that an immigration is to take place of thousands of labourers (to restore the country under freedom to its prosperity under slavery), at an expense for each, for five years only, of . sterling-and that an influx is to be permitted amongst the coloured population of a new race, notoriously " dissolute," and prone to " disgraceful licentiousness," we learn that the evil may yet by one means be increased, and that this means is to be found in the adoption of "' remedies" suggested by those who continue the disregard of principle in which alone it had its origin. i said the southern religious telegraph of the th of february, , " were generally taught to read, it might be an inducement for them to remain in this country; we would offer them no such inducement." a scheme which involves the keeping of nearly , persons in total ignorance, with the view to bring about a state of misery and degradation that may drive them in desperation from their homes, and which is persisted in, though the emigration of less than one per cent. of the population thus debased has been its sole encouragement during thirty years, can hardly be shaken in the minds of its supporters by any appeal to reason or morality. they must have reached that last stage of infatuation, to which disaster, and not warning, must supply the cure.* dismissing, however, all consideration of the failure * " it appears questionable whether liberia will ever raise food sufficient for a very moderate population; and it certainly-never can export any quantity of tropical produce. during the time we remained in the river st. paul, our vessels were crowded by respectable and intelligent mulattoes, all of whom, with the exception of the coloured editor of the liberia gazette, and one or two others in the pay of the society by whom they are sent from america, complained bitterly of the deceit that had been practised towards them, and of the privations under which they were then suffering. an intelligent mulatto said to me, on my questioning him on the subject,' it was not exactly kidnapping, but we were inveigled away under false pretences.' " as to civilizing africa by means of liberia, it is well known, that from the time the colony was first established it was constantly at war with the natives until their partial extermination left the strangers in peaceable possession."-laird's expedition. of this society, it seems inexplicable that at its first formation any one should have been found to regard it in the slightest degree as an aid to emancipation. the getting rid of the free blacks would render slavery more safe, and slaves more valuable; and that men who now refuse to recognize the sinfulness of the institution would, under such circumstances of increased temptation, manifest a better disposition, is hardly to be expected. "without slaves the plantations would be worthless, -there are no white men to cultivate them," is one ground of protest against the views of the abolitionists; the destruction of the rights of property and the ruin of the proprietors, if freedom were granted without compensation, being another; both of which must be admitted valueless, if the scheme of the planters, voluntarily, and at a great expense, to ship away these cultivators and their own "right of property" at the same time, is to be received in good faith. the present value of the slave population is sometimes estimated at two or three hundred millions sterling; and the supposition that there is an intention of sacrificing this amount, either at the shrine of prejudice or principle, is not warranted by any self-denying horror of slavery or of the coloured race hitherto manifested by the southern states. but it will be urged that those who advocated the liberia scheme as an instrument of emancipation, did so with the understanding that its effects would be section iii. of the means by which emancipation should be effected. in looking at the points for which, in abolishing slavery, it is essential to provide, viz. the compensation of the planter-the permanent productiveness of the state-and the welfare of the coloured race, we observe the simple fact that the accomplishment of the whole would at once be within our power, if we could fasten upon some method by which the industry of the negro in a state of freedom could be prevented from falling below what he yields in slavery, at the same time that the rate of remuneration should be such as is paid under natural circumstances for labour of an analogous kind in other parts of the world. if this object could be attained, the source whence the means of compensation to the planter for the loss of his exclusive title to the labour of the slave is to be derived would immediately become apparent; and the mere practical arrangement by which such compensation should be conveyed to him would alone remain to be considered, because, as no diminution of labour would take place, it would be impossible for the slaveowner to be deprived of any portion of it without some one else reaping the advantage, and there would, therefore, be nothing to do but to adjust the balance between loped in any other way than by the rudest occupations of agriculture or art, and it is therefore by constant diligence in this direction that he best fulfils the duties of his being. it is true he is capable of warm domestic feelings; but the proper action of these, so far from being inconsistent with healthy industry, would render it light and cheerful. now the exercise of these powers of usefulness which he possesses can only be drawn from him as it is drawn from others, by acting in some way upon his predominant desires. in a high state of civilization all the faculties of the mind are more or less in exercise, and everything in nature, therefore, stirs us to activity; but in a lower stage the lower faculties are alone powerful, and the means of suggesting motives to exertion are consequently very limited. that they are not so limited, however, in the present instance as to be inadequate to the desired end, we have sufficient reason to believe; because we have seen that even the slave-trader and slave-owner, acting in all the ignorance of selfish depravity, have been able in their blind way to achieve the object of compelling the negro to work; and it would be monstrous to suppose that a success which has been attained by such minds is beyond the reach of that wisdom which seeks its ends only by virtuous means; that the short-sighted cunning, in fact, of predominant propensities can grasp even temporarily what the harmonious action of reason and morality would attempt in vain. f in considering the negro in his present stage of mental development, we perceive manifestations of strong sensual appetites, intense domestic attachments, cautiousness, love of money, vanity, and a disposition to reverence. these then are the chief materials presented for us to work upon in endeavouring to lead him to useful ends; the remaining mental faculties being rarely, either singly or combined, so eager for gratification as to impel him to attain it by self-denial in other respects. but while we see that the gratifi.. cation of the lower faculties which i have named would present the only inducement that would stimulate him to exertion, we are required to bear in mind, that as they are already predominant, his advancement can only be aided by calling into play those which are at present inactive; so as to bring the various powers of the mind to that harmonious and active state to which they approach among more civilized races. this being the case, it must be improper to hold out as a bait any additional gratification of the inferior faculties, and hence a difficulty arises; since, if we are forbidden to stimulate the only desires which are strong enough to act as inducements, it is not at first sight easy to discover by what means we are to operate upon him at all. " it may be very well," it will be said, " to appeal to intellect, benevolence, conscience, taste, and all the finer powers, and to show how he might gratify them by the produce of his labour; but until by long training these powers have been rendered active, we shall only appeal to them in vain. there is no present chance, then, of arousing him by this means; and yet we are told that the remaining faculties are to be repressed rather than excited. what in such case is to be done? if we could hold out to him as the reward of labour some new indulgences of his sensual desires, some enormous increase of wages, or some undue gratification of vanity,-or even if we might stimulate his already over-developed sense of fear by a recourse to personal inflictions, it is easy to see that more work might be obtained; but while these stimulants are denied, and it is admitted that there are no others that would prove effectual, it seems hard to comprehend that any means exist by which our object may be effected." but the difficulty, though great, is not insurmountable. although his predominant propensities already find sufficient gratification, and must not be further encouraged, it remains for us to inquire if there is not some portion of this gratification the just enjoyment of which is inconsistent with a neglect of industry, and if so, whether it is not possible as a consequence of such neglect to enforce a deprivation of what is now permitted to him? there can be no doubt that if we were to deny him the enjoyment of eating or drinking until he consented to work, or if we were to separate him from his wife and children, permitting him to join them only on the same conditions, or if we could induce all his fellows to regard idleness as a disgrace, f and to refuse to associate with him until he became industrious, we should accomplish our end; but none of these means are open to us, since the former would be an outrage on his liberty, and the latter is an impossibility. by taking food, and by enjoying the society of his wife and children, he merely gratifies natural faculties without in any way interfering with the happiness of others. one of the strongest propensities of his nature, however, and intimately connected with his other domestic impulses, is his attachment to home or country. this feeling, innate in all men, has long been observed to display itself with singular force in the character of the negro. amongst all races there exists to a greater or less degree a blind attachment to the place they have long inhabited, apart from the mere effect of association, which can never be entirely overcome, and which has evidently been implanted by the creator for the wisest purposes. to man, in a rude stage of society, it seems especially essential, since as the first step towards founding communities, or the pursuit of agriculture, it is necessary for him to adopt a permanent location; a necessity to which he is adapted, and the fulfilment of which is rendered agreeable to him by the existence of this faculty. in many of the lower animals the same propensity is to be remarked, " migratory animals," it has been observed, " return thousands of miles to reach the same spot that they inhabited the year before. in doing this, they have no apparent motive but attachment to the place. it cannot be to find food, for they often pass other lo. cations which are superior in this respect to their own homes; nor can it be attachment to their former companions, for they go with them and return with them. in many instances they not only return to the same country, but to the same tree or bank, or house, and even to the same nest. the propensity seems also powerfully developed in the cat, who will leave all her old friends, and taking her kittens in her mouth, return several miles to her accustomed residence." that this propensity exists in man, as well as in the lower animals, irrespective of the effects of reason or association, is shown by the fact that it is usually strongest in the least cultivated minds, while if it were a consequence of the increased powers of association which high training brings, it would of course be found to increase in force with the progress of civilization. so far from this being the case, we have evidence of the feeling being manifested in the most intense form by the most barbarous races; cases of death from nostalgia, the peculiar disease caused by its morbid action, having been reported even amongst the aborigines of van dieman's land. it is from its activity, too, that much of the repugnance to emigration amongst the lower classes of society which is shown under the severest pressure, and where the opportunity is afforded them of taking their entire families, and of accompanying their friends, is to be accounted for; whilst we may also attribute to it, in some degree, the salutary effect which the dread of perpetual banishment is found to produce on the most depraved. but whether it be regarded as arising from a primary faculty of the mind, or merely as the result of association, the fact is unquestionable, that the emotion itself is common to human nature, and, especially, that it exercises an imperative sway over the negro race. in the evidence given before a committee of the british parliament, it was shown that the slaves in the west indies had a great objection to being removed even from one estate to another in the same island. indeed, it was stated by one or two witnesses that when it was proposed to remove them from an unhealthy situation to a better one they declined the offer. in jamaica, after emancipation, the planters, knowing the strength of this feeling, resorted to threats of ejectment to compel labour; and so tenacious were the negroes of their immediate homesteads, that cottages have been unroofed, and even demolished, cocoa-nut and bread-fruit trees have been cut down, and provision grounds despoiled, before they could be driven to move away to other properties. in some instances, the plan of doubling or trebling the rent, or even multiplying it fourfold, or charging it per capita against husband, wife, and each of the children, seems to have failed to drive them away. in an instance of the removal of slaves from the bahamas to trinidad, they are stated all to have "pined away;" and sir fowell buxton, in contending against permission being given to remove the coloured apprentices from one colony to another, alluded in the house of commons to similar cases. "the late mr. maryat," he said, "stated in this house, in my hearing, that the negroes died off when they came to trinidad like'rotten sheep.' sir john cotton hesitated not to say that it would have been less cruel to have shot them through the head than to have so transported them. a case was tried in this country respecting a claim for some slaves removed from tobago to trinidad. the person who received them refused to pay the demand made upon him; and he distinctly proved that the whole body of negroes-men, women, and children-died