work_237ghyza4bf7hoowtho736mxc4 ---- Belgrade Philosophical Annual 2017-30.indd Russell B. Goodman Original Scientific Paper Department of Philosophy UDK 165 Витгенштајн Л. The University of New Mexico 165.741 WITTGENSTEIN AND PRAGMATISM REVISITED Abstract. I’ve been teaching Wittgenstein’s On Certainty lately, and coming again to the question of Wittgenstein’s relation to pragmatism.1 This is of course a question Wittgenstein raises himself when he writes in the middle of that work: ‘So I am trying to say something that sounds like pragmatism’.2 He adds to this sentence the claim that ‘Here I am being thwarted by a kind of Weltanschauung’, but in the remarks to follow I want to focus not on Wittgenstein’s differences from or antipathy to pragmatism, nor on the world view that he felt thwarted him, but on those elements of his philosophy that sound like pragmatism—as he says. I will work primarily from On Certainty but also from the Philosophical Investigations, which intersects with that late, unfinished work at various places, and which also, at times, sounds like pragmatism. 1. Certainty and Life When I was in China recently trying to explain On Certainty to a class of undergraduates, most of whom had never studied philosophy before, I found myself walking up and down the center aisle of the classroom—as I might normally do when I lecture—but this time as an example of an ability that I rely on in my ordinary life. After walking awhile and reminding the students that I rely on the floor continuing to support me, and on my legs supporting and propelling me as I walk, I turned back towards the front of the room and took my seat. The chair did not surprise me; it supported my weight. I pointed out that I could get up from the chair, sit down again, and it would support me again. What a great world! I trust the world, and trusting works for me and the other animals on the planet. Yes, I might slip on a wet spot as I walk, or sit down hard on a chair which creaks or cracks, but these are exceptions that prove the rule. I do not trust the slippery rocks of a fast flowing river that I walk on while fly fishing; but I trust the ground, normally. You can tell my certainty or lack of it by the way I walk in each case. ‘Don’t ask what goes on in us when we are certain,’ Wittgenstein counsels in the Investigations, but rather consider how the certainty is ‘manifested in people’s actions.’3 This 1 See Russell B. Goodman, Wittgenstein and William James. 2 Ludwig Wittgenstein, On Certainty (OC), 422. 3 Ludwig Wittgenstein, Philosophical Investigations (PI) 2:339. Belgrade Philosophical Annual 30 2017 DOI 10.5937/BPA1730195G 196 Russell B. Goodman manifestation in ‘people’s actions’ is a link to pragmatism, a philosophy that William James tells us is based on the Greek word for action. Early in On Certainty Wittgenstein writes: ‘My life shows that I know or am certain that there is a chair over there, or a door, and so on.’4 I show my certainty that there is a chair there by sitting in it, or moving it aside. I show my certainty that I am writing English by effortlessly typing this sentence as I think it. Wittgenstein’s term ‘comfortable certainty’ applies to these cases. Rather than an example of ‘hastiness or superficiality,’ comfortable certainty, he writes, is ‘a form of life.’5 Such forms of human life, Wittgenstein suggests, are ‘the given’— as fundamental as anything we might find that could ground or support them: ‘What has to be accepted, the given, is —one might say — forms of life.’6 In the Investigations Wittgenstein considers what he calls our natural history: ‘Giving orders, asking questions, telling stories, having a chat, are as much a part of our natural history as walking, eating, drinking, playing.’7 I’ve been attending to the certainty that pervades the parts of our natural history called walking and sitting. These are interesting cases because they differ from many of the examples Wittgenstein talks about in On Certainty, which are framed in terms of propositions—such as that the world has existed for many years before I was born, or that my name is Russell Goodman. Walking and sitting are not propositions but things we do. (Of course using language is also something we do.) Walking and sitting may nevertheless be normative, in the sense that one can do them well or properly, or not. But like all the features of our human form of life that Wittgenstein mentions, they reveal a vast, deep level of certainty. 2. Certainty and Belief Much of the work of On Certainty lies in drawing our attention to the certainty of our ordinary beliefs, some quite particular, some general, as if to remind us of something we forget when we do philosophy. For example: For months I have lived at address A, I have read the name of the street and the number of the house countless times, have received countless letters here and given countless people the address. If I am wrong about it, the mistake is hardly less than if I were (wrongly) to believe I was writing Chinese.8 4 OC, 7. 5 OC, 357, 8. 6 PI 2:345. For recent discussions of this concept see Anna Boncompagni, ‘From the Ground to the Background. Form of Life as ‘the given’ in Wittgenstein’; and her Wittgenstein and Pragmatism. 7 PI, 25. 8 OC, 70. Wittgenstein and Pragmatism Revisited 197 Or again: I am in England—Everything around me tells me so; wherever and however I let my thoughts turn, they confirm this for me at once. – But might I not be shaken if things such as I don’t dream of at present were to happen?9 This second quotation is the one that triggers Wittgenstein’s claim that he is saying something that sounds like pragmatism. So the pragmatism that sounds like his philosophy is a pragmatism that displays the authority of ordinary human life. In the above passages, Wittgenstein tries to show us that there is no room for radical skepticism in our lives. There is room, of course, for doubt about real problems (where did I leave my wallet?) and for investigations that overcome particular doubts. But these investigations take place against the background of the certainties to which Wittgenstein draws our attention. Now the distinction between real doubt and the artificial doubt of philosophers like Descartes is central to Charles Sanders Peirce’s pragmatism, as developed in his foundational pragmatist paper, ‘The Fixation of Belief.’ Peirce writes: Some philosophers have imagined that to start an inquiry it was only necessary to utter a question or set it down upon paper, and have even recommended us to begin our studies with questioning everything! But the mere putting of a proposition into the interrogative form does not stimulate the mind to any struggle after belief. There must be a real and living doubt, and without this all discussion is idle.10 Real and living doubt includes many things, from the question of where I left my house keys last night, to the issue of how to reverse global warming. But it does not include the question of whether I’m now writing in English, or whether the world has existed for more than the past five minutes. Wittgenstein points to the ways in which human life proceeds without artificial or ‘absolute’ certainty. ‘My life,’ he writes, ‘consists in my being content to accept many things.’11 Peirce makes a similar point about logic, demonstration, and inquiry: It is a very common idea that a demonstration must rest on some ulti- mate and absolutely indubitable propositions. These, according to one school, are first principles of a general nature; according to another, are first sensations. But, in point of fact, an inquiry, to have that completely satisfactory result called demonstration, has only to start 9 OC, 241 10 Charles Sanders Peirce, ‘The Fixation of Belief,’ 115. 11 OC, 344. 198 Russell B. Goodman with propositions perfectly free from all actual doubt. If the premises are not in fact doubted at all, they cannot be more satisfactory than they are.12 If I were not content to accept many things I would have a very different and stressful life, perhaps an impossible life. (Could I sincerely doubt, at every moment, that the ground might give way, etc.?) Given the way nature is, including me as a part of nature, it works, it proves satisfactory, to accept these things. Wittgenstein reminds us, however, that: ‘It is always by favor of Nature that one knows something.’13 We learn to rely on Nature’s favor as part of learning to inherit a picture of the world. 3. James on Common Sense William James has his own way of legitimating ordinary life in Pragmatism’s fifth chapter, ‘Pragmatism and Common Sense.’ ‘Common sense’ is his term for a set of ‘fundamental ways of thinking’ that constitute ‘one great stage of equilibrium in the human mind’s development.’ Two later stages of thinking and acting, science and philosophy, ‘have grafted themselves upon this stage, but have never succeeded in displacing it.’14 James’s account is in terms of concepts or categories, and has both a Kantian and a pragmatic ring to it: ‘All our conceptions are what the Germans call Denkmittel, means by which we handle facts by thinking them. Experience merely as such doesn’t come ticketed and labelled .... Kant speaks of it as being ... a mere motley which we have to unify by our wits.’15 The ‘old common-sense way’ of rationalizing or unifying the manifold of experience is through a set of concepts that James lists as follows: Thing; The same or different Kinds; Minds; Bodies; One Time One Space; Subjects and Attributes; Causal Influences; 12 Peirce, 115. 13 OC, 505. 14 James, Writings 1902–1910, 560. Cf. Wittgenstein: ‘When I talk about language (word, sentence, etc.) I must speak the language of every day. … In giving explanations, I already have to use language full-blown (not some sort of preparatory, provisional one); (PI, 120). 15 James, 561. Wittgenstein and Pragmatism Revisited 199 The fancied; The real.16 This open-ended list of common sense categories (which owes much to Kant, as James concedes17) represents our ancient, basic understanding of, and commerce with, the world. We learn to ‘rationalize’ a world of constant change, by such terms as night and day, weather, and seasons. It has become natural for us to think in these terms, so that we forget that they were actually discovered or invented by people —‘prehistoric geniuses’ James calls them, ‘whose names the night of antiquity has covered up.’ These concepts first fit only ‘the immediate facts of experience.’ But they ‘spread ... from fact to fact and man to man... until all language rests on them and we are now incapable of thinking naturally in any other terms.’18 These comfortable common sense certainties, inextricable elements of our lives, become a kind of second nature that we use even as we challenge common sense through science and philosophy. ‘Common sense,’ James concludes, ‘is better for one sphere of life, science for another, philosophic criticism for a third; but whether either be truer absolutely Heaven only knows.’19 4. Action and Movement James tells us that the term pragmatism comes from the Greek pragma, ‘meaning action, from which our words “practice” and “practical” come.’20 The idea of action figures most clearly in the criterion of meaning that James inherits from Peirce, where the clarification of a thought’s meaning is said to require consideration of the ‘conceivable effects of a practical kind the object may involve, ... and what reactions we must prepare.’21 In setting out James’s views about common sense I’ve had little to say about action specifically because James himself says little about it when discussing common sense. But the value of the categories of common sense, science, and philosophy comes, in great part, from their ability to guide our actions, to allow us to move ‘prosperously’ from one part of our experience to another, as James thinks of it. This is the territory James explores in his ‘theory of truth,’ both in the second chapter of Pragmatism, ‘What Pragmatism Means,’ and in the entire fifth chapter, entitled, ‘Pragmatism’s Theory of Truth.’ This is an immensely complicated subject of course, but I touch on it here because I find it most helpful to think of James’s remarks about truth not as a definition of truth 16 James, 561–2. 17 James, 561, 595. 18 James, 566. 19 James, 569. 20 James, 506. 21 James, 506–7. 200 Russell B. Goodman (e. g. ‘truth is what works’), but as a phenomenology of truth, or simply an account of the role truth plays in our lives. Thinking of truth this way allows us to see more clearly the parallels between James’s common sense truths and Wittgensteinian framework or ‘hinge’ propositions. Truth, James writes, is a species of good, like health and wealth. Its particular form of goodness lies in ‘providing conceptual short-cuts’22 (as with the terms weather and seasons, discussed above), enabling us to move through the world with ‘a minimum of jolt.’23 ‘Any idea on which we can ride,’ James writes, ‘any idea that will carry us prosperously from any one part of our experience to any other part, linking things satisfactorily, working securely, simplifying, saving labor; is true for just so much, true in so far forth, true instrumentally.’24 In a revealing metaphorical congruence, Wittgenstein also portrays us as riding our beliefs when he wonders, late in On Certainty, whether he might be able to ‘stay in the saddle however much the facts bucked.’ He is thinking of such facts as that water boils rather than freezes, or that someone he has known for years is N. N. Perhaps, he surmises, ‘if I were contradicted on all sides and told that this person’s name was not what I had always known it was (and I use “know” here intentionally), then in that case the foundation of all judging would be taken away from me.’25 A few paragraphs later he considers ‘an irregularity in natural events’ (like objects randomly disappearing and reappearing or water turning to ice when one puts it on a hot stove). Such an irregularity, he writes, ‘wouldn’t have to throw me out of the saddle,’26 but it might ‘put me into a position in which I could not go on with the old language-game any further. In which I was torn away from the sureness of the game.’27 Wittgenstein’s main point here is that the possibility of a language-game is conditioned by certain facts,’28 but I want to emphasize his portrayal of our language as ‘good for conveyance,’ to use Emerson’s phrase. If the facts buck too much, one may not be able to travel at all; one would be plunged ‘into chaos.’29 The idea of movement or transportation also figures in Wittgenstein’s metaphor of the river and its banks. The banks are relatively but not absolutely stable, composed both of sand and of hard rock. They provide the channel or channels through which the waters move. ‘I distinguish,’ Wittgenstein writes, 22 James, 512. 23 James, 513. 24 James, 512. Cf. Emerson’s idea that: ‘All language is vehicular and transitive, and is good, as horses and ferries are, for conveyance, not, as farms as houses are, for homestead.’ (‘The Poet,’ in Collected Essays of Ralph Waldo Emerson, 3:20.) 25 OC, 614. 26 OC, 619. 27 OC, 617. 28 OC, 617. 29 OC, 613. Wittgenstein and Pragmatism Revisited 201 ‘between the movement of the waters on the river-bed and the shift of the bed itself; though there is not a sharp division of the one from the other.’30 One might construe the movement of the waters as parallel to James’s ‘motley’ or everlasting weather of experience, constrained and guided by the categories/ banks of the river. Or taking a more nuanced view, we may see the moving waters as themselves part of the foundation. The waters would then represent propositions such as ‘I am N. N.’ or ‘I am in England,’ with the banks of the river constituted by the more enduring propositions that form our picture of the world (e. g., ‘the world has existed for more than five minutes’).31 Yet again, keeping in mind that the foundations may not be propositional so much as active, one might construe the waters as the human form of life, our commerce with each other and the world, within the enduring but not eternal context of our picture of the world.32 In this case too, the ‘foundations’ would be both the flowing waters and the enduring banks. As Joachim Schulte puts the point: ‘The river-bed, that section of the whole which stands fast, does part—but only part—of the work while the river itself with its mobile waters does another, and surely not less important, part of the job.’33 Wittgenstein’s picture of language in the Investigations, starting with his simple ‘builders’ game introduced in its second paragraph, brings language into prominence as a set of activities, such as ‘reporting an event,’ ‘giving orders,’ ‘acting in a play,’ telling a joke, ‘requesting, thanking, cursing,’ and ‘countless’ others. The term language-game, he explains, serves ‘to emphasize the fact that the speaking of language is part of an activity, or of a form of life.’ In On Certainty, as we have seen, what we do, our actions and deeds—not random but ordered by our language games and our picture of the world— are the foundation of our system of belief. ‘Giving grounds,’ Wittgenstein writes, ‘justifying the evidence, comes to an end;—but the end is not certain propositions’ striking us immediately as true, i.e. it is not a kind of seeing on our part; it is our acting, which lies at the bottom of the language-game.’34 5. Anti-intellectualism James writes that pragmatism is ‘anti-intellectualistic,’ by which he means that pragmatism is broadly empiricist, turning away from ‘bad a priori reasons, 30 OC, 97. 31 As suggested by Joachim Schulte, ‘Within a System,’ 64 ff. 32 Cf. Schulte, 67. 33 Schulte, 66. 34 OC, 204. Cf. OC, 402, where Wittgenstein quotes Goethe’s Faust: “In the beginning was the deed.” Our acting is fundamental, but it is interwoven with our beliefs and concepts, so that, as Wittgenstein also writes, “one might almost say that these foundation-walls are carried by the whole house” (OC, 248). 202 Russell B. Goodman from fixed principles, closed systems, and pretended absolutes and origins.’35 Among these pretended absolutes and origins are the seeming ‘magic’ of language and theory. For the pragmatist, James explains: ‘Theories become instruments, not answers to enigmas, in which we can rest.’36 Three years after James published Pragmatism in 1907, John Dewey published a paper called ‘Some Implications of Anti-Intellectualism,’ where he presents a positive picture of such a view. He writes of a ‘pragmatic anti-intellectualism that starts from acts, functions, as primary data, functions both biological and social in character,’ and which objects to the ‘false abstraction of knowledge and the logical from its working context.’37 Although Wittgenstein never expressed any appreciation for Dewey, this is a reasonable description of a main current in Wittgenstein’s later philosophy. Dewey’s ‘functions both biological and social,’ for example, map onto what Cavell calls the biological or vertical (dogs, lions, flies, human beings) and the social or horizontal (stating, asking, praying, singing) dimensions of the human form of life. Cavell writes that ‘the typical emphasis on the social eclipses the twin preoccupation of the Investigations, call this the natural, in the form of ‘natural reactions’ (185) ... or ‘the common behavior of mankind’ (206). The partial eclipse of the natural makes the teaching of the Investigations much too, let me say, conventionalist....’38 This idea of ‘starting from acts, functions, as primary data,’ to use Dewey’s words, is the point at which people have seen a connection between Wittgenstein and Heidegger, who writes in Being and Time: Interpretation is carried out primordially not in a theoretical statement but in an action of circumspective concern—laying aside an unsuitable tool, or exchanging it, ‘without wasting words.’ From the fact that words are absent, it may not be concluded that interpretation is absent.39 We interpret the world through our actions. The child learns what an object is on the way to language, as it manipulates objects. These practical activities lie at the basis of the human form of life, including human language, according to Dewey, Wittgenstein, and Heidegger; and for their contemporary inheritor Robert Brandom.40 Although James introduces the term anti-intellectualism to describe his own pragmatic outlook, in his account of that deep layer of thought he calls 35 James, 509. 36 James, 509–10. 37 John Dewey, ‘Some Implications of Anti-Intellectualism,’ 479. 38 Stanley Cavell, ‘Declining Decline: Wittgenstein as a Philosopher of Culture,’ 41. 39 Martin Heidegger, Being and Time, 200. 40 See Robert Brandom, ‘Heidegger’s Categories in Being and Time,’ where he writes: ‘The inhabitant of a Heideggerian world is aware of it as composed of significant equipment, caught up in various social practices, and classified by the involvements those practices institute’ (307–8). Wittgenstein and Pragmatism Revisited 203 common sense he is more intellectualistic—more Kantian, more rationalist— than the three writers mentioned above. That’s because he thinks of that common sense layer always in terms of categories or concepts, and hardly at all explicitly in terms of actions that are the basis for these categories. So in this respect, Wittgenstein, Dewey, and Heidegger are more thoroughly pragmatic than James! 6. Decentering Knowledge Modern philosophy, as understood in America and Britain, centers on problems of knowledge, and especially, in Dewey’s apt phrase, on a ‘quest for certainty.’41 The pragmatists displace a conception of knowledge based on certainty from the center of concern. The empirical sciences, which give us reliable results but not certainty, are crucial for the pragmatists James and Peirce, who both studied at the Lawrence Scientific School at Harvard (Peirce was awarded a B. S. in chemistry in 1863, James continued his studies at the medical school and received his M. D. in 1869). Rather than thinking of science, or any other subject, as aiming at a fixed, perfect system, they focus on human beings as inquirers, seeking beliefs that guide us through life. Thus in Peirce’s great originating paper on ‘The Fixation of Belief,’ he writes: ‘The irritation of doubt causes a struggle to attain a state of belief. I shall term this struggle inquiry ...’42 Peirce then discusses various ways of fixing beliefs, arguing that experimental, fallibilistic science is the only method that does not call itself into question. Likewise, James speaks in Pragmatism of successful ‘ways of thinking,’ ‘conceptual systems,’ ‘types of thought,’ ‘types of thinking,’ and he holds, in true fallibilist fashion, that these ‘are all but ways of talking on our part, to be compared solely from the point of view of their use.’43 ‘Knowledge,’ the center of interest in works from Descartes’s Meditations on First Philosophy to Russell’s Foundations of Empirical Know- ledge, does not appear in these discussions. What does appear is a deep layer of common sense and practical coping, and the evolving structures of science and philosophy that result from those transactions with the world the pragmatists call inquiry. Wittgenstein graduated in 1908 from the Technische Hochschule in Berlin, and first came to England in 1911 to study aeronautical engineering at the University of Manchester. But in contrast to James and Dewey, he sharply separates philosophy from science—in both his early and later writing. Yet like the pragmatists, he is suspicious of the emphasis philosophers place on 41 John Dewey, The Quest for Certainty. 42 Peirce, ‘The Fixation of Belief,’ 114. 43 James, 560, 561, 568, 569, 570. 204 Russell B. Goodman the concept of knowledge: ‘We just do not see how very specialized the use of “I know” is.’44 Is knowledge not nevertheless the basis for our other beliefs? Wittgenstein’s answer is no: ‘Why,’ he asks, ‘should the language game rest on some kind of knowledge?’45 He tells us in the Investigations that he is ‘talking about the spatial and temporal phenomenon of language, not about some non-spatial, atemporal non-entity.’46 When we ‘look and see’ how we actually use our language, as he frequently enjoins us to do, we see the degree to which philosophers engage in what Dewey calls ‘false abstraction’ from the ‘working context.’ Wittgenstein’s term for this abstraction is language ‘on holiday,’47 and his call for a return to ordinary language is a call for an understanding of language at work. 7. History We have seen that for James our concepts are ‘discoveries of prehistoric geniuses,’ and that even in advanced science and mathematics, there are conceptual revolutions and a plurality of plausible formulations and explanations. Nevertheless, James holds that we are conservatives about the older beliefs that have worked well for us in the past: ‘The most violent revolutions in an individual’s beliefs leave most of his old order standing. Time and space, cause and effect, nature and history, and one’s own biography remain untouched.’48 Still, no belief is absolutely fixed, these revolutions do occur, and there are gentler changes in language and belief. Wittgenstein also offers historicized pictures of language and certainty in his later work, in sharp contrast with his approach in the Tractatus, where a set of ‘unalterable and subsistent’49 objects are the ground of meaning. In the Investigations he portrays language as a city: ‘Our language can be regarded as an ancient city: a maze of little streets and squares, of old and new houses, of houses with extensions from various periods, and all this surrounded by a multitude of new suburbs with straight and regular streets and squares.’50 Cities are stable but also in flux, with neighborhoods that last for centuries, others that are transformed or destroyed, and the ‘new suburbs’ to which Wittgenstein refers. They fit the natural landscape even as they express human desires and customs. 44 OC, 11. 45 OC, 477. 46 PI, 108. 47 PI, 38. 48 James, 513. 49 Ludwig Wittgenstein, Tractatus Logico-Philosophicus, 2.0271. 50 PI, 18. Wittgenstein and Pragmatism Revisited 205 In On Certainty Wittgenstein uses the metaphor of the river and its banks to represent our historically evolving beliefs: It might be imagined that some propositions, of the form of empirical propositions, were hardened and functioned as channels for such empirical propositions as were not hardened but fluid; and that this relation altered with time, in that fluid propositions hardened, and hard ones became fluid.51 I distinguish between the movements of the waters on the river- bed and the shift of the bed itself; though there is not a sharp division of the one from the other.52 Like James, Wittgenstein offers an account of these propositions not in terms of the objects or situations that they represent, but in terms of their functions in guiding our life and thought. The moving waters of the river take us places, and we move smoothly if we keep track of where the banks and shallows are. 8. Holism Wittgenstein writes that we inherit a picture of the world that includes such grand ideas as that there is a past and a future, and such quotidian beliefs as that my name is N. N. or that I haven’t been to the moon. ‘I did not get my picture of the world by satisfying myself of its correctness,’ he writes, ‘nor do I have it because I am satisfied of its correctness. No: it is the inherited background against which I distinguish between true and false.’53 Wittgenstein speaks of a ‘picture’ and a ‘background’ in the sentence above; and a few paragraphs later speaks of a ‘system’: All testing, all confirmation and disconfirmation of a hypothesis takes place already within a system. And this system is not a more or less arbitrary and doubtful point of departure for all our arguments; no, it belongs to the essence of what we call an argument. The system is not so much the point of departure, as the element in which arguments have their life.’54 Suppose, Wittgenstein imagines, someone says that people routinely go to the moon, though he doesn’t know how. This person says: ‘those who get there know at once that they are there; and even you can’t explain everything.’ But how does this fit in with the other things we know? ‘[O]ur whole system 51 OC, 96. 52 OC, 97. 53 OC, 94. 54 OC 105. 206 Russell B. Goodman of physics demands answers to the questions “How did he overcome the force of gravity?” “How could he live without an atmosphere?” and a thousand others which could not be answered.’ We can’t refute someone who persists in maintaining that these things routinely happen, but ‘we should feel ourselves intellectually very distant from someone who said this.’55 And it is a fact that most people don’t believe this, though the capacity of human beings for believing systems of false beliefs is perhaps greater than Wittgenstein registers in his book. James also thinks we inhabit a system of beliefs, with a core, ancient ‘stock’ that has proved itself so well that we are reluctant to give it up. He writes that ‘by far the most usual way of handling phenomena so novel that they would make for a serious rearrangement of our preconceptions is to ignore them altogether, or to abuse those who bear witness for them.’56 If enough contrary evidence or a new way of looking at things comes along, we may make a serious rearrangement of our beliefs—as we have, James observes, in accepting non-Euclidean geometry.57 On a less global scale, but equally showing the way our beliefs are related to one another, James constructs this example: ‘If I should now utter piercing shrieks and act like a maniac on this platform, it would make many of you revise your ideas as to the probable worth of my philosophy.’58 We are ‘extreme conservatives’ in matters of belief, though, ‘stretching them just enough to make them admit the novelty, but conceiving that in ways as familiar as the case leaves possible.’59 9. Skepticism Skepticism is a powerful influence, even if subject to attack, throughout Wittgenstein’s philosophy. When we encountered Peirce’s dismissal of radical, Cartesian skepticism and his contrasting, pragmatic notion of ‘real doubt’ in section 2 above, my point was that Wittgenstein does not seek absolute certainty any more than the pragmatists do. But there is nevertheless a big difference here in that Wittgenstein is haunted by skepticism. He inscribes his battles with skepticism, including powerful statements of the skeptical voice (what Cavell calls ‘the voice of temptation’) within On Certainty and the Investigations, as if skepticism can never fully be dismissed. To read Wittgenstein is to seriously grapple with skepticism. To read the pragmatists is to consider writers who avoid, evade, or simply do not feel skepticism’s pull. Once Peirce makes his point about real 55 OC, 108. 56 James, 513. 57 James, 511. 58 James, 514. 59 James, 513. Wittgenstein and Pragmatism Revisited 207 (experimental) vs. artificial (Cartesian) doubt, he is untroubled thereafter by the threat of radical skepticism. He just proceeds with his theory of inquiry, his account of significance, and myriad other projects. And while William James attacks rationalist system builders for their isolation from real life, he ignores the threat of radical skepticism entirely in Pragmatism. His tone is so cheerful: pragmatism will get so many things done! I think this cheerful tone and confident expectation of continuing progress is part of the Weltanschauung which Wittgenstein felt was thwarting him. Yet there is a deep appreciation of a kind of skepticism in the book of James that Wittgenstein loved: Varieties of Religious Experience. Here I’m thinking along with Cavell about skepticism as a lived condition, something one finds depicted in Othello and King Lear, in Coleridge’s Rime of the Ancient Mariner, and in Thoreau’s observation in Walden that most people lead ‘lives of quiet desperation.’60 James’s depictions of the ‘sick soul,’ of ‘conversion’ and the ‘twice-born’ in Varieties show human life in periods of despair and deep uncertainty; and then, sometimes, in a recovery in which ‘the sufferer, when saved, is saved by what seems to him a second birth, a deeper kind of conscious being than he could enjoy before.’61 ‘The normal process of life,’ James observes, ‘contains moments as bad as any of those which insane melancholy is filled with, moments in which radical evil gets its innings and takes its solid turn.’62 This is skepticism not as a philosophical method, but as an outlook on life, one that, James argues, yields a more complete picture of the world than the sunny disposition of the ‘once born.’ James’s heroes John Bunyan and Leo Tolstoy share this more complete, ‘twice-born’ view. 10. An Argument Wittgenstein says in the Investigations that he does not seek anything scientific in philosophy, that he does not seek theories or explanations, but rather ‘description alone.’63 His simple invented language games, for example, are ‘not preliminary studies for a future regimentation of language,’ but rather, ‘objects of comparison which, through similarities and dissimilarities are meant to throw light on features of our language.’64 One may also say of the arguments appearing in the Investigations, that they are in service not to the construction of some new system of language or knowledge, but to the ‘description’ or overview of the language we already live in, often by 60 Stanley Cavell, The Claim of Reason: Wittgenstein, Skepticism, Morality, and Tragedy and In Quest of the Ordinary: Lines of Skepticism and Romanticism. 61 James, 146. 62 James, 152. 63 PI, 109. 