within two years after they arrived at trinidad. my firm conviction is, that if you were to permit their removal, more than twenty thousand would be removed in the course of seven or eight years from island to island, and that not one in twenty would be alive at the end of their apprenticeship. in the case of the removal of some slaves from tobago to trinidad, we were told that the negroes were most anxious to be removed; the next thing we heard of was an insurrection; and the last account was, that they were taken, put in irons, and re-transported from trinidad to tobago." sir powell buxton also quotes mr. young as an authority on negro character, who says that they are as much attached to the estate on which they have lived for years as constant convulsions by which they are devastated, it is remarked by mr. breen, in his work just published on st. lucia, " the fact is, between fires and hurricanes and earthquakes, the bewildered inhabitant of these islands scarcely knows where to go or what to do; and yet with all their disadvantages and dangers, he still fondly clings to the wild western rocks of his birth." mr. featherstonhaugh relates that mr. madison, the ex-president, once informed him that he had assembled all his slaves,-and they were numerous,and offered to manumit them immediately, but that they instantly declined it, alleging, amongst other reasons, that they had been born on his estate, and that if they were made free they would have no home to go to. mr. burnley, of trinidad, by whom more than ordinary opportunities were possessed of observing the negro character, says, " the african is found to be naturally attached to the spot which he inhabits. even the peon who migrates annually from the adjoining continent to labour in trinidad, regularly returns when the crop is over to his accustomed home." this kind of attachment is no less observable even in the midst of his original barbarism. "' the great object of the krooman, or the fishman (the most prone to emigration of all the negro race) is to get," says mr. laird, " the means of purchasing as many wives as will keep him in idleness in his own country." now the gratification of this propensity-this love of home —involves, as does also the gratification of every other desire, a necessity for the fulfilment of' certain coincident duties. the indulgence, for instance, of the affection which leads to the union of the sexes, imposes the responsibility of faithfully maintaining the partner selected; and if this is not fulfilled, steps are taken to enforce it. the enjoyment of parental love in like manner brings with it the obligation to attend to the physical and moral improvement of the offspring, and when such obligation is neglected, it becomes proper for the state to fulfil the task, and to deny the offenders the presence of their children. the same may be said of all human feelings; they have all their legitimate sphere of action, as also their inseparable duties. the love of home forms no exception to this rule. the soil to which we attach ourselves has capabilities of rendering gifts which would minister not only to our own advancement but also to the happiness of our fellows. we have no title to sit down upon it in sloth; the penalty of a disregard of the laws of the creator must inevitably follow such a course; and it is the duty of a government to avert this consequence by rendering the gratification of the propensity dependent on the strict fulfilment of the duties which it involves. the position of the negro, and the way in which in his case this doctrine is to be applied, is very simple. he has been unjustly brought into the condition he now occupies through violence perpetrated either upon himself or his progenitors, and he of the negro to his accustomed home, no matter on what continent that home may be,-after the ineffectual efforts that have been witnessed both in the british possessions and in america, by means of bribery, fraud, and persecution, to induce him, when it has been needed, to quit the soil to which he has become attached, it cannot be believed for one moment that if set free in the united. states he would select transportation to africa rather than consent to the condition of continuing an amount of labour equal to that which he had executed during slavery,-an amount which, in a state of liberty, would be less than half of what he might with ease perform. let this condition, therefore, be enforced, and all danger of the negro becoming less useful in freedom than in slavery would be at once removed.* by a step of this kind, then, it is in the power of the united states to comply at once with that point of the moral law which requires that no parley should be held with sin. they have only to recognize the iniquity of slave-holding, and they may cast it off to-morrow. a little examination will show that by the plan now stated, not only would the great * in some of the older west india islands, where the coloured population is comparatively dense, the negroes, in order to obtain subsistence, find it necessary to perform an amount of work equal to their work as slaves. yet, although instead of the alternative of a voyage to africa, they have the power of merely removing to a neighbouring island, in order, by a tenth part of the labour, to attain the same profit, they are not only contented, but for the most part desirous to remain. objects of maintaining the prosperity of the country and the progress of the negro be accomplished, but -such is the harmony of just and natural legislation — it would also, in its practical arrangements, present full means, to the minutest fraction, of affording compensation to the proprietors. and first, as to the practical part of the plan, so far as it is to provide for the enforcement of continued industry. it is of course to be understood that the negro is to be set entirely at liberty, with the world before him where to choose his dwelling-place; nay, more, that he should have the option of a free passage to africa, so soon as arrangements could be made to that effect. but if, as assuredly would be the case, he should cling to his present home in preference to africa, it must be an imperative condition of his remaining in the united states that he shall pursue such a course as will prove consistent with his own happiness and the general happiness of the people; that amongst an industrious race, actively using their various talents, it shall not be a permission to him alone to live in open disregard of the duty of contributing by the best exercise of his powers to the common weal. to gain the privilege of remaining he will, of course, accede to the condition; but his promise would soon be broken, unless means could be taken constantly to enforce it. to effect this, imprisonment would obviously be useless, and personal inflictions would be still more objectionable; the former would be disregarded by the indolent, and the latter would only debase and harden both the sufferer and his judge, while each alike would prove more or less inconsistent with the christian code. indolence is a peculiarity of his race, and if those amongst whom he desires to live cannot overcome this peculiarity by just and humane treatment, all that they are entitled to do is to forbid him to remain, and to banish him to the country in which alone he can rightfully claim a residence. this penalty, therefore, is the only one that can legitimately be used; but as it has been found in all countries to be the most severe, and such as, in the case of the negro, would be more terrible than death itself, it would prove amply sufficient for its object. it should, therefore, constantly be kept before his eyes as the immediate consequence of disobedience. towards this end a general registration of the coloured population should be effected, and an amount of labour equal to the average labour of a slave should be fixed as the daily " task" of each. at the end of every three or six months the negro should be required to deliver or to transmit to an officer, appointed by the government for that purpose, a certificate or certificates from the employer whom he may have served, of his having performed the required amount of labour (of course bodily infirmity would prove an exemption) during the specified period; failing in which, he should be declared liable to deportation, further details as to any grace which might be allowed after such failure, when the full consequences of his course were presented to him, and when he might desire an opportunity of amendment, need not be considered here: he might perhaps be permitted in a second three months to make up the defalcation in the first, or he might be received on probation at some government dep t, and allowed an opportunity, by employment at road-making, or in some other manner, of working the required time and averting his sentence. forbearance of this kind, however, should have well-defined limits, and, as an example to others, a second offence should be followed by his immediate departure. but although it will be seen that by this means the industry of the country will be kept up to its present amount, we must be careful to avoid a fallacy which found a prominent place in the debates of the british parliament, viz.: that if you do not take away the labourer from the soil, his former proprietor can have no claim for compensation for the loss of his services. it is true, when the supply of labour remains the same, if the slaves upon emancipation quit their master, he can easily supply their place by others, and at a rate of wages not exceeding his previous outlay; but, under these circumstances, what takes place? during the old system, in order to cultivate an estate an outlay of capital was required to purchase the requisite number of hands, and this outlay was, of course, so much to be taken off the value of the land. if a certain number of acres required an outlay of dollars to render themn profitable, a person in purchasing those acres would not give so much for them by dol lars as he would give if no such outlay was necessary. if, therefore, you set the negroes free, and upon terms which shall not raise their wages beyond the cost of maintaining slaves, you increase the value of each estate by just so much as it would have taken to stock it with a sufficient supply of labourers. in antigua, where, owing to the comparative density of the population, the price of labour is not raised above its cost in slavery, sir william colebrooke, the governorgeneral, informed mr. gurney that "at the lowest computation, the land, without a single slave upon it, is fully as valuable now as it was, including all the slaves, before emancipation. now, if every slave-owner were a land-owner to a proportionate extent, this might cause no injury, because the rise in the value of the one would compensate for the loss of the capital laid out on the other; but, as this is not the case,-many persons holding slaves without an acre of land, while others hold land without slaves, —a manifest injustice would arise. the increased value of the land would be caused solely by the presence of available labourers, the procuring and raising of whom had been entirely effected by the capital of the slave-owner; and, as this additional value would precisely amount to the market price of what is at present looked upon as his property, it is clear that out of his pocket would come every dollar that the land-owner might gain. in order to prevent this, and to avert all disturbance of the present relations of capital, a very obvious plan presents itself. let each person granting certificates of the employment of negroes be required to use annually for each a government stamp, say, for example, to the amount of thirty-two dollars, and to each proprietor of a slave at the date of emancipation let there be given a deed of exemption (to be called a compensation deed) from the use of such stamp. estimating the value of a slave at dollars, the yearly interest upon this at per cent. would amount to thirty dollars; and in order that the marketable nature of his slave property might still attach to the "compensation deed," by which it is represented, the holder should have the power of transferring his right of exemption either temporarily or permanently to others. as no one would be able to employ a negro without paying thirty-two dollars per annum, or the possession of one of these deeds, the annual market value of the privilege they convey could never, under any natural circumstances, fall below thirty or thirtyone dollars, because it would always be desirable for an employer to purchase at that price exemption from the stamp, and consequently the market value of the deed itself would stand at dollars. by this arrangement, therefore, the proprietor would receive full compensation, and the price of land would remain undisturbed, - since each person buying an estate would reckon as at present, that it would cost him dollars, or the annual interest of that sum for every labourer whom he might employ to work it.' * of course, in carrying out this plan, it would be essential not g the final absorption of the compensation deeds thus created would take place at no distant day; as the negroes, by the influence of a well-regulated freedom, gradually attained to respectability and competence, certificates would be purchased by individuals amongst them desirous of getting rid of the necessity of specified labour. such purchases would be analogous to any other investment, and would, in fact, supposing the compensation due to the proprietor had been transferred, as in antigua, to the land, be the same as if they had purchased so much real estate. the annual income derivable from such estate will be represented by the artificial increase to the value of their labour, if they choose to work; and in the event of their living upon their savings, it will be represented by the exemption from that taxation which property must have borne if they had been suffered to live in idleness on any other terms." to lose sight of the difference of value arising from sex, age, &c.; but as no difficulty would arise from this circumstance, it is enough, in this place, to indicate the general principle. to promote the convenience of the holders, the deeds of exemption might be transferable with quarterly or half-yearly coupons attached, which could be forwarded to the government offices along with the labour certificates, in lieu of the stamp they must otherwise bear. supposing the holder had not employed any labour during the period, he would of course dispose of them in the market to those who had. * these regulations regarding labour should also apply to the coloured population already free; but, as in selling, or in voluntarily granting emancipation, their owners gave up to them the amount which, under a system for the due maintenance of industry, would it may appear to some, at first sight, that if the above plan were carried out, although the supply of labour would remain the same, the rate of wages would rise, owing to the efforts of the planters to outbid one another. but this is impossible. in purchasing their estates, in expending money on them, and in paying for their negroes, the planters gave a price which, after calculating the cost of slave maintenance, would afford them just a reasonable profit, compared with the profit to be derived from other investments. in order to continue this profit, then, it is out of the question that they can afford to pay more in the shape of wages, because they could get no return for such additional payment. the increase of wages in the west indies was made up by the rise in the price of produce; but no such rise could take place in the united states, because the price depends entirely on the supply, and the supply would not be lessened as it was in the british colonies. if therefore one planter should outbid another in the rate of wages for the sake of obtaining a larger share of negro labour, (offering more for the "tasks" of the negroes than is at present paid for them in the shape of food, clothing, &c.,) he would cease to derive a remunerating profit, and must soon run into insolvency. then have been transferred to the land, it would be proper that the stamp duty accruing from this source should be applied solely for their benefit;-in the establishment, for instance, of educational, religious, or other institutions, as might be deemed advisable. it is plain from the foregoing considerations that it is in the power of the united states to turn from the sin of slavery, not only without even temporary damage to any worldly interest, but with the assurance of an increased prosperity. the half-time labour (for it would not amount to more) of the free coloured population would soon be voluntarily extended, and by every hour so gained the wealth of the country and the value of its soil would be proportionably increased. before dismissing these suggestions, i must not omit to mention a difficulty-the only one present to my mind-which, although slight in its nature, might be alleged as likely to interfere with their success. those who may be disposed to concede at once the utter improbability of the american negro preferring transportation to africa, to comfort, protection, and freedom in his native land, will still, perhaps, point to the west indies, and remind us that although he may, in the first instance, be landed in africa, he would soon find that he had it in his power to quit that continent for the british colonies; that his passage would be eagerly provided by active agents, and that representations would be industriously made to him of the luxurious indolence which he would there be permitted to enjoy. i do not believe that these representations would have the effect desired, because we have already seen that the negroes will not purchase exemption from toil at a cost of a sacrifice of home, even when the removal is only to a neighbouring colony; but it is, nevertheless, desirable that their influence should be prevented. to this end it may be assumed that the british government (supposing them unable to devise means of bringing their colonies to a healthy condition) would readily undertake to prohibit the introduction into these possessions of immigrants transported to africa from the united states. despite the defective plans of their statesmen, it cannot be doubted that the people of england are sincere in their abhorrence of slavery; and we may therefore fairly hope that they are not destined to the humiliation of finding that, instead of being the leaders of emancipation, they form the only impediment to its course. to conclude. it will perhaps be asked by those who have paid attention to the general tenor of my views, if there is not, some contradiction to the doctrine maintained in them throughout-that sin is invariably the parent of disaster — in a plan which claims to abolish slavery in the united states without inflicting the slightest suffering; and if it is not dangerous to assert that a crime so grievous can be suddenly cast off, and, with it, all apprehension of the judgments of the creator? i reply, that those judgments have already fallen, and that the immediate effect of a sincere repentance will be, not to wipe out the penalties thus far incurred, but to avert those which must, with every day's continuance of evil, inevitably accumulate, - penalties which, although unseen in their approach, are foreknown by those who trust in the justice of heaven, and are not less present to them as things that must be, when the wrong-doer stands boastingly in the glare of success, than when the threatenings of his failing fortunes may be distinctly heard. in the degrading terror avowed at the consequences of granting freedom to the negro-in the self-condemning caution with which the approach of knowledge, the common foe of tyrants, is barred from his mind-in the impatience of contradiction which, even among equals, renders the bowie-knife an argument-in the absence of steady enterprise and provident cultivation — in the misgivings which, amidst every boast of national power, tell of three millions of enemies, —enemies that might have been friends, clustered on the soil - and in that wilful deadening of the moral sense which, manifested first in a denial of the primary right of humanity, ends in a reckless repudiation of every other claim, the penalties of slavery past and present are sufficiently unfolded. when to these we add that the " union," which might have formed a type of the eventual brotherhood of nations, is rendered insecure and soulless; that in its legislative halls even the right of petition is denied, and that liberty, as she dwells in the land of washington, is made a by-e-word and a jest to distant regions of the earth, the conviction rises that the future can have little more of warning to impart, and that if america —reckless that the responsibility and peril of sin increases with the light bestowed —continues to cling, amidst the spreading radiance of christianity, to the darkest barbarism that ever disgraced the world, the hour of her severest doom must rapidly approach. that this doom may be averted, and that she may yet gain the course to which she once seemed destined, will be the earnest prayer of all who faithfully seek the advancement of mankind. note. "the right of petition." since the -date of the foregoing letter the rule of congress prohibiting the reception of petitions against slavery has been rescinded. "we think," says the new york courier and enquirer of the th of december last, "every person who appreciates the real character of the liberty we enjoy must be heartily gratified at the success at last achieved by john quincy adams, in his long-continued efforts to procure the rescinding of the disgraceful rule which has heretofore excluded a certain class of petitions from the floor of congress. the right to petition is certainly one of which no citizen should ever be deprived, and we sincerely rejoice that the representatives of the people have at last concluded to hear, with at least a show of respect, the petitions of those by whom they are chosen, and from whom they derive all the power published by s. highley, , fleet street. clendon on extraction of teeth. nd edit. observations on the extraction of teeth, being a practical inquiry into the advantages and propriety attending the employment of properly constructed forceps, and an exposition of the dangers to which the use of the key is liable. by j. chitty clendon, surgeon-dentist, nd edit. enlarged, price s. fcap. svo, wmoth plates. "this little book, written in an excellent spirit, deserves to be examined by every person who gives a'l vice on diseases of the teeth, or operates upon them for their removal. we have never seen a more satisfactoryliteraryprodur tion devoted to a single subject (the extraction) from the pen of a dentist.-in the present case we have a sound practical iwork, evidently the result of a simple and sincere desire to be useful in the art, not hastily produced, but based on careful reflection and experience, and well meriting the best character that can be given to it by a medical journalist."-lancet. cooper's osteology. lectures on osteology, including the ligaments which connect the bones of the human skeleton. by b. b. cooper, f.r.s., surgeon to guy's hospital, &c. vo, with plates, price s. mortimer on the teeth of children. nd ed. observations on the growth and irregularities of children's teeth, followed by remarks and advice on the teeth in general. by w. h. mortimer, late surgeon dentist to the british embassy, paris. just ready. pilcher on diseases, &c. of the ear. a treatise on the structure, economy, and diseases of the ear. by georce pilcher, senior surgeon to the surrey dispensary. a new and improved edition, in which an entirely new set of plates is given, with additional illustrations, vo, price s. the perusal of this work has afforded us much pleasure-a work was wanted to place the whole subject within the grasp of all surgeons who choose to devote some little exclusive or particular study to the diseases of the ear, and this has fairly and wen supplied the place."-johnson's med. chir. review. bell on diseases, &c. of the teeth. the anatomy, physiology, and diseases of tie teeth. bythomas bell, f.r.s., f.l.s., f.g.s., lecturer on diseases of the teeth at guy's hospital, and professor of zoology in king's college. second edition, vo, price s. containing upwards of figures, illustrative of the structure, growth, diseases, &c., of the teeth. ramsbotham's observations in midwifery. practical observations in midwifery, with a selection of cases. by john ramsbotham, m.d. a new edition, enlarged and revised. vol. vo. price s. "this is an excellent work, and well deserves a place in the first rank of practical treatises on the obstetric art. it is pleasing to read, neither repelling us by diffuseness or tediousness, nor ever admitting of our laying down the book dissatisfied with what we may have read as an insufficient development of the subject. it is characterised throughout iby the eloquence of simplicity and plain good sense, and it has the inestimable merit of keeping perpetually close to the point."johnson's med. chir. revieew. stowe's chart of poisons. th edit. a toxicological chart, exhibiting at one view the symptoms, treatment, and mode of detecting the various poisons, mineral, vegetable, and animal; to which are added, concise directions for the treatment of suspended animation. by w. stowe, m.r.c.s. varnished and mounted on cloth, with roller, s., or s. the plain sheet. "we have placed the chart in own library, and we think that no medical practitioner should be without it. it should be hung up in the shops of all chemists and druggists, as well as in the dispensaries and surgeries of all general practitioners."-johnson's med. chir. review. new medical works, published by samuel highley, , fleet street, opposite st. dunstan's church. ashwell on diseases of women. now completed. a practical treatise on the diseases peculiar to women, comprising their functional and organic affections. illustrated by cases derived from hospital and private practice. by samuel ashwell, m.d., member of the royal college of physicians in london, obstetric physician and lecturer to guy's hospital, vo. price ~ ls. "in concluding our still imperfect analysis we must in justice to the author declare our conviction that his work on female diseases is the most able and certainly the most standard and practical we have yet seen. it will, now that it is completed, find its way into the library of every practitioner, and justly confer on its talented author, a very high place in the first class of obstetric physicians."-medico-chir nrgicalreview.! situated as is dr. ashwell ill extensive practice, and at the head of the obstetric department of a large hospital, it could not be but that his work must contain very valuable information-the results of great experience. the book is full of important information and excellent practical description."-dublin medical journal. selecta e praescriptis; th edit., improved. selections from physicians' prescriptions; containing lists of the phrases, contractions, &c., used in prescriptions, with explanatory notes. the grammatical constructions of prescriptions. rules for the pronunciation of pharmaceutical terms. a series of ( abbreviated prescriptions, illustrating the use of the preceding terms-and a key, containing the same in an unabbreviated form, with literal translation. mo, price s.'" a very useful work for students preparing for an examination in pharmacy."-pharmnsceutical journal. a series of anatomical sketches and diagrams. with descriptions and references. by thomas wormald and a. m. mcwhinnie, teachers of practical anatomy at st. bartholomew's hospital. i vol. to. price s. " this work is now complete and is in every way calculated to fulfil its object-that of-presenting a series of clear and simple views of the more important parts of the body-furnishing a useful guide to the student in the dissecting room, and from its character as a book on regional anatomy, equally acceptable to the surgeon. the subjects have been judiciously chosen, and the lithographed drawings which are mostly coloured, are executed with great fidelity." medico-chirurgical review.:" remarkable for their correctness, perspicuity, and neatness of execution."-forbes' medical review. the anatomical remembrancer, or, complete pocket anatomist, nd edition. mo. price s. d. "the anatomy is correctly given, and the descriptions though condensed to the very highest degree, still remain clear nnd intelligible."