64 PI, 130. 208 Russell B. Goodman destroying the philosophical theories that prevent us from properly taking it in. The most famous of these Wittgensteinian arguments is the so-called ‘private language argument’ that appears first at PI 202, and then at PI 243 ff. On Certainty has its own set of powerful anti-skeptical arguments. Here are some examples: If you are not certain of any fact, you cannot be certain of the meaning of your words either.65 If you tried to doubt everything you would not get as far as doubting anything. The game of doubting itself presupposes certainty.66 The argument ‘I may be dreaming’ is senseless for this reason: if I am dreaming, this remark is being dreamed as well—and indeed it is also being dreamed that these words have any meaning.67 James doesn’t produce anything like these arguments, nor does he seem especially motivated to in Pragmatism’s sanguine accounts of truth, religion, and temperament. However, Peirce does produce a similar argument in the ‘The Fixation of Belief,’ where he writes of Descartes: ‘The distinction between an idea seeming clear and really being so, never occurred to him.’ This is a criticism based not on Descartes’s (unnoticed and unjustified) certainty about the meaning of his words (as in On Certainty), but on his (unnoticed and unjustified) certainty about what he thinks of as the clarity of his ideas. In these lines of argument Peirce and Wittgenstein share a focus on whether we can be sure about what we are thinking when we pursue the project of radical doubt, and hence whether the project can even proceed.68 11. Conclusion: The Weltanschauung I have touched on some places in Wittgenstein’s writings that sound like pragmatism. In conclusion I’d like to attend to one difference that might help us understand what Wittgenstein means when he says that he is being thwarted by some sort of Weltanschauung or world view. What is this world view and in what way does it thwart him? We find it expressed, I suggest,69 in the sketch of a Foreword that Wittgenstein composed in 1930 for a book he envisioned calling Philosophical Remarks: 65 OC, 114. 66 OC, 115. 67 OC, 383. 68 See the discussion of these arguments in Andy Hamilton, Routledge Philosophy Guidebook to Wittgenstein and On Certainty; and compare Jacques Derrida, ‘Cogito and the History of Madness.’ For Wittgenstein’s relation to Peirce and Frank Ramsey see Cheryl Misak, Cambridge Pragmatism: From Peirce and James to Ramsey and Wittgenstein. 69 Cf. my Wittgenstein and William James, 167 ff. Wittgenstein and Pragmatism Revisited 209 This book is written for those who are in sympathy with the spirit in which it is written. This is not, I believe, the spirit of the main current of European and American civilization. The spirit of this civilization makes itself manifest in the industry, architecture and music of our time, in its fascism and socialism, and it is alien and uncongenial to the author. ... Our civilization is characterized by the word ‘progress.’ Progress is its form rather than making progress being one of its features. Typically it constructs. It is occupied with building an ever more complicated structure. ... I am not interested in constructing a building, so much as in having a perspicuous view of the foundations of possible buildings. ... I might say: if the place I want to get to could only be reached by way of a ladder, I would give up trying to get there. For the place I really have to get to is a place I must already be at now.70 I know that these remarks, from 1930, are as much in the spirit of Wittgenstein’s Tractarian philosophy as they are in that of his later philosophy, where his anxieties about his relation to pragmatism show up. But I still think that they represent a main current in his later thought. My purpose here in quoting these remarks is to see what the ‘Weltanschauung’ might be which thwarts Wittgenstein. Let’s recall, listen again, to a short passage from James’s Pragmatism: Any idea on which we can ride, any idea that will carry us prosperously from any one part of our experience to any other part, linking things satisfactorily, working securely, simplifying, saving labor; is true for just so much, true in so far forth, true instrumentally.’71 I imagine Wittgenstein reading this passage (there’s no evidence that he did) and thinking: ‘this sounds like an advertisement for an automobile or a washing machine. It shows the naive optimism of an American who is misled by a fraudulent or superficial form of progress.’ I don’t say this would be fair to James but only that this passage can be heard as expressing the sort of vision and tone that Wittgenstein disliked, and that he rightly associated with some forms of pragmatism. It’s the sort of passage, I suppose, that Professor Anscombe had in mind when she told me that she was sure both that Wittgenstein hadn’t read Pragmatism and that if he had, he would have hated it.72 70 Ludwig Wittgenstein, Culture and Value, 6–7. 71 James, 512. 72 Goodman, Wittgenstein and William James, ix. Nevertheless, James discusses pragmatism in the ‘Philosophy’ chapter of Varieties of Religious Experience, and there are elements of pragmatism in The Principles of Psychology (Wittgenstein and William James, 151–4, 18–19, 148–9). For Wittgenstein’s encounter with pragmatism through Bertrand Russell and G. E. Moore, see Wittgenstein and William James, 12–16. 210 Russell B. Goodman Wittgenstein might not have liked that book very much, but I think he was right to sense deep affinities and compatibilities between his work and that of the pragmatists. Potent blendings of these streams of philosophy can be seen in the writing of the most prominent and influential pragmatist philosophers of our era: Richard Rorty, Hilary Putnam, and Robert Brandom. References Boncompagni, Anna (2011). ‘From the Ground to the Background. Form of life as ‘the given’ in Wittgenstein,’ in Logic and Philosophy of Science Vol. IX, No. 1, 2011, 451–460. Boncompagni, Anna (2016). Wittgenstein and Pragmatism: On Certainty in the Light of Peirce and James. London: Palgrave Macmillan. Brandom, Robert (2002). ‘Heidegger’s Categories in Being and Time,’ in Tales of the Mighty Dead. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 298–323. (Originally published in The Monist 66 (3):387–409 (1983)). Cavell, Stanley (1979). The Claim of Reason: Wittgenstein, Skepticism, Morality, and Tragedy. New York: Oxford University Press. Cavell, Stanley (1988). In Quest of the Ordinary: Lines of Skepticism and Romanticism. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1988. Cavell, Stanley (1989). ‘Declining Decline: Wittgenstein as a Philosopher of Culture,’ in This New Yet Unapproachable America. Albuquerque NM: Living Batch Press, 29–75. Derrida, Jacques (1978). ‘Cogito and the History of Madness,’ in Writing and Difference. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. 31–63. Dewey, John (1910). ‘Some Implications of Anti-Intellectualism,’ Journal of Philosophy, Psychology, and Scientific Methods, vol. 7, no. 18, 477–81. Dewey, John (1929). The Quest for Certainty. New York: Minton, Balch & Company. Emerson, Ralph Waldo (1971–2013). Collected Essays of Ralph Waldo Emerson, 10. vols. Ed. Robert Spiller, Alfred R. Ferguson, et. al. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. Goodman, Russell B. (2002). Wittgenstein and William James. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Hamilton, Andy (2014). Routledge Philosophy Guidebook to Wittgenstein and On Certainty. Oxford and New York: Routledge. Heidegger, Martin (1967). Being and Time, John Macquarie and Edward Robinson, trans. Oxford. Basil Blackwell. Wittgenstein and Pragmatism Revisited 211 James, William (1987). Writings 1902–1910. New York: Library of America. Misak, Cheryl (2016). Cambridge Pragmatism: From Peirce and James to Ramsey and Wittgenstein. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Moyal-Sharrock, Danièle (2004). Understanding Wittgenstein’s On Certainty. New York: Palgrave Macmillan. Moyal-Sharrock, Danièle and William H. Brenner, eds. (2005). Readings of Wittgenstein’s On Certainty. New York: Palgrave Macmillan. Peirce, Charles Sanders (1992). ‘The Fixation of Belief,’ in The Essential Peirce, vol. 1. Ed. Nathan Houser and Christian Kloesel. Bloomington and Indianapolis: Indiana University Press, 109–23. Schulte, Joachim (2005). ‘Within a System,’ in Moyal-Sharrock and Brenner, 59–75. Wittgenstein, Ludwig (1961). Tractatus Logico Philosophicus, trans. D. F. Pears and Brian McGuinness. London: Routledge and Kegan Paul. Wittgenstein, Ludwig (1969). On Certainty. G. E. M. Anscombe and G. H. von Wright, eds. trans. Denis Paul and G. E. M. Anscombe. Oxford: Basil Blackwell. [OC]. Wittgenstein, Ludwig (1980) Culture and Value. G. H. von Wright, ed., trans. Peter Winch. Oxford: Basil Blackwell. Wittgenstein, Ludwig (2009). Philosophical Investigations, revised 4th edition, P.M.S. Hacker and Joachim Schulte, eds. [PI] work_26kepwje2vfbpfrxnhsjoudupq ---- Hard to Reach: Anne Brigman, Mountaineering, and Modernity in California Archived version from NCDOCKS Institutional Repository http://libres.uncg.edu/ir/asu/ Hard To Reach: Anne Brigman, Mountaineering, And Modernity In California By: Heather Waldroup No Abstract Waldroup, Heather (2014). "Hard To Reach: Anne Brigman, Mountaineering And Modernity In California" Modernism/modernity vol. 21 issue 2 pp.447-466. Open Access Journal. Version of Record Available From (www.muse.jhu.edu) Heather Waldroup is Associate Profes- sor of art history and Associate Director of the Honors College at Appalachian State University. Her research on the histories of pho- tography and collecting has been published in Women’s History Review, Journeys, Photography and Culture, and History of Photography. She is currently complet- ing a monograph on American photography and imperialism in the South Pacific. Hard to Reach: Anne Brigman, Mountaineering, and Modernity in California Heather Waldroup Where I go is wild—hard to reach, and I don’t go for Alfred Stieglitz or Frank Crownshield or Camera Work or Vanity Fair, but because there [are] things in life to be expressed in these places. Anne Brigman, 19161 In the spring of 1906, needing a change of scenery after the San Francisco earthquake, photographer Anne Brigman (1869–1950) and several companions made a trip to the Sierra Nevada Mountains.2 For several weeks they camped at an altitude of eight thousand feet, making daily excursions to higher eleva- tions for Brigman to photograph her models in the landscape. She later explained the excursion as follows: With a small group, I went to the northern Sierra to make rough camp, packing [in] by mule. We ate, and slept with the earth in the fullest sense in this glorious grimness. Under these circum- stances, through the following years, . . . I slowly found my power with the camera among the junipers and the tamarack pines of the high, storm-swept altitudes. Compact, squat giants are these trees, shaped by the winds of the centuries like wings and flames and torsolike forms, unbelievably beautiful in their rhythms.3 In subsequent years, during summer trips in the Sierras, often at altitudes above ten thousand feet, Brigman posed her models against ancient, twisted bristlecone pines, sublime vistas, and rock outcrops, manipulating both her negatives and her prints to create grainy, blurred, powerful images. modernism / modernity volume twenty one, number two, pp 447–466. © 2014 johns hopkins university press M O D E R N I S M / m o d e r n i t y 448 Brigman’s work is visually compelling, and she was well-regarded by many of her contemporaries. She was elected to join Alfred Stieglitz’s photo-Secession group in 1903, and in 1906 she was named a fellow, the first and only on the west coast. Stieglitz remained a friend, correspondent, and supporter for many decades. Brigman’s individual photographs and exhibitions received favorable reviews in Bay Area and national publi- cations, and her work was purchased by art collectors at a time when photography was under-recognized as an art form.4 Brigman received the Grand prize in photography at the 1915 San Francisco panama pacific International exposition,5 and her work has been recognized by contemporary historians of photography, as well. Scholars such as Susan Ehrens and Kathleen pyne have addressed Brigman’s relationship to early twentieth-century spirituality and proto-feminist movements in the Bay Area.6 Overall, Brigman played a significant role in the development of art photography in California. One aspect of her work has yet to be addressed, however: Brigman’s relationship to the history of mountaineering, particularly as it was developing in California in the late-nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. Although Brigman herself would more accurately be described as an avid hiker or trekker than a mountaineer, it is noteworthy that her ability to visit the Sierras was facilitated by trail-building projects, byproducts of the expansion of national parks, early conservation movements, and the develop- ment of mountaineering in California, all of which made the area more accessible to visitors. Brigman’s written accounts of her trips to the mountains are also noteworthy, since they recall those of contemporary mountaineers in tone and content. And the landscape Brigman photographed was not a generalized one, but specifically marked as Sierran: bristlecone pines, snow fields, alpine lakes, and rock outcrops all feature significantly in her works. Brigman’s work from the Sierras also underscores the strong connection between two key developments of the modern era, photography and mountaineering. Brigman’s Sierra photography can certainly be considered antimodern in its use of the pictorialist style, and her theme of liberation in nature also drew on contemporary spiritual move- ments and conservationist discourses. T. J. Jackson Lears has described antimodernism at the fin de siècle, especially in its American manifestations, as a rejection of “modern existence [in favor of] more intense forms of physical or spiritual experience.”7 Lynda Jessup has continued this discussion, noting that antimodernism “describes what is in effect a critique of the modern, . . . a longing for the types of physical or spiritual experience embodied in utopian futures and imagined pasts.”8 Certainly Brigman’s forays into the Sierras and the work she created during those journeys articulate with antimodern sentiments. Still, through her use of photography (arguably the key image- making technology of modernity), and through her relationship to mountaineering (a form of recreation rooted in modernity, albeit with an ambivalent relationship to it), Brigman’s Sierra photographs stress the strong interdependency of modernism and antimodernism. A consideration of Brigman’s work, both written and visual, within the history and practice of mountaineering gives new insight into the work of this sig- nificant California photographer, and more broadly, to the many, often contradictory manifestations of modernity at the fin de siècle. Waldroup / hard to reach 449Anne Brigman, Pictorialist Photographer Brigman’s photographic practice began around 1900. While her body of work and the photographers she later influenced are situated historically in the twentieth century, both her personal history and her stylistic roots reach back to the nineteenth. Brigman was born into a missionary family in Hawaii in 1869, and she grew up in Nu’uanu Valley on Oahu. As pyne has written, the landscape and flora of Hawaii no doubt had strong influence on Brigman, and she continued to identify as haole Hawaiian throughout her life and career (pyne, 66). Brigman began Songs of a Pagan, her book of photographs and poems, with the dedication “Lei Aloha”; she often signed her letters “Aloha Nui”; and she wrote to Stieglitz in 1912, “please give my aloha to the friends of 291.”9 With her family, for unknown reasons, Brigman moved to California as a teenager, living first in Los Gatos and later in San Francisco and Oakland. She married a sea captain, Martin Brigman, and for several years traveled the pacific with him (Ehrens, 19). Around 1906, she began the body of work for which she is best known: a series of female nudes taken in the high altitudes of the Sierras. Later in life, she moved to Long Beach, where the focus of her work shifted from mountains to ocean. Brigman’s style engaged with both modern and antimodern ideologies. Her early work drew on pictorialism, a style grounded in nineteenth-century aesthetics. pictorial- ism emerged in Britain in the mid-nineteenth century partially as a response to public debates about the nature of photography as an art form. pictorialist photographers employed soft focus, fine grain, and various techniques for toning. They manipulated both negatives and prints with scratching, blurring, and overpainting. pictorialists printed their works on fine paper, signed them, and exhibited and marketed their works as unique fine-art objects. pictorialism was heavily influenced by nineteenth- century spirituality, including theosophy, anti-industrial sentiments, and symbolism.10 Its relationship to the arts and crafts movement is evident, as well: like the artists and designers of that movement, pictorialist photographers produced carefully crafted, original fine-art objects meant to endow the viewer with a sense of aesthetic harmony.11 American photographers began working in the pictorialist style in the late-nineteenth century. Alfred Stieglitz and the photo-Secession movement became leading proponents on the east coast. Transposed to California, pictorialism was first used in art communi- ties around 1900 in the Bay Area and slightly later in Los Angeles. It became a key style practiced in California photography throughout the 1920s, and it continued into the 1940s. Both the aesthetics and the philosophies of pictorialism intersected well with the California craftsman style practiced in other art forms such as architecture and design, and pictorialism was further influenced by the tonalist movement in American paint- ing (Wilson, 3). As Ehrens explains, Brigman’s work found a natural home in the Bay Area; this artist, who also painted and acted in local theatre productions, “epitomized the staunchly independent, unconventional ‘New Woman,’ and Bay Area bohemian artist” (Ehrens, 20). Brigman’s involvement in the local artistic community included working relationships with other women photographers, including Adelaide Hanscom and Imogen Cunningham, but Brigman’s style seems to be influenced by her broader M O D E R N I S M / m o d e r n i t y 450 creative interests as much as it is by the work of any other photographer. As Michael Wilson has noted, in spite of drawing on the stylistic aspects of pictorialism, Brigman’s work took these themes in a new direction: “Her pictures are of contemporary women and have a modern feel compared with the anachronistic re-creations of past ages fa- vored by [some] European pictorialists” (Wilson, 15). Brigman herself described her photographic project as “a search for simple loveliness,” a concept very much in line with craftsman philosophies. Brigman’s work was further informed by emerging, radical forms of countercultural spiritual practice in the Bay Area, which drew heavily on the proto-feminist movement and on the writings of early environmentalists such as Ralph Waldo Emerson, Henry David Thoreau, and Walt Whitman. Invested in the concept of spirituality manifested in natural forms, Brigman referred to herself as a “pagan” and saw her photographic practice as an expression of her faith. An exhibition pamphlet from 1909 explained, “The aim of some of these prints is to express in the abstract the solemn majesty of the rocks, the weird trees, the joyous brook, in all of the work to express the spiritual through the material.”12 One work features a “hamadryad,” which Brigman defined as “a wood nymph inseparable from the tree she inhabited.”13 Scholars have also noted the ritualistic nature of her photographs, in which the female body appears to dance in harmony with the wild landscape. pyne argues, “Although she appropriated from her male colleagues the vocabulary of the female nude that made up her images, her female form, with its limbs and torso swaying this way and that, was received as a voice emanating from a woman’s hidden psyche” (pyne, 64). In Brigman’s work, women are active, empowered, and even transformed through their relationship to nature. Brig- man’s unique take on pictorialism enabled her to adapt an international style to her own needs and interests. Mountaineering and Modernity Brigman’s travels in the Sierras were significantly facilitated by the expansion of mountaineering in the western United States at the end of the nineteenth century. Although people have always climbed up, across, and within mountains—to invade and to escape invaders, to hunt and herd animals, and to perform acts of religious faith—mountaineering as a modern concept, one practiced by people of European descent, initially developed out of eighteenth-century romantic notions of nature and the sublime, influenced by the writings of Jean-Jacques Rousseau. As David Levinson and Karen Christiansen explain, mountaineering adventures in the Alps “began to be included in itineraries on the Grand Tour” at the end of the eighteenth century, following the first ascent of Mont Blanc in 1786.14 Similarly, in her intriguing social history of walking, Rebecca Solnit explains that “walking” as a pastime developed in Britain around the turn of the nineteenth century and became a key means for the “expression of the desire for simplicity, purity, and solitude.”15 Modern mountaineering took a recreational turn in the mid-nineteenth century, developing as a “distinct activ- Waldroup / hard to reach 451ity”– that is, climbing for the sake of climbing.16 During this period, mountaineering transformed from an opportunity for the bourgeois subject to experience the sublime to a form of athletic recreation, with a focus on first ascents and with “patriotism, militarism, and Empire” as key themes.17 In 1857, the first alpine club was founded in London, but mountaineering quickly became a global undertaking, with many first ascents outside the Alps occurring at the fin de siècle (Mt. Cook in 1895; Aconcagua in 1897; Mt. McKinley in 1913). As many scholars have noted, mountaineering is closely tied to modernity and to nineteenth-century technologies of leisure.18 peter Hansen has noted that mountain- eering’s heyday in the nineteenth century was a result of the rise of the middle class and its increased interest in outdoor sports, a form of “actively constructed . . . asser- tive masculinity,” although many women were active in mountaineering.19 Ellis has further stressed mountaineering’s neoimperialist aspects.20 In addition, danger and its outcomes—either the triumph over danger or tragedy of succumbing to it—was a key theme in mountaineering. A 1902 edition of Encyclopedia Britannica defines mountaineering as “the art of moving about safely in mountain regions, avoiding the dangers incidental to them and attaining high points difficult of access,” and it notes that dangers to participants include falling rocks, falling from rocks, falling ice, and weather (“being blown from exposed positions to destruction”).21 While it was devel- oping as a form of masculinist adventure, by the late-nineteenth century the global practice of mountaineering was guided by a modern sense of increased movement in the landscape for the purpose of recreation, with danger assuaged by technology, enabling the mountaineer to reach the summit.22 In the U.S., mountaineering as an activity practiced by white settlers parallels and perhaps even predates the development of mountaineering in Europe. (In a catalog of American ascents before 1860, William Bueler begrudgingly acknowledges that there were “Indian ascents” prior to the beginning of Euroamerican mountaineering in the U.S., but he goes on to dismiss these as primarily aimed at a “better survey [of] the terrain,” acts incomparable with the acts of physical sport that characterized Euro- American mountaineering.23) The first Euro-American summit of Mt. Washington, New Hampshire, was recorded in 1642, although other key peaks on the east coast were explored and climbed in the eighteenth century, such as Roan and Grandfather Mountains in North Carolina in 1795.24 The expansion of mountaineering to western states also parallels the territorial expansion of the U.S. nation-state: key fourteeners such as pike’s peak and Mt. Shasta were not successfully climbed by Euro-Americans until the mid-nineteenth century. Mountaineering in the U.S. found its favorite playground in the western states, and the development of western tourism around mountainous national parks such as Yo- semite, Yellowstone, and Glacier certainly suggested the possibility of both leisure and mountaineering for tourists from the east. Marguerite Shaffer’s significant research has demonstrated these close ties between the development of western tourism, post-Civil- War American bourgeois identity, and the virtues of proximity to “unspoiled” nature. She traces the continual development of western tourism in the second half of the M O D E R N I S M / m o d e r n i t y 452 nineteenth century to the emergence of the U.S. as a modern, industrial nation-state in the post-Civil-War era—“Like brand-name goods, mail-order catalogs, department stores, and mass-circulation magazines, western tourism . . . imbued the emerging nation with form and substance”—and she writes that a “truly national tourism devel- oped” around western natural wonders upon the completion of the transcontinental railroad in 1869: “In this way tourism reshaped the built environment of the United States and transformed the symbolic value of American landscape and, in the process, influenced the way in which people defined and identified themselves as ‘Americans.’”25 She describes this phenomenon as “national tourism,” a mode of traveling the country that departed significantly from earlier nineteenth-century manifestations of travel and tourism: “National tourism extended from and depended on the infrastructure of the modern nation-state.”26 I would add that the extension of the American frontier to the pacific Ocean in 1848, which made it possible to travel from one North American coast to the other without leaving the U.S., strongly embedded the concept of national tourism in more widespread expressions of American nationalism. The Sierra Nevada, and Yosemite National park in particular, became many things to the U.S., including a locus for the intersection of mountaineering philosophy, rec- reational trail-building, and conservation.27 Trails are vectors of history: hunters, trad- ers, travelers, and pilgrims following similar routes for many centuries inscribe their footsteps into the land, creating paths for later voyagers to follow across plains and over passes. Indeed, the history of trails in the Sierras is deeply tied with the history of California: the land was traversed for millennia by indigenous travelers and trad- ers, who were joined by non-indigenous explorers, fur traders, and later by gold-rush hopefuls. Beginning in the 1860s, mountaineers and explorers such as Josiah Whitney, Clarence King, and John Muir traced these routes further, mapping the region and including journeys to the tops of peaks. Not all of these groups followed the same paths; as Thomas Howard notes in his study of road-building in California, different modes of transportation (foot travel, mule team, stagecoach, and later railroads) resulted in following and even creating very different overland routes.28 Still, all of these many parties, moving through and across California for wildly different reasons, marked their steps into the landscape. The concept of building trails specifically for the purpose of recreation—for moun- taineering and trekking in particular—is a more recent development. In the Sierras, trails built solely for recreation were created in the mid-nineteenth century around increased tourism into Yosemite Valley and the surrounding areas. In 1855, Milton and Houston Mann developed a toll trail into Yosemite Valley, utilizing pre-existing routes, including indigenous trails, as much as possible.29 The Coulterville Free Trail was built in 1856 by residents of Coulterville into the Valley; this is one of the first recorded in the area that “did not benefit . . . from any previous existing Indian trail.”30 In ad- dition, trails to summits, for the purpose of climbing, were developed in the period. For example, the Mt. Whitney Trail was purpose-built by residents of Lone pine in 1904 to enable scientific inquiry from the Whitney peak—and of course the journeys of many since who have desired to summit the highest peak in the lower 48 states.31 Waldroup / hard to reach 453Tourism in the Sierras, and especially in Yosemite, has a complex and contentious history, further tying it with modernity’s imperialism. Scholars have clearly established that native populations were forcibly removed and that traces of native civilization (including cultivation and controlled burning) were erased by agents of the U.S. govern- ment, creating the suggestion of an empty, pristine wilderness and opening the valley for bourgeois tourism.32 Sears argues that Yosemite was “appropriated and produced for an audience hungry for national icons and for places which symbolized the exotic wonder of a region just beginning to be known” (Sears, 123). He further explains that tourism in western states initially drew on themes from American tourism in the earlier decades of the nineteenth century, especially themes around natural wonders such as Niagara Falls and the White Mountains of New Hampshire, with American tourism developing as a “mythology of unusual things to see” (Sears, 3). Finally, he stresses that photography, particularly stereographic photography, played a key role in marketing western tourist sites to middle-class audiences (Sears, 123). Richard Grusin develops this idea further, arguing that “American national identity has always been inseparable from nature” and that the preservation of natural spaces is intrinsically tied up with this identity (Grusin, 1). Thus, although Brigman would be more accurately described as a hiker (as noted previously), she made use of trails that had been mapped and occasion- ally even created as part of modernity’s complex relationship to nature, characterized by the desires both to capture and control nature and to experience it recreationally. Since late-nineteenth-century discourses about nature intersect with antimodern sentiments, mountaineering also demonstrates an ambivalent relationship with the key tropes of modernity. An alternate voice in the scholarship on mountaineering comes from the work of Sherry Ortner, who argues that mountaineering is a “countermodern discourse” (Ortner, 39). She explains, “The point of climbing is to find something that one cannot find in modern life, that indeed has been lost in modern life” (Ortner, 38). For her, mountaineering’s spiritual engagement contrasts with modernity’s secularism, with “the crass materialism and pragmatism of modern life”; mountaineering offers an implicit critique of modern life through its rejection of civilization in favor of the wilderness (Ortner, 37). Her position is compelling, and she makes a strong case for the reflective, thrilling experience of mountaineering as opposed to the vulgar, boring routine of modern industrial (and postindustrial) life. Her more developed discussion of Sherpa-climber relations in the Himalayas serves to underscore the antimodern (and undeniably primitivist) desires of European mountaineers. Still, mountaineering depends on the modern subject for its existence. Key aspects of mountaineering are undoubtedly modern. The celebration of the individual, the desire for the panoptic view from the peak, and especially the trail-building projects that seek to map the wilderness and structure the movement of the bourgeois subject through it—all these are firmly enmeshed in discourses of modernity. The emphasis on technology in mountaineering—the development of gear and equipment both to ease the journey and to preserve the safety of the mountaineer—also points to its roots in modernity. However, Ortner’s argument is not incommensurate with other scholarship on moun- taineering: her research instead suggests that, like Brigman’s work, the relationship between mountaineering and modernity is ambivalent and complex. M O D E R N I S M / m o d e r n i t y 454 Anne Brigman and California Mountaineering The Sierras are a place of extremes. One begins in a desert climate; one then travels through multiple ecosystems, including lush evergreen forest and meadow, to emerge above the tree line to rock-covered peaks. Over the course of twenty-four hours, tem- peratures may vary from baking hot to well below freezing. Although valleys are dry, thunderstorms hover over peaks on a near-daily basis. The mountains are blanketed in many feet of snow during winter, and even during the height of summer (which is when Brigman spent her time there), large fields of snow remain at high elevations. As noted previously, Brigman camped at an altitude of around eight thousand feet, but she made multiple excursions up to ten thousand feet. The highest peaks in the region are in the thirteen- to fourteen-thousand-foot range, with the tallest, Mt. Whitney, reaching 14,505 feet.33 While Brigman did not scale any of the higher peaks, even at an elevation of ten thousand feet one has the sense of being in a transformed place. Ancient bristlecone pines, often several thousand years old and shaped by wind and weather, boulder-strewn meadows populated by marmots and pikas, and alpine lakes are all otherworldly. The aesthetics of Brigman’s photographs—both those she self-consciously produced as art, and her more casual work recording her treks—and the experiences she recorded in her writings speak to her strong connections with alpinist culture. For Brigman, her time in the Sierras placed her outside her quotidian existence, which included frequent hikes in the Oakland Hills that were enjoyable but did not afford views of undeveloped land in the same way that the Sierras did. That existence is revealed in a photograph of the photographer posed in a tree, with a house visible in the valley behind her. Its caption reads, “Scarcely a Sunday thru the past year has been missed from the trail. It gives back a sanity and peace and a new hold on the good life that is ours for the taking if we are only wise enough to know how” (figure 1).34 The low, tree-covered peaks in this image recall those close to home, such as the Oakland Hills or possibly the Santa Cruz Mountains, and her clothing, hat, and boots suggest that she is out for a Sunday stroll. During her time in the Sierras, however, Brigman attempted rougher terrain. As a recreational hiker, Brigman was likely not experienced in overland navigation; she would have relied on clearly marked trails as she explored the surrounding landscape. She also did not appear to be interested in hiking solely for the purpose of reaching peaks (“peakbagging”). Instead, Brigman appears to have been primarily interested in exploring the landscape in the general area of her camp, for recreation, for spiritual and personal development, and for her photographic prac- tice. As Ehrens explains, during Brigman’s Sierra adventures, “photography became her medium for achieving a mystical union with nature, a ritual that allowed her to create and alter her own world” (Ehrens, 23–24). The previous fifty-plus years of Anglo exploration, mountaineering, and trailbuilding in the region facilitated her journeys and created a spiritualist paradigm for the experience of alpine locations. Within the context of modernity, mountains were specific peaks to be ascended, us- ing ever-developing mountaineering technology (gear, climbing techniques) to achieve previously unreachable heights. In various writings, including essays and letters, Brig- Waldroup / hard to reach 455 ▲ Fig. 1. Photographer unknown, portrait of Anne Brigman, c. 1912. Gelatin silver print. Anne Brigman Papers, Stieglitz/O’Keefe Archive, Beinecke Library, YCAL MSS 380. Reproduced with permission of the Beinecke Library. ▲ Fig. 2. Brigman (far right) with her sister, a friend, and their dog, c. 1909. Gelatin silver print. Anne Brigman Papers, Stieglitz/ O’Keefe Archive, Beinecke Library, YCAL MSS 380. Reproduced with permis- sion of the Beinecke Library. M O D E R N I S M / m o d e r n i t y 456 man describes her treks among the manzanita, juniper, and sage looking for shooting sites, and stresses that specific places held considerable influence over both her psyche and in the production of particular artworks. Her knowledge of the Sierran landscape also indicates a keen understanding of the region’s topography. In a poem entitled “To a Snow-Line Tree,” and in various photographic works, she addresses the high altitude, specifically the experience of being above the tree line. She also frequently notes specific altitudes, as written on the verso of a photo of Brigman, her sister, a friend, and their dog standing in a snow field at an altitude of ten thousand feet (figure 2). In a postcard from Glen Alpine (probably the town of Glen Alpine Springs, near Lake Tahoe), Brigman wrote, “We’ve left our three weeks of glorious camping today and have come down to 6,800 [feet] for a couple of days before dropping to nearly sea level in Oakland. I’ve meant to write you in our high camp (8,000).” 