-lancet. medico-chirurgical review, new series. arrangements have been completed to give to this journal a development in the review departmient, that has not been attempted by any journal in great britain or elsewhere. each number will contain three hundred pages of closely printed critical analysis of all the best works, foreign and domestic, forming a quarterly library of progiressive practical medicine and surgery. the first number of the new series was published on the st of january, . highley's general medical catalogue ot modern works, with their prices and dates. price is. corrected to the end of . chalmers . thoughts on slavery · . sa o a few thoughts on the abolition of colonial slavery. by thomas chalmers, d.d. professor of moral philosophy in the university of st. andrews. glasgow: printed for chalmers & collins; william whyte & co. and william oliphant, edinburgh; r. m. tims, and wm. curry, jun. & co. dublin; and g. b. whittaker, london. . thoughts on slavery. it must be still fresh in the remembrance of many, that the efforts of the british public, for the abolition of the slave trade, created the liveliest alarm in the minds of those who were connected, either by trade or by property, with the west indies. and now that the measure has been carried into effect, and the trial has been made for years, of finding the requisite labour without the importation of negroes from abroad, it is palpable to all, that the forebodings which were then awakened have not been realized. that the west indian interest has had to sustain reverses and difficulties, under the new system of things, is undoubted, but these were not at all connected with the abolition of the slave trade. it is even the opinion of many pro- prietors, that an impulse of prosperity was given to our whole colonial system in the west, by a measure which was regarded beforehand with all the terror of an approaching death-blow; and that it in fact warded off the very extermination emancipations have been already accomplished, be- sides the happy result of certain partial experi- ments which have been made within the limits of the british colonies. the comparison, in point of cheapness, between free and forced labour, is par- ticularly important; and, on the whole, it is fondly hoped, that the perusal of this little work, by the most eminent labourer in the cause, will serve both to enlighten its friends, and to disarm the antipa- thy of its adversaries. it is worthy of especial no- tice, that he who is best fitted to expound the views of the abolitionists, nowhere supposes that the emancipation is to be immediate, or that the work is to be done with a rash and rapid hand, but that in every step of the preparation for this great event, regard should be had to the interest of the proprietor, as well as to the comfort and principles of the slaves. it is much to be regretted, that the abolitionists and the planters have hitherto stood at such an im- practicable distance from each other; and more especially that a whole class of men, comprising in it many humane and accomplished individuals, should have had such an indiscriminate stigma af- fixed to them, by the more intemperate advocates of a good cause. there is a sacredness in proper- ty, which a british legislature, in that calm and equitable spirit by which it is so honourably cha- racterised, will ever hold in reverence; and every thing ought to be done consistently with the great object of a full and final emancipation, to tran- quillize the natural fears of the slave-holders, and, it may be added, to meet and to satisfy their natu- ral appetite for justice. on the part of the aboli- tionists, there is a frequent appeal to the abstract and original principles of the question. but, on the part of the proprietors, it may be asked, who ought to be at the expense of reforming the mischief that has arisen from the violation of these princi- ples?--whether the traders who have hitherto acted under the sanction and the shelter of existing laws, or the government that framed these laws ?--whether the party that have been lured into a commerce which they found to be tolerated and protected by the state, or the party that, by this very toleration, may be said to have given their promise and their authority in its favour?-whether the children who have been misled, or the parent who has misled them ?-whether, in a word, the men who have been singled out for the execration of the public, or that same public, under whose observation, and by whose connivance, the property that they would now seize upon has been legalized, and its present possessors have made their sacrifices of time, and labour, and money, to obtain it? it were a noble achievement, this conversion of slaves into free- men; and therefore the more important for its ul- timate success, that in every step of its prosecu- tion there should be an even-handed justice to all the parties concerned. more especially, would it regulated price, another free day in the week. having thus two days to himself, he is able to ac- celerate his future purchases of freedom; and thus, as the fruit of his own industry and care, might he, in a very few years, work out his complete eman- cipation. i or the scheme may be made still more intelli- gible, when illustrated by numbers. let the whole slave population of the british colonies be , . at £ each, which is a high estimate when thus made to include all ages, the sixth part of their whole value to the owners is short of seven mil- lions. by funding this sum to the credit of the proprietors, one day's free labour to each slave might become the universal law of the british west indies. the registry of slaves gives every facility for assigning the shares of this stock to the respective proprietors, whether they be principals or mortgagees upon the estates. and when once this arrangement is made, a patent and a practi- cable way is opened for the full deliverance of the negroes from a state of slavery. whole gangs are not unfrequently hired out at s. d. currency a head per day, and their maintenance: and there can be no doubt, from the difference between free and forced labour, that an ordinary working slave could earn for himself, on the day that is his own, at least s. d. sterling.* this sum weekly is more * it should be remarked, however, that free negroes are hired at rates which are exceedingly various in the different colonies. . . only be enlarged by the good use that he makes of that which he has gotten. he at length reaches the condition of entire freedom, by a process, the very description of which is, in itself, the best proof of his being a right subject for freedom, as well as the best preparation for it. no artificial education that can possibly be devised, would an- swer so well as this wholesome stimulus to exer- tion and good management. - but, secondly, the slave who idled his free time, whether in sleep or in amusement, would of course make no further progress towards a state of freedom. he would live and die a slave be- cause he chose to do so. they from whose liberty most danger is apprehended, because of their idle or disorderly habits, would, by the very tenure on which it was held out to them, be debarred for ever from the possession of it. and yet there can be little doubt, that slavery would rapidly de- cay and ultimately disappear under such an eco- nomy. there would be a piece-meal emancipa- tion going forward—a gradual substitution of free for forced labour-an increase of regular and fa- mily habits-the growth of a better constituted population-an experience, on the part of plan- ters, of the superior advantage of free labour, that would at length incline them to forward the cause of emancipation, and establish such a common in- terest between the two extreme classes in the colonies, as might ward off that threatened explo- sion which has so long hung over them. and, thirdly, were such a process established, there would be an effectual protection to the colo- nies from the disquiet and the disturbance of any other proposals for emancipation. for were this object once set a-going in this one way, no other way could or ought to be entertained for a mo- ment. the slaves must, under the system that is now recommended, be made conclusively to un- derstand, that it is by their own persevering la- bour and frugality, and by this alone, that they are to make sure and speedy progress towards the consummation to which they are so fondly look- ing forward. otherwise, the method is paralyzed. the industrious slave, who might otherwise em- bark with ardour upon this attempt, and persevere in it with unwearied constancy, and be cheered onwards by the brightening of his hopes, as he ad- vanced nearer every week to the fulfilment of them, he would be quite distracted and disheart- ened did he know of other methods in agitation, by which the idlest of the gang might come to emancipation as well as he, and all his labours have been rendered useless. it were a sore pro- vocation to him, that he had wrought so fạtiguingly, and paid so faithfully for a deliverance, which at length others had come at without any such ex- pense, either of money or of enjoyment. so that, if this particular method shall be adopted, it seems quite indispensable that all other methods, but those of purchase, shall be finally closed. aud it does seem no small recommendation of the plan in question, that while compensation is thereby rendered to the planter for each of his slaves who is liberated, it is done by a process which at once trains them for a state of freedom, and confines them to the only safe and slow way by which they become prepared for the full en- joyment of it. and again, in reference to the planters, it is thought by many, of such a proposal, that it is peculiarly accommodated to their interest. for, not to speak of the instantaneous satisfaction and calm which it is fitted to impart to the now rest- less and ruffled mind of the slave population-not to speak of its efficacy to rivet the most energetic and intelligent amongst them to a pacific career of diligence and good conduct, instead of unsettling and throwing them into dangerous excitement- not to speak of the union of interest and policy that is thus established between the master and the more influential part of his labourers, who will now feel their interest to be at one with the peace and good order of the colony, and to be separate from that of those who seek, by violence and insurrection, the object which they are pur- suing by a steady course of industry and accumu- lation,-over and above all these advantages, it is thought that, in this method, there is a peculiar adaptation to the present exigencies of the trade. for, by it the planter can disengage immediately tional organ for the utterance of their voice, it is hoped that they will not refuse this advan- tage to the west india proprietors. and, on the other hand, it were equally desirable, that the other party, the proprietors, should cease their opposition to a measure thus accompanied with what appears, on every view that is taken of it, to be a very fair and beneficial compensation. but lastly, in reference to the abolitionists, what a field would be opened by this 'measure for the enterprises of their philanthropy! what a coincidence would be brought about between the interest of the planters, and their own benevo- lent designs for the amelioration of the negroes ! with what a mighty argument might they go forth among these neglected outcasts, when urg- ing them to peace and contentment, and the calm prosecution of their ulterior objects, the fulfil- ment of which will at once enrich their masters, and emancipate themselves! upon such a foot- ing, the missionaries of the good cause might be admitted, without suspicion, and with perfect safety, among all the plantations, and there is not one of them who could possibly inflict such an outrage on all right and humane policy, as to encourage the expectations of freedom in any other way than the one which the legislature had provided, and for which it had granted so liberal and advantageous an outset. every lesson which they urged, would be on the side of thrift, : sulted by the gradual extension of light, and li- berty, and the benefit of equal laws, to the very lowest in the scale of society. there are subordinate details which cannot be entered upon, and which yet, if unexplained, might leave a doubt or difficulty in the mind. it is thought, however, that, in practice, there is no insuperable, even no formidable barrier against the accomplishment of this scheme. the interest of mortgagees could be as effectually guarded as it is now, under the proposed arrange- ment. and as to the alleged danger of holiday riot and disturbance among the negroes, on their free day, it is not necessary that it should be on the same day of the week to all, either on a whole island, or even throughout a whole planta- tion. at the first, there need be no more at liberty than one sixth of the negro population at a time, upon any estate ; many of whom would most cer- tainly be at hard, though voluntary work, and all of whom would be under the restraint of those laws which enforce decency and good conduct among all classes. printed by w. collins & co. glasgow, vesna sa . . few thoughts on the abolition of co widener library u narud erhed messo amor . with the regards of hon. fobhanning xsm an address delivered at lenox, on the first of august, , the anniversary of emancipation, in the british west indiÉ s. by william É, channing. lenox, mass.: published by j. g. stanly. . . ( a elikrary university ΤΗ, charles montague, printer, pittsfieln, mass. introductory remarks. i have been encouraged to publish the following address by the strong expressions of sympathy with which it was received, i do not indeed suppose, that those, who listened to it with interest and who have requested its publication, accorded with me in every opinion which it contains. such entire agreement is not to be ex- pected among intelligent men, who judge for themselves. but i am sure, that the spirit and substance of the address met a hearty response. several paragraphs, which 'i wanted strength to de- liver, are now published, and for these of course i am alone respon- sible. i dedicate this address to the men and women of berkshire. i have found so much to delight me in the magnificent scenery of this region, in its peaceful and prosperous villages and in the rare intelligence and virtues of the friends whose hospitality i have here enjoyed, that i desire to eonnect this little work with this spot. i cannot soon forget the beautiful nature and the generous spirits, with which i have been privileged to commune in the valley of the housạtonick. lenox, mass., aug. , , a d d re . this day is the anniversary of one of the great events of modern times, the emancipation of the slaves in the british west india islands. this emancipation began aug. st. , but it was not completed until aug. st. . the event indeed has excited little attention in our country, partly be- cause we are too much absorbed in private interests and local excitements to be alive to the triumphs of humanity at a dis- tance, partly because a moral contagion has spread from the south through the north and deadened our sympathies with the oppressed. but west india emancipation, though received here so coldly, is yet an era in the annals of philanthropy. the greatest events do not always draw most attention at the moment. when the may flower, in the dead of winter, lan- ded a few pilgrims, on the ice-bound, snow-buried rocks of plymouth, the occurrence made no noise. ' nobody took note. of it, and yet how much has that landing done to change the face of the civilized world! our fathers came to establish a pure church; they little thought of revolutionizing nations. the emancipation in the west indies, whether viewed in it- self, or in its immediate results, or in the spirit from which it