35 Finally, as she notes in an essay for Camera Craft, Brigman explained the more universal emotional experience produced through exposure to the rugged Sierra landscape: “Though I use Sierra trees and crags and thunderstorms, they . . . hold, in pictorial form, stories of the deep emotions and struggles or joys of the human soul in the form of allegory.” 36 Like other modern mountaineers, Brigman describes her experiences in the Sierras using specific descriptors that mark her adventures at particular altitudes and locations. Brigman’s writings also recall the adventurous language of many mountaineers’ memoirs. As Hansen explains, mountaineers used “language of exploration and ad- venture” to describe their journeys.37 In addition to the spiritual themes of Brigman’s writing, linking her to Muir and others, the sense of adventure—of freedom in the wilderness—is central to Brigman’s writings from the Sierras. In one letter she noted, “Late in July I made up my mind that what ailed me was hunger—hunger for the clean, high, silent places, up near the sun and stars.”38 She packed her gear, including Leaves of Grass and Edward Carpenter’s Towards Democracy, and chose a smaller portable film camera, as opposed to her four-by-five inch view camera. She explained, “I wanted to forget everything except that I was going back to heaven, back to heaven in my high boots, and trousers, and mackinaw coat. That was all I wanted.”39 Further, a sense of self-reliance on the part of both Brigman and the women who accompanied her is woven throughout her writings on the Sierras. In her unpublished foreword to an early version of Songs of A Pagan, Brigman wrote: “The few figures I have used through the years of the mountain series were slim, hearty, unaffected women of early maturity, living a hardy out-of-door life in high boots and jeans, toughened to wind and sun . . . cooking for weeks over a camp-fire with wood from the forest around us . . . and carrying water from the icy lake at our feet . . . bearing and forbearing to the utmost.”40 Brigman’s adventures also coincided with a key period in California history: the emergence of the conservation movement, spearheaded by John Muir and influenced by the writings of Edward Carpenter, Ralph Waldo Emerson, and others. The Sierras were a focus both of land conservation politics and of Muir’s environmental spiritual- ism, in which Yosemite Valley in particular served as “a kind of natural cathedral.”41 Departing somewhat from mountaineering’s modernist focus on the bourgeois subject, Muir’s experience in the mountains reached back to an earlier, arguably more romantic Waldroup / hard to reach 457understanding of the alpine experience as a locus of spiritual growth and contemplation. As Michael Branch explains, one example of this romantic departure is Muir’s narrative structure in My First Summer in the Sierras, which represents Muir’s transition from lowlands to peaks as a spiritual journey, away from the corrupt civilized world and toward the purity of the wilderness.42 Guided by Muir, California alpinism developed along distinctly spiritualist lines. In this antimodern paradigm, the rugged wilderness existed in opposition to civilization; it was a place to gain access to spiritual purity. The Sierra Club was founded in 1892 for “recreational, educational, and conservationist” purposes, but with Muir’s spiritualist philosophies as a contextual framework. While it is uncertain if Brigman was a member of the Sierra Club, she certainly would have been familiar both with its policies and with its projects, and the popularity of the Club produced an audience that would have been receptive to Brigman’s works.43 In one example of Brigman’s connection with both the philosophical and pragmatic manifestations of California alpinism, Brigman wrote the following of a visit to Yosemite Valley in July 1914: Those were marvelous days in the corduroy suit and tramping boots. Waterfalls, roaring streams and rivers—granite rocks towering. . . . After hours of hot, patient climbing up zigzag trails the valley lay 3,000 feet below—and peak after peak rose in the distance like waves. It was good to be alive in those bare sunkissed places—to be hot and thirsty and panting with exertion—to look down the long trail, across great shoulders of granite—and realize how truly strong you were and how mighty a thing is willpower. To lift, lift step after step until what had been wished for was accomplished. I can’t begin to tell of the majesty of the place—it is too big and solemn. I was up at four o’clock, the night a party of us climbed to Glacier point, 3,000 feet above the valley.44 Brigman probably reached Glacier point via the Four Mile Trail, a switchbacked (“zigzag”) trail first constructed in the 1870s for Yosemite visitors, following the path of many others before and since who have trekked up this steep incline to experience the view from the top. This quotation further develops an aspect of Brigman’s relation- ship to the area that particularly intersects with mountaineering: while she stresses the thrill of achieving a particular location (the summit of Glacier point, overlooking Yosemite Valley), records her elevation above the valley for the reader’s edification, and demonstrates her physical strength and personal willpower, she also notes the profound emotional-spiritual experience of achieving the summit, of experiencing the “big and solemn,” sublime view from the overlook. Both in letters to friends and colleagues and in several published essays, Brigman’s writings from the region demonstrate antimodern and spiritualist tendencies, recalling contemporary works by Muir and others in both theme and content. Brigman certainly was familiar with Walt Whitman and quotes from Leaves of Grass in her essay “The Glory of the Open” and elsewhere. It is uncertain whether or not Brigman read relevant California literature, such as the writings of Muir and King; she does not quote them directly in any of the documents consulted by this researcher. Still, although she does not specifically mention Muir, Brigman must have been familiar with his works if not M O D E R N I S M / m o d e r n i t y 458 with the man himself: they were being published as collections of essays in the years in which Brigman was actively visiting the Sierras. Not only was Muir a prolific author, but he and Brigman traveled in the same bohemian social sphere in the Bay Area, and they espoused parallel ideas about the relationships between spirituality and nature. Brigman did not, apparently, join any of the Sierra Club’s “High Trips”—organized camping and hiking trips—in the California wilderness (including Yosemite), but her own forays into the area combined packing in by mule to a base camp and conducting day hikes similar to the Sierra Club’s structured outings.45 The themes found in Muir’s writings were echoed in Brigman’s own. For example, in an essay titled “Awareness,” Brigman wrote, “One day during the gathering of a thunderstorm when the air was hot and still and a strange yellow light was over everything, something happened almost too deep for me to be able to relate. New dimensions revealed themselves in the visualization of the human form as a part of tree and rock rhythms and I turned full force to the medium at hand and the be- loved Thing gave to me a power and abandon that I could not have had otherwise.”46 Similarly, Muir writes of being profoundly drawn to the region, even when viewing it from afar. When viewing peaks from the valley where he was working a flock of sheep, he explains, “Through a meadow opening in the pine woods I see snowy peaks about the headwaters of the Merced above Yosemite. How near they seem and how clear their outlines on the blue air. . . . How consuming strong the invitation they extend!”47 Certainly Muir is not “only” a mountaineer, but also a pioneer of environmental and conservation movements in California and the American west more broadly, yet like Brigman, he had a strong spiritualist relationship to the landscape and saw his experi- ences in the mountains not only as a form of recreation but also as a way to achieve spiritual depth and experience. In addition to the experiences recorded in her various writings, the aesthetics of Brigman’s works from the Sierras engage with both modern and antimodern themes. Brigman certainly follows a history of Euro-American landscape photographers in the west, such as Eadweard Muybridge and Carleton Watkins, but her employment of pictorialism differentiates her work from theirs.48 The photographs produced out of Brigman’s explorations both represent the Sierras as a specific place—she was in- vested in capturing key details of the landscape—and operate as an analog for more universal spiritual experiences to be had in the landscape. This concept manifests in both her casual snapshots and her heavily manipulated pictorialist compositions. In one example, Brigman stresses that being in a particular location and experiencing the forceful weather patterns of the Sierras led to the production of her 1925 photograph Invictus (figure 3): “There, in this high, lone place . . . between hail showers and rac- ing clouds and glorious sunlight, the film of the print Invictus came to birth.”49 In this image, Brigman’s compelling composition captures the solidity and grandeur of the Sierran landscape: the powerful vertical form of the tree, rising upward and outward, enveloping the body of the woman standing within it, contrasts with the sloping hori- zon line, which is balanced by a weighty boulder in the background. The wide range of tones in the image, from the strong shadows beneath the tree to the clouds in the Waldroup / hard to reach 459 ▲ Fig. 3. Anne Brigman, Invictus, 1925. Gelatin silver print. Scripps College, Gift of C. Jane Hurley Wilson and Michael G. Wilson, 2008. Reproduced with permission of the Ruth Chandler Williamson Gallery. ▲ Fig. 4. Anne Brigman, Harlequin, undated. Gelatin silver print glued into album. Anne Brigman Papers, Stieglitz/ O’Keefe Archive, Beinecke Library, YCAL MSS 380. Reproduced with permission of the Beinecke Library. M O D E R N I S M / m o d e r n i t y 460 sky, add greater depth and drama to the image. Finally, the nude female figure seems both to merge with and to rise up from the tree itself. Brigman’s description of the storm, suggested by the darkening sky and deepening shadows, only adds to the richly sublime aesthetics of the work. In the undated print Harlequin (figure 4), the viewer is presented with the tree itself, in strong reclined profile, reaching out towards the sky and peaks in the background. At this stage of her career, Brigman made relatively few pure landscapes, and certainly this work points towards the impact her work would have on mid-twentieth-century landscape photographers such as Edward Weston. This study also points to her inter- est in the agency contained within elements of nature itself: nature is not merely the object, but the active subject of her work. Like the rhythm contained in the trees and rocks that Brigman describes elsewhere, the tree trunk in Harlequin appears to undulate with a living energy. The graininess of her pictorialist style and her weighted composition creates an ambiguous form, in which the distinction between the tree and its surrounding landscape of sky and mountains is not entirely apparent. Finally, in her undated piece Sierra Landscape (figure 5), Brigman moves away from her typical style of ascribing mythical or spiritualist titles to her works and identifies her subject—a powerful tree and an alpine lake—as one located in the Sierra Nevada. Unlike the work of her male predecessors intent on ostensibly objective documentation, Brigman ▲ Fig. 5. Anne Brigman, Sierra Landscape, undated. Gelatin silver print glued into album. Anne Brigman Papers, Stieglitz/O’Keefe Archive, Beinecke Library, YCAL MSS 380. Reproduced with permission of the Beinecke Library. Waldroup / hard to reach 461purposefully blurs and smears her image, producing a unique Sierran landscape with the intention of generating a rich emotional-spiritual response that mirrors her own experiences in the wilderness. Brigman’s casual photos taken in the Sierras depart somewhat from the spiritualist themes of her art photography, engaging more closely with the adventurous tropes of modern mountaineering. Brigman’s formal artistic works draw on motifs of female liberation, as pyne has cogently argued, and this concept of the liberated woman—in this case, a sporty toughness and rugged affinity for the outdoors—also comes through in her casual snapshots from the Sierras. While Brigman used models for her formal artistic works, these casual photos of Brigman herself are integral for understanding her experience of the mountain landscape. First, like many women mountaineers of the period, Brigman is continually shown wearing wool knickers rather than skirts, demonstrating freedom of movement. pants were becoming somewhat more popular for women in the early twentieth century, at least for recreational activities, and as Ann Colley has noted, women mountaineers since the late-nineteenth century often wore knickerbockers while climbing, either on their own or in combination with a matching skirt that could be taken on and off as needed, without being considered unfeminine.50 In the photograph of Brigman with her sister, friend, and their dog in a snow field (figure 2), Brigman’s sister remains in a dress while Brigman wears knickers, thus presenting herself as the true adventurer of the group. ▲ Fig. 6. Brigman on Castle Peak, c. 1909. Gelatin silver print. Anne Brigman Papers, Beinecke Library, Stieglitz/O’Keefe Archive, YCAL MSS 380. Reproduced with permission of the Beinecke Library. M O D E R N I S M / m o d e r n i t y 462 A series of solitary photos of Brigman on Castle peak (9,109 feet) further demon- strates her self-presentation as lone explorer. Brigman may or may not have climbed to the summit; nevertheless, these two photographs are framed to present Brigman in heroic poses: in one instance, with her hat in hand, waving in the wind; in the other, standing on a boulder, silhouetted against the Sierra sky, as if on a high, steep preci- pice (figure 6). More overt manipulation is evident in another image, the final print of which ostensibly shows Brigman traversing an overhung cliff (figure 7). While the interpositive version demonstrates manipulation—particularly that the overhang was added through scratching and painting directly on the negative—the final print appears to be of Brigman negotiating a dangerous corner of a cliff face.51 Finally, in all of these images, Brigman’s wool attire, knickers, and sturdy shoes mark her as a capable trekker, prepared for her adventures in the wilderness. As is attested even by the contemporary ▲ Fig. 7. Brigman “traversing” a cliff in the Sierras, c. 1909. Gelatin silver print. Anne Brigman Papers, Stieglitz/O’Keefe Archive, Beinecke Library, YCAL MSS 380. Reproduced with permission of the Beinecke Library. Waldroup / hard to reach 463popularity of patagonia’s Merino wool line and by wool-focused companies such as Icebreaker and Ibex, wool has often been marketed as the “new” high-tech fabric for outdoor gear, marketed as “natural,” wicking, and non-“stinky.”52 In these photos of Brigman herself, one of which was included in the preliminary pages to the published version of Songs of a Pagan (figure 7), the photographer presents herself as able ad- venturess in the mountains, both spiritually aware and powerfully physically active. Mountaineering and Photography: Modern and Antimodern photography is arguably the most modern of modernity’s image-making technolo- gies, produced out of the primacy granted to vision during the enlightenment and out of industrialism’s fetishization of the machine, with the photographer nevertheless remaining the active subject of the gaze, in control of the image produced. photogra- phy’s relationship to mountaineering is both pragmatic and ontological. It played a key documentary role in mountaineering, particularly as evidence of first ascents. In the U.S., the photography of Timothy O’Sullivan, Watkins’s mammoth plate photography, and stereographic views by many photographers mapped California for middle-class audiences in the east, making the west knowable to these viewers and enabling them to travel vicariously to the new American Eden. Similarly, mountaineering is a highly visual endeavor: even before the advent of photography, the experience of summiting a peak and obtaining the panoptic view it afforded was of key interest, with the moun- taineer as active locus of the gaze. Both photography and mountaineering articulate with antimodernism in significant ways, yet both are deeply ingrained in modernist discourses, particularly around technology and the centrality of the bourgeois subject. Intriguingly, after relocating to Southern California, Brigman’s photographic work would become overtly modernist in style, with flat planes, abstract close-ups, lack of toning in her silver prints, and clear focus recalling the work of Edward Weston, Ansel Adams, and other midcentury California photographers. The archival record on Brigman is deep and needs continual reading. In particular, her relationship to the burgeoning environmental movement in California and her potential knowledge of John Muir’s work are projects that invite further consideration. My goal here has been to acknowledge the multiple influences on Brigman and the many worlds her work inhabited. By situating Brigman’s work within the history of mountaineering and exam- ining her relationship to antimodernist discourses, I have attempted to enable further understanding of the multiple influences on her work, while stressing the ambivalent yet mutually dependent relationship between antimodernism and modernity. I finish here with Brigman’s own words. In a letter of 4 July 1917, she wrote, “Am off to camp for 6 weeks. It’s great ‘to eat and sleep with the earth.’”53 She then departed the Bay Area for a glorious summer in the mountains. M O D E R N I S M / m o d e r n i t y 464 Notes 1. Letter from Anne Brigman to Frank Crownshield of Vanity Fair, 6 October 1916. Alfred Stieglitz/Georgia O’Keeffe Archive, Beinecke Library, Yale University, New Haven, CT, YCAL MSS 85, series 1, box 8, folder 171. 2. Anne Brigman, typescript of foreword to unpublished version of Songs of a Pagan. Anne Brig- man papers, Beinecke Library, YCAL MSS 380, box 2, n.p. 3. Brigman, typescript of foreword, n.p. 4. See “Local Art Bought by Miss Harriman: Two Lens Studies of Mrs. Brigman added to Notable Collection,” San Francisco Call, 8 August 1911, 8. Many Bay Area newspapers praised Brigman’s work; for just one example, see “New Trail in Art Blazed by Woman: Oakland ‘pioneer’ Changes photography from Mechanical process to Spiritual Expression,” San Francisco Examiner, December 1924 (specific date unknown), 20; clipping located in the Anne Brigman papers, Beinecke Library, YCAL MSS 380, box 5. Brigman’s work was also mentioned positively in an announcement of an upcoming exhibition in Brooklyn; see “Institute’s Department of photography presents an April Exhibit of California Studies by Ann [sic] Brigman,” Bulletin of the Brooklyn Institute of Arts and Sciences, 2 April 1932; pamphlet located in Anne Brigman papers, Beinecke Library, YCAL MSS 380, box 5. For an example of a posi- tive critique of Brigman’s work that received national circulation, see “Works of Nature and Works of Art Blended in the California Camera Studies of Anne Brigman,” Vanity Fair 6, no. 4 (1916): 50–52. 5. Letter from Brigman to Crownshield (see note one). 6. Susan Ehrens, A Poetic Vision: The Photographs of Anne Brigman (Santa Barbara: Santa Bar- bara Museum of Art, 1995); hereafter cited in the text as “Ehrens.” Kathleen pyne, “Response: On Feminine phantoms: Mother, Child, and Woman-Child,” The Art Bulletin 88, no. 1 (2006): 44–61. Kathleen pyne, Modernism and the Feminine Voice: O’Keefe and the Women of the Stieglitz Circle (Berkeley: University of California press, 2007); hereafter cited in the text as “pyne.” I thank Susan Ehrens for her generosity in pointing me to several key primary sources on Brigman. 7. T. J. Jackson Lears, No Place of Grace: Antimodernism and the Transformation of American Culture, 1880–1920 (New York: pantheon, 1981), xiii. 8. Lynda Jessup, “Antimodernism and Artistic Experience: An Introduction,” in Antimodernism and Artistic Experience: Policing the Boundaries of Modernity, ed. Lynda Jessup (Toronto: University of Toronto press, 2001), 4. 9. Anne Brigman, Songs of a Pagan (Caldwell, ID: Caxton printers, 1949). Letter from Brigman to Stieglitz, December 1912, Alfred Stieglitz / Georgia O’Keeffe Archive, Beinecke Library, YCAL MSS 85, series 1, box 8, folder 170. 10. See Alison Nordström and David Wooters, “Crafting the Art of the photograph,” in Truth Beauty: Pictorialism and the Photograph as Art, 1845–1945, ed. Thomas padon (Vancouver, BC: Douglas and McIntyre, 2008). 11. For a discussion of the relationship between pictorialism and the arts and crafts movement, see Christian peterson, “American Arts and Crafts: The photograph Beautiful, 1895–1915,” History of Photography 16, no. 3 (1992): 189–233. See also Michael Wilson, “Northern California: The Heart of the Storm,” in Pictorialism in California: Photographs 1900–1940, eds. Michael G. Wilson and Dennis Reed (Los Angeles: J. paul Getty Museum and the Huntington Library, 1994), 1–22; hereafter cited in the text as “Wilson.” Ehrens discusses this relationship, as well (Ehrens, 20), and pyne discusses Brigman’s own interest in the arts and crafts movement (pyne, 67). 12. No author, pamphlet from exhibition with print list, 6–16 November, year unknown (probably 1909). Anne Brigman papers, Beinecke Library, YCAL MSS 380, box 5. 13. Brigman, Songs of a Pagan, 89. 14. David Levinsen and Karen Christiansen, “Mountain Climbing,” in The Encyclopedia of World Sport: From Ancient Times to the Present, vol. 2 (Oxford: ABC-Clio, 1996), 659. 15. Rebecca Solnit, Wanderlust: A History of Walking (New York: Viking, 2000), 85. 16. Levinsen and Christiansen, “Mountain Climbing,” 659. 17. Levinsen and Christiansen, “Mountain Climbing,” 659. 18. See Kerwin Lee Klein, “A Vertical World: The Eastern Alps and Modern Mountaineering,” Journal of Historical Sociology 24, no. 4 (2011): 519–48. Waldroup / hard to reach 46519. peter H. Hansen, “Albert Smith, the Alpine Club, and the Invention of Mountaineering in Mid-Victorian Britain,” Journal of British Studies 34, no. 3 (1995): 304. 20. Reuben J. Ellis, Vertical Margins: Mountaineering and the Landscapes of Neoimperialism (Madison: University of Wisconsin press, 2001). 21. “Mountaineering,” Encyclopedia Brittanica, 10th ed., vol. 31 (Edinburgh and London: Adam and Charles Black, 1902): 22–24. 22. As several insightful histories of women and mountaineering have demonstrated, such mascu- linist adventure was not always masculine. For a few examples, see Bill Birkett, Women Climbing: 200 Years of Achievement (Seattle and London: Mountaineers), 1990; David Mazel, ed., Mountaineering Women: Stories by Early Climbers (College Station: Texas A&M University press, 1994); Rebecca Brown, Women on High: Pioneers of Mountaineering (Boston: Appalachian Mountain Club Books, 2002); Karen Routledge, “Being a Girl Without Being a Girl: Gender and Mountaineering on Mount Waddington, 1926–36,” BC Studies 141 (2004): 31–58; Maurice Isserman and Stewart Weaver, Fallen Giants: a History of Himalayan Mountaineering from the Age of Empire to the Age of Extremes (New Haven: Yale University press, 2008); and Ann Colley, Victorians in the Mountains: Sinking the Sublime (Burlington, VT: Ashgate, 2010). For an extraordinary study of the relationships between mountaineering and gender more broadly, see Sherry Ortner, Life and Death on Mt. Everest: Sherpas and Himalayan Mountaineering (princeton, NJ: princeton University press, 1999); hereafter cited in the text as “Ortner.” 23. William Bueler, “American Ascents Before 1860,” Appalachia 40, no. 8 (1975): 102. I thank Amauri Serrano for making this article available to me. 24. Bueler, “American Ascents,” 103. 25. Marguerite Shaffer, “Negotiating National Identity: Western Tourism and ‘See America First,’” in Reopening the American West, ed. Hal K. Rothman (Tucson: University of Arizona press, 1998), 123. 26. Marguerite Shaffer, See America First: Tourism and National Identity, 1880–1940 (Washington, DC: Smithsonian Institution press, 2001), 3. 27. This is a broad field of literature. In addition to Shaffer’s See America First, see for example Fran- cis Farquhar, History of the Sierra Nevada (Berkeley: University of California press, 1965); John Sears, Sacred Places: American Tourist Attractions in the Nineteenth Century (New York: Oxford University press, 1989); hereafter cited in the text as “Sears.” See also Rebecca Solnit, Savage Dreams: A Journey into the Landscape Wars of the American West (Berkeley: University of California press, 2000); Mark David Spence, Dispossessing the Wilderness: Indian Removal and the Making of the National Parks (New York: Oxford University press, 2000); Richard Grusin, Culture, Technology, and the Creation of America’s National Parks (Cambridge: Cambridge University press, 2004); hereafter cited in the text as “Grusin.” Sears notes that popular constructions of Yosemite of the mid-nineteenth-century focused on the park’s role as a “wonder” or curiosity; the idea of preservation/conservation did not come into play until later in the nineteenth century (Sears, 130). Grusin intriguingly argues that the creation of Yosemite in 1864, when it was ceded to the state of California by Congress, “constitutes the creation of a technology for the reproduction of nature as landscape”; he cites an early report on the park by Frederick Law Olmstead as “a complex expression of a cultural logic of recreation, a logic which relies upon structural parallels between the preservation of Yosemite and several of the related cultural practices in which the origins of American environmentalism are embedded. . . . Olmstead represents Yosemite’s preservation in terms of a structure of aesthetic agency so systematic in late- nineteenth century America as to appear to be natural” (Grusin, 16, 21–22). 28. Thomas Frederick Howard, Sierra Crossing: First Roads to California (Berkeley: University of California press, 1998), 12–14. In his writings from California, Muir mentions bushwhacking and following animal trails in addition to what appear to be built trails. See John Muir, Steep Trails: Cali- fornia, Utah, Nevada, Washington, Oregon, the Grand Cañon, in The Writings of John Muir: Sierra Edition, vol. 8 (Boston and New York: Houghton Mifflin, 1918). While the history of recreational trail-building needs further exploration, certainly many of the currently used trails in the Sierras were in place by the 1930s. See Walter Augustus Starr, Guide to the John Muir Trail and the High Sierra Region, 1st ed. (San Francisco: Sierra Club, 1934). I thank Jeff Schaffer for pointing me to this source. M O D E R N I S M / m o d e r n i t y 466 29. C. Frank Brockman, “Development of Transportation to Yosemite,” Yosemite Nature Notes 22, no. 6 (June 1943): 53. 30. Brockman, “Development of Transportation to Yosemite,” 55. 31. Farquhar, History of the Sierra Nevada, 182. 32. See Spence, Dispossessing the Wilderness, and Grusin. 33. National Geodetic Survey Data Sheet for Mt. Whitney, accessed 27 May 2012, http://www. ngs.noaa.gov/cgi-bin/ds_mark.prl?pidBox=GT1811. 34. Alfred Stieglitz/Georgia O’Keeffe Archive, Beinecke Library, YCAL MSS 85, series IV, box 149, folder 2780. 35. postcard dated 27 September 1912, Alfred Stieglitz/Georgia O’Keeffe Archive, Beinecke Library, YCAL MSS 85, series 1, box 8, folder 170. 36. Anne Brigman, “Just a Word,” Camera Craft 15, no. 3 (March 1908): 87. 37. Hansen, “Albert Smith, the Alpine Club,” 304. 38. Anne Brigman, “The Glory of the Open,” Camera Craft 33, no. 4 (1926): 158. 39. Brigman, “The Glory of the Open,” 158. 40. Brigman, typescript of foreword (see note 2). 41. David peeler, The Illuminating Mind in American Photography: Stieglitz, Strand, Weston, Adams (Rochester, NY: University of Rochester press, 2001), 282. 42. Michael Branch, “John Muir’s My First Summer in the Sierra (1911),” ISLE: Interdisciplinary Studies in Literature and Environment 11, no. 1 (2004): 143. 43. The Sierra Club’s policies were perhaps best represented in the work of Ansel Adams, who was a few decades younger than Brigman and who certainly knew of Brigman’s work. Indeed, the potential cross-fertilization of Adams and Brigman is a project that requires further study. Like Brigman, Adams saw his forays into the Sierras as a way to encounter “the wonderful Spirit of the mountains” (quoted in peeler, The Illuminating Mind, 283). Their stylistic differences aside—Adams rejected his initial pictorialist style for a near-fetishization of clarity for which he became best known—the two photog- raphers certainly overlap in their stress on the transformational powers of their alpine experiences. 44. Letter dated July 1912. Alfred Stieglitz/Georgia O’Keeffe Archive, Beinecke Library, YCAL MSS 85, series 1, box 8, folder 171. 45. Solnit, Wanderlust, 149. 46. Anne Brigman,”Awareness,” Design for Arts in Education 38 (1936): 18. 47. John Muir, My First Summer in the Sierra (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1911), 22. 48. See Kate Nearpass Ogden, “Sublime Vistas and Scenic Backdrops: Nineteenth-Century painters and photographers at Yosemite,” California History 69, no. 2 (1990): 134–53; and Deborah Bright, “The Machine in the Garden Revisited: American Environmentalism and photographic Aesthetics,” Art Journal 51, no. 2 (1992): 60–71. 49. Brigman, “The Glory of the Open,” 163. 50. Colley, Victorians in the Mountains, 123–25. 51. Ehrens has painstakingly documented Brigman’s unique process. After shooting her original film (either on glass plates or standard film), Ehrens explains, Brigman “first made interpositives from her original black and white negatives, using transparency film on which she then did extensive handiwork. After altering the interpositives, she would make new negatives which were then used to make photographic prints. Her many techniques for altering the interpositives include[ed] using pencils, pints, and etching tools to add or eliminate elements.” (Ehrens, 26). The interpositive of the photograph of Brigman on the ledge discussed here, as well as other works by Brigman, are available digitally through the George Eastman House’s Brigman, Kasebier, et al Positives series. Visit http:// www.geh.org/ar/strip81/htmlsrc/brigmanetal_sld00001.html. 52. See, for example, “Why wear Icebreaker merino?” Icebreaker Merino Website, https:// us.icebreaker.com/en/why-icebreaker-merino/why-wear-icebreaker-merino.html. 53. Letter dated 4 July 1917, Alfred Stieglitz/Georgia O’Keeffe Archive, Beinecke Library, YCAL MSS 85, series 1, box 8, folder 168. work_2a3y4kneqndknd5dtwfw3asdu4 ---- Reclaiming the Individual From Hofstede’s Ecological Analysis— A 20-Year Odyssey: Comment on Oyserman et al. (2002) Michael Harris Bond Chinese University of Hong Kong D. Oyserman, H. M. Coon, and M. Kemmelmeier (2002) challenge the stereotype that European Americans are more individualistic and less collectivistic than persons from most other ethnic groups. The author contends that this stereotype took firm empirical root with G. Hofstede’s (1980) monumental publication identifying the United States as the most individualistic of his then 40 nations. This empirical designation arose because of challengeable decisions Hofstede made about the analysis of his data and the labeling of his dimensions. The conflation of concepts under the rubric of cultural individualism plus psychologists’ unwarranted psychologizing of the construct then combined with Hofstede’s empirical location of America to set a 20-year agenda for data collection. Oyserman et al. disentangle and organize this mass of studies, enabling the discipline of cross-cultural psychology to forge ahead in more productive directions, less reliant on previous assumptions and measures. First to enter is the master—Book of Han by Pan Ku (A.D. 32–92) The heroic integration of research on individualism– collectivism by Oyserman, Coon, and Kemmelmeier (2002) touches on some issues that have exercised me considerably over the last quarter century of doing cross-cultural social/personality psychology. I take this opportunity to comment on one of these issues: the freeing of our discipline from the intellectual shackles of Hofstede’s (1980) intellectual achievement. I believe that we cross-cultural psychologists have long been held in thrall by Hof- stede’s essential contribution and that many continue to misunder- stand what he did, wrestling with the ghosts of his legacy instead of developing cross-cultural psychology in more productive direc- tions. Those directions include identifying individual-level con- structs whose strength and connections with other constructs need to be examined across cultural groups; linking the strength of these individual constructs to socialization practices and institutional processes, which vary across cultural groups; examining the im- portance of extraindividual factors, such as norms, roles, and aspects of language, in generating social cognitions and behavior; and searching out novel constructs, processes, and theories ex- plaining human social behavior from the repository of non- Western cultural traditions (Smith & Bond, in press). This reflection focuses on the first of these directions and begins by considering why cross-cultural psychologists have spent the last 20 years reaching the disciplinary conclusion about individualism– collectivism described by Oyserman et al. (2002). By understanding this laborious process, I hope that the field can move forward more adroitly in the 21st century. Hofstede’s (1980) Nation-Mapping Hofstede is an organizational sociologist with an engineering background (see Hofstede, 1997). As research director at IBM in the mid-1960s, he had access to its employee survey, which surveyed equivalent, stratified samples of its workers in more than 40 countries. This survey included 32 items that Hofstede (1980) described as work goals or values. For each of his (initial- ly) 40 nations, Hofstede computed an average score for the en- dorsement given by each nation-sample to each of those 32 work- related values. He then produced a correlation matrix for these 32 average “nation-values.” This matrix was factor analyzed, yielding three factors, the largest of which was subdivided. This procedure yielded four dimensions by which nations could be described in terms of their factor score on each of the four dimensions. Hof- stede had mapped the values of nations much as former Dutch explorers had mapped the geography of terra incognita. Hofstede’s (1980) Herculean achievement was to provide the social sciences with an empirical mapping of 40 of the world’s major nations across four dimensions of culture, integrating these results with previous theorizing and data about national cultures, dimension by dimension. Social scientists were galvanized, and in the ensuing 20 years, Hofstede has become one of the most widely cited social scientists of all time (Hofstede, 1997). Cross-cultural psychologists like myself felt ourselves unleashed because we now enjoyed an empirical justification for considering our samples of subjects to be drawn from nations with different positions on one of Hofstede’s four dimensions. In part because of its distin- guished lineage in the social sciences, that dimension was usually individualism– collectivism. Nation-Level Individualism–Collectivism One wonders how the last 20 years of cross-cultural psychology would have differed if Hofstede (1980) had not made a number of crucial choices. The first was to label one of his four factors, individualism– collectivism. Six nation-values, in this case work I wish to express my thanks to Peter B. Smith for his wise counsel on an earlier version of this article. Correspondence concerning this article should be addressed to Michael Harris Bond, Department of Psychology, Chinese University of Hong Kong, Shatin, N.T., Hong Kong, S. A. R. China. E-mail: mhb@cuhk.edu.hk Psychological Bulletin Copyright 2002 by the American Psychological Association, Inc. 2002, Vol. 128, No. 1, 73–77 0033-2909/02/$5.00 DOI: 10.1037//0033-2909.128.1.73 73 goals, constituted the factor. Personal time, freedom, and challenge were added together to define and constitute the individualism end of the dimension; use of skills, physical conditions, and training were added together to define and constitute the opposite end of the bipolar factor. The first three work goals bear obvious relations to individualism as that multifaceted construct has been discussed in the literature of the social sciences. How the last three work goals described anything resembling collectivism was, however, a mystery to many. Those three work goals constituted a bipolar contrast to the three individualistic items. Given linguistic conventions and theoretical comparisons developed in previous sociology, the temptation to label the contrasting three work goals as collectivism must have been overwhelming. I suggest that this labeling of a bipolar con- trast drawn at the national level has structured our subsequent thinking about this construct as a bipolar contrast at the individual level. I find it intriguing that Hofstede’s (1980) decision at another choice point may have deeded us this contrast. Factor analyses of raw value scores yield factors with values all loading positively on their prime factor. Hofstede, however, had first standardized his 32 nation-values within each of his 40 nations to eliminate any acquiescence bias that may have distorted a nation’s resulting position on the extracted factors. This procedure yields both pos- itively and negatively loading items, thereby creating bipolar con- trasts in the resulting factor loadings. Hofstede subsequently found that the extent of a country’s acquiescence bias correlated with its score on one of his four dimensions, power distance. As Hofstede argued, it makes sense that persons socialized into a hierarchical social system should be inclined to agree with most things asso- ciated with authority, like items in an employee survey. Thus, a nation’s degree of acquiescence has a meaningful rela- tionship to one of the extracted dimensions and may encapsulate important cultural distinctions. Had Hofstede (1980) not standard- ized the 32 work-related values within each nation, the subsequent nation positions may well have been the same as they were following his standardization. Indeed, my collaborators and I found that standardizing our Chinese values in 22 different nations made no difference in the resulting country positions when com- pared with results from the nonstandardized solution (Chinese Culture Connection, 1987). So, had Hofstede not standardized his nation-values within each nation, thereby generating bipolar di- mensions, the contrast of collectivism against individualism might never have influenced our subsequent work. The United States and Individualism Nonetheless, these six particular and perhaps peculiar work goals, three positive, three negative, were combined to yield scores for each of the 40 nations. By happy chance, the United States was located at the extreme of the dimension, the very exemplar of Hofstede’s (1980) individualism. The United States is the center of the world as far as the production of social science (Featherman, 1993) and empirical psychology is concerned. Consequently, it constitutes the contrasting culture against which most cross- cultural comparisons are made. Many literate, scholarly essays had long been a part of our disciplinary corpus, contrasting some cultural system with the American cultural system and using the contrasting concepts of individualism– collectivism to frame that discussion (e.g., Hsu, 1953). A plethora of cross-cultural research began to emerge after the publication of Hofstede’s (1980), Culture’s Consequences, fram- ing comparisons between American results and those of other cultures, usually Asian, in terms of individualism– collectivism. Given the richness of this concept, authors found this an easy argument to cast. The findings were cooperative too, given the elasticity of the conceptual contrast and the standard operating procedure of using only two cultural groups and then comparing the average score of American respondents with that of respon- dents from some non-Anglo Saxon nation. Few psychologists read Hofstede’s (1980) detailed methodology closely. Most forgot that Hofstede had extracted the dimension of individualism– collectivism by subdividing the larger first factor that emerged from his initial 40-nation factor analysis. Hofstede labeled the other subfactor power distance, with an individualism– collectivism and power distance correlation of -.67. On this di- mension of power distance, the United States was not located in an extreme position, with 14 countries showing lesser power distance. Had Hofstede stayed with his original three-factor solution and its strong first factor, it seems most unlikely that the United States would have been first among his 40 nations. More likely it would have been Israel, Ireland, Denmark, Great Britain, or Australia. Even if Hofstede had persisted with the label individualism– collectivism, would we still have enjoyed the efflorescence of cross-cultural studies on this cultural concept had the United States not been its prime exemplar? The Puzzling Position of Japan As Oyserman et al. (2002) remind us, Japan is perhaps the most intensely studied exemplar of the collectivist cultural extreme, certainly by cross-cultural psychologists. It was, however, not the obvious choice for a contrast using Hofstede’s (1980) taxonomy because 16 of Hofstede’s 40 countries are even more collectivistic than Japan. On power distance it was 22nd, close to the United States’s 15th position. Again, this closer inspection of Hofstede’s results suggests that had Hofstede left his first factor intact, Japan and the United States would have been cultural neighbors, not distant contrasts. Indeed, a two-factor solution (Bond, 1996) to a more recent multicultural study of values (Schwartz, 1994) puts Japan and the United States in almost the same exact position from among the 37 countries in the array! Therefore, one might well ask why Oyserman et al. evinced such surprise in their readers when they convincingly demonstrated, as have Takano and Osaka (1999), that Japanese are often more individualistic, not less, than Americans? Using hindsight, we never should have been so surprised. Psychologizing National Individualism–Collectivism Hofstede’s (1980) four-dimensional mapping of national values met a growing academic hunger for structure concerning culture. Previously, cultural contrasts in the social sciences had often seemed tendentious, Procrustean, and ideological. By contrast, Hofstede had deployed the full scientific armamentarium of ana- lytical techniques to 116,000 questionnaires gathered from matched samples in 40 nations, repeated twice, in 1967 and 1971. 74 BOND He then positioned these 40 nations on his four dimensions and supported this dimensionalizing with a daunting array of support- ive theory and findings culled from his extensive knowledge of the social science literature. I submit that social psychologists were mesmerized by this “fearful symmetry” and all too willingly ignored anomalies and the fine print. Many overlooked Hofstede’s (1980) division of his first factor, embraced his location of the United States as the highest of the 40 nations on individualism, accepted his characterization of coun- tries high on the six work goals as validly defining a contrast between individualism– collectivism, and then proceeded to com- mit the ecological fallacy of regarding Americans as the world’s most individualistic persons. Hofstede (1980) had warned readers about this flaw in logic. The ecological fallacy occurs when an association among nation-level variables (ecological indices) is assumed to apply to individuals. Such a fallacy would be perpe- trated, for example, if readers assumed that the six work goals defining nation-level individualism– collectivism in Hofstede’s analysis would likewise define individualism– collectivism at the individual level. If one could legitimately do so, it would be a simple extension of Hofstede’s (1980) results to conclude that because the United States was first in nation-level individualism and last in nation- level collectivism, Americans are therefore more individualistic and less collectivistic on average than persons from any other country. Social scientists may not do so. As has been shown by many authors (e.g., Hofstede, Bond, & Luk, 1993; K. Leung, 1989; Shweder, 1973), the pattern of correlations at the national (or organizational or group) level is not replicated at the individual level. Even though some forcefully argue that there is pressure within the social system for an individual organization of value groupings to align itself with a national organization of value groupings (Schwartz, 1994), in practice such isomorphism does not occur. Nation-level constructs are not logically or empirically constituted the same way as individual-level constructs, conve- nient as it would be. Unpackaging Individualism Psychologically Many cross-cultural psychologists were alert to this fallacy and struggled to ladder Hofstede down from the national to the indi- vidual level. If one could identify an equivalent construct measur- ing individual-level individualism, then one could begin examin- ing relations between this individual-level individualism and other relevant variables within a number of national groups to see if these relations were culture-general or culture-specific. Psychol- ogy could then move toward creating universal theories that were empirically grounded in findings from a number of different cul- tural groups. In fact, Bosland (1985), an associate of Hofstede’s, tried to examine the associations among the Hofstede (1980) work goals at the individual level across 10 of the Hofstede nations. He found it impossible to extract a metrically equivalent grouping or set of groupings at the individual level from so many different cultural groups. Metrically equivalent groupings of items into constructs are necessary when one wants to compare individuals and indi- vidual processes across different cultural groups (Van de Vijver & Leung, 1997). Procedures for assessing equivalence have been developed for comparisons across two cultural groups, such as Cronbach alphas for item groupings and coefficients of congru- ence for factor structures. However, when these criteria are ex- tended beyond two cultural groups, it becomes very difficult to achieve the levels of metric equivalence normally judged to be adequate in two-culture comparisons. I, for example, pooled and factor analyzed balanced data sets of values from 22 nations, extracting two factors (Bond, 1988). These two factors, however, accounted for only 13% of the common variance. That would seem a paltry amount in a monocultural factor analysis, but how else should one assess such a level of commonality across 2,200 persons from 22 different cultural groups? What should the percentage of accountable variance and the distribution of alphas or of coefficients of congruence look like across persons from such a large set of constituent cultural groups? Cross-cultural psychologists had no statistical ways to assess this question. Confirmatory factor analysis required a standard solution against which the other solutions could be compared. But in multicultural data sets, which culture was to provide the standard solution? The historical operating procedure had been to export a test of some construct usually developed in the United States and use the scoring scheme developed there as the standard. That procedure was labeled imposed etic by Berry (1969) and smacked of intellectual imperialism because it implied that the United States and its people could be used to define the organization of the psychological world. When culture was the object of scientific inquiry, however, openness to all cultural possibilities was a sine qua non. Every culture’s voice must be equally privileged. Hofstede (1980) in the Context of Psychological Discovery Hofstede (1980) provided a richly textured description of what he deemed to be the components of each of his four cultural dimensions. The inclusion of each component was justified by a host of theoretical underpinnings and validational evidence from national indexes. This cataloging of components provided fodder for eager instrumentation by cross-cultural psychologists (e.g., Triandis et al., 1986), just as Hall’s (1976) work on high- and low-context cultures later did for studies of communication across cultures (Gudykunst et al., 1996). Such concerns about instrumenting individual-level compari- sons became ever more pressing with the publication of Markus and Kitayama’s (1991) seminal article on independent and inter- dependent self-construals as organizing constructs in motivation, emotion, and cognition. Their article stimulated the development of measures for independent and interdependent self-construals (e.g., Gudykunst et al., 1996; Singelis, 1994). Comparisons of Japanese and Americans on these sorts of measures yielded the surprise noted by Oyserman et al. (2002) that Japanese were sometimes more individualistic and sometimes less collectivistic than Americans. Given the discipline’s history with the construct of individualism– collectivism and Hofstede’s (1980) by now widely known results, it is perhaps understandable that most of us were surprised by these findings. We expected the Japanese to be less individualistic and more collectivistic than the Americans. 75RECLAIMING THE INDIVIDUAL: COMMENT Comparing Nations in Their Level of Psychological Individualism Oyserman et al. (2002) have content-analyzed the themes found in the multitude of tests developed for individualism and for collectivism at the individual level. Their seven individualism and eight collectivism content domains underscore the complexity and richness of this construct as it has been operationalized in the social sciences. These categories are numerous and their opera- tionalized constructs are correlated with one another to varying degrees. There is a keen need to deconflate and integrate these various measures conceptually. Perhaps, as Oyserman et al. sur- mised, it will be concluded that the omnibus labels individualism and collectivism are too broad and inclusive to be retained. Instead, the discipline will move toward developing theories and conduct- ing research on more focused aspects of individualism or of collectivism. My guess is that the field will in fact abandon these two overfreighted constructs altogether and move toward narrower theories of culture based on more specific constructs. Any one of these constructs could be used to map the psycho- logical world in terms of average level of a construct in a nation’s population, just as Hofstede (1980) mapped the national world. The difficulties will be, first, ensuring adequate metric equivalence for the construct across the populations in the national groups included. Achieving such assurance may require the development of new criteria about what constitutes equivalence and how to test for it, as mentioned earlier (see Van de Vijver & Poortinga, 2001, for a recently developed approach). With equivalent constructs available, however, the field will be well positioned to test for universal relationships and move toward developing universal theories of social behavior (Smith & Bond, in press). A second challenge will be to confront the consequences of the heavy reliance noted by Oyserman et al. (2002) on Likert-type scales to assess declarative self-knowledge. One such consequence is the possibility that various response formats will affect the resulting positioning of the typical person from various national groups. Recent research on this problem by Chen, Lee, and Steven- son (1995) has demonstrated that Chinese tend to use more mod- erate responses but that such a moderation bias does not affect the positioning of the average response of persons from the national groups. Clearly, counterbalanced test items must be used to ensure such an outcome. Some tests, such as those for values, invite a different form of bias, the acquiescence bias, but as mentioned above, this bias must itself be examined for its possibly useful revelations about culture’s influence on psychological processes. Subterranean Cultural Influences? The above fine-tuning of measurement formats may, however, distract the field from a more momentous problem. As Cohen (1997) has pointed out, cultural influences on behavior may be more pronounced precisely where they are less accessible: But, because they are either so over-learned (or were never explicitly taught in the first place), they may bypass conscious processing altogether. Our verbal reports and judgments are most clearly tied to conscious levels of processing, and so they may never get connected with the cultural rules embedded in our preconscious. (p. 126) Our reliance on verbal scales to assess declarative self-knowledge may be disenabling the field from tapping into the more profound reverberations of socialization through a collectivist or individu- alist cultural system. For example, the characteristics of holistic perception and responsiveness to the field theorized to distinguish collectivists from individualists may be more accurately and val- idly assessed by using tests designed to tap these less conscious processes (see e.g., Abel & Hsu’s, 1949, use of Rorschach tests). There has been a resurgence recently in the use of implicit (Mc- Clelland, 1985) and at-a-distance (Winter, 1996) measures of personality, many developed out of the earlier psychoanalytic perspective. Despite improvements in the reliability of their scor- ing (see e.g., Winter & Stewart, 1977), they have yet to be used in cross-cultural work. I expect that their use to measure aspects of individualism– collectivism would yield greater predictive power than Oyserman et al. (2002) pointed out is found with the denotative, declarative measures for self-assessment currently in vogue. At least, they may provide additional, nonoverlapping sources of outcome pre- diction. This improved predictability may include those topic areas frequently studied at present, such as degree of externality in attributions or directness of communication style. They may be even more powerful predictive tools in areas of study that have emerged out of collective cultural concerns, such as interpersonal relatedness (Cheung et al., 2001) or relationship harmony (Kwan, Bond, & Singelis, 1997). The emergence of these more social constructs from collectivist cultural traditions raises the possibility of using differently focused measures, such as ratings of others (Bond, Kwan, & Li, 2000), and different sources of ratings, such as ratings by others (S.-K. Leung & Bond, 2001), for tapping into collectivist processes at the individual level. Surely one of the liberations gained from studying collectivist cultures is to move past the intellectual constraint of the subjectivism arising out of the individualistic cultural legacy (Sampson, 1981). Conclusion In science, as in other endeavors, we as psychologists proceed “through a glass darkly” with ever so human a frame. There seems to me an inevitability in our halting progress toward our current appreciation of how individualism– collectivism is represented at the psychological level: Hofstede (1980) proposed, and we eagerly disposed. The magnitude of his achievement and our need for structure about culture often persuaded us to blind ourselves to important logical and procedural details. Inattentiveness to these details set us on a merry chase but has resulted in our spending considerable time disentangling intellectual puzzles and resolving apparent paradoxes. I believe that some dawning discoveries have emerged from out of this energetic deployment of intellectual curiosity: Individualism– collectivism at the level of nations is not the same as individualism– collectivism at the level of individuals, either conceptually or opera- tionally; individualism and collectivism may be conceptualized and measured as separate, not necessarily bipolar, constructs at the indi- vidual level; the omnibus constructs of individualism and collectivism are multifaceted, permitting many different operationalizations; atten- tion to intellectual developments in psychology from collectivist cul- tures may provide the field with valuable approaches to understanding and measuring individualism and collectivism at the individual level; and this measurement may not be best achieved by relying on explicit, 76 BOND paper-and-pencil measures of declarative self-knowledge. That is a useful yield; it is time to reap the harvest. 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EMERSON: EL POETA-SACERDOTE DE LA PEREGRINACIÓN NACIONALISTA DE LA LITERATURA NORTEAMERICANA Por J. J. LANERO «Ya dijo entre otros Emerson, que "es fácil vivir en el mundo según la opinión del mundo, y fácil vivir en la soledad según la nuestra; pero el hombre grande es el que en medio de la muchedumbre mantiene con perfecta man- sedumbre la independencia de la soledad"». Miguel de Unamuno. Entre los años 1835 y 1836, Ralph Waldo Emerson escribía Nature que se publicaría en este último. En este pequeño ensayo se recogen el ideario programá- tico emersoniano, los cimientos, pilastras y contrafuertes de su obra posterior. Se cumplen, pues, 150 años de aquél comienzo que iba a encontrar ecos en cada ensayo, conferencia y poema del autor. Es nuestro deseo, a través de esta líneas, repasar con breves palabras, y consecuentemente no en su justa medida, la gran tarea que Emerson desarrolló y supo plasmar en su vida, en su pensa- mento y en el legado de su magisterio. Sirva de homenaje a su memoria y de reconsideración de sus escritos que, todavía hoy, se deslizan por las produccio- nes más variadas de las letras de América. Emerson ha sido una gran ambigüedad en la historia americana. Profeta religioso, idealista filosófico, pragmatista presciente, puritano moderno, místi- co, escéptico, evolucionista, optimista, radical, conservador, pesimista... todas estas clasificaciones, y otras muchas más, le son apropiadas en uno u otro momento de su estado anímico y actitud variables. Cada una parece ser la auténtica, aunque de manera provisional; a medida que profundizamos en su obra nos parece que el autor se nos presenta como si no fuera capaz de encon- trar, ni de comunicar con acierto, su identidad exacta. Abierto a las más am- plias y variadas influencias, en ciertos momentos es tan excesivamente sensible a las ideologías del siglo XIX, incluidas las más exotéricas, que resulta difícil conceptuarlo desde una única línea de pensamiento. Siempre nos plantea una última consideración que nos hace dudar, un «pero» de última hora, una retrac- tación , matización o revisión desprovistas de un compromiso final explícito. Es posible que se considerase a sí mismo como medio de refracción de las múltiples corrientes de pensamiento occidental, de la variedad de tendencias contrapuestas de la vida americana. Tal vez sea esta ánimo de conjunción y 39 reconciliación el que impide definirlo desde una sola perspectiva. Para defen- der esa opción, rechaza cualquier definición concisa y clara. No faltan ocasio- nes en las que llega a desechar la argumentación consecuente. Fruto de esta extraña combinación de amplitud con intensidad, de tradición cultural con ori- ginalidad, nace su americanismo. El complejo tejido ideológico que sustenta a su obra, en ningún momento indica que Emerson escoja de aquí y de allí toda clase de ideas indiscriminadamente, sino que las enhebra con tal cuidado, que el producto final lleva una marca decididamente emersoniana. Emerson está convencido de que una literatura nacional es un producto genérico antes que un cometido privado. Que no se desprende de una estructu- ra impuesta, sino de la expresión fidedigna de la vida americana. El período que va desde 1836 a 1855 asiste con este autor a la peregrinación nacionalista de la literatura norteamericana. Buena parte de su impulso se deriva del opti- mismo que conlleva la expansión democrática de la época, caracterizada por una insistencia en el ideal democrático dentro del campo de las letras. Este vigor nos los transmite a través de «The American Scholar». Así pues, Emerson opta por un idealismo intuitivo; por una armonía de la naturaleza como base de la teoría de la correspondencia en virtud de la cual todas las cosas se convierten en símbolos de la unidad espiritual; por una insis- tencia en la divinidad del alma individual y en la validez de sus visiones de la realidad; por la expresión orgánica de las intuiciones de la razón, superior a la expresión regular y correcta según las normas establecidas; por el desarrollo de las cualidades que el hombre tiene y que puede mejorar, sin necesidad de considerar la prosperidad material o el sentir mayoritario como factores deter- minantes. En sus ensayos sobre Representative Men, identifica su ideal personal con el poeta-sacerdote, una combinación perfecta de elocuencia, valor moral e intui- ción. El término «representative man» conlleva el reconocimiento del lugar que ocupa el hombre corriente en el mundo estético. La democracia literaria emersoniana no busca la descalificación de las obras maestras del pasado, in- tenta animar a los intelectuales jóvenes para que, tomándolas como referencia, las superen. Como ensayista, Emerson no suele practicar la narrativa razonada y lógica. Para desarrollar las ideas utiliza en su lugar metáforas y aforismos. Todos sus ensayos, incluido un número reducido en el que sondea los entre- sijos del desánimo humano, reflejan la firmeza de su carácter. Es un profeta que comunica un mensaje divino, un hombre de sabiduría, inquebrantable por los vientos de crisis externas. En términos calvinistas, su fe es inexpugnable. En lenguaje medieval, es un santo, y en palabras budistas, es un iluminado. Sus conferencias causaron impacto debido a la autoridad de sus propias convic- ciones. El objetivo fundamental de emerson fue transmitir su fe liberadora. Procu- ró compartirla y hacer que los demás dicidieran experimentarla. «The Divinity 40 School Address», en este respecto, es una pieza monumental de su prosa. De- safortunadamente sólo se ha considerado desde este extremo. Se ha considera- do como apertura de su carrera; como la contraversia entre el Unitarismo y el Trascendentalismo; como su doctrina o ausencia de la misma... Su verdadero interés, en nuestra opinión, no sólo está en lo que a la religión respecta, sino también en que constituye una exposición de la destreza de su autor como estratega literario y de su dominio de la forma orgánica, el concepto clave de la pieza es beauty. Y precisamente en el vocabulario es donde descansa el secreto de la táctica que emplea Emerson. Ha medido sus palabras con extre- mo cuidado de principio a fin. Con ellas crea un mundo de los sentidos en el que la religión tradicional es inútil porque la naturaleza suministra sus propios sacramentos. Es evidente que el objeto primordial de Emerson no era funda- mentalmente el de injuriar y descalificar, sino el de vertebrar un mensaje que desarrollaría orgánicamente a lo largo de la obra, terminando con una revisión completa: la obligación y la belleza, el deber y la alegría, la Ciencia y el éxtasis, la divinidad y el mundo, tienen que fundirse en la nueva unidad hipostática de una religión viva del alma. Sabía muy bien que su visión no podía ni debía ser detalladamente idéntica con la de los demás. No obstante, creía que la calidad sería similar. Tres son las ideas que constantemente aparecen en sus ensayos y poemas. Son los puntos cardinales de su visión de la vida: 1. La incapacidad de cualquier forma delimitada de expresión para revelar la verdad absoluta. La incapacidad de toda acción finita para realizar, en su totalidad, la aspiración del alma, la multiplicidad de la verdad y el carácter infinito del alma. En idéntico caso se encuentra. 