grew, or in the light of hope which it sheds on the future, deserves to be commemorated. in some respects it stands alone in human history. i therefore invite to it your serious atten- tion. perhaps i ought to begin with some apology for my appear- ance in this place; for i stand here unasked, uninvited. i can plead no earnest solicitation from few or many for the ser- vice i now render. i come to you simply from an impulse in my own breast; and in truth had i been solicited, i prob- ably should not have consented to speak. had i found here a general desire to celebrate this day, i, should have felt, that another speaker might be enlisted in the cause, and i should have held my peace. but finding that no other voice would be raised, i was impelled to lift up my own, though too feeble for any great exertion. i trust you will accept with can- dor what i have been obliged to prepare in haste,and what may have little merit but that of pure intention. i have said that i speak only from the impulse of my own mind. i am the organ of no association, the representative of ao feelings but my own but i wish it to be understood, that i speak from no sudden impulse; from no passionate zeal of a new convert; but from deliberate and long cherished conviction. in truth my attention was directed to slavery fifty years ago, that is, before most of you were born; and the first impulse came from a venerable man, formerly of great reputation in this part of our country and in all our churches,the rev. dr. hopkins, who removed more than a century ago from great barrington to my native town, and there bore open and strong testimony against the slave trade, a principal branch of the traffic of the place. i am reminded by the spot where i now stand, of another incident which may show how long i have taken an interest in this subject. more than twenty years ago, i had an earnest conversation with that noble-minded man and ſervent philanthropist, henry sedgwick, so well and honorably known to most who hear me, on which occasion we deplored the in- sensibility of the north to the evils of slavery and enquired by what means it might be removed. the circumstance which particularly gave my mind a direction to this subject, was a win- ter's residence in a west indian island more than eleven years ago. i lived there on a plantation. the piazza in which i sat and walked almost from morning to night, overlooked the negro village belonging to the estate. a few steps placed me in the midst of their huts. here was a volume on slavery opened always before my eyes, and how could i help learning some of its lessons. the gang on this estate, (for such is the name given to a company of slaves,) was the best on the island, and among the best in the west indies. the proprietor had laboured to collect the best materials for it. his gang had been his pride and boast. the fine proportions, the graceful and sometimes dignified bearing of these people, could hardly be overlooked. unhappily misfortune had reduced the owner to bankruptcy. the estate had been mortgaged to a stranger who could not personally superintend it, and i found it under the care of a passionate and licentious manager, in whom the poor slaves found a sad contrast to the kindness of former days. they sometimes came to the house where i resided, with their mournful or indignant complaints; but were told that no redress could be found from the hands of their late master. in this case of a plantation passing into strange hands, i saw that the mildest form of slavery might at any time be changed in- to the worst. on returning to this country i delivered a dis- course on slavery, giving the main views which i have since communicated; and this was done, before the cry of abolition- ism was heard among us. i seem then to have a peculiar warrant for now addressing you. i am giving you not the ebullitions of new vehement feelings, but the results of long and patient reflection; not the thoughts of others, but my own inde- pendent judgments. i stand alone, i speak in the name of no party. i have no connection, but that of friendship and respect, with the opposers of slavery in this country or abroad. do not mix me up with other men good or bad; but listen to me as a separate witness, standing on my own ground, and desi- rous to express with all plainness what seems to be the truth. on this day a few years ago, eight hundred thousand hu- man beings were set free from slavery; and to comprehend the greatness of of the deliverance, a few words must first be said of the evil from which they were rescued. you must know slavery to know emancipation. but in a single discourse, how can i set before you the wrongs and abominations of this detestable institution ? i must pass over many of its features, and will select one, which is at present vividly impressed on my mind. different minds are impressed with different evils. were i asked, what strikes me as the greatest evil inflicted by this system, i should say, it is the outrage offered by slavery to human nature. slavery does all that lies in human power to unmake men, to rob them of their humanity, to degrade men into brutes; and this it does by declaring them to be property. here is the master evil. declare a man a chattel, something which you may own, and may turn to your use, as a horse or a tool; strip him of all right over himself, of all right to use his own powers, except what you concede to him as a favor and deem consistent with your owni profit; and you cease to look on him as a man. you may call him such; but he is not to you a brother, a fellow being, a partaker of your nature, and your equal in the sight of god. you view him, you treat him, you speak to him, as infinitely beneath you, as belonging to anoth- er race. you have a tone and a look towards him, which you never use towards a man. your relation to him demands that you treat him as an inferior créature. you cannot if you would treat hi.n as a man. that he may answer your end, that he may consent to be a slave, his spirit must be broken, his cour- age crushed; he must fear you. a feeling of his deep inferiority must be burnt into his soul. the idea of his rights must be quenched in him, by the blood of his lashed and lacerated body. here is the damning evil of slavery. it destroys the spirit, the consciousness of a man. i care little in comparison for his hard outward lot, his poverty, his unfurnished house, his coarse fare; the terrible thing in slavery is the spirit of a slave, the ex- tinction of the spirit of a man. he feels himself owned, a chat- tel, a thing bought and sold, and held to sweat for another's pleasure, at another's will, under another's lash, just as an ox or horse. treated thus as a brute, can he take a place among men? a slave! is there a name so degraded on earth, a name which so separates a man from his kind ? and to this condition millions of our race are condemned in this land of liberty. in what is the slave treated as a man ? the great right of a man is to use, improve, expand his powers, for his own and other's good. the slave's powers belong to another, and are hemmed in, kept down, not cherished, or suffered to unfold. if there be an infernal system, one especially hostile to humanity, it is that which deliberately wars against the expansion of men's faculties; and this enters into the essence of slavery. the slave cannot be kept a slaye, if helped or allowed to im- prove his intellect and higher nature. he must not be taught to read. the benevolent christian, who tries, by giving him the use of letters, to open to him the word of god and other good books, is punished as a criminal. the slave is hedged round, so that philanthropy cannot approach him to awaken in him the intelligence and feelings of a man. thus his humani- ty is trodden under foot. again, a man has the right to form and enjoy the relations of domestic life. the tie between the brute and his young en- dures but a few months. man was made to have a home, to have a wife and children, to cleave to them for life, to sus- tain the domestic relations in constancy and purity, and through these holy ties to refine and exalt his nature. such is the distinction of a man. but slavery violates the sanctity of home. it makes the young woman property, and gives her no protec- tion from licentiousness. it either disallows marriage or makes it a vain show. it sunders husband and wife, sells them into distant regions, and then compels them to break the sacred tie and contract new alliances, in order to stock the plantation with human slaves. scripture and nature say,“what god hath joined, let not man put asunder;'' but slavery scorns god's voice in his word and in the human heart. even the christian church dares not remonstrate against the wrong, but sanctions it, and encourages the poor ignorant slave to form a new, adul- terous connexion, that he may minister to his master's gain. the slave-holder enters the hut of his bondsman, to do the work which belongs only to death, and to do it with nothing of the consolatory, healing influences, which christianity sheds round death. he goes to tear the wife from the husband, the child from the mother, to exile them from one another, and to b convey them to unknown masters. is this to see a man, in a slave? is not this to place him beneath humanity ? again, it is the right, privilege and distinction of a man, nok only to be connected with a family, but with his race. he is made for free communion with his fellow creatures. one of the sorest evils of life is to be cut off from the mass of men, from the social body; to be treated by the multitude of our fellow creatures as outcasts, as pariahs, as a fallen race, unworthy to be approached, unworthy of the deference due to men; and this infinite wrong is done to the slave. a slave! that name severs all his ties except with beings as degraded as himself. he has no country, no pride or love of nation, no sympathy with the weal or woe of the land which gave him birth, no joy in its triumphs, no generous sorrow for its humiliation, no feel- ing of that strong unity with those around him which common laws, a common government, and a common history create. he is not allowed to go forth, as other men are, and to connect himself with strangers, to form new alliances by means of trade, business, conversation. society is every where barred against him. an iron wall forbids his access to his race. the mis- cellaneous intercourse of man with man, which strengthens the feeling of our common humanity, and perhaps does more than all things to enlarge the intellect, is denied him. the world is nothing to him; he does not hear of it. the plantation is his world. to him the universe is narrowed down almost wholly to the hut where sleeps, and the fields where he sweats for another's gain. beyond these he must not step without leave; and even if allowed to wander, who has a respectful look or word for the slave? in that name he carries with him an at- mosphere of repulsion. it drives men from him as if he were a leper. however gifted by god, however thirsting for some higher use of his powers, he must hope for no friend beyond the ignorant, half-brutalized caste with which bondage has united him. to him there is no race, as there is no country, in truth, so fallen is he beneath sympathy, that multitudes will smile at hearing him compassionated for being bereſt of these man ? ties. still he suffers great wrong. just in proportion as you sever a man from his country and race, he ceases to be a man. the rudest savage, who has a tribe with which he sympathises, and for which he is ready to die, is far exalted above the slave. how much more exalted is the poorest freeman, in a civilized land, who feels his relation to a wide community; who lives under equal laws to which the greatest bow; whose social ties change and enlarge with the vicissitudes of life; whose mind and heart are open to the quickening, stirring influences of this various world. poor slave!. humanity's out-cast and orphan ! to whom no door is open, but that of the naked hut of thy de- graded caste! art thou indeed a dost thou belong to the human brotherhood ? what is thy whole life but contin- ued insult ? thou meetest no look, which does not express thy hopeless exclusion from human sympathies. thou mayest indeed be pitied in sickness and pain, and so is the animal. the deference due to a man, and which keeps alive a man's spirit, is unknown to thee. the intercourse, which makes the hum- blest individual in other spheres partaker more or less in the improvements of his race, thou must never hope for. may i not say, then, that nothing extinguishes humanity like slavery. in reply to these and other representations of the wrongs and evils of this institution, we are told that slaves are well fed, well clothed; at least better than the peasantry and ope- ratives in many other countries; and this is gravely addu- ced as a vindication of slavery. a man capable of offering it, ought, if any one ought, to be reduced to bondage. a man, who thinks food and raiment a compensation for liberty, who would counset men to sell themselves, to become property, to give up all rights and power over themselves, for a daily mess of pottage, however savory, is a slave in heart. he has lost the spirit of a man, and would be less wronged than other men, if a slave's collar were welded round his neck. the domestic slave is well fed, we are told, and so are the domestic animals. a nobleman's horse in england is better lodged and more pampered than the operatives in manchester, the grain which the horse consumes, might support a starving family. how sleek and shining his coat! how gay and rich his caparison! but why is he thus curried, and pampered, and bedecked ? to be bitted and curbed; and then to be mounted by his master, who arms hiinself with whip and spur to put the animal to his speed; and if any accident mar his strength or swiftness, he is sold from his luxuriant stall to be flayed, overworked, and hastened out of life by the merciless drayman. suppose the nobleman should say to the half-starved, ragged operative of manchester, 'i will give up my horse, and feed and clothe you with like sumptuousness, on condition that i may mount you daily with lash and spurs, and sell you when i can make a profitable bargain.” would you have the operative, for the sake of good fare and clothes, take the lot of the brute ? or, in other words, become a slave? what reply would the heart of an old england or new england laborer make to such a proposal ? and yet if there be any soundness in the argument. drawn from the slave's comforts, he ought to accept it thank- fully and greedily. such arguments for slavery are insults. the man capable of using them ought to be rebuked as mean in spirit, hard of heart, and wanting all true sympathy with his race. i might reply, if i thought fit, to this account of the slave's blessings, that there is nothing very enviable in his food and wardrobe, that his comforts make no approach to those of the nobleman's horse, and that a laborer of new england would prefer the fare of many an alms-house at home. but i cannot stoop to such reasoning. be the comforts of the slave what they may, they are no compensation for the degradation insolence, indige nities, ignorance, servility, scars, and violations of domestic rights to which he is exposed. i have spoken of what seems to me the grand evil of slavery, the outrage it offers to human nature. it would be easy to enlarge on other fatal tendencies and effects of this institution. but i forbear not only for want of time, but because i feel no need of a minute exposition of its wrongs and miseries to make it odious. i cannot endure to go through a labored proof of its iniquitous and injurious nature. no man wants such proof. he carries the evidence in his own heart. i need nothing but the most general view of slavery, to move my indignation tow- ards it. i am more and more accustomed to throw out of sight its particular evils, its details of wrong and suffering, and to see in it simply an institution which deprives men of freedom; and when i thus view it, i am taught immediately, by an unerring instinct, that slavery is an intolerable wrong. nature cries aloud for freedom as our proper good, our birthright and our end, and resents nothing so much as its loss. it is true, that we are placed at first, in subjection to others' wills; and spend childhood and youth under restraint. but we are governed at first that we may learn to govern ourselves; we begin with leading strings that we may learn to go alone. the discipline of the parent is designed to train up his children to act for themselves, and from a principle of duty in their own breasts. the child is not subjected to his father to be a slave, but to grow up to the energy, responsibility, relations and au- thority of a man. freedom, courage, moral force, efficiency, independence, the large, generous action of the soul, these are the blessings in store for us, the grand ends to which the re- straints of education, of family, of school and college are di- rected. nature knows no such thing as a perpetual yoke. na- ture bends no head to the dust, to look forever downward. nature makes no man a chattel. nature has implanted in all souls the thirst, the passion for liberty. nature stirs the heart of the child, and prompts it to throw out its little limbs in restlessness and joy and to struggle against restraint. nature impels the youth to leap, to run, to put forth all his powers, to look with impatience on prescribed bounds, to climb the steep, to dive into the ocean, to court danger, to spread him- self through the new world which he was born to inherit. na- ture's life, nature's impulse, nature's joy is freedom. a great- er violence to nature cannot be conceived, than to rob man of liberty. us. what is the end and essence of life? it is to expand all our faculties and affections. it is to grow, to gain by exercise new energy, new intellect, new love. it is to hope, to strive, to bring out what is within us, to press towards what is above in other words, it is to be free. slavery is thus at war with the true life of human nature. undoubtedly there is a power in the soul, which the loss of freedom cannot always subdue. there have been men, doomed to perpetual bondage, who have still thought and felt nobly, looked up to god with trust, and learned by experience, that even bondage, like all other evils, may be made the occasion of high virtue. but these are exceptions. in the main,our nature is too weak to grow under the weight of chains. to illustrate the supreme importance of freedom, i would offer a remark, which may sound like a paradox, but will be found to be true. it is this, that even despotism is endurable, only because it bestows a degree of freedom. despotism, bad as it is, supplants a greater evil, and that is anarchy; and anarchy is worse, chiefly because it is more enslaving. in anarchy all restraint is plucked from the strong, who make a prey of the weak; subduing them by terror, seizing on their property, and treading every right under foot. when the laws are prostra- ted, arbitrary, passionate, lawless will, the will of the strongest, exasperated by opposition, must prevail; and under this the rights of person, as well as property are cast down, and a palsying fear imposes on men's spirits a heavier chain, than was ever forged by an organized despotism. in the whole his- tory of tyranny in france, liberty was never so crushed as in the reign of terror in the revolution; when mobs and lawless combinations usurped the power of the state. a despot to be safe must establish a degree of order, and this implies laws, tribunals, and some administration of justice, however rude; and still more, he has an interest in protecting industry and property to some degree, in order that he may extort the more from his people's earnings under the name of revenue. thus despotism is an advance towards liberty; and in this its strength very much lies; for the people have a secret consciousness, that their rights suffer less, under one, than under many tyrants, under an organized absolutism, than un- der wild, lawless, passionate force; and on this conviction, as truly as on armies, rests the despot's throne. thus freedom and rights are ever cherished goods of human nature. man keeps them in sight even when most crushed; and just in proportion as civilization and intelligence advance, he secures them more and more. this is infallibly true notwithstanding oppo- site appearances. the old forms of despotism may indeed continue in a progressive civilization, but their force declines; and public opinion, the will of the community, silently establish- es a sway over what seems and is denominated, absolute power. we have a striking example of this truth in prussia, where the king seems unchecked, but where a code of wise and equal laws ensures to every man his rights to a degree experienced in few other countries, and where the administration of justice cannot safely be obstructed by the will of the sovereign. thus freedom, man's dearest birthright, is the good towards which civil institutions tend. it is at once the sign and the means, the cause and the effect of human progress. it exists in a measure under tyrannical governments, and gives them their strength. no where is it wholly broken down, but under do- mestic slavery. under this, man is made property. here lies the damning taint, the accursed blighting power, the infinite evil of bondage. on this day, four years ago, eight hundred thousand human beings were set free from the terrible evil of which i have given a faint sketch. eight hundred thousand of our brethren, who had lived in darkness and the shadow of death, were vis- ited with the light of liberty. instead of the tones of absolute, debasing command, a new voice broke on their ears, calling them to come forth, to be free. they were, undoubtedly, too rude, too ignorant, to comprehend the greatness of the blessing conferred on them this day. freedom to them un. doubtedly seemed much what it is not. children in intellect, can you they seized on it as a child on a holiday. but slavery had not wholly stifled in them the instincts, feelings, judgments of men. they felt on this day, that the whip of the brutal overseer was broken; and was that no cause for exulting joy? they felt, that wife and child could no longer be insulted or scourged in their sight, and they be denied the privilege of lifting up a voice in their behalf. was that no boon? they felt that henceforth they were to work from their own wills, for their own good, that they might earn perhaps a hut, which they might call their own, and which the foot of a master could not profane, nor a mas- ter's interest lay waste. can you not conceive how they stretched out their limbs, and looked on them with a new joy, saying, these are our own. can you not conceive how they leaped with a new animation, exulting to put forth powers, which were from that day to be "their own ?" not conceive how they looked round them on the fields and hills, and said to themselves, we can go now where we will; and how they continued to live in their huts withnew content, because they could leave them if they would ? can you not conceive, how dim ideas of a better lot dawned on their long dormant minds; how the future, once a blank, began to brighten before them; how hope began to spread her unused pinions; how the faculties and feelings of men came to a new birth within them? the father and mother took their child to their arms and said, nobody can sell you from us now. not that enough to give them a new life? the husband and wiſe began to feel, that there was an inviolable sanctity in marriage; and a glimpse, however faint, of a moral, spiritual bond, began to take place of the loose sensual tie, which had held them together. still more, and what deserves special note, the colored man raised his eyes, on this day, to the white man, and saw the infinite chasm between himself and the white race growing narrower; saw and felt that he too was a man, that he too had rights; that he belonged to the common father, not to a frail, selfish creature; that under god he was his own master. a rude feeling of dignity, in strange contrast with was the abjectness of the slave, gave new courage to that look, gave a firmer tone, a manlier tread. this, had i been there, would have interested me especially. the tumult of joyful feeling bursting forth in the broken language which slavery had taught, i should have sympathized with. but the sight of the slave rising into a man, looking on the white race with a steady eye, with the secret consciousness of a common nature, and be- ginning to comprehend his heaven-descended, inalienable rights, would have been the crowning joy. it was natural to expect that the slaves, on the first of au- gust, receiving the vast, incomprehensible giſt of freedom, would have rushed into excess. it would not have surprised me, had i heard of intemperance, tumult, violence. liberty, that mighty boon, for which nations have shed rivers of their best blood, for which they have toiled and suffered for years, perhaps for ages, was given to these poor, ignorant creatures in a day, and given to them after lives of cruel bondage, immeasurably more cruel than any political oppression. would it have been won- derful, if they had been intoxicated by the sudden, vast trans- ition, if they had put to shame the authors of their freedom, by an immediate abuse of it ? happily, the poor negroes had en- joyed one privilege in their bondage. they had learned some- thing of christianity, very little indeed, yet enough to teach them that liberty was the gift of god. that mighty power, re- ligion, had begun a work within them. the african nature, seems singularly susceptible of this principle. benevolent missionaries, whom the anti-slavery spirit of england had sent into the colonies, had for some time been working on the de- graded mind of the bondmen, and not wholly in vain. the slaves, whilst denied the rank of men by their race, had caught the idea of their relation to the infinite father. that great doctrine of the universal, impartial love of god, embracing the most obscure, dishonored, oppressed, had dawned on them. their new freedom thus became associated with religion, the mightiest principle on earth, and by this it was not merely sav- ed from excess, but made the spring of immediate elevation. little did i imagine, that the emancipation of the slaves, was to be invested with holiness and moral sublimity. little did i expect, that my heart was to be touched by it, as by few events in history. but the emotions, with which i first read the narra- tive of the great gift of liberty in antigua, are still fresh in my mind. let me read to you the story; none i think, can hear it unmoved. it is the testimony of trust-worthy men, who visited the west indies to observe the effects of emancipa tion. to convey to the reader some account of the way in which the great crisis passed, we here give the substance of several accounts which were related to us in different parts of the is- land, by those who witnessed them. “ the wesleyans kept watch-night in all their chapels, on the night of the st of july. one of the wesleyan missiona- ries gave us an account of the watch meeting at the chapel in st. johns. the capacious house was filled with the candidates for liberty. all was animation and eagerness. a mighty chorus of voices swelled the song of expectation and joy, and as they united in prayer, the voice of the leader was drowned in the universal acclamation of thanksgiving, and praise, and blessing, and honor, and glory to god who had come down for their de- liverance. in such exercises the evening was spent until the hour of twelve approached. the missionary then proposed, that when the clock on the cathedral should begin to strike, the whole congregation should fall upon their knees, and receive the boon of freedom in silence. accordingly as the loud bell tolled its first notes, the crowded assembly prostrated them- selves on their knees. all was silent, save the quivering, half stifled breath of the struggling spirit. the slow notes of the clock fell upon the multitude; peal on peal, peal on peal, rol- led over the prostrate throng, in tones of angels' voices, thrill- ing among the desolate chords and weary heart strings. scarce had the clock sounded its last note, when the lightning flashed vividly around, and a loud peal of thunder roared along the sky; god's pillar of fire, and trump of jubilee! a moment of profoundest silence passed; then came the burst; they broke forth in prayer; they shouted, they sung, “glory alleluia;"> they clapped their hands, leaped up, fell down, clasped each other in their free arms, cried, laughed, and went to and fro, tossing upward their unfettered hands; but high above the whole there was a mighty sound which erer and anon swelled up; it was the uttering in negro broken dialect, of gratitude to god, " after this gush of excitement had spent itself, and the con- gregation became calm, the religious exercises were resumed, and the remainder of the night was occupied in singing and prayer, in reading the bible, and in addresses from the mis- sionaries, explaining the nature of the freedom just received, and exhorting the freed people to be industrious, steady, obedi- ent to the laws, and to shew themselves in all things worthy of the high boon which god had conferred upon them. “the first of august came on friday, and a release was proclaimed from all work until the next monday. the day was chiefly spent, by the great mass of negroes, in the churches and chapels. thither they flocked as clouds, and as doves to their windows. the clergy and missionaries throughout the island were actively engaged, seizing the opportunity, in order to en- lighten the people on all the duties and responsibilities of their new situation, and above all, urging them to the attainment of that higher liberty with which christ maketh his children free. in every quarter we were assured that the day was like a sab- bath. work had ceased; the hum of business was still, and noise and tumult were unheard in the streets. tranquility pervaded the towns and country. a sabbath indeed! when the wicked ceased from troubling, and the weary were at rest, and the slave was freed from the master! the planters inform- ed us, that they went to the chapels where their own people were assembled, greeted them, shook hands with them, and ex- changed most hearty good wishes."