2. La suprema y única realidad absoluta del espíritu, y 3. La libertad absoluta y la integridad del yo humano individual, valor soberano de la personalidad. Con la primera su visión adquiere amplitud. Con la segunda, profundidad; y con la tercera, su mensaje consigue seriedad profunda. Emerson ensayista debe ser colocado dentro de una tradición que construye su estilo sobre la utilización cuidadosa de piezas sintácticas y la tendencia a equilibrar las oraciones en muchos niveles lingüísticos, con una variedad de recursos fonéticos, léxicos y sintácticos. Aunque sus frases van apareciendo como piedrecitas que arrojamos al agua, la estructura general del lago es fuerte y entrelazada. Podríamos reprocharle que su obra es un murmullo confuso de voces, un revuelto de intenciones, una amalgama de contradicciones, un enfrentamiento entre tirar y empujar; pero paulatinamente, como es el caso de «Experience», «Montaigne» y «Fate», Emerson logra apuntar la nota apropiada y de significación positiva. La obje- ción más frecuente al estilo emersoniano es que es proclive a ordenar las frases de sus obras con la misma ligereza que acostumbramos tener cuando barajamos las cartas. Sin embargo, de nuestro análisis se desprende que, en la mayor par- 41 te de sus obras, adopta una exposición cambiante porque quiere un efecto más poético, más retórico, más complejo; porque, paradójicamente, desea ejercer un control más exacto y exigente. La estructura conceptual imprecisa de buena parte de sus ensayos es, en vista de sus propósitos, una ayuda más que un impedimento para la comunica- ción. Los términos cambiantes, sugestivos, indefinidos, indefinidos, las metáfo- ras..., son sencillamente las imágenes poéticas necesarias para su temática. También tres son los modelos emersonianos del orden universal: 1. La naturaleza impulsada por un principio de la polaridad. Tal es el caso de «Compensation». 2. La naturaleza como movimiento ascendente, a través del sistema de spires of form. Recordemos Nature. 3. La naturaleza como un libro lleno de múltiples significados. Así se pone de manifiesto en el apartado «Language» de Nature. En resumen, el pensamiento de Emerson incluye toda una gama de posibi- lidades; desde la movilidad total: «In the transmission of heavenly waters, eve- ry hose fits every hydrant»1, hasta la esquematización más rigurosa: «Natural objects (...) are really parts of a symmetrical universe, like words of a sentence; and if their true order is found, the poet can read their divine significance orderly as in a Bible»2. Por una parte, anhela reivindicar la máxima libertad para la imaginación; y por otra, mantener la perspectiva de un mundo ordenadamente coherente. Con estos antecedentes, las estructuras que utiliza resultan ser más apropiadas y significativas. Plasma en sus ensayos la misma combinación de disyunción y unidad que observa en la naturaleza. Los logros que Emerson alcanza en el campo de la forma han sido subesti- mados durante largo tiempo. En concreto, especial atención merece su método de composición. Este es un mosaico variado y al mismo tiempo de gran vivaci- dad. Su utilización copiosa de ilustraciones y citas; su enfoque retórico del tema, denotan su peculiar idiosincrasia. Para lo que desea expresar siempre encuentra un estilo apropiado, como si éste fuera inherente a la textura misma de su pensamiento. Tenemos que aceptar la validez, al menos para él, del discurso de estructura abierta que Emerson trata de emplear. Su temperamento le hace ser preferen- temente sugestivo antes que partidario de las afirmaciones categóricas y defini- tivas. Teniendo en cuenta sus sentimientos espirituales, impregnados de múlti- ples dudas, la moral edificante imprecisa parece ser más conveniente que la precisión racional, notoriamente desacreditada en el campo de las creencias. 1. The Complete Works of Ralph Waldo Emerson, ed. Edward Waldo Emerson, 12 vols., Centenary Edition, Boston and New York: Houghton Mifflin Co., 1903-1904, vol. I, pág. 121. 2. Ibid., vol. VIII, pág. 8. 42 El ensayo «Fate» es la defensa poética de la predestinación. Emerson con- templa la inutilidad terrible, la blasfemia inconsciente de la rebelión ciega. Nunca busca un demoníaco libre albedrío para el hombre, pues lo único que desea es que éste comparta la libertad de un todo dinámico, la aceptación del destino sin necesidad de adoptar una actitud trágica y fatalista. Emerson, al proclamar y defender la confianza en uno mismo, no es ni un rebelde, ni un héroe vano, ni un dios finito; es un amante que cree que su amor le puede reconciliar con la existencia y convertirlo en heredero de todas las maravillas de ésta, incluidas aquéllas que, para los hombres sin amor, son considerablemente perniciosas. Considerando la existencia como espíritu, idea y voluntad, y encontrando en la idea y voluntad el exponente de la esencia del hombre, Emerson nos invita a que seamos sinceros con nosotros mismos, a que conjuntemos nuestro propio ser. A pesar de que su lenguaje puede parecemos que los sugiere, Emerson no desea una evasión mística y contemplativa de la sociedad y de todos sus males. Más pronto o más tarde, introduce la ley moral kantiana, que es su nueva interpretación del concepto puritano del deber moral. La intuición poética es el reconocimiento de nuestra naturaleza divina y de que esta divinidad omni- presente es parte esencial del orden moral. Durante varios años, con el objeto de acreditar mejor la idea de self-relian- ce, buscó un héroe viviente, un hombre completamente libre y verdadero. La búsqueda fue inútil. A pesar de todo, continuó defendiendo la imagen del héroe como el ideal de la persona, como compendio de self-reliance. El héroe, como Emerson, no es un intelectual, filósofo o teólogo destacado. Pero el héroe es una persona comprometida, un hombre de voluntad y de visión instintiva, despreocupado de los asuntos irrelevantes. El héroe no tiene dudas, no teme nada, no posee restricciones, ni sentimientos de inferioridad. El verdadero héroe es primordialmente moral, pero ajeno a los códigos de la moral convencional. Es puro, honesto, hombre de verdades profundas; desde- ña lo artificial y mundano. Un héroe completo es en realidad un superman que no existe. La búsqueda de este héroe también la llevó a cabo en sí mismo. En cualquier caso, todos los hombres eran hombres parciales, facetas del hombre perfecto. Cuando alguno reflejaba su participación de la divinidad, era un hé- roe, aunque no perfecto. La Naturaleza está compuesta por polaridades que Emerson creía que están ingeniosamente equilibradas. Esta creencia puede hacer llevadera nuestra afli- ción, a pesar de que es posible que impida el disfrute del puro placer. Constan- temente repite el tema: a la dulzura, amargura; al mal, bien; a la derrota, la victoria; a la luz, la oscuridad. Emerson contempla este equilibrio en la vida y en el mundo físico. No existe el desastre irreparable, la pérdida completa. Al final se produce la victoria total. La compensation tiene múltiples implicaciones. De todas ellas, Emerson resalta una en especial. Para él la compensation conlleva una igualdad radical. 43 Todos los hombres tienen una mezcla de virtudes y defectos. Estos se conjugan y compensan en el carácter único de aquéllos. Así pues, cada hombre es una creación diferenciada, capaz de hacer algo mejor que todos los demás. La compensation no puede erradicar las diferencias profundas que existen entre los hombres, pero sí las explica y glorifica. Las doctrinas emersonianas de self-reliance son más bien afirmaciones reli- giosas que posturas filosóficas. A pesar de estar fascinado por la filosofía tecni- cista, siempre la contempló en términos literarios. Busca la autenticidad de las actitudes humanas en la filosofía y en la literatura. No obstante, nunca dedica demasiada atención a los argumentos formales, a los problemas técnicos, o a la exposición sistemática. El mundo exterior es fenomenològico, pero con una gran variedad de usos espirituales, como se desprende de Nature. Por encima del entendimiento está la razón, visión directa del alma. Interior en lugar de exterior y perfecta en potencia, la razón es la presencia de la divinidad pura en el hombre; la captación directa de lo verdadero y bello y, lo que es más importante, la bondad suprema que siempre estará en la belleza perfecta. Partiendo del entendimiento, el hombre tiene que luchar para conse- guir la razón. Ha de encontrar una unidad por encima de las abstracciones desgarradas del entendimiento. En sus ensayos, Emerson celebra reiterada- mente este tema doble. Su exposición siempre conlleva dos niveles. El dualis- mo es la guía de Emerson. De vez en cuando le concede visiones de la tierra de promisión. Y aunque nunca le está permitido entrar en ella, puede agrupar estas impresiones momentáneas de forma tal, que podrá disfrutar de sus dones, aunque sólo sean anticipos vagos e irregulares. Normalmente comienza por lo exterior, con el entendimiento práctico, con materia y ciencia; después pasa, aunque nada más sea por un instante breve, al nivel de la razón, de lo univer- sal, del espíritu. Por la interacción de ambos, analiza todas las connotaciones de la vida, procurando evitar las nebulosas efervescentes en sus años de juven- tud, y luchando para librarse del peso abrumador de los intereses prácticos en la madurez. El mundo exterior en su conjunto, pasa a ser subjetivo, una sombre que dimana de la realidad. En su ensayo más pesimista, «Illusions», nos muestra cómo, con gran dificultad, puede apartarse de las ilusiones de la vida y conser- var su visión de la unidad subyacente. Aunque resulta fácil perderse entre las sombras fenomenológicas, éstas anuncian al espíritu que las creó. Cuando nos ocupamos de las sombras, no como imágenes o símbolos de la realidad, sino como realidad, como se entienden científicamente, pierden su significado su- premo. Como cualquier puritano, y con la claridad de cualquier pragmático, Emer- son observa el conocimiento empírico y lo ve metafisicamente vacío, epistemo- lógicamente probable, y moralmente provechoso. Nuestro autor siempre venera a Kant como progenitor más importante de la filosofía trascendentalista y portavoz de la ley moral. 44 Los filósofos alemanes le facilitan el marco de muchas de sus ideas más características. Sus postulados le ayudan a aclarar la naturaleza distintiva del idealismo que profesa. En concreto, Kant abordó las categorías de espacio y tiempo (estética tras- cendental) como condiciones preliminares de todo conocimiento. Con ésto glo- rificaba el aspecto formal, racional y matemático del conocimiento científico. Emerson no posee el rigor lógico de Kant y nunca se preocupa por califica- ciones cuidadas. Como filósofo distinguido que fue, Kant intentó ocuparse de los problemas epistemológicos más importantes de su época. Emerson, como poeta-sacerdote, jamás se compromete con los problemas técnicos de la episte- mología. La sociedad enferma necesitaba la inspiración de un profeta, no los conceptos difíciles de un especialista en abstracciones. Necesitaba la experiencia práctica, la calidad de vida que se vive en la realidad, el nivel existencial donde lo selecto, lo perfecto, la belleza y la bondad son de importancia «trascendental». Este es el Kant que Emerson conoció y amó, el Kant que fundamentalmente confía en su experiencia por encima de cualquier sistema formal de pensamiento. Los seguidores de Kant en la filosofía alemana, especialmente Johann Fich- te y George Hegel, adoptaron parte de la filosofía crítica de Kant y la convir- tieron en una forma romántica y absoluta de idealismo. A través de éste, cele- brado por figuras como Schelling y Coleridge, Emerson conoció a Kant. Mien- tras que el filòsofo alemán había defendido tan sólo un mundo noumenal, o un fundamento metafisico como postulado de la razón práctica, sus seguidores proclamarían esta realidad como la forma suprema de intuición, como la ver- dad gloriosa. En un momento u otro se refieren a un tipo de captación intuiti- va, que todos ellos rechazarían con demasiada ligereza. Emerson, por su parte, admitiría el fundamento intuitivo. Nuestro autor fue, en cierto modo, uno de los idealistas románticos. De Colerdige aprendió el arte de la crítica literaria; de Wordsworth, el arte de la poesía lírica. La unión de estas dos fuerzas, poesía wordsworthiana y la crítica coleridgeana de esta poesía, el amparo de la distinción entre fantasía e imagi- nación, le facilitó una buena base para su teoría de la poesía y le ayudó a dar forma y contenido a sus versos. En lo que a su lenguaje respecta, Emerson reconoce que existe una mente superior o espíritu. En realidad, después de desarrollar su doctrina de self-re- liance, ya no lo pondría en duda. Pero cuando Emerson dice que lo sabe, nunca quiere decir que comprobara anteriormente, o que pudiera demostrar esta profunda intuición. Jamás intenta utilizar la palabra know en el estricto sentido kantiano, o de cualquier otro autor comprometido con la epistemolo- gía. Emerson habla como poeta, desconfiando de la metafísica y de la teología. Le horrorizan las estructuras intelectuales. Su terminología es romántica; su compromiso, práctico o experimental. Los términos románticos son prácti- cos y parecen apropiados para comunicar la calidad inefable de su experiencia 45 casi arrolladura. No obstante, hay momentos en los que utiliza otro lenguaje, ya sean las imágenes del neoplatonismo, o los proverbios prof éticos de los sabios orientales. De este modo destaca la importancia de la experiencia, sien- do secundarios los términos que la expresan. Sin esta puntualización, el pensa- miento y vida emersonianos se nos presentan irremediablemente ambivalentes. Con ella, se produce una simpatía extraordinaria entre su trascendentalismo ascendente y su moralidad práctica. Con la seguridad propia de un profeta inspirado, Emerson proclama la rea- lidad del espíritu. Es más, no es tan ambiguo en su definición como en el caso de self-reliance. Prefiere hablar del espíritu con la expresión parcial de la razón humana, o con la intuición poética de sus héroes culturales. Hay momentos en los que insinúa que el espíritu, o cualquiera de los más de veinte sinónimos que utiliza para nombrar esta realidad suprema, apoya, a modo de unidad dominante pero siempre parcialmente impenetrable, sus variadas expresiones humanas. El espíritu vive y desciende sobre la persona individual. De lo que se deriva un panteismo, pero extremadamente individualista. En ambos casos, comtem- pla al espíritu como fuerza creadora libre, activa, e impulsiva. No es necesaria- mente una voluntad abstracta que se hace realidad utilizando las mentes indivi- duales, sino que son las personas libres las que originalmente ejecutan su desti- no personal en el ejercico de una cualidad corriente pero divina. Este hincapié en el individuo ayuda a instaurar un equilibrio inmejorable; porque si nos refe- rimos a la mente creadora, si cada persona actúa libremente y confía en sí misma, desechará las intuiciones ajenas, para producir únicamente obras exce- lentes. El idealismo emersoniano más intenso y metafórico está recogido en el ensayo «The Over-Soul». Las afirmaciones más destacables del over-soul están siempre mezcladas con una absorción corolaria con la naturaleza. El vocable nature es sumamente ambiguo en la lengua inglesa. De este pormenor saca provecho Emerson. Por lo menos utiliza el término de cuatro formas distintas. Cada una de ellas con una significación definida: a) En un contexto limitado, el autor se refiere sencillamente a lo exterior; los árboles y montañas de New England. A este nivel, su entusiasmo va cre- ciendo con los años, pero en ningún momento es comparable con el de Henry David Thoreau. b) En su utilización más amplia, la escribe con mayúsculas y la considera como sinónimo de Espíritu y, por consiguiente, como receptáculo de toda la existencia. c) En un tratamiento posterior, la convierte en la fuerza o poder supremo que sostiene al universo. 46 d) Pero con más frecuencia, y más importante en su vocabulario, nature significa el conjunto completo de fenómenos, de apariencias, y así, en lenguaje convencional, el universo físico en su totalidad. Con esta última acepción, Emerson estima que la naturaleza es el conjunto ordenado de ideas de una mente divina. Desafortunadamente, la mayor parte de los hombres son incapaces de captar la divinidad inmanente que nos brinda la naturaleza, y no logran ver más allá de la imagen de lo real. Cuando se contempla a la luz de la razón, el velo fenomenològico de la naturaleza desaparece para revelar el espíritu. La naturaleza se convierte en ayuda para la meditación, en una senda de sabiduría, en un prólogo de la verdad suprema y de la belleza más perfecta. Emerson está enamorado del ser, no del universo material. Esa idea de correspondencia, subyacente entre lo espiritual y material, es fructífera para la definición y explicación; es parte de la médula de la metafísica emersoniana. La correspondencia opera para expresar la conexión estética y filosófica que gobierna la transformación de un objeto o de una idea en arte. Nuestro autor espiritualiza la naturaleza. Este es su impulso primario. Este espiritualismo conduce frecuentemente al volunrarismo extático, al complejo de Dios en el hombre. Culmina en su alma afable, en la que surgen energías inmortales a borbotones, la naturaleza eterna. Emerson es un moralista. Nunca desea dejar desamparada a la humanidad activa, voluntariosa y luchadora. En el ensayo ascendente y proclive al misticis- mo, «Circles», los peldaños de esa escalera que nos eleva son «actions; the new prospect is power»3. Otro rasgo esencial del pensamiento emersoniano es su tendencia, irresisti- ble y omnipresente, a ver las cosas en su totalidad, a ver todo en relación con el conjunto completo del que forma parte, en relación con la causa de la que es efecto, en relación con la idea de la que es expresión. En ningún momento creyó que los impulsos primordiales, los resortes deci- sivos de la acción pudieran comprimirse en conceptos intelectuales. Siempre hay un nivel existencial más básico que las abstracciones del pensamiento. To- davía más, al creer tan profundamente en un tipo de genio poético, en una comprensión intuitiva que concede a cada hombre una visión pequeña pero perfecta de la verdad, no podía desechar al hombre como criatura trágicamente inútil, lleno de propósitos, pero vacío de significado. Emerson sugiere una completa diversidad de métodos de razonamiento. Que cada mente tenga el suyo. No alberga grandes deseos de encontrar el método más fructífero. Su amor por la diversidad hace que no repare el coste de lo inútil. 3. Ibid., vol. II, pág. 305. 47 Nada anheló más en su vida que ser un gran poeta. Su vida giró en torno a la veneración de la musa literaria. El conocimiento conceptual, herramienta útil pero desunida, ha de estar subordinado al símbolo unificador del poeta, que no sólo es bello, sino también verdadero. Porque dada su moralidad casi inna- ta, Emerson tiene que conjuntar verdad y belleza en armonía con la bondad. Y así lo hace gracias a su amplio concepto del arte. Sus postulados artísticos son su contribución más original y coherente al pensamiento americano. Emerson merece, todavía hoy, el reconocimiento de haber articulado la primera estética netamente americana. Esta posee una estructura cíclica com- puesta de tres frases: proceso creador, obra de arte, y experiencia estética. Es una organización inherente a la spiral form emersoniana. El misterio de la imaginación creadora, lo interpreta Emerson como un proceso que va inexorablemente desde la afluencia de la inspiración hasta la imagen o acción creadora del símbolo, hasta la expresión. Al afirmar que la expresión surge de la inspiración de una manera tan natural como la acción de respirar; se adelanta al tipo de interpretación que hacen algunos críticos mo- dernos desde una perspectiva psicológica. Los aspectos psicológicos que distingue en la experiencia estética —memo- ria, reacción cinética, y el subconsciente—, le convierten en precursor de la teoría que defiende que sólo en la psicología se pueden descubrir las fórmulas apropiadas para el placer artístico. Al igual que los puritanos, resalta las normas estéticas de armonía, simetría y proporción. Además, como característica de su perspectiva evolutiva, resalta los movimientos rítmicos. Estas son las propiedades de la realidad ideal y del hombre en su mejor estado. Cuando el hombre se abre a la realidad ideal y la llega a poseer de manera intuitiva, la capta como si constituyera el reflejo más auténtico de su personalidad. Esta captación suprema y beatífica podría deno- minarse intuición poética, porque está envuelta en sensaciones y no es posible reproducirla en conceptos concluyentes. La realidad, según la observa una per- sona responsable, es verdadera, bella y buena; está última cualidad conlleva el atributo culminante. Todos los hombres poseen la capacidad necesaria para esta intuición. Por consiguiente, todos pueden disfrutar de la belleza. La estética, el aspecto más pasivo de la belleza, tan sólo requiere una acti- tud responsable, un arquetipo de intuición, pues el verdadero genio no perma- necerá silencioso ante el trono de la verdad y de la belleza. Hará públicos sus intentos de crear verdad y belleza; el esfuerzo activo y original para expresar y comunicar la intuición poética es arte y requiere talento. El lugar de la belleza no está nunca en el objeto del arte. Emerson, al insistir en ésto, se acerca a las posturas platónicas. El objeto artístico, desde el nivel modesto de la escultura hasta el sublime de la poesía (jerarquía emerso- niana), es una cuestión de enfoque, una abstracción de lo real. Compendia, selecciona, destaca; pero en todos los casos siempre es un derivado. La gran galería es en todo momento la naturaleza. 48 En lo que se refiere al nivel poético, digamos que le poesía de Emerson, en su conjunto, es prosa encorsetada en rima y métrica. En cualquier poema es posible constatar su esfuerzo por escribirlo como si fuera un producto de la inspiración. Escuchamos el eco expresivo de una intensidad ordenada, pero lo único que vemos es una luz mortecina reflejada en una superficie pedregosa. Acertadas nos parecen las palabras de John Morley cuando escribe que «Taken as a whole, Emerson's poetry is of that kind which springs, not from excitement of passion of feeling, but from an intellectual demand for intense and sublimated expression»4. Es evidente que Emerson reconocía la pobreza formal de su poesía, su rigidez monumental, la frialdad de su lenguaje, su incapacidad para expresar sus pasiones emocionales. Las formas del verso empañan su pensamiento por- que tenía que adaptarlo a alguna rima antes de empezar a exponerlo. Enmude- ce en el momento que todo su ser exige una unión más íntima entre el yo y el lenguaje. De todo lo que Emerson esperaba conseguir con la poesía —cantidades ingentes de detalles para edificar una casa moral; trazar decidida, rápida, pero también detalladamente, la línea que nos lleve a una especie de pasión espas- módica una vez completado el pensamiento, con un reflujo suave al final, para señalar la conclusión; y consecuentemente, un efecto sobre el lector semejante al culmen en la naturaleza—, no pudo lograr nada si excluímos su prosa. El poder de Emerson reside en su prosa. Su teoría poética es en realidad la teoría de su prosa. Aquí es donde es radicalmente original. Concibe el lenguaje como proceso antes que como conclusión. El lenguaje es el fruto de la acción mental que encuentra con acierto las palabras adecuadas para expresar su expe- riencia. Los ensayos emersonianos nos ofrecen un proceso ideal. En ellos no encon- tramos una confirmación racional, sino una sucesión de revelaciones y respues- tas, la exfoliación entrelezada de hechos, sentimiento e ideas. Emerson creía que el objeto artístico es el mejor símbolo del hombre, capaz de comunicar con claridad la realidad al hombre sencillo y al culto. Edu- ca para la belleza. Reconcilia al hombre con la naturaleza o realidad, y los armoniza. El arte es el mejor lenguaje del hombre; pero el lenguaje va cam- biando con la historia de la humanidad. En manos del verdadero genio, que combina intuición, talento y fervor moral, revela la grandeza del alma humana en cada momento de la historia. Arraigado en un contexto histórico, y partici- pando en las necesidades del momento, el arte es una revelación antes que originalidad sorprendente. Las técnicas, las formas de ejecución cambiantes y convencionales, la 4. JOHN M O R L E Y : «Introductory» a Miscellanies, by Ralph Waldo Emerson, New York: Mac- millan and co., Ltd., 1896, pág. XXXII. 49 4 temática infinitamente variada, son meros instrumentos. El objetivo principal del arte no se puede aislar y circunscribir a un objeto. Así pues, la finalidad de todo arte es la obra suprema de arte, redimir al hombre; y por encima de éste, una sociedad en la que todos los hombres son grandes obras artísticas. Para Emerson, el objetivo supremo es que el arte no se detenga en la parte exterior de los objetos, sino que llegue a ser práctico y moral; que no descanse hasta que «[it] stands in connection with the conscience,» y haga que los «poor and uncultivated feel that it addresses them with a voice of lofty cheer»5. La clasificación que Emerson hace de sí mismo, como poeta-sacerdote no tiene parangón. Hijo espiritual del puritanismo de New England, se sintió im- pulsado en su vida por la temática de sus obras. Ambas están coronadas por un equilibrio provechoso y fecundo entre éxtasis poético, erudición intelectual y fervor moral. 5. The Complete Works of Ralph Waldo Emerson, ed. cit., vol. II, pág. 363. 50 work_2dizwgtlwva6riqmxkobhns3ty ---- CREMATION, AN EXPRESSION OF LIFE STYLE THOMAS E. SPENCER) Ball State University An abiding problem in all societies is the disposal of dead bodies. in Western societies the customary mode is earth burial. But an alternative mode, cremation, is available------to those who choose it. Because cremation requires a specific choice, the assumption would seem justified that whatever particular reason an individual would give for his preference for cremation, it would be consonant with his style of living for which disposal of the body is so-to-speak the final expression. As an expressive movement, it is also a form of communi- cation, a kind of final message to the world, of what sort of person he was and how he intended to be remembered. This assumption is in accordance with Alfred Adler's understanding that "the individual is both the picture and the artist, .. the artist of his own personality" (I, p. 177), in accordance with his "life style" (I, p. 174). In the present paper we intend to show that the choice of crema- tion itself and the various particular reasons for this choice, are indeed consonant with the individual's particular life style. For this purpose we have collected several cases of well-known persons who chose to be cremated, and are presenting them according various rea- sons for their choice. DESIRE TO SHOCK Whereas interment is relatively undramatic because of its wide- spread usage, burning is, in a sense, spectacular. The desire to capture attention, to be dramatic and shocking unto death, could be at the heart of an individual's choice of cremation, especially in connection with the varied possibilities for disposing of the ashes. A person who believes he belongs rightfully in the limelight may choose cremation as an appropriate mode of still holding people's attention in death. Kitty Rockwell, known as "Klondike Kate," made a reputation by doing the unusual thing: perhaps not as a sincere nonconformist, but because she wanted to make other people gasp. Her request that she be cremated and her ashes scattered on IFor reprints write to author, 8IO Teachers College, Ball State University, Muncie, Indiana 47306. 60 CREMATION, AN EXPRESSION OF LIFE STYLE 61 the winds of the High Desert (10, p. 289ff.) possibly was intended to shock the public one last time. When Damon Runyan, the versatile writer and correspondent, died of cancer, he left instructions that his body be burned and his ashes scattered over the Times Square area of Manhattan (17, p. 30). Captain Eddie Rickenbacker went up in an airplane and fulfilled Runyan's wish. To the newsmen this was good copy, to the hordes of Broadwayites it was a typical Runyan gesture, to the layman it was shocking: Maybe Runyan intended it to be all three. The desire to shock is closely related to the desire to hurt. If a person feels that he has been treated unfairly by others, and if he senses that the public recoils from cremation, he might well choose burning to "get back at" his adversaries and remind them of their injustices. Perhaps this is why Sacco and Vanzetti, the foreign-born radicals, requested cremation. Accused of a murder in Braintree, Massachusetts, in 1920, the men were able to produce several wit- nesses who had seen them elsewhere on the day of the crime. Con- victed nonetheless, Sacco and Vanzetti were sentenced to die in the electric chair. In their last statements to the court they made it plain that they considered themselves scapegoats for a society that was in toleran t toward all radicals (2 I, pp. 240-247). Perhaps it was a father's desire to punish his offspring that caused the artist W. Channing Cabot to direct his ashes to be taken by one of his children and scattered on the old Cabot place, the urn to be cast into Nantucket Sound (15). Did actress Adele Ritchie use n1urder of a friend, suicide, and cremation as triple means of getting back at a socialite who had invited the friend to a dinner but had pointedly told Miss Ritchie not to attend (I3)? DESIRE TO SHOW TOUGHNESS AND BRAVERY Those who have witnessed a cremation, talk about its horrors. One can tell himself that the cadaver is unfeeling, that burning it is similar to burning a piece of paper; but when a human-shaped figure is thrust into a furnace heated to supra-Fahrenheit temperatures, strong men blanch and women turn away. According to Jessica Mitford, some funeral directors discourage burning by describing the gruesomeness of the cremation process (I I, pp. 166-167). It seems plausible that a person who takes pride in his bravery and toughness would select the "manly" method of disposal. THOMAS E. SPENCER Consider the case of Caryl Chessman, the notorious "red light bandit" of Los Angeles. Sentenced to the gas chamber for sexual indignities against a number pf women, Chessman boasted that he never once lost his nerve and composure during the twelve years he was imprisoned. Shortly before his execution he denied "any newly developed animal fear of death" (20). Although he expressed a desire to live, Chessman spoke freely and unemotionally about his impend- ing execution. He requested that his body be burned-perhaps another gesture to advertise his absolute courage; a gesture similar to the carefree grin he showed as he was strapped into the execution chair (4). Did Wyatt Earp, the legendary brave man of the West, feel that the reputation he had established in life must be upheld in death, and that cremation would be a better testimony than an earth burial? Did Sammy Mandell, Freddie Welsh, and Kid McCoy, the boxers, select cremation for similar "he-man" reasons? SELF-EFFACEMENT At the other extreme, some people constantly look for means of self-effacement. They feel inferior in human company, and wish to fade into oblivion, destroy their identity, and literally become non persons. Such an individual would certainly shrink from having his body embalmed, treated with cosmetics, and placed on exhibition during a funeral and interment. He would rather be put quickly into a cremation furnace. And although some people have the spot where their ashes are deposited marked by a stone, he would prefer to go into complete oblivion. Whittaker Chambers, the controversial editor-informer, seems to match the foregoing description. An introvert, Chambers all his life held a negative, critical attitude toward himself. He felt that he lacked genuine talent, and often called attention to his own weak- nesses. The Alger Hiss case brought much criticism upon Chambers, and even though he insisted that he had told the truth, he half- blamed himself and questioned his own motives. The very book he wrote as an explanation of the case may be taken as an example of self-flagellation (3). When he died, the undertaker was waiting and Chambers was secretely cremated immediately. The desire to destroy one's identity might take a milder form. A basic self-consciousness, rather than self-hatred, could cause a person CREMATION, AN EXPRESSION OF LIFE STYLE to recoil from the usual kind of burial. We would expect a self-con- scious man to be as self-conscious about his corpse as he was about his person. It is therefore not strange that the poet Edwin Arlington Robinson (8), whose tendency toward introversion caused him to re- tire in despondency for long periods of time, chose the "private" means of cremation. PRESERVING ONE'S IDENTITY Where one person uses cremation to destroy his identity, another may use it to preserve his identity. Cremation makes it possible for a person to escape the remoteness and uniformity of the cemetery, to be intimately close to a loved one----in a closet or on a mantel, or even carried about in a package. Many persons have attempted to continue their close ties after death by specifying that their ashes be turned over to a friend or loved one. The ashes of Annie Oakley, the amazing markswoman, were kept by a friend until soon after her own death, her ailing husband, Frank Butler, died. Then her ashes were buried near his body in the Brock Cemetery at Greenville, Ohio (9, pp. 23 0 - 2 3 1 ). Apparently Minnie Maddern Fiske chose cremation both because of a basic self-consciousness and because she wished to retain her identity. A newspaper account asserted that the actress "did not wish strangers to see her after death, and she wanted her friends to re- member her as they had known her" (14). She directed that her body not be viewed before its disposal, and her ashes were retained by her husband. ROMANTIC IMPULSES One of the recurrent themes in romantic literature is the identifica- tion of human beings with nature. It is exemplified in the writings of Thomas Wolfe, who stood at the edge of the Black Forest and fancied that in the deep of the woods, perhaps in the trees themselves, his soul was born. Ralph Waldo Emerson stood on a knoll near Concord and felt completely absorbed in nature. Recalling his experience, he wrote: Standing on the bare ground, - my head bathed by the blithe air and uplifted into infinite space, - all mean egotism vanishes. 1 become a transparent eyeball; I am nothing; I see all; the currents of the Universal Being circulate through me; I am part or parcel of God. The name of the nearest friend sounds then foreign and accidental (7, p. 10). THOMAS E. SPENCER Neither Emerson nor Wolfe was cremated, but it is easy to imagine a person's using the cremation process to express a mystical impulse similar to theirs. Perhaps President Wilson's Secretary of the In- terior, Franklin K. Lane, throbbed with an Emersonian feeling of vastness, of identification with the far-flung universe, and thus re- quested that his ashes be scattered to the winds at the top of El Capitan Park in the Yosemite Valley (12). Why did Clark Millikan, professor of aeronautics, have his ashes scattered over the Painted Canyon (19), while Clarence Darrow stipulated that his be spread over the Jackson Park Lagoon in Chicago (I6)? Was there a mystical impulse behind Charles Coburn's request that part of his ashes be scattered "along the Mohawk Trail from the highest peak between Albany and Fitchburg, Massachusetts" (I8)? We would expect Irvin S. Cobb to make a last attempt at cynical humor in his will; perhaps he shared Wolfe's thoughts when he in- structed the undertaker to spread his ashes around the roots of a dog- wood sapling in Paducah, Kentucky's Oak Grove Cemetery, opining that "should the tree live, that will be monument enough for me" (5, p. 250). Senator Henry C. Hansbrough of North Dakota had his ashes scattered beneath an elm tree on the United States Capitol grounds (2, p. 1004), and Thorstein Veblen ordered his to be thrown "into the sea, or into some sizable stream running to the sea.. " (6, p. 504). AESTHETIC SENSITIVITY George Bernard Shaw is reported to have said: "Dead bodies can be cremated. All of them ought to be; ... earth burial, a horrible practice, will some day be prohibited by law, ... (partly) because it is hideously unaesthetic...." (II, pp. 162-163). Many people agree with Shaw. Rather than having their bodies placed under the ground to endure "the unspeakable horrors of decay" (II, p. 167), they prefer to use the "clean, beautiful method of resolution by incandescence" (I I, p. 167). Further, they believe that the public would find cremation more aesthetically pleasing than interment, and that the practice would reduce somewhat the space and sanitation problems. Jessica Mitford has expressed the opinion that cremation "appeals to the nature lover and the poetic minded" (II, p. 161). Indeed, one can easily see this motivation in the cases of Carl Sandberg, Amy Lowell, Sara Teasdale, and Joaquin Miller, all of whom were cre- CREMATION, AN EXPRESSION OF LIFE STYLE 65 mated, as well as the architect Ludwig Mies van der Rohe and the sculptor William Zorach. Could the composer Sigmund Romberg have felt that the slow decaying process was incongruous with the rhythm of existence and that the speedier method of burning was more fitting? DESIRE TO BE AN ENLIGHTENED PERSON The final motive to be discussed is the desire to be a reasonable, progressive, enlightened person. This kind of desire involves a willing- ness to abandon tradition and convention whenever indicated, and to solve one's problems in a usefully creative and practical way. If a person is aware of the space and sanitation problems, or discerns that earth burial has become so ritualized that it is essentially meaningless and offensive, he will be more likely to reject interment and choose the alternative of cremation. It seems legitimate to attribute this motivation for cremation to a number of individuals whose willingness to depart from tradition and approach life's problems with zest and imagination is well known; Albert Einstein, the physicist; Sigmund Freud, Alfred Adler, and Wolfgang Kohler, psychologists; Robert G. Ingersoll, the lawyer; Charles Sanders Peirce, Williams James, and John Dewey -"the great triumvirate of American pragmatism"; and Ilsley Boone, the Baptist clergyman who was a cofounder of nudism in America. SUMMARY In Western societies cremation is not the rule and must be speci- fically requested. In accordance with Alfred Adler's understanding of the unity and self-consistency of the individual, his life style, we assume that a person's final important choice, of cremation, would be somehow expressive of his life style in general, a final communication to the world, so-to-speak, of what he stood for and what he wanted to be remembered for-or that he wanted to be forgotten. By the examples of a number of well-known persons who have been cremated we have attempted to show that the choice of cremation can indeed be consonant with a variety of different personal character- istics: desire to shock the world, desire to show toughness and bravery, self-effacement, desire to preserve one's identity, romantic impulses, aesthetic sensitivity, and finally desire to be a progressive and en- lightened individual. 66 THOMAS E. SPENCER REFERENCES J. ADLER, A. The Individual Psychology of Alfred Adler. Edited by H. L. & Rowena R. Ansbacher. New York: Basic Books, 1956. 2. Biographical Directory of the American Congress, I774-I96I. Washington: U. S. Govern. Print. Off., 1961. ]. CHAMBERS, W. Witness. New York: H. Wolff, I9p. 4. Chicago Tribune, May 3, J960, p. I. 5. COBB, ELISABETH. My wayward parent. Indianapolis: Bobbs-Merrill, 1945. 6. DORFMAN, J. Thorstein Veblen and his America. New York: Viking, 1935. 7. EMERSON, R. W. Complete works. Vol. L Boston: Houghton, Mifflin, 1903. 8. HAGEDORN, H. Edwin Arlington Robinson. New York: Macmillan, 1938. 9. HAVIGHURST, W. Annie Oakley of the Wild West. New York: Macmillan, 1954· 10. LUCIA, E. Klondike Kate. New York: Hastings House, 1962. [I. MITFORD, JESSICA. The American way of death. New York: Simon & Schuster, 1963. 12. New York Times, May 20, 1921, p. 15. []. New York Times, April 26, 1930, p. 2. [4. New York Times, February 18, 1932, p. 21. 15. New York Times, July 29, 1932, p. 16. 16. New York Times, March 20, 19]8, Sec. 2, p. 9. [7. New York Times, December 19, 1946. [8. New York Times, September 3, 1961, p. 60. [9· New York Times, January 3, 1966, p. 3· 20. Psychology Today, 1969, 2, NO.9, p. 41. 21. SANN, P. The lawless decade. Greenwich, Conn.: Fawcett, 1971. work_2gjavkxhqzfzbk7ujls72mt4ee ---- Türk Kütüphaneciliği 28, 2 (2014), 147-148 Editörden / Editorial Gündemin İçinden Concerning the Agenda Agenda put under the scopes of 50th Library Week, Soma mine disaster, censorship, book bans, social media bans, 450th birth anniversary of Shakespeare, 100th birth anniversary of Turkish socio-realist writer Orhan Kemal, deceases of Marquez and Mr. Ahmet Gürlek who is legend director of İzmir National Library in the editorial. Değerli okurlarımız, 19. yüzyıl yazarlarından Ralph Waldo Emerson eğitim programlarını yorumlarken “Halkı öyle bir eğitmeliyiz ki gırtlağımıza sarılmasın. Onu öyle pasif hale getirelim ki bize karşı çıkmasın” demiştir. Cumhuriyet devrimleri itaatkar halkın aydınlanmasında egemenlere, feodal yapıya karşı önemli kazanımlar elde edilmesinin önünü açmış, demokrasi ve özgürlüğün gelişmesi için gerekli ortamı hazırlamıştı. Vahşi kapitalizmin ortaya çıkardığı ideolojiler sonucu geriye dönüş eğilimleri hız kazanmış; bireysel kimlikler ve Cumhuriyet ile kazandığımız değerler geliştirilememiş ve bu değerler yavaş yavaş yok olmaya başlamıştır. 50. yılını kutladığımız Kütüphane Haftası’nı içine alan yılda meydana gelen Soma maden faciası taşeronlaşma ideolojisinin doğal bir sonucuydu. Her zaman olduğu gibi toplumda saman alevi gibi bir tepki yarattı ve resmi ağızlardan konuya ilişkin açıklamalar, yorumlar yapıldı. Kaderci bir anlayışla inşa edilen maden ocaklarında kaybettiğimiz Can’ları en yetkili ağızlar 19. yüzyıl istatistikleriyle karşılaştırarak açıklamaya çalıştı. “En son” yaşanılan bu facia bilgi toplumunun ne kadar gerisinde kaldığımızın en somut göstergesi. Öncekilerde olduğu gibi bir iki kişi tutuklandı ve defter kapatılmak üzere. Tam bir ortaoyunu! Evet, bu yaşananları kitabı kutsallaştırmış fakat henüz okumamış bir toplumun doğal sonucu olarak açıklayabiliriz. Yusuf’u, Feride’yi, Raif Bey’i, Nesibe’yi, Memed’i, Köse Hasan’ı, Agah Bey’i, Zübük’ü ve nicelerini “okumadan”; başka dünyalara girmeden; başkalarının yaşamlarına ortak olmadan; kendi yaşamımızın dışına çıkmadan başka dönemlere, toplumlara, yaşamlara ilişkin bilgi sahibi olamayacağımızı, insanca değerleri içselleştiremeyeceğimizi, empati duygumuzu geliştiremeyeceğimizi ve sonuç olarak bilgi toplumuna dönüşmenin mümkün olmayacağını artık görmek ve anlamak gerekiyor! Bununla birlikte olaylara toplum tarafından verilen tepki “etik değerlerimizi” de yitirmeye başladığımızın önemli bir göstergesi. Oya Baydar, “Çöplüğün Generali” adlı yapıtında “...İnsanlar dertsiz başlarına dert almak istemiyorlar doğal olarak. Gördüklerini görmezden gelmek bu toplumda erdem sayılan bir alışkanhk.. .3 M virüsü. 3 Maymun mu yani. Duymadım, görmedim, konuşmadım.” sözleriyle sanki günümüz Türkiye’sini anlatıyor Olaylar çabuk unutuluyor ve kanıksanıyor. Gündemin İçinden Concerning the Agenda148 Editörden / Editorial Sosyal ağların yasaklanarak halkın okuma, haber alma ve iletişim kurma özgürlüğünün elinden alınması ya da kısıtlanması neredeyse bir asır önce yazılmış 1984 adlı romanın 21. Yüzyıl Türkiye’sinde gerçeğe dönüşmesinin izdüşümü. Youtube hala kapalı / yeni açıldı! Sansürler, kitap yasakları. Bu olgular kütüphanelerimizin kapısındaki tehlikenin en önemli habercileri! Bu nedenle halkın aydınlanmasında önemli bir potansiyel güce sahip kütüphanelerimizin sahibi bizler mesleki ahlak ilkelerimizi tekrar gözden geçirmeli, mesleki örgütlerimizle bütünleşmeli ve topluma verdiğimiz hizmetlerle aydınlanmanın mimarları olmalıyız. Emerson’un söylediğinin aksine halkı öyle okutmalıyız ki, “karanlığın üstüne bir güneş gibi doğabilsin.” 19. yüzyılın sonlarına doğru doğmuş Brecht’le seslenmek istiyorum: “Rica ederiz, ‘olağan’ demeyin hemen her gün olup bitenlere! Kargaşanın hüküm sürdüğü, kanın aktığı, düzensizliğin at oynattığı, keyfiliğin yasalaştığı yerde demeyin sakın: ‘Bunlar olağandır.’” Değerli okurlarımız, İçinde bulunduğumuz 2014 yılı, Türk ve dünya edebiyatından iki önemli yazarın çeşitli etkinlikler ile anıldığı bir yıl. Türk edebiyatında toplumsal gerçekçi yazının büyük isimlerinden, Orhan Kemal’in 100.; dünya edebiyatına yön vermiş Shakespeare’nin 450. yaşı. Bununla birlikte 2014, iki üretken insanın aramızdan ayrıldığı bir yıl oldu: Meslektaşımız Ahmet Gürlek ve büyülü gerçekçiliğin en büyük temsilcisi Marquez. İnsanlığa yapıtlarıyla daha nice yıllar ışık tutacak bu üç edebiyatçıyı; mesleğimize önemli derecede katkı sağlamış, meslektaşımız Ahmet Gürlek’i ve Soma’da kaybettiğimiz “301” emekçiyi sevgi ve saygıyla anıyoruz. Yazımı sonlandırırken, 50. yılını kutladığımız kütüphane haftasının ardından yayınlanan bu sayımızla Türk Kütüphaneciliği editör grubuna dönüşümlü olarak editoryal bölümde yazmanın kapısını açan; bunun ötesinde dergimizin düzenli olarak yayınlanmasını büyük bir özveri ve titizlikle koordine eden Dr. M. Tayfun Gülle’ye saygı ve şükranlarımı sunarım. Değerli okurlarımız, dergimizin Haziran sayısı bilimsel ve uygulama örneklerinin yer aldığı yazıların yanı sıra düşündüren, tebessüm ettiren özgün yazı ve haberlerle dopdolu zengin bir içeriğe sahip. Yaz mevsimini yaşadığımız bu günlerde kitap raflarındaki dostlarla daha yakından vakit geçirmeniz dileğiyle saygılar sunar, aydınlık günler dileriz. Atakan Aydın work_2ksxkqeijzgrdl7vq5jt3fycsi ---- INTEGRATING MEDICAL AND PSYCHOLOGICAL TREATMENT FOR SEXUAL PROBLEMS: THE PSYCHE AND THE SOMA Jules S. Black, FRANZCOG, FRCOG 2 Rae Street, Randwick, NSW, AUSTRALIA 2031 ❄ ❄ ❄ INTRODUCTION This year marks my 40th year as a doctor. What I plan to do is take those 40 years of experiences, which upon reflection are wide, very varied and turbulent, and to use them as a metaphor depicting the integration of medical and psychological treatments, the need for it and what in my view still has to be achieved. One always remembers the first day as a doctor. I was appointed to one of Sydney’s largest teaching hospitals and was rostered on extra duty on my first evening in the Emergency Ward. Fully expecting to make some sort of brilliant diagnosis that first night, but instead amongst the usual pedestrian fare one sees in Emergency, I saw a woman in her thirties. I can’t even remember what her presenting complaint was but it was something fairly minor. However during that consultation she obviously sensed she could talk to me and out of the blue, she shifted gears and said, “Doctor, I’ve never had an orgasm.” Our six years of formal medical training had not prepared me for that question, let alone the answer. The only time sexuality was mentioned concerned pædophilia and bestiality during our Psychiatry lectures in 4th year. However, I had seen this lack of coverage of human sexuality in our course as deficient and downright weird. I had taken upon myself to read T.H. van de Velde’s “Ideal Marriage”1 in 3rd year, a book which by that time in all the history of book publishing was second only in sales to the Holy Bible. So, I was able to muddle through with that patient and not back away from the answer. In retrospect, that incident that very first night on duty influenced my life, and kindled my interest in sexuality, sex therapy as well as the sex education of health professionals and general public alike. I decided there was a rôle I could play, a contribution I could make to my chosen profession. Then I made the next discovery. No one listens to a junior or senior intern or house officer! I had to wait until I was awarded my MRCOG in 1970 to give me the credibility I needed. Upon returning to Australia from my postgraduate work in England, I started to raise the consciousness of my specialist colleagues and the Profession at large towards our responsibilities regarding the sexual difficulties of our patients. After all, if there is no sexual function, there is no Obstetrics & Gynæcology. I’m not referring just to the obvious topic of Obstetrics, but there would be no miscarriages, abortions, STD’s, contraception and far less abnormal cytology & colposcopy, hysterectomies and repairs as examples. Our whole specialty depends on sexuality.2 I persuaded the Editor of the Australian & New Zealand Journal of Obstetrics & Gynæcology, one of the world's mainstream O&G journals, to accept the first article js black the psyche and the soma page 2 ever on sexuality in 1974.2 Then I badgered the Professor of O&G at Sydney University to include questions on sexuality in the Final exam, which for my sins he made me construct. He was persuaded by my argument that the medical student will only learn something if it is examinable. Students have so much to learn that if a subject is not examined they perceive it can’t be important. I did the same thing for the MRACOG exams. However these 40 years have taught me many things, and in this context, when it comes to tackling their patients’ sexual dysfunctions and difficulties, I still find resistance amongst my colleagues. I have reached the conclusion that in the same way we can’t all be equally comfortable with major gynæ cancer surgery or microsurgery, IVF techniques or delivering babies, not every one is comfortable with sexual counselling. I will return to this subject in my concluding remarks. The best example I ever had was having driven into the car park of my medical centre one morning about 20 years ago, a fellow obstetrician & gynæcologist was also arriving. We had gone through medical school around the same time, we were friends and had even socialised in our student days. He asked me if I was “still doing…” he couldn’t even get the word out after about three attempts, so I helped him by saying, “Sex therapy?” and he said, “Yes”. I said, “I cannot see how one can divorce the whole of O&G from the sex act,” and he replied, “I do my best to.” I have pondered other positive and negative medical influences in those formative years of mine. One of the “giants” in Gynæcology was T.N.A. Jeffcoate, and his “Principles of Gynæcology”3 was our major text on the subject. Sir Norman really impressed me because on Page one of his very first chapter was a heading, “Psychosomatic and Sociological Aspects of Gynæcology”. He dealt with all sorts of important aspects of the art of gynæcology. Some he labelled “trivial” but still worthy of mention. There were tips the like of which I never saw in another text at the time on pain, cancerphobia, the pelvic examination, getting the patient to relax and so forth. As good as this chapter and the book in general was however, there was a sentence I’m sure all women would scoff at upon hearing it. On the subject of the vaginal examination Jeffcoate stated, “Insert and withdraw fingers slowly to avoid any erotic stimulation.” Technology has brought us many true advances in our specialty. Any woman now of reproductive age knows she can go to her local supermarket and buy a home pregnancy test kit. A prescription is no longer necessary. It was only as recently as around 1963 when such kits came onto the market. Prior to this the technology available to measure hormones including sex steroids, was extremely crude, therefore inaccurate. In fact, every pregnancy test before 1963, and for a few more years until the new kits became commonplace, meant a female mouse had to be sacrificed each time. Concentrated urine from the woman was injected into the mouse’s belly. One day later the mouse was killed, the abdomen slit open and if the ovaries appeared hyperstimulated, that was a positive, the so-called Ascheim- Zondek or A-Z Test. In 1974, David Abramovich, an expatriate Sydney Professor of Obstetrics and Gynæcology then in Aberdeen reported a study measuring maternal testosterone levels during pregnancy.4 By then radioimmune assays had revolutionised hormone physiology. He observed that maternal plasma testosterone levels rose to a peak around 18 weeks’ gestation and this was especially so if the js black the psyche and the soma page 3 woman was carrying a male fetus. However, in the discussion at the end, he concluded, “There do not appear to be any clinical implications in this rise.” I criticised this conclusion in a guest editorial on sexuality in pregnancy.5 I cited this as a good example of the difference between a researcher and a clinician. All Professor Abramovich had to do was observe and speak to these women during their pregnancies. In many women carrying males, by the time they are at the 18 week mark, their faces are erupting with acne instead of the traditional “peaches and cream” complexion, their scalp hair if not actually full of dandruff, becomes oilier and curls tend to fall out. Bodily hair such as axillary, pubic, on legs and abdomen increases. Often they note a heightened libido and sexual responsiveness, some partners telling me it has never been so high thus far in their entire relationship. These are all testosterone effects begging for clinical observation. Once more, women reading this who have given birth to babies of both genders will often reflect on these words and agree with the observations. Sir John Dewhurst was also one of our great teachers and his lectures were always a treat in their clarity, erudition and wisdom. He was a world authority on childhood gynæcological disease, and his monograph, “Female Puberty and its Abnormalities”6 is a classic work. I had the pleasure of attending a lecture of his in Sydney on the subject of the adrenogenital syndrome, which dealt as you can imagine with ambiguous genitals and congenital abnormalities. One of his slides showed an endocrinological schema with the pituitary at the top, and all the endocrine glands in anatomical position beneath down to the ovaries and genitals. Arrows started at the pituitary and all pointed towards one of the lower glands and the genitalia. He avoided any discussion of the tomboyish or sexual behaviour in these girls. I stood up and asked a question afterwards. I made the observation that all of the arrows in that particular slide pointed downwards. I asked Sir Jack about arrows which should also be pointing upwards from the genitalia towards the brain and what his thoughts were. He could not answer that question at all and fobbed me off. I had started to meet world famous sexologists from around 1976 and at the beginning of 1978, I passed another milestone, when I visited the Department of Psychiatry and Behavioral Science, School of Medicine of the State University of New York at Stony Brook. This was during their heyday with so many famous sexologists on the one campus. Some had heard of my work with apareunia due to vaginismus. I was enjoying an 83% success rate in its management. It was wonderful to confer with them. New textbooks were being published and here was I meeting the various authors. An important book came out in 1979 that addressed finally some of the imbalance between conventional studies of hormones on behaviour and the less- studied and less-understood effects of behaviour on hormones.7 This opened new avenues of thought for me. Then followed a very productive phase. I was teaching, training, counselling, treating and in 1983, I was appointed to the Board of SSSS (The Society for the Scientific Study of Sexuality), and from 1985 to the Board of WAS (The World Association for Sexology), both for several years. With this kind of background in my post-graduation years, it is clear why I would be attracted to Psychosomatic Obstetrics & Gynæcology. I absorbed these concepts js black the psyche and the soma page 4 well known to psychotherapists, but absent from our mainstream specialist medical literature. To this day I am also still actively involved in obstetrics. I graduated at a time of major change in my specialty. Childbirth was no longer the dangerous pursuit it once genuinely used to be for mothers and babies. [Nowadays due to the altered medicolegal climate, obstetrics is more hazardous for the obstetrician instead!] I met the new gurus such as Frédéric LeBoyer, Sheila Kitzinger and Michel Odent who showed us there was an effective, far gentler, less-invasive way to go. Similar changes were occurring in gynæcology. Innovations such as the contraceptive pill and other hormones, ultrasound, microsurgery and laparoscopy facilitated more conservative approaches. Nonetheless, I have always contended that since, unlike any other doctors, we obstetricians & gynæcologists are responsible for managing problems associated with every major rit de passage of women ranging from childhood through adolescence, “marriage”, pregnancy up to the menopause etc., how can the primary approach to the management of such problems be with the knife or a “magic bullet”? Many doctors haven’t learned the very real therapeutic but time-consuming value of just listening and talking to patients/ clients; that doctors themselves are just as valid a medical instrument, as described by Balint.8 A patient of mine who was a surgeon’s receptionist told me once of a lady who came out from the consultation saying to her, “I feel so much better now.” At the morning tea break she dutifully told her boss what the patient had said. He replied, “But all I did was talk to her.” Some people just do not get it. One of my pet hates is being told by a patient/ client that previous therapists have told her either, “It’s all in your head”, or after a pile of tests and scans have been performed, “I can find nothing wrong with you”, leading the woman to think her medical attendants believe she is imagining the symptoms. Now I turn to the crux of the integration of medical and psychological treatment for sexual problems. I have learned that medical practitioners do not have all the answers, but then in fairness neither do psychologists or all the other “-ologists”, but that together we can find so many of the answers. Whereas psychotherapy offers much for orgasmic sexual dysfunctions, sexual phobias and such like, medical practitioners are very appropriate when it comes to pain associated with sexual functioning, be it before, during, or after. Since pain is the commonest symptom which brings clients/ patients to see a doctor, more doctors need to learn that different clients/ patients perceive, evaluate and act upon given symptoms differently which in turn make them behave in differing manners, dubbed Illness Behaviour (IB) and Abnormal Illness Behaviour (AIB) (Pilowsky, 1978)9. Singh (1981)10 then showed us that clients/ patients may well exhibit AIB, but that it also matters what kind of doctor treats what kind of patient/ client, and that Abnormal Treatment Behaviour (ATB) may be exhibited. Further, I learned of concepts of Somatisation (e.g. Ford, 198611 & Lipowski, 198712), and then an extension of IB and AIB, Pain Behaviour, (Tyrer, 1986)13. I am adamant that any person presenting with a symptom consistent with dyspareunia, (which in turn can be female or let us not forget male dyspareunia), cannot be managed solely by a psychologist or psychiatrist. A critical, sexologically- js black the psyche and the soma page 5 oriented examination of the genitals and/or pelvis needs to be made.14 We health professionals cannot exist without each other. As evidence of this, in my own management of apareunia due to vaginismus, my “pet” specialty, and the supreme example of a psychosomatic condition, many uncured still-apareunic women have come referred to me via psychiatrists and psychologists and I have been successful in helping them achieve not only intercourse, but to accept their vagina as a normal organ and to enable women to insert creams, tampons, etc as any “normal” woman can. There are cases where no amount of psychotherapy, guided imagery, hypnosis etc helps overcome such problems compared with in-vivo, hands-on techniques. Yet I am the first to point out that if I am the primary referee and the woman is severely emotionally upset, there is no way my services can be helpful, nor should I even try, until I refer such cases for psychotherapy to reduce this background of psychological baggage. In some of these cases, my services aren’t required thereafter. In vaginismus the psyche is willing, used to be willing or maybe it wasn’t ever willing, but the soma is saying a definite “No!”. We have the chicken or egg situation here. Has the fear of penetration/ pain/ mutilation etc led to this condition, or, have painful, unsuccessful attempts at intercourse or other negative factors such as a past history of incest or rape, painful vaginal examinations and other negative experiences with doctors led to the involuntary pain behaviour and apareunia? It is a two-way street. At the 5th International Congress of Psychosomatic Obstetrics & Gynæcology in Rome in 1977, I was the first person in the world to point out that we doctors are equal to rapists as regards ætiological factors in preceding apareunia due to vaginismus.15 I have come to learn that the word “pain” is a form of “currency” used by patients to mean various things, but above all, it is a cry for some sort of help. Each of our medical specialties, of necessity representing a narrower band of medical knowledge hived off from the entire medical “cake”, has its own “currency” to describe pain syndromes within that specialty. Such “currencies” include fibromyalgia, chronic fatigue syndrome, irritable bowel or bladder syndromes, muscular and migraine headaches, premenstrual syndrome, chronic pelvic pain, or finally — vulvodynia.16 For example, the classical words, “Not tonight dear, I have a headache,” of course is not a dyspareunic pain, but it is a “currency” or code, a subtext. As an obstetrician & gynæcologist, my bias is towards women, but then, this is the realm of most dyspareunia. The principles apply equally to male syndromes such as anismus and proctalgia fugax. I have always held the view, based on long experience with very positive outcomes in patients, that whereas the patient/ client may say, “Doctor, I don’t enjoy sex because it hurts”, I respond, “Au contraire, sex hurts because you don’t enjoy it”.17 The previously mentioned advances in hormonal physiology and hormone use for treatments represent another medical area. Prolactin, testosterone and allied assays in both sexes yield therapeutic information, and testosterone therapy in women is something I have used judiciously over 35 years with good effect in the minority of women I see who are suitable candidates. There is a myriad of so-called “natural” remedies out there including œstrogens, gestagens, DHEA, DHEAS, wild yam, js black the psyche and the soma page 6 phyto-œstrogens and so forth. One of the real problems with these compounds is that individual doctors do not know the exact composition of what the women are taking, and there are genuine concerns about uniform quality control and uniform efficacy of batches. Forty years ago, impotence was considered about 97% psychological and around 3% medical in ætiology. Nowadays our expanding knowledge places the mix at around 50-50. Sexual surgery is performed in some cases of impotence, for penile enlargement or penile correction as in Peyronie’s disease. Transsexual surgery, vaginal repairs and labioplasties are examples of other surgical managements. I have left the pharmacology of sexual dysfunction until last, because this represents a subject, which now is an area with only two sides. The other two sides are expanding exponentially and we don’t know yet where the borders will end. Brain chemistry will unravel more secrets as the years go by and lead the way to newer, more targeted drugs. Another area of great promise is with the use of fMRI’s and PET scans as well as I imagine technologies we haven’t even dreamed of yet. Nevertheless, for now we must remain aware of the unwanted side effects of our expanding pharmacopœia upon sexual function. The reverse situation, drugs that enhance sexual function is also engaging our attention. The use of Viagra-type drugs by men has not lived up to expectations with large numbers of them now not refilling their prescriptions. I know that many sex therapists became dismayed when traditional forms of counselling went by the wayside as men sought a “quick fix” and embraced Viagra whilst continuing to smoke and drink heavily, not look after their diabetes or eat the wrong foods. As the American author, poet and philosopher Ralph Waldo Emerson once said, “Men wish to be saved from the mischiefs of their vices, but not from their vices.” CONCLUSIONS & SUGGESTIONS Male and female Desire, Arousal and Pain continue to be the big treatment issues in the management of sexual problems. There is no doubt that the consciousness of all doctors, be they general practitioners or specialists of varying types, regarding their responsibilities towards clients’/ patients’ sexual difficulties needs to be raised on a continuing basis.2 I used to think once or twice was enough. As we become more aware of pain behaviours and in turn of more effective pain management, several of our textbooks will have to be rewritten. This will take a long time from now before such new concepts and treatment modalities percolate down the line to young doctors and psychologists. It is clearer to me now after 40 years that special doctors, not all doctors, will need to be more aware of clients’/ patients’ sexual difficulties in the same way you can’t expect all psychotherapists to be comfortable with managing sexual dysfunctions. It is also patently clear that neither psychologists nor doctors have all the answers. Together we will get somewhere. In fairness to my medical colleagues, there is so much to learn and this mass of material is expanding like the “big bang” over the years. In the words of a former Editor of the Medical js black the psyche and the soma page 7 Journal of Australia, the explosion in the numbers of journals and specialised textbooks means that more and more smaller groups of people end up talking only to their fellows, and thereby lose out in knowing and benefiting from what is happening in the rest of medicine.18 In view of this, I have come to realise that the ideal doctor, one who knows a reasonable amount about everything, and who has clinical skills to match, is an unrealistic pipe dream today. Gone are the days when life was a lot simpler and the town’s only GP handled everything quite competently. “The farmer and the cowman should be friends,” states the song in “Oklahoma”. I believe we should accept the reality that we need each other and cannot work in isolation from each other in our field of sexual function and dysfunction. In mentioning “special doctors” in this context, I would like to see that in a group practice of GP’s for example, at least one of the partners has extended his/her training into counselling skills. As regards obstetricians & gynæcologists, we need a new type, not a new subspecialty. In the same way we have a pædiatrician and pædiatric surgeon, a neurologist and neurosurgeon, a cardiologist and cardiac surgeon, a thoracic physician and thoracic surgeon, a nephrologist and urologist, a rheumatologist and orthopædic surgeon; in other words two specialists in the same field but one is at the non-surgical, diagnostic end of the spectrum, the other at the surgical, we need a new breed of gynæcologist who is at the non-surgical end of the spectrum. Having said previously that the gynæcologist is the best medical specialist to manage certainly the physical aspects of women’s sexual problems, we need such men and women to concentrate on the diagnostic and counselling aspects of our specialty, a “gynæcological physician”, as it were. This is the niche where I have come to see myself. I am not a trained psychologist but I know that what I do is p s y c h o - therapeutic. I am happy to leave the IVF, microsurgery, urogynæcology and cancer surgery to others with those important and ultra-developed skills. Finally, I would like to see sexual difficulties experienced by men and women treated with more interest and concern by doctors equal to the level of concern among our patients. It would be a big help if these new textbooks that need to be written add some novel integrative tables into their teaching. In other words, in the same way we are taught perspectives such as the ocular, cutaneous or arthritic manifestations of disease, I believe we should see new tables devoted to the sexual consequences of systemic disease. We doctors need a biopsychological model rather than the traditional medical illness model in the management of sexual dysfunctions. In July 1982, I spoke here in Brighton at the 1st International Conference of the Institute of Psychosexual Medicine. The late Tom Main chaired my session. It is an honour and a thrill to be asked to speak at only the second international sexology congress to be held in the UK. js black the psyche and the soma page 8 1 Van de Velde, TH. Ideal Marriage. London: William Heinemann. 