** such is the power of true religion, or the rudest minds. such, the deep fountain of feeling in the african soul. such, the race of men, whom we are trampling in the dust. how few of our assemblies, with all our intelligence and refinement, offer to god this overflowing gratitude, this profound, tender, rap- turous homage! true, the slaves poured out their joy with a child-like violence ; but we see a childhood full of promise. and why do we place this race beneath us? because nature has burnt on them a darker hue. but does the essence of hu- manity live in color? is the black man less a man than the white? has he not human powers, human rights? does his color reach to his soul? is reason in him a whit blacker than see emancipation in the west indies, by thorne and kimball in us? have his conscience and affections been dipped in an inky flood? to the eye of god, are his pure thoughts and kind feelings less fair than our own? we are apt to think this prejudice of color founded in nature. but in the most enlight- ened countries in europe, the man of african descent is re- ceived into the society of the great and good, as an equal and friend. it is here only that this prejudice reigns; and to thiş prejudice, strengthened by our subjection to southern influence, must be ascribed our indifference to the progress of liberty in the west indies. ought not the emancipation of nearly a million of human beings, so capable of progress as the african race, to have sent a thrill of joy, through a nation of freemen? but this great event was received in our country with indifference. humanity, justice, christian sympathy, the love of liberty, found but few voices here. nearly a million of men, at no great dis- tance from our land, passed from the most degrading bon- dage into the ranks of freedom, with hardly a welcome, from these shores. perhaps you will say, that we are bound to wait for the fruits of emancipation," before we celebrate it as a great event in history. i think not so. we ought to rejoice immediately, without delay, whenever an act of justice is done, especially a grand public act, subverting the oppression of ages. we ought to triumph, when the right prospers, without waiting for consequences. we ought not to doubt about consequences, when men, in obedience to conscience, and in the exercise of their best wisdom, redress a mighty wrong. if god reigns, then the subversion of a vast crime, then the breaking of an unrightous yoke, must in its final results be good. undoubted- ly an old abuse, which has sent its roots through society, can- not be removed without inconvenience or suffering. indeed no great social change, however beneficial, can occur without par- tial, temporary pain. but must abuses be sheltered without end, and human progress, given up in despair, because some, who have fattened on wrongs, will cease to prosper at the ex- pense of their brethren. undoubtedly slavery cannot be broken up without deranging in a measure the old social order. must, therefore, slavery be perpetual? has the creator laid on any portion of his children the necessity of everlasting bondage ? must wrong know no end? has oppression a charter from god, which is never to grow old ? what a libel on god, as well as on man, is the supposition, that society cannot subsist without perpetuating the degradation of a large portion of the race! is this indeed the law of the creation, that multitudes must be oppressed? that states can subsist and prosper only through crime? then there is no god. then an evil spirit reigns over the universe. it is an impious error to believe, that injustice is a necessity under the government of the most high. it is disloyalty to principle, treachery to virtue, to suppose that a righteous, generous work, conceived in a sense of duty and carried on with deliberate forethought, can issue in misery, in ruin. to this want of faith in rectitude, society owes its woes, owes the licensed frauds and crimes of statesmen, the licensed frauds of trade, the continuance of slavery. once let men put faith in rectitude, let them feel that justice is strength, that disinterestedness is a sun and a shield, that selfishness and crime are weak and miserable, and the face of the earth would be changed. the groans of ages would cease. we ought to shont for joy, not shrink like cowards, when justice and humani- ty triumph over established wrongs. the emancipation of the british islands, ought then to have called forth acclamation at its birth. much more should we rejoice in it now, when time has taught us the folly of the fears and the suspicions which it awakened, and taught us the safety of doing right. emancipation has worked well. by this i do not mean, that is has worked miracles. i have no glowing pic- tures to exhibit to you of the west indian islands. an act of the british parliament, declaring them free, has not changed them into a paradise. a few strokes of the pen, cannot reverse the laws of nature, or conquer the almost omnipotent power of early and long continued habit. even in this country, where we breath the air of freedom from our birth, and where we have grown up amidst churches and school-houses and under wise and equal laws, even here we find no paradise. here are crime and poverty and wo; and can you expect a poor igno- rant race, born to bondage, scarred with the lash, uneducated, and unused to all the motives which stimulate industry, can you expect these to unlearn in a day the lessons of years, and to furnish all at once themes for eloquent description. were you to visit those islands, you would find a slovenly agriculture, much ignorance, and more sloth than you see at home; and yet emancipation works well, far better than could have been an- ticipated. to me it could hardly have worked otherwise than well. it banished slavery, that wrong and curse not to be borne. it gave freedom, the dear birthright of humanity ; and had it done nothing more, i should have found in it cause for joy. freedom, simple freedom is in my estimation just, far prized above all price”. i do not stop to ask, if the emanci- pated are better fed and clothed than formerly. they are free, and that one word contains a world of good unknown to the most pampered slave. but emancipation has brought more than naked liberty. the emancipated are making progress in intelligence, comforts, purity; and progress is the great good of life. no matter where men are at any given moment; the great question about them, is, are they going forward? do they improve? slavery was immoveable, hopeless degradation. it is the glory of lib- erty to favor progress, and this great blessing, emancipation has bestowed. we were told indeed, that emancipation was to turn the green islands of the west indies into deserts ; but they still rise from the tropical sea as blooming and verdant as before. we were told, that the slaves, if set free, would break out in universal massacre ; but since that event, not a report has reached us of murder perpetrated by a colored man on the white population. we were told, that crimes would multiply ; but they are diminished in every emancipated island, and very greatly in most we were told that the freed slave, would abandon himself to idleness, and this i did anticipate, to a considerable degree, as the first result. men, on whom induse try had been forced by the lash, and who had been taught to regard sloth as their master's chief good, were strongly tempted to surrender the first days of freedom to indolent indulgence. but in this respect the evil has been so small, as to fill a re- flecting man with admiration. in truth, no race but the afri- can could have made the great transition with so little harm to themselves and others. in general, they resumed their work after a short burst of joy. the desire of property, of bettering their lot, at once sprang up within them in sufficient strength to counterbalance the love of ease. some of them have become proprietors of the soil. new villages have grown up under their hands; their huts are more comfortable; their dress more decent, sometimes too expensive. when i tell you that the price of real estate in these islands has risen, and that the im- ports from the mother country, especially those for the labor- er's use, have increased, you will judge whether the libera- ted slaves, are living as drones. undoubtedly the planter has sometimes wanted workmen, and the staple product of the island, sugar, has decreased. but this can be explained without much reproach to the emancipated. the laborer, who in slavery was over-tasked in the cane-field and sugar mill, is anxious to buy or hire land sufficient for his support, and to work for himself, instead of hiring himself to another. a planter from british guiana, informed me a few weeks ago, that a company of colored men had paid down seventy thou- sand dollars for a tract of land in the most valuable part of that colony it is not sloth, so much as a spirit of manly indepen- dence, which has withdrawn the laborer from the plantation; and this evil, if so it must be called, has been increased by his unwillingness to subject his wife and daughter to the toils of the field, which they used to bear in the days of slavery. un- doubtedly the colored population might do more, but they do enough to earn a better lot than they ever enjoyed, and the work of improvement goes on among them. i pass to a still brighter view. the spirit of education has sprung up among the people to an extent worthy of ad- miration. we despise them; and yet there is reason to be. lieve, that a more general desire to educate their children is to be found among them, than exists among large portions of the white population in the slave states of the south. they have learned, that their ignorance is the great barrier between them and the white men, and this they are in earnest to prostrate. it has been stated, that in one island, not a child above ten years of age was unable to read. human history probably furnishes no parallel of an equal progress, in a half civilized community to this must be added their interest in religious institutions. their expenditures for the support of these are such, as should put to shame the backwardness of multitudes in countries call- ing themselves civilized. they do more than we, in propor- tion to their means. some of them have even subscribed funds for the diffusion of the gospel in africa, an instance of their zeal, rather than their wisdom; for they undoubtedly need all they can spare for their own instruction. their conceptions of religion, are of course narrow and rude, but their hearts have been touched by its simpler truths; and love is the key to higher knowledge.-- to this let me add, that marriage is ac- quiring sanctity in their eyes, that domestic life is putting on a new refinement, and you will see that this people have all the elements of social progress. property, marriage and religion, have been called the pillars of society, and of these the libe- rated slave has learned the value, the result of all these various improvements, is what every wise friend of humanity must rejoice in. their social position is changed. they have taken rank among men. they are no longer degraded by being looked on as degraded. they no longer live under that withering curse, the contempt of their fellow beings. the tone in which they are spoken to, no longer expresses their infinite and hopeless depression. they are treated as men; some of them engage in lucrative pursuits; all the paths of honor as well as of gain are open to them; they are found in the legislatures; they fill civil offices, they have military appointments, and in all these conditions acquit them- selves honorably. their humanity is recognized, and without this recognition men pine and had better be left to perish. i have no thought of painting these islands as edens. that great ignorance prevails among the emancipated people, that they want our energy, that the degradation of slavory has not vanished all at once with the name, this i need not tell you. no miracle has been wrought on them. but their present lot compared with slavery, is an immense good; and when we con- sider, that as yet we have seen comparatively nothing of the blessed influences of freedom, we ought to thank god with something of their own fervor for the vast deliverance which he hath vouchsafed them. we commemorate with transport the redemption of a nation from political bondage; but this is a light burden compared with personal slavery. the oppression which these united states threw off by our revolutionary struggle, was the perfec- tion of freedom, when placed by the side of the galling, crush- ing, intolerable yoke which bowed the african to the dust. thank god, it is broken. thank god, our most injured breth- ren have risen to the rank of men. thank god, eight hun- dred thousand human beings have been made free. these are the natural topics suggested by this day, but there are still higher views to which i invite your attention. there are other grounds on which this first of august should be hailed with gratitude by the christian. if i saw in the emancipation which we celebrate, only the redemption of eight hundred thousand fellow creatures from the greatest wrong on earth, i should indeed rejoice; but i know not that i should commemo- rate it by public solemnities. this particular result moves me less than other views, which, though less obvious, are far more significant and full of promise. when i look at west indian emancipation, what strikes me most forcibly and most joyfully, is the spirt in which it had its origin. what broke the slaves' chain? did a foreign in- vader summon them to his standard, and reward them with free- dom for their help in conquering their masters ? or did they owe liberty to their own exasperated vałor; to courage maddened by despair; to massacre and unsparing revenge? or did cal- culations of the superior profit of free labor, persuade the owner to emancipation as a means of superior gain? no. west indian emancipation was the fruit of christian principle acting on the mind and heart of a great people. the liberator of those slaves was jesus christ. that voice, which rebuked dis- ease and death and set their victims free, broke the heavier chain of slavery. the conflict against slavery began in eng- land, about fifty years ago. it began with christians. it was at its birth a christian, enterprise. its power was in the con- sciences and generous sympathy of men, who had been trained in the school of christ. it was resisted by prejudice, custom, interest, opulence, pride and the civil power. almost the whole weight of the commercial class, was at first thrown into the opposite scale. the politician dreaded the effects of abolition on the wealth and revenue of the ration. the king did not disguise his hostility; and i need not tell you that it found lit- tle favor with the aristocracy. the titled and proud are not the first to sympathize with the abject. the cause had nothing to rely on, but the spirit of the english people; and that peo- ple did respond to the reasonings, pleadings, rebukes of chris- tian philanthropy, as nation never did before. the history of this warfare cannot be read without seeing, that, once at least, a great nation was swayed by high and disinterested principles. men of the world deride the notion of influencing human af- fairs by any but selfish motives; and it is a melancholy truth, that the movements of nations have done much to confirm the darkest views of human nature. what a track of crime, des- olation, war, we are called by history to travel over! still history is lighted up by great names, by noble deeds, by patri- ots and martyrs; and especially in emancipation we see a great nation, putting forth its power and making great sacrifices, for blind as not to see? but that a new principle, derived from christianity and destined to renovate the earth, is at 'work among these various elements; that silently a new spirit of hu- manity, a new respect for human nature, a new comprehension of human rights, a new feeling of brotherhood, and new ideas of a higher social state, have been and are unfolding themselves, under the influences of christian truth and christian civiliza- tion, who can deny? society is not what it once was. amidst all the stir of selfish passion, the still voice of christianity is heard;a diviner spirit mixes however imperfectly, with the work- ings of worldliness; and we are beginning to learn the mighty revolution which a heavenly faith is to accomplish here on earth. christianity is the hope of the world, and we ought to regard every conspicuous manifestation of its spirit and power, as an era in human history. we are dazzled by revolutions of em- pires; we hope much from the rise or fall of governments. but nothing but christianity can regenerate the earth; and accord- ingly we should hail with joy every sign of a clearer compre- hension, and a deeper feeling of its truths. christianity tru- ly understood, has a direct tendency to that renovation of the world which it foretells. it is not an abstract system, secluding the disciple from his kind; but it makes him one with his race, breaks down all barriers between him and his brethren, arms him with a martyr's spirit in the cause of humanity, sends him forth to be a saviour of the lost; and just as far as christianity is thus viewed and felt by its followers, the redemption of the world draws nigh. these views of religion are making their way. they dawn upon us not only in emancipation, but in many other movements of our age; not that they have ever been wholly obscured; but the rank which they hold in the christian system, and the vast social changes which they in- volve, have not, until the present day, been dreamed of. all the doctrines of christianity are more and more seen to be bonds of close, spiritual, reverential union between man and man, and this is the most chcering view of our time. chris- tianity is a revelation of the infinite, universal, parental love of god towards his human family, comprehending the most sinful, descending to the most fallen, and its aim is to breathe the same love into its disciples. it shows us christ tasting death, for every man, and it summons us to take his cross, or to partici- pate of his sufferings in the sa.ne cause. its doctrine of im- mortality gives infinite worth to every human being; for every one is destined to this endless life. the doctrine of the “word made ftesh,” shows us god uniting himself most intimately with our nature, manifesting himself in a human form, for the very end of making us partakers of his own perfection. the doctrine of grace, as it is termed, reveals the infinite father imparting his holy spirit, the best gift he can impart, to the humblest human being who emplores it. thus love and rever- ence for human nature, a love for man stronger than death, is the very spirit of christianity. undoubtedly this spirit is faintly comprehended by the best of us. some of its most striking expressions, are still derided in society. society still rests on selfish principles. men sympathise still with the prosperous and great, not the abject and down-trodden. but amidst this degradation, brighter glimpses of christianity are caught then before. there are deeper, wider sympathies with mankind. the idea of raising up the mass of human beings to intellectu- al, moral, and spiritual dignity, is penetrating many minds. among the signs of a brighter day, perhaps the west indian emancipation is the most conspicuous; for in this the rights of the most despised men have been revered. there are some among us at the present moment, who are waiting for the speedy coming of christ. they expect, before another year closes, to see him in the clouds, to hear his voice, to stand before his judgement seat. these illusions spring from misinterpretation of scripture language. christ in the new testament, is said to come, whenever his religion breaks out in new glory, or gains new triumphs. ile came in the the holy spirit in the day of pentecost. he came in the de- struction of jerusalem, which, by subverting the old ritual law, and breaking the power of the worst enemies of his religion, ensured to it new victories. he came in the reformation of the church. he came on this day four years ago, when, through kis religion, eight hundred thousand men were raised from the lowest degradation, to the rights, and dignity, and fellow- ship of men. christ's outward appearance is of little moment, compared with the brighter manifestation of his spirit. the christian, whose inward eyes and ears are touched by god, dis- cerns the coming of christ, hears the sound of his chariot wheels and the voice of his trumpet, when no other perceives them. he discerns the saviour's advent in the dawning of high- er truth on the world, in new aspirations of the church after per- fection, in the prostration of prejudice and error, in brighter ex- pressions of christian love, in more enlightened and intense consecration of the christian to the cause of humanity, free- dom, and religion. christ comes in the conversion, the re- generation, the emancipation of the world. you here see, why it is that i rejoice in the great event which this day commemorates. to me this event does not stand it is a sign of the triumph of christianity, and a pre- sage and herald of grander victories of truth and humanity. christianity did not do its last work when it broke the slave's chain. no; this was but a type of what it is to achieve. since the african was emancipated, the drunkard has been set free. we may count the disenthralled from intemperance by hun- dreds of thousands, almost by millions, and this work has been achieved by christian truth and christian love. in this, we have a new proof of the coming of christ in his kingdom; and the grand result of these and other kindred movements of our times, should be, to give us a new faith in what christianity is to accomplish. we need this faith. we are miserably wanting in it. we scarcely believe what we see of the triumphs of the this is the most disastrous unbelief of our times. i am pointed now and then to an infidel, as he is called, a man who denies christianity. but there is a sadder sight. it is that of thousands and millions who profess christianity, but have no faith in its power to accomplish the work to which it is ordain cross. of liberty? not in crowded cities, where, amidst men's works and luxuries, and wild speculations, and eager competitions for gain, the spirit of liberty often languishes; but amidst tower- ing mountains, embosoming peaceful vales. amidst these vast works of god, the soul naturally goes forth and cannot endure the thought of a chain. your free air, which we come to in- hale for health, breathes into us something better than health, even a freer spirit. mountains have always been famed for nourishing brave souls and the love of liberty. at ther- mopylæ, in many a fastness of switzerland, in the gorges of mountains, the grand battles of liberty have been fought. even in this country, slavery hardly sets foot on the mountains. she curses the plain; but as soon as you begin to ascend the high- lands of the south, slavery begins to disappear. west vir- ginia and east tennessee are cultivated chiefly by the mus- cles of freemen; and could these districts be erected into states, they would soon clear themselves of the guilt and shame of enslaving their brethren. men of berkshire! whose nerves and souls the mountain air has braced, you surely will respond to him, who speaks of the blessings of freedom and the misery of bondage. i feel, as if the feeble voice, which now addresses you, must find an echo amidst these forest-crowned heights. do they not impart something of their own power and loftiness to men's souls ? should our commonwealth ever be invaded by victorious armies, freedom's last asylum would be here. here may a free spirit, may reverence for all human rights, may sympathy for all the oppressed, may a stern, solemn pur- pose to give no sanction to oppression, take stronger and stronger possession of men's minds, and from these mountains may generous impulses spread far and wide. the joy of this occasion is damped by one thought. our own country is in part the land of slavery; and slavery be- comes more hideous here than any where else, by its contrast with our free institutions. it is deformity married to beauty. it is, as if a flame from hell were to burst forth in the regions of the blessed. no other evil in our country, but this, should } ! stored by wise kindness; that it was only maddened and made more desperate by the chains imposed to keep it from outrage and murder. treat men as men, and they will not prove wild beasts. we first rob them of their humanity and then chain them because they are not human. what a picture of slavery is given by the common argument for its continuance! the slaves, we are told must be kept under the lash, or they will turn murderers. two millions and a half of our fellow crea- tures at the south, we are assured, have the seeds of murder in their hearts, and must be stripped of all human rights, for the safety of their neighbors. if such be a slave country, the soon- er it is depopulated the better. but it is not true. a more innocent raco than the african does not exist on the earth. they are less given to violence and murder, than we anglo- saxons. but when did wrong' ever want excuse? when did oppression ever fail to make out a good cause in its own eyes? the truth is, that slavery is perpetuated at the south not from the fear of massacre, but from a stronger principle. a respected slaveholder said to me not long ago, “the question of slavery is a question of property, and property is dearer to a man than life.” the master holds fast his slave, because he sees in him, not a wild beast, but a profitable chattel. mr. clay has told us, that the slaves are worth in the market, i think, twelve hundred millions of dollars, and smiles at the thought of calling men to surrender such a mass of property. it is not because they are so fierce, but so profitable, that they are kept in chains. were they meek angels from god's throne, im- prisoned for a while in human frames, and were they at the same time worth twelve hundred millions of dollars in the market, comparatively few, i fear, would be suffered to return to their native skies, as long as the chain could fetter them to the plantation. i know, that there are generous exceptions to the spirit of slavery as now portrayed; but this spirit in the main is mercenary. i know, that other considerations than this of property,that considerations of prudence and benevolence, help confirm the slaveholder in his aversion to emancipation. circulates there are mixed motives for perpetuating slavery, as for alınost all human actions. but the grand motive is gain, the love of money, the unwillingness to part with property, and were this to:yield to justice and humanity, the dread of massacre would not long retard emancipation. my friends, your compassion is often called forth by pre- dictions of massacre, of butchered children, of violated women, in case of emancipation. but do not waste your sympathies on possible evils, which wisdom and kindness may avert. keep some of your tears and tenderness for what exists; for the poor girl whose innocence has no protection; for the wife aud mother who may be widowed and made childless before night by a stroke of the auctioneer's hammer; for the man subjected to the whip of a brutal overseer, and hunted, if he flies, by blood-hounds, and shot down if he outstrips his pursuers. for the universe, i would not let loose massacre on the southern states, or on any population. sooner would i have all the slaves perish, than achieve their freedom by promiscuous carnage. but i see no necessity of carnage. i am sure, that to treat men with justice and humanity is not the way to turn them into robbers or assas- sins. undoubtedly wisdom is to be used in conferring this great good. we ask no precipitate action at the south; we dictate no mode of conferring freedom. we ask only a settled purpose to bring slavery to an end, and we are sure that this will devise a safe and happy way of exercising justice and love. am i asked what is the duty of the north in regard to slavery ? on this subject i have lately written; i will only say, i recommend no crusade against slavery, use of physi- cal or legislative power for its destruction, no irruption into the south to tamper with the slave, or to repeal or resist the laws. our duties on this subject are plain. first, we must free ourselves, as i have said, from all constitutional or legal obli- gations to uphold slavery. in the next place, we must give free and strong expression to our reprobation of slavery. the north has but one weapon, moral force, the utterance of moral judgment, moral feeling and religious conviction. i do not say