1st Ed., 37th Impression: 1961. 2 Black, J.S. Sex and the Gynaecologist. Australian & New Zealand Journal of Obstetrics & Gynaecology 1974; 14, 238-240. 3 Jeffcoate, TNA. Principles of Gynæcology. London: Butterworths. 2nd Ed.: 1962. 4 Abramovich, DR. Human Sexual Differentiation — In Utero Influences. J Obstet Gynæc Brit Cwlth 1974; 81, 448-453. 5 Black, JS. Sexuality and Pregnancy — An Interview Study. Aust N Z J Obstet Gynæcol 1994; 34, 1- 2. 6 Dewhurst, J. Female Puberty and its Abnormalities. Edinburgh: Churchill Livingstone: 1984. 7 Sex, Hormones and Behaviour. Ciba Foundation Symposium 62 (New Series).Amsterdam: Excerpta Medica: 1979. 8 Balint, M. The Doctor, His Patient and the Illness. London: Pitman Medical Publishing: 1968. 9 Pilowsky, I. A general classification of abnormal illness behaviours. British Journal of medical Psychology 1978; 51, 131-137. 10 Singh, B., Nunn, K. & Yates, J. Abnormal Treatment Behaviour. British Journal of medical Psychology 1981; 54, 67-73. 11 Ford, C.V. The somatizing disorders. Psychosomatics 1986; 27, 327-337. 12 Lipowski, Z.J. Somatization: Medicine’s unsolved problem. Psychosomatics 1987; 2, 294 & 297. 13 Tyrer, S.P. Leading Article: Learned Pain Behaviour. British Medical Journal 1986; 292, 1. 14 Black, J.S. Sexual Dysfunction and dyspareunia in the otherwise Normal Pelvis. Sexual & Marital Therapy 1988; 3(2), 213-221. 15 Tunnadine, P. The Making of Love, p.36. London: Jonathan Cape: 1983. 16 Black, J.S. Letter responding to Pagano’s Article on Vulvar Vestibulitis Syndrome. Australian & New Zealand Journal of Obstetrics & Gynaecology 2000; 40, 108-109. 17 Black, J.S. Dyspareunia and vaginismus. In E.-S. Teoh, S. Ratnam & M. Macnaughton (Eds.) The Current Status of Gynaecology & Obstetrics Series, Volume 6, General Gynaecology. The Proceedings of the XIIIth World Congress of Gynaecology & Obstetrics, Singapore, 1991 (pp. 125-132). New York: Parthenon Publishing Group:1991. 18 Brass, A. Communicating with Doctors. In Fraser, IS, Porter, J & Mason, C (Eds.) Obstetrics, Gynæcology, Psychiatry and Family Planning. The Proceedings of the combined annual congress of the Australian Society for Psychosomatic Obstetrics and Gynæcology, and the Biological Sciences Committee of the Australian Federation of Family Planning Associations, Canberra, 1984 (pp.19-25). Abbotsford: York Press: 1984. work_2nur7dfkyjfhpltf3mip45e6iu ---- In Memoriam which he hoped to use to promote both greater cross-disciplinary orga- nizational contact and further inte- gration of social scientists in Asia and Africa. Having become fluent in four or five languages, he thrived in the atmosphere of international sci- entific administration and had a unique capacity for bringing both vision and practicality to a wide range of issues and projects. His work on the international arena was so very far from being completed. With such a high profile as an ad- ministrator in recent years, it's easy to loose sight of Franco's consider- able production as a social scientist. He was author or coauthor of 10 major works and more than 60 arti- cles and high-profile papers. More important than the volume of his production, however, was the grow- ing range of his interests and re- search involvements. Long recog- nized in an international capacity in the area of local governance, he had, over the past five years or so, ex- panded his interests to cover both the politics of divided countries and issues of sustainable development in a North-South context. At the time of his death, he was working with colleagues from India and Eastern Europe on comparative projects along very different dimensions, hav- ing returned to research again with full vigour after his prolonged period of initial illness. Francesco Kjellberg was what they would have called in the American West "a man to be reckoned with." He was possessed of a complex per- sonality: a powerful and assertive intelligence combined with deep res- ervoirs of charm and wit. He had an enormous sensitivity for injustice in any form, and was always willing to take the side of the underdog. He also had a very strong "existentialist" streak, constantly willing to explore the personal implications of his own positions, and ever on the alert for "bad faith." He was also both excep- tionally loyal and exceptionally open in whatever he undertook. In short, he was a man of integrity, a "tradi- tionalist" in the very best sense of the word. With Franco's death, IPSA and political scientists around the world have lost a true friend and champion of the discipline. Our thoughts and deepest sympathies go out to his im- mediate family who have lost such a vital part of their lives at a much too early date. He was a man who made a difference, and he will long be re- membered and honoured by col- leagues and friends everywhere. William M. Lafferty University of Oslo William Webster Lammers It is with great sadness that we report the death of William Webster Lammers on October 7, 1997. He died at the USC/Norris Cancer Hos- pital in Los Angeles at the age of 60. Bill was born in Waseca, Minne- sota, and he received his A.B. in his- tory in 1959 and his M.A. and Ph.D. in political science in 1960 and 1966, respectively, from the University of Minnesota. He was initiated into Phi Beta Kappa during his junior year in college, and he later served as fac- ulty president of Phi Beta Kappa for two years. He joined the department of political science at the University of Southern California as an instruc- tor in 1964 and was appointed an assistant professor in 1966. He was promoted to associate professor in 1970 and to full professor in 1984. He served on the faculty senate and chaired the division of social sci- ences promotion and tenure commit- tee. He made frequent television, radio, and speaking appearances, particularly during election years, and he served as a consultant on social security issues for several members of Congress. Bill was acting chair from 1971- 1973 and again during the spring semester of 1986. As we all know, it takes a leader, a conciliator, a com- promiser, a strong person, to head a diverse group of independent- minded academics. These are quali- ties he had in abundance, along with an integrity and genuineness that shone through his persona. More- over, he was always reliable. You could always count on Bill. He sat on a number of department and uni- versity committees, and he always came well prepared with notes, and did not "wing it" as many of our col- leagues have done. Bill's research focused on Ameri- can politics and public policy. He was the author of two books on the American presidency and three books on aging policy. His papers consistently appeared in the top po- litical science journals, including Presidential Studies Quarterly, Politi- cal Science Quarterly, Policy Studies Review, Canadian Journal of Political Science, Publius, and American Jour- nal of Political Science. He presented papers at the annual meetings of the American Political Science Associa- tion and the Western Political Sci- ence Association on a regular basis. Bill developed a massive data base on the professional background and actions of individual presidents to facilitate his research on executive behavior and policy formation. Com- pleted shortly before his death, Comparing Presidents: Leadership and Domestic Policy (CQ Press, forth- coming) analyzes the leadership abil- ities and styles of presidents from FDR through Clinton. His article in Political Science Quarterly, "Presiden- tial Press Conference Schedules: Who Hides, and When," provides an extremely perceptive and insightful study of when presidents choose to hold news conferences and how those decisions affect public opinion. He also collaborated with Joseph Nyomarkay on a major study of ca- reer patterns of cabinet officials in Austria, Canada, France, Germany, and Great Britain. Bill also wrote extensively about aging policy in the United States. He analyzed a wide variety of govern- ment policies toward older adults in Public Policy and the Aging, pub- lished by CQ Press. "The aging are destined to become a larger and more influential segment of Ameri- can society," he wrote in his 1983 book. "The falling birthrate begin- ning in the early 1960s, coupled with increases in life expectancy, makes this demographic shift inevitable. The number of older persons with the personal resources and political skills needed to participate in the political process is growing, and elected officials are becoming in- creasingly sensitive to their voting strength. The mixture of policies that will emerge in response to those po- litical and demographic changes will have important implications not only for present and future aged popula- March 1998 85 In Memoriam tions but also for the very nature of American society." Obviously, he supplemented his fine research skills with an effective crystal ball. Bill was also a devoted teacher. He regularly taught courses on the presidency, comparative executive behavior, federalism, state politics, policy analysis, politics and aging, and politics and health policy. He taught both undergraduate and grad- uate students, and he spent a great deal of time outside the classroom guiding his students. He probably supervised more dissertations in the American field than anyone else on the faculty. Bill served for a number of years on the selection committee for state legislative internships. He helped many students, not only at USC, to serve as interns in Sacra- mento, California. In latter years, Bill also encour- aged junior faculty. He was quick to agree to serve on faculty review committees, and he helped a number of younger faculty to achieve promo- tion and tenure. While Bill's research often cen- tered on important government pol- icy and the politically powerful, he was also concerned about the plight of average Americans. He once said in an interview with the media that "All of us should remind ourselves of the importance of ordinary acts of kindliness, like offering to drive an elderly neighbor to a physician or just calling up your 80 year-old grandmother to ask how she's doing. To individually reach out and touch someone among the elderly—by telephone or otherwise—is really as consequential in its own way as any type of collective reform." In short, Bill was an outstanding scholar and teacher. His research on the presidency, in particular, has shed important light on that critical office. He was an exemplary col- league and the moral backbone of our department. His presence, wis- dom, and good humor will be sorely missed. Bill is survived by his wife, Mary, and daughters Linda and Caroline Lammers. Sheldon Kamieniecki University of Southern California Marcella A. MacDonald Marcella A. MacDonald, 57, assis- tant professor of political science at SUNY-Brockport, died at her Brock- port home in November 1997. Mac- Donald had taught at Brockport since 1968, specializing in political theory and women's studies. She was active in faculty governance, includ- ing service as chair of her depart- ment's governance committee, as a Faculty Senator, as a representative to the faculty union, and as a mem- ber of the Women's Studies Board. She was born in Timmins, Ont., and had degrees from the University of Brunswick (B. A.), the University of Melbourne (M.A.), and Yale Uni- versity (Ph.D.). Dr. MacDonald was a bright, witty, compassionate teacher, colleague, and friend. She scorned the traditional formalities of faculty-student relations and culti- vated long-standing friendships with many of her students. William G. Andrews SUNY-Brockport Robert Dale Miewald Robert D. Miewald, professor of political science at the University of Nebraska, Lincoln, died October 18, 1997. Bob was born in Chinook, Montana, May 16, 1938. As a boy, he came to know ranching and farm- ing on the Montana plains. After selling the ranch, the family moved to Enterprise, Oregon, where his father was employed by the Forest Service. Bob graduated from Enter- prise High School in 1956 and from the University of Oregon in 1960. From 1961 to 1963, he served in the U.S. Army. Following military ser- vice, he completed his doctorate in political science at the University of Colorado. Bob began his professional career at California State University, Long Beach, where he was an assistant professor and coordinator of the graduate program in public adminis- tration. In 1971, he joined the fac- ulty of the University of Nebraska, Lincoln as an associate professor. He was promoted to full professor in 1978. At Nebraska, Bob served as chair of the department from 1974 to 1977 and 1988-1990. From 1978, he served as the director of the graduate specialization in policy analysis and program evaluation. Bob was a master teacher, an en- gaging and thoughtful writer, an un- selfish colleague, dear friend, and mentor. A quite and reserved man in most social settings, in the class- room he was a performer. Whether teaching a class of several hundred or a seminar of less than ten, whether first year or graduate stu- dents, Bob made the often dry sub- ject matter of public administration come to life. Courses in personnel administration, budgeting, and man- agement are not the stuff that typi- cally turns students on, but Bob was able to do so. His classes were al- ways full and the students always left with a smile. His style and approach are reflected in his book, Public Ad- ministration: A Critical Perspective. He opens with a quote from Ralph Waldo Emerson, "There are some subjects which have kind of a right to dull treatment. Public administra- tion has always been one of those subjects." With criticism and humor, he could turn the dull into the de- lightful. Bob also reached students because he had something to say. He would walk them through the world of ad- ministration but the journey would not stop with the mechanical and superficial. He dealt with issues at the core. To him, administration and organization were important because they were a way to get things done, but he always cautioned his students to be aware of the dehumanizing potential that lay in the bowels of many an organization. First and foremost, he would remind them, stay committed to your fellow per- son. Bob would often drive home the point, "being in charge is never an excuse for being a bastard." Many a student left his classroom with a greater understanding of ad- ministration. More importantly, many left with a greater understand- ing of the human condition. In spite of his success as a teacher, Bob would not allow him- self to be nominated for a teaching award. No one knows why; Bob didn't share such things. We suspect that for him, turning students on was simply the job and didn't deserve special recognition. 86 PS: Political Science & Politics work_2orb3mzq3vgwzgfweaaatvqcpu ---- PC 15.1-03 Warner 41 What Like a Bullet Can Undeceive? Michael Warner In the days after the World Trade Center attacks in September 2001, Robert Pin-sky — the former poet laureate and creator of the “America’s Favorite Poems” project — appeared on television reading poems of consolation. This seemed to many people a natural thing to do, I’m sure. Art is commonly thought to have a redemptive task in difficult times. The poem that I will discuss here, Herman Melville’s “Shiloh,” was written in New York at a similar time of violent crisis. The poem clearly answers to the expectation of redemption through art. But con- solation and redemption are precisely what I’d like to avoid here. What is most interesting about the poem to me is a paradox in its redemptive language — one that says much about how violence comes to be scandalous, about the traps of redemption, and about the dilemmas of liberal culture. “Shiloh” refers to an 1862 battle in the Civil War, the first of the colossally destructive battles that stunned participants on both sides by the scale of mecha- nized killing. Melville probably wrote the poem in 1864 or shortly after and published it in 1866 in Battle-Pieces and Aspects of the War, his first and best book of poetry, written after his novelistic career had essentially ended in failure. It is an unaccountably beautiful poem, building up to an extraordinary single line, which it shudders away from and contains in parentheses: “(What like a bullet can undeceive!).”1 Public Culture 15(1): 41 – 54 Copyright © 2003 by Duke University Press 1. Herman Melville, Battle-Pieces and Aspects of the War, ed. Sidney Kaplan (1866; Gainesville, Fla.: Scholars Facsimiles, 1960), 63. I Shiloh. A Requiem. (April, 1862.) Skimming lightly, wheeling still, The swallows fly low Over the field in clouded days, The forest-field of Shiloh — Over the field where April rain Solaced the parched ones stretched in pain Through the pause of night That followed the Sunday fight Around the church of Shiloh — The church so lone, the log-built one, That echoed to many a parting groan And natural prayer Of dying foemen mingled there — Foemen at morn, but friends at eve — Fame or country least their care: (What like a bullet can undeceive!) But now they lie low, While over them the swallows skim, And all is hushed at Shiloh. It is not hard to see why Melville might have felt the need for parentheses to cordon off the climactic burst of recognition. (In other ways the parentheses expand its resonance, as we will see.) The line looks forward to the prose “Sup- plement,” tucked in the back of Battle-Pieces after the notes; there, in convoluted and defensive language, Melville argues for amnesty in Reconstruction — a posi- tion that goes a long way toward explaining the dismal commercial failure of the book.2 (It sold 486 copies in its first eighteen months.) Like Walt Whitman, who published Drum-Taps in 1865, Melville clearly thought that a book of war poetry would feed some new public hunger in the war’s immediate aftermath. Battle- Pieces appeared amid Northern triumphalism, and many of its poems celebrate the causes of union and antislavery. Yet the climactic line of “Shiloh,” like other moments in the book, forswears any motivating structure for violence. The line, in short, encapsulates the dilemma of Northern liberal intellectuals, Public Culture 42 2. Robert J. Scholnick, “Politics and Poetics: The Reception of Melville’s Battle-Pieces and Aspects of the War,” American Literature 49 (1977): 422 – 30. What Like a Bullet Can Undeceive? 43 whose moral framework had provided both the rallying language for the war and a powerful incitement to repudiate war, even their own war.3 Was their vision of a free humanity a way to redeem the violence in which they had been involved? Or did it promise and require a redemption from violence? This dilemma should sound familiar. The Civil War was in many ways a special case of official state violence, not least because the centrally disputed point was whether it was an inter- or intra- state conflict. The metapragmatics of war was complexly reflexive; people were fighting largely over the question of who was fighting, and for what. There was, however, at least one clear answer available to the North. The war, occurring at the climax of a period of intense Christianization in American culture, was partly driven on the Northern side by a redemptive vision of war in general and of the United States in particular as the redeemer nation. This vision was given chilling expression in the most popular of all Civil War poems, “The Battle-Hymn of the Republic,” written by the feminist and abolitionist Julia Ward Howe and printed in the Atlantic Monthly in the same month as the battle of Shiloh: In the beauty of the lilies Christ was born across the sea, With a glory in His bosom that transfigures you and me; As He died to make men holy, let us die to make men free; While God is marching on.4 Here, in “The Battle-Hymn of the Republic,” violence does not appear as such. The poem does not say, “let us kill,” or even, “let us delegate some professional killing and dying”; it says, “let us die.” And it says we should do this not to rule, but “to make men free.” It appears not as a program of cruelty, but as a redemption from cruelty. The poem certainly has what we might call a violent program, but what it makes visible is the neutralization of violence by means of the state and an encompassing theodicy. Human cruelty is remediated in this world by the del- egated human violence of the state and in the next world by the judgment for which the American state is an instrument and a foreshadowing type. Even for two writers so ardently committed to the Union cause as Whitman and Melville, this vision came to seem repugnant. A war fought in the public 3. This context is described in George Fredrickson, The Inner Civil War: Northern Intellectuals and the Crisis of the Union (New York: Harper and Row, 1965), though Fredrickson mentions Melville only briefly and “Shiloh” not at all. 4. Julia Ward Howe, “Battle-Hymn of the Republic,” in American Poetry: The Nineteenth Century, ed. John Hollander (New York: Library of America, 1993), 1:709 – 10. For a wider selection of poetry from the war, see Richard Marius, ed., The Columbia Book of Civil War Poetry (New York: Columbia University Press, 1994). sphere, reported from the front for the first time; a war that escalated beyond any- one’s imagination and altered the cause for which it began; a war too mechanized to supply much redemptive glory to valorous manhood; a war in which each side contested the self-understanding of the other as a legitimate state; a war whose ironic and unforeseen consequence was to build the apparatus of the state to a new level; a war that turned on General Sherman’s decision to carry the terror of warfare to a civilian population — the Civil War (to use the name attached to it by the victor, just as “Shiloh” is the North’s name for the battle) seemed to these writers to reopen the problem of cosmodicy in a unique and terrible way. In Melville’s parenthesis, the whole idea of a war fought for a cause, any cause, is made to seem absurd. This was not easily said in 1866. Wartime patriots could be counted on to abominate a sentiment such as “Fame and country least their care.” In that line, Melville pointedly rebuts “The Battle-Hymn of the Republic.” In the poem’s scene of injury, abandonment, and impending mortality, he subsumes legitimate state violence under the more general heading of violence as a suspect category, an intrinsic evil. I will say more about the poem’s resources for achieving this effect, but here I’d like to note that its dilemmas in a way inhere in the very concept of violence as an abstract category of suspicion. As an organizing category, violence holds out a temptation to pastoralism. In much contemporary criticism, for example, the term is a kind of anathema, even if — especially if — the violence is of the sym- bolic variety, as for example when George Eliot’s compassion is analyzed as a kind of violence.5 The unstated assumption of this debunking move is that vio- lence should not be — even if it is nonviolent violence. To call something violence is to name it as a scandal wherever we find it, whether in the normal workings of the state or in the categories of liberal ethics. But we have no clean analytic or normative concept here. Violence is always the violence of another. Not everyone shares the sense that what we call violence is self-evidently and invariably wrong, let alone our willingness to metaphorize it so violently, as it were. That we do so is a measure of our distance from the warrior ethic, or Flo- rentine virtue, or absolute divinity, or ritual scarification, or ordinary injury, or the structure of feeling behind terrorism. To classify these as forms of violence is already to stand outside them. The act of naming violence involves a denaturaliz- Public Culture 44 5. This is the argument of a paper titled “Fatal Compassion,” presented in September 2000 by Neil Hertz at the English Institute, Harvard University, and forthcoming in Compassion, ed. Lauren Berlant (New York: Routledge). What Like a Bullet Can Undeceive? 45 ing stance external to the action frameworks of force, allowing us to think of vio- lence as aberration. In this sense, redemption comes before violence, not after. How did we come to be habituated to the normal invisibility of injurious force and capable of externalizing its motivations? This state of affairs might require as much explanation as violence itself. I would like to know more about the geneal- ogy of this abstraction, violence, and about its secular deployment. This essay is meant to be a small contribution to such a study. Among the conditions that insulate us from the unbarred meanings of violence is the modern state, which by monopolizing and delegating violence, delegiti- mates it in civil life. That function has come to be coupled with the sanctification of life and the consensual individual. So one thing that we might mean by redemp- tion is the devaluation of violence created by the foundational premises of the nation-state and radically extended in certain moments of liberal culture to devalue even the official force of the state. At least since Weber, it has been common to remark that the state is itself an action framework for violence, and indeed most contemporary critiques of the state rest on this as a point of suspicion. But the state’s way of legitimating its force (i.e., of making it seem something other than mere violence) is different from other action frameworks, such as parental punishment of children or the blood feud. Unlike the latter, the modern state framework not only legitimates its own use of injurious force but globally delegitimates all others. The more estab- lished the state framework, the further this delegitimating effect can be put into practice: in weak states, hardly at all; in other cases, extending even to cover parental punishment of children or neglectful treatment of animals. In the latter kind of state, more and more forms of force and injury come to be regarded as violence, and thus as illegitimate, if they are not delegated to officials. By dele- gating violence we neutralize it in nonstate contexts, so that it can appear only as scandal or crime, contrasted with a normal state that is understood as pacific. Vio- lence appears violent insofar as it can be contrasted with legitimate force; the more legitimately force comes to be delegated, the more illegitimate all undele- gated force — violence — comes to seem. This process of enlarging the category of violence and its catchment of suspi- cion takes a surprising turn when it leads people to name a state apparatus itself as violent, throwing suspicion on its use of force. In such cases, however, the nor- mative standard behind the criticism is the same othering of violence that is the state’s own means of legitimation. It is possible to turn this kind of criticism on the state largely because the modern democratic state leads us to assume a kind of transparency between the sovereign citizen who instructs the state and the national subject on whom the state acts. State force applied to citizens looks ille- gitimate, a kind of sovereign self-injury, unless the injured persons can be exter- nalized as criminals rather than citizens. I might note that the state as a structure of redemptive delegation is itself a principal target of terrorism, in which the decision to bypass the delegated repre- sentatives of violence, in favor of what are locally called innocent civilians, is just as central a strategy as the exploitation of the mass public’s asymmetry of agency. The scandal of terrorism is not just that it is violent, but that the terrorist sees no scandal in the violence and does not respect its delegation to a special subclass of legitimately violent and violatable persons such as the army or the police. The point I want to make here is simply that neither violence nor redemption comes with uncontested valuations. While it remains virtually impossible for us to think about violence outside the redemptive frame of state delegation, the ongoing conflicts over the modern state also mean that the most basic evaluative problems of cosmodicy — why is the world bad, and what should we do about it — can still be reactivated with as much unsettled urgency as if history had only just begun. In the West, the neutralization of violence by the state/civil society relation is also interwoven by another, more ancient kind of redemption: the distinctively Christian scheme in which suffering is seen as compensated, remediated, even meritorious. In Christianity after Augustine, the problem of cosmodicy is dis- placed by theodicy: the badness of the world is not the fault of creation, nor of its creator, but of humanity. A flawed and violent world is the just punishment for evil that flows from human freedom. The creator god is immunized from blame by the redeemer god, who suffered and died, and who calls us to embrace our suf- fering in opposition to our own fallen humanity.6 It is this radical redemption, I think, that first enables a stance sufficiently external to human action to allow violence to appear as an abstract category. The perfect state of peace is now imagined not as the precarious accomplishment of wisdom and just rule but as a heavenly state, beyond human affairs altogether. The suspicion of fallen humanity attends even the forceful virtues. Injurious force can cease to be seen as valorous striving and can come to be seen as human evil, insofar as a realm beyond history and humanity can be imagined as a point of aspiration. Redemption in this sense now has secular variants, which lead us to Public Culture 46 6. Here I follow Hans Blumenberg, The Legitimacy of the Modern Age, trans. Robert M. Wallace (Cambridge: MIT Press, 1983). What Like a Bullet Can Undeceive? 47 believe just as powerfully that people do not suffer and die in vain. Leo Bersani has argued that this stinky redemptive function — stinky because it is a lie (peo- ple do suffer and die in vain) and stinky because it locks people into very specific forms of suffering by convincing them that pain gives them access to compensa- tion — has been reoccupied in modernity by aesthetics: art is supposed to com- pensate the flaws of the world.7 All of these elements of redemption can be glimpsed in “Shiloh.” From the beginning, the landscape localizes the violence as strictly human. Unlike many of the poems in Battle-Pieces— a strange collection of hybrid genres, never ade- quately appreciated partly because its technique is so anomalous —“Shiloh” is instantly recognizable as lyric.8 Its surface is quite simple, a kind of snapshot. The poem opens with a pastoral landscape, a redemptive backdrop against which vio- lence can appear only as scandal.9 As in poems such as “Malvern Hill,” Melville 7. Leo Bersani, The Culture of Redemption (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1990). 8. The anomalies of technique are discussed in William Spengemann, “Melville the Poet,” Amer- ican Literary History 11 (1999): 569 – 609. Helen Vendler comments on the generic hybrids in the vol- ume in “Melville and the Lyric of History,” Southern Review 35 (1999): 579 – 94. Vendler endorses “Shiloh” precisely as an example of redemptive vision. Other important critical essays include Lawrence Buell, “American Civil War Poetry and the Meaning of Literary Commodification: Whit- man, Melville, and Others,” in Reciprocal Influences: Literary Production, Distribution, and Con- sumption in America, ed. Steven Fink and Susan S. Williams (Columbus: Ohio State University Press, 1999), 123 – 38; Lawrence Buell, “Melville the Poet,” in The Cambridge Companion to Herman Melville, ed. Robert S. Levine (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998), 135 – 56; Elizabeth Renker, Strike through the Mask: Herman Melville and the Scene of Writing (Baltimore, Md.: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1996); and Rosanna Warren, “Dark Knowledge: Melville’s Poems of the Civil War,” Raritan 19 (1999): 100 – 121. 9. Here the summary of the poem by Stanton Garner, which, though almost entirely unreflective and manifestly wrong as to the temporal setting of the poem, can serve as a kind of indicator of the poem’s conventions: “Shiloh: A Requiem (April, 1862)” is a soft, elegiac, conciliatory poem that survives the technical difficulty of rhyming the name “Shiloh.” Its double inspiration was the church that gave the battle its name and the Sabbath on which this part of the battle was fought. . . . A counterpart to “Donel- son,” it takes the reader to the scene long after the battle, after neutral nature has healed the land. The fields surrounding the church are hushed and swallows wing in circles of eternity, uniting symbols of spring — the swallows — and resurrection — the church. These turn memory back to the spring rains that on the battle evening of that Sunday fell on broken and waning lives. It had been a dark and brutal day in which men had frowned across the “curs’d ravine” at brothers whom they aspired to kill. But “what like a bullet can undeceive!” Divided as Israel was at ancient Shiloh, these modern disputants had learned late that causes —“Fame and country”— paled before their own mortality and that their suffering was theirs alone. The rebirth of spring, the wor- ship represented by the humble country church, the inviolability of the Sabbath, and the dedica- tion to country that inspired both sides had become moot. Their prayers were “natural,” and nat- ural too was the friendship that resumed as enemies shared the brotherhood of pain and death. . . . frames catastrophe against beauty. The swallows in the first line are untouched by the drama of humanity below them, even blithely so. It seems almost perverse that they should be “skimming lightly.” Melville drives this home by bringing them back at the end of the poem, where again they skim as though Shiloh — and history — never happened. (When they are said to be “wheeling still,” two senses of “still” seem relevant; they wheel still yet, and they seem in wheeling to be still, motionless, almost out of time.) In classic fashion, the landscape is sublime to the extent that it is alien to humanity, even to such human endeavors as the poem we are reading, which shushes itself in the final line: “And all is hushed at Shiloh.” The inhuman but vaguely benign indifference of the landscape turns out to be the ground, so to speak, for the bombshell parenthesis. Melville’s Calvinist/Augustinian background has a good deal to do with the way the poem intensifies the effect. As in many of the other poems of Battle- Pieces (most conspicuously in “The House-top” and “The Conflict of Convic- tions”), the war dramatizes the guilt of humanity. Nature and nature’s god are exonerated. Nature’s god comes into the picture in the one conspicuous human structure on the landscape: the eponymous log church. The church is a note of pathos, not least because it is “log-built,” Arcadian. (The meter and diction, by the way, have a homespun, log-built crudeness that brings out this primitive asso- ciation; to the purist of poetic technique Melville’s touch in rhymes like “Shiloh / lie low” or “one / groan” has often felt rough, and the seemingly improvisational alternation between end-rhyme and internal rhyme —“them / skim”— has seemed like uncultured form.) The men, we are reminded, have been fighting on Sunday. Where Howe’s fighting Jesus had led men into battle, Melville’s implacably tran- scendent creator stands apart, on Sabbath, a supreme antithesis to a violence that by contrast is made purely human, and purely evil. Pastoral theodicy makes vio- lence categorically illegitimate — even though in this case it is violence of the most legitimate variety. But if humanity here seems to bear the guilt of the world’s badness alone, the poem’s picture of injured humanity also invokes a competing Christian ethics, one in which suffering can be seen as revirginating. Public Culture 48 Through all of this, the poem takes Battle-Pieces a step forward, into that area of realism in which real men suffer and die on real battlefields. Stanton Garner, The Civil War World of Herman Melville (Lawrence: University Press of Kansas, 1993), 141 – 42. Garner’s notion that the poem is set “long after the battle” is clearly a mistake; the wounded but living men remain on the battlefield because it is Sunday evening and their comrades have retreated at dusk to return in the morning. What Like a Bullet Can Undeceive? 49 Over the field where April rain Solaced the parched ones stretched in pain These men, the only men we see in the poem, are not seen in the act of violence but rather as sufferers. Their suffering is suffused with theology: it is April, cru- cifixion season; the men are both parched and stretched out like Christ (a not uncommon effect in Battle-Pieces; compare the Daphne figures of “The Swamp Angel” and “Malvern Hill”); and nature deigns to solace them with rain. In con- trast to “The Battle-Hymn of the Republic,” the impulse of the Christian ethic here is not to redeem force, but to redeem men from their own force, visible as violence because it is inflicted upon them outside the frame of the poem. In midcentury America this picture of suffering as a moral center had acquired a distinctly anti-Calvinist association. It is a moral vocabulary for liberalizing Christianity. Melville indexes the modern vision of an essentially good humanity in the highly ambiguous phrase “natural prayer” at the middle of the poem. (Readers of Melville will recognize the conflict between Calvinist and liberal conceptions of humanity here as an excruciating topic in his work, which he returned to in the radically sentimentalized picture of natural innocence in Billy Budd, his only attempt at fiction after the Civil War, left unpublished at his death.) The men, seen only as sufferers, acquire innocence. They are almost features of landscape, all the more so because we see them through the placeless eternal present of lyric witnessing. By treating the foemen without distinction of North and South, Melville elim- inates violent agency from war. Partisans of both sides are seen only as patient subjects. They seem to have injured themselves — or, better yet, they seem to exist in an intransitive state of collective injury. This absolutized pain, if I may put it so, framed only by a structure of sympathy (“Foemen at morn, but friends at eve”) delegitimates the war and sets the stage for the provocative turn of that still astonishing parenthesis: Foemen at morn, but friends at eve — Fame or country least their care: (What like a bullet can undeceive!) The rhetorical exclamation is in parentheses, I think, partly because it sits oddly against the picture of the innocent suffering that has preceded it. If any agent has injured these men, it can only be their own former state of deception — fame or country. To imagine that the men have been injured by such agents as fame or country is of course to shift our attention from a social conflict to an inner struggle. In one of the very few extended and thoughtful essays about Melville’s poetry, Robert Penn Warren notes that one of the central themes running through Battle-Pieces is “the theme of the ironical split between concern with the human being and con- cern with the idea, between the individual and ideology.”10 Warren did not cite examples, but this parenthesis must have been one of the main passages he had in mind. In Americanist criticism it has become conventional to describe Warren’s terms as the Cold War reading of Melville, in which the American individual is pitted against a demon of ideology that is identified with everything except the American individual. (Thus, the fluidly uncommitted Ishmael versus the totali- tarian Ahab.) Critics like Warren are thought to have inclined to this reading because of their own commitments to liberal Americanism.11 But Warren is onto something about that parenthesis, which to me at least has a power to move that far exceeds any Cold War idealization of the uncommitted individual. For one thing, “Shiloh” powerfully reminds us that because the ideol- ogy in question could not be considered other or alien — it was, in Northern intel- lectuals’ eyes, the very cause of freedom — the war created an unsolvable dilemma. A delegitimating perception of the war was not easy for Melville or anyone else. It is not entirely sustained in Battle-Pieces, and perhaps the full power of nega- tion in the parenthesis could not be sustained. But as Louis Menand has recently argued, its aftershocks were a defining ethical crisis for many of the intellectuals of the postwar period, for whom the central perception carried forward from the war was horror at the idea of any vision — of fame, of country, as Melville says, but also of justice or freedom — that commits one to violence of this unbearable sort. Menand argues that the project of pragmatism sprang precisely from this challenge to redemptive vision (though again let me note that the devaluation of violence has its own redemptive character — hence the insoluble dilemma). Prag- matism, he notes, opens an unbridgeable gap between belief and its transcendent grounding. It developed the ability to explain everything about ideas except why anyone would die for them, and that limitation was ironically its point.12 Something like this problematic opens up in Melville’s exceedingly odd word choice: undeceive. There is no direct object, no modifier. We are not told who is Public Culture 50 10. Robert Penn Warren, introduction to Selected Poems of Herman Melville: A Reader’s Edition, ed. Robert Penn Warren (New York: Random House, 1970), 9. 11. The chief statement of this position is Donald Pease, “Moby Dick and the Cold War,” in The American Renaissance Reconsidered, ed. Walter Benn Michaels and Donald Pease (Baltimore, Md.: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1985). 12. Louis Menand, The Metaphysical Club (New York: Farrar, Straus and Giroux, 2001). What Like a Bullet Can Undeceive? 51 undeceived about what. Bullets simply undeceive, and the implication is that any motivating framework for action, or at least for violent action, is exposed as decep- tion in this moment of absolute retrospection (a kind of last judgment, implying for a Christian culture an eschatology). Undeception occurs in a partly abstracted mind inhabiting a bullet-torn body but otherwise either individual or collective, Union or Confederate, here or there. The bullet strips away conviction and habit, and we are not told much about what kind of subjectivity is left. The line itself lingers in parentheses, floating free of its scene. Its picture of subjectivity, apparently merely negative, is in reality mediated by the conventions of lyric, with its eternal, placeless, overheard speech. The exclamatory form of the parenthesis gives us a question that is not merely rhetorical. If the line “What like a bullet can undeceive!” were a question, it would be rhetorically asking for, and therefore pointedly not finding, an analogue for its fatally excavating enlight- enment. The text as lyric, however, is such an implied analogue to the work of the bullet, though for better and worse a less efficient one. The undeception of the wounded men, after all, is glimpsed only at the threshold of mortality. What good will their undeception do them? But the implication is that it might do us some good, as their unremarked witnesses. The work of lyric, by which we give our- selves an analogue to their momentary undeception, makes it possible to imagine their changed recognition as something other than a tragically inconsequential irony. It has to be said that there is something wishful about Melville’s scenario. We have all too much evidence that neither bullets nor hijacked planes nor cruise missiles can be relied upon to do the work of undeception. If they could, then this would turn out to be another redemptive value. (What like a bullet can undeceive! Hooray for bullets! Obviously, that isn’t the point.) I think this is another reason why Melville encloses the line in parentheses. Its recognition is not exactly attrib- uted to the men as consciousness. It is a kind of notional undeception, ambiguously ours and theirs, in a way uniquely mediated by lyric. This effect differs noticeably from cold detachment, as well as from instrumental rationality, or the reflexivity of the liberal individual’s self-integration. Undeception might be seen as a meta- pragmatic characterization of the lyric itself. Its state of suspended conviction, recalling the dilated sensibilities of John Keats’s “negative capability,”13 corre- sponds to the action frameworks of very few activities other than the reading of lyric. What like a poem can undeceive? 13. Letter to George and Tom Keats, 21 December 1817, in Complete Poems and Selected Letters of John Keats, ed. Edward Hirsch (New York: Random House, 2001), 491 – 92. For this reason, Melville’s undeceived subject must be a special creation of the form, rather than the entirely deracinated individual of liberal theory. The gender marking of the whole scene is also very strong, both because it is fame and patria that have been stripped away and because this excavation of inward- ness happens in the scene of a suddenly bonded mass of male friends, stretched toward one another in a mutually witnessing physicality that has been intensified to the utmost extremity. What appears to be a subject imagined only in the radi- cally negative state of undeception is in fact vested with a richly unintegrated subjectivity. Interestingly, Warren connects Melville’s skepticism to what he politely calls Melville’s “sexual tensions.” What Warren in fact says in the sentence I quoted selectively above is that Melville’s “self-divisions provide a secret grounding for the theme of the ironical split between concern with the human being and con- cern with the idea, between the individual and ideology.” This insight might be turned around: the strong valuation of mobile, self-divided subjectivity is what makes sexuality visible as a distinctively human capacity, a dimension of unmas- tered expressivity. This is all the clearer in that other great lingering parenthesis of Civil War poetry, the one that closes Whitman’s “The Wound-Dresser”: (Many a soldier’s loving arms about this neck have crossed and rested. Many a soldier’s kiss dwells on these bearded lips.)14 Whitman’s poem similarly repudiates the motivating frameworks of war. It opens with a speaker, imagined as an aged veteran of the war (even though the poem was published in 1865), approached years later by children to tell the usual stories of heroism and victory. The speaker begins but then refuses. Instead, he returns in private memory to his witnessing of injured soldiers in the wartime hospital. The poem creates an antiphony between public narratives of heroism and the private memory, the latter being understood as uniquely available to lyric. The voice of memory is further punctuated by parenthetic interjections — asides departing from asides — culminating in the quoted lines. So the poem, like “Shiloh,” stages a divided subject; in both texts lyrically mediated self-division creates a subject for whom eros, mortality, and the witnessing of injury must be protected against Public Culture 52 14. Walt Whitman, “The Wound-Dresser,” in Poetry and Prose (New York: Library of America, 1982), 442 – 45. Battle-Pieces and Drum-Taps have often been compared, though usually in passing. Neither book has been adequately analyzed. The most thorough attempt at the comparison is John P. McWilliams Jr., “ ‘Drum Taps’ and Battle-Pieces: The Blossom of War,” American Quarterly 23 (1971): 181 – 201. What Like a Bullet Can Undeceive? 53 the closure of redemption. In both poems, Christian frameworks of bellicose redemption enter into visible conflict with a distinctive picture of subjective expe- rience and a baseline sanctification of life — themes, I might add, of late-Christian secular culture that we see violently repudiated in our time. It might seem odd to call so Christian a poem as “Shiloh” paradigmatic of sec- ularism, but I think it is, and in a way that exemplifies a paradox of modern secu- larism. Secular culture, especially in its American variant, freely names religion as the thing it is not but pointedly refuses to name itself as a discipline of subjec- tivity or as a public culture. It is not a creed but a way of prescinding from creed.15 In “Shiloh,” undeception is a movement governed by a kind of ethics of belief, a subjectivity enriched to the point of sanctity by distrust of conviction’s transcen- dent objects. Properly undeceived, we would distrust not only fame and country but any comparable motivating framework, including Howe’s god. (It is impor- tant that both the Melville and the Whitman poems are roughly contemporary with William Clifford’s The Ethics of Belief.)16 As is so often the case with post- Kantian secularism, the movement here looks like a simple negation, freedom from illusion. But it is also, less visibly, a discipline of ethical subjectivity in its own right. “Shiloh” gives us, as an overdetermined unity, both the negative movement of secularism as the mere negation of creed and the more concrete texture of mor- tal worldliness, though the latter remains unthematized, performed rather than proposed. The sense of final worldliness comes out even more strongly in the Whitman poem, where the lyric subject is defined less by doubt and distrust than by resolve, attention, and desire. The framework of worry in “The Wound- Dresser” is cosmodicy, not theodicy, though the poem seeks to render the subjec- tive limits of injury with a contemplative reverence that in other contexts we would call religious. At the climax of “Shiloh,” as the undeceived float away from conviction, Melville is at his most Emersonian. Like Ralph Waldo Emerson in “Experience” (1844), he imagines a subject shocked to discover its own continuity despite the mortal tragedy of all its attachments. The men outlive, however briefly and use- lessly, their redemptive frameworks; and this window of injury-registration is 15. This argument has been made forcefully by William Connolly in Why I Am Not a Secularist (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1999). 16. W. K. Clifford, The Ethics of Belief and Other Essays (Amherst, N.Y.: Prometheus, 1999). See the discussion in Charles Taylor, Varieties of Religion: William James Revisited (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2002). ironically their most authentic life. What had been sacred justice becomes mere violence, in part because it stands in visible contrast to that which had been vio- lated — namely, a deep subjectivity. Deep because it sustains violent self-division, because it outlives its contents, because it inheres in torn bodies that are both absolutely individual (because facing death) and saturated with social meaning, lingering across death through the work of the text. I have tried to show here that the apparently simple act of naming violence, of perceiving the damage of a bullet, in fact mobilizes a complex structure of feel- ing, made possible by a vast historical background and a lot of textual condensa- tion. It requires us to see humanity as alternately evil and innocent, to see the state as legitimate and illegitimate, and to see subjectivity as both empty and rich. These are strong valuations, not to be discarded by the facile critique of some purer undeception. Late-Christian liberal secular culture, as exemplified in “Shiloh,” now finds itself violently embattled, and it is among other things the perception of violence that is so embattled. Michael Warner is a professor of English at Rutgers University. His most recent books include The Trouble with Normal: Sex, Politics, and the Ethics of Queer Life (1999) and Publics and Counterpublics (2002). Public Culture 54 work_2owbhd4t6zfc5jgiba5l6jmvku ---- Received: October 27, 2016 Accepted: October 28, 2016 Published online: October 2016 Distinguished Lecture AORTA, October 2016, Volume 4, Issue 5:152-155 DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.12945/j.aorta.2016.16.069 * Corresponding Author: Frank A. Lederle, MD VA Medical Center (111-O) 4507 Browndale Ave., Minneapolis, MN 55417, USA Tel.: +1 612 467 2683, Fax: +1 612 467 2118, E-Mail: frank.lederle@va.gov Fax +1 203 785 3552 E-Mail: aorta@scienceinternational.org http://aorta.scienceinternational.org © 2016 AORTA Published by Science International Corp. ISSN 2325-4637 Accessible online at: http://aorta.scienceinternational.org Key Words Aortic aneurysm • Writing and publishing • Clinical trials It is my pleasure to give this opening talk for the fifth edition of the International Meeting on Aortic Disease – which, as I’ve said before, is my favorite meeting. As many of you know, it began in 2008 as a tribute to Liege’s eminent vascular surgeon and sci- entist Ray Limet, and has recurred every other year since. It remains about science rather than market- ing, and has the right mix of talks, breaks, and social events to get to know colleagues worldwide. I was honored to be invited to give this talk, but also a little worried, especially seeing it billed as a “distinguished lecture”. This seemed to call for something like wis- dom, a commodity that’s always in short supply (as you will soon see), so I intend to borrow liberally from others toward the end. Anyway, I will talk for a while and you can decide how distinguished you think it is. I am especially honored to be addressing this audi- ence because, unlike most of you, I was not trained in aortic diseases. I must have had a lecture on the topic in medical school, but I don’t remember it. Instead I trained as an internist and developed an interest in clinical research (again with no training!) after joining the faculty at the Minneapolis Veterans Affairs (VA) Medical Center. Our general internal medicine group was interested in research methodology and preven- tive medicine – smoking cessation, flu shots, prostate cancer screening, and the like. I was looking for a research topic when the January 1986 American Cancer Society journal CA arrived in my mailbox listing the top 15 causes of death in the Unit- ed States, and I was surprised to find aortic aneurysm among them. All the other “top 15” had societies and campaigns dedicated to their eradication, whereas this one seemed to be just sitting there waiting for someone to take an interest. About that same time I also came across Jack Collin’s November 1985 editorial on “Screen- ing for Abdominal Aortic Aneurysms” [1], inspired by an abstract by Twomey from the year before. These revela- tions prompted me to do an aneurysm screening proj- ect in our clinic, which was published in 1988 [2]. My next thought was to do a randomized trial of screening for abdominal aortic aneurysms, but when I thought about it more, it seemed to me that there was a serious problem. Sudden deaths without autopsy, which are quite common and usually not due to aneu- rysms, would be much more likely to be attributed to aneurysm rupture in the screened group (where many aneurysms would be diagnosed) than in the control group (where there would be fewer known aneu- rysms), which would have the effect of hiding any true reduction in rupture mortality from screening. I tried to find ways to deal with this problem in a 1990 article in the Journal of Clinical Epidemiology Distinguished Lecture Given at the Opening of the 5th International Meeting on Aortic Disease, Liège, Belgium (September 15, 2016) Frank A. Lederle, MD Minneapolis Veterans Affairs (VA) Medical Center, Minneapolis, Minnesota, USA http://dx.doi.org/10.12945/j.aorta.2016.16.069 mailto:frank.lederle@va.gov mailto:aorta@scienceinternational.org http://aorta.scienceinternational.org http://aorta.scienceinternational.org Lederle, F. A. Distinguished Opening Lecture at IMAD 5 (2016) 153 Distinguished Lecture [3], but none of them were feasible. The only reaction I ever got to that article that basically explained why a randomized trial of aneurysm screening could not be successful was years later from my friend Alan Scott, the principle investigator of the two British aneurysm screening trials that changed the world. His comment was “I’m glad I didn’t see it”. Another problem for me doing a screening trial was that unlike in other countries at that time, the US already required consent from everyone first, re- sulting in much more work and cost and many cross- overs. The four trials that were actually conducted, all outside the US, just randomized a population list and invited half to screening, with the controls never knowing they were being studied. Because a screening trial was impractical for me, a ‘repair of small aneurysms’ trial seemed like the next best thing. If repair of small aneurysms was beneficial, it would help make a strong case for screening. If it was not beneficial, the cost-effectiveness of screening would be greatly improved by avoiding repair of all those small aneurysms. Besides, a ‘repair of small aneurysms’ trial addressed a decision that was interesting enough in its own right. You have a common cause of death that lies in wait, easily detectable for many years, but with a treat- ment that is itself risky and must be applied selectively. During the Wall Street Journal’s 2004 Pulitzer Prize-winning series on aortic aneurysm, one of the reporters asked my opinion of a surgeon’s comment that deciding whether to repair an aortic aneurysm was like deciding whether to repair a defective hose in an airplane engine before you took off – meaning that you would be crazy not to. I thought the analogy should take account of a few other things, that is: an- eurysm repair itself offered a risk of ‘crashing’, and its result, a synthetic graft, was not quite ‘as good as new’. I suggested a revised analogy of whether to repair the airplane engine hose with your jacket sleeve after turning the engine off in mid-flight. The reporter de- cided to steer clear of airplane analogies, but you can’t help being fascinated by a clinical problem like this! In 1990, a new colleague joined our group from the Boston VA, where her mentor was chief of the VA Coop- erative Studies Program and she had a Cooperative study approved for planning. This provided me with encourage- ment (and a template!) to submit a letter of intent for the Aneurysm Detection and Management (ADAM) study to VA Cooperative Studies that year. In 1992, as we were going before the evaluation committee, the Society for Vascular Surgery recommended elective repair of all ab- dominal aortic aneurysms 4.0 cm or larger, which raised the stakes and the study was approved and funded. After that I had to take long phone calls from vas- cular surgeons telling me how unethical the study was for delaying surgery in the surveillance group. However, once we got going, a major VA medical cen- ter refused to participate because they considered re- pairing 4.0 cm aneurysms to be unethical, so at least we had equipoise of outrage! As you know, the results of the two small aneurysm trials, ADAM and UK Small Aneurysm Trial (UKSAT), showed no benefit from repairing abdominal aortic aneurysms smaller than 5.5 cm in diameter. While no one has challenged the validity of these findings, it has been a disappointment to me that, to this day, many (and in my own country, perhaps most) of the abdominal aortic aneurysms repaired are smaller than 5.5 cm. Various justifications for this practice have been proposed, but the reasons are not valid and don’t stand up to scrutiny. It seems that people just want to repair small aneurysms, regardless of the data showing that it is not good for the patient. This has surprised me, because all the vascular surgeons I know are so profoundly dedicated to their patients’ welfare in every other way. For me, after the ADAM trial, one large study led to others, including the Natural History of Large Aneu- rysms Study, published in 2002 [4] and the VA Open Versus Endovascular Repair (OVER) Trial, published in 2012 [5]. My current trial will sound less “vascular” by your reckoning – a comparison of major cardiovascular outcomes after treatment of hypertension with chlor- thalidone or hydrochlorothiazide (2 similar diuretics) using a new low-cost centralized design [6]. This and similar designs used by ADAPTABLE, the NIH’s first Na- tional Patient-Centered Clinical Research Network trial on aspirin dosing, and TASTE, a recent Swedish Registry trial on thrombus aspiration, are worth your attention as they chart a path to a future of less expensive ran- domized trials, on which we will increasingly depend. Anyway, for me this amounts to about 30 years in clinical research and leading large trials, mostly on abdominal aortic aneurysms, and I’d like to finish up by sharing a few things I’ve learned over that time, AORTA, October 2016 Volume 4, Issue 5:152-155 Distinguished Lecture 154 that way but the abstract is much easier and more ac- curate, and actually agrees with the article! And don’t have someone else write your paper! There were sur- geons in our hospital who would have their secretary write their articles! Do your own word processing – it’s much better than the old days of typewriters – you can throw ideas and content into the document through- out the whole design and study period, and edit it later. Best-selling author John Grisham said “The best ad- vice I ever got was to write at least one page a day. Until you write a page, nothing is going to happen.” In a study by Boice, those who set aside 15-30 minutes a day to write were more likely to obtain academic promotion than were binge writers [10]. You can start the writing session painlessly by going over what you’ve already written. As US Supreme Court Justice Louis Brandeis noted “There is no good writing, only good re-writing.” After double-checking your data, stand by your re- sults, even if they refute your bias and everyone else’s. As Isaac Asimov put it, “The most exciting phrase to hear in science, the one that heralds the most discov- eries, is not “Eureka!”, but “That’s funny...”. Don’t fall into the mistake John Kenneth Galbraith warned of when he said “Faced with the choice between chang- ing one’s mind and proving that there is no need to do so, almost everyone gets busy on the proof.” The best way to stay unbiased is to stay unbought, so be- ware of financial relationships with industry. Here I re- peat Upton Sinclair’s observation that “It is difficult to get a man to understand something when his salary depends upon his not understanding it.” Some authors like to write long and rambling dis- cussions, stating their favorite opinions on a variety of topics. This never helps get a manuscript accepted and can hurt, especially if the reviewer has different opinions or you overstate your findings. Let the data speak for themselves, and remember your findings don’t ‘prove’ anything, they agree with or don’t agree with some hypothesis, thereby contributing to the col- lective body of knowledge. Dean Hess wrote [11]: “The purpose of research is to discover and not to prove. It is easy to fall into the trap of designing the study to prove your bias rather than to discover the truth”. Also important is what you do with the paper when you get it back from the journal. To quote myself from a 2006 talk: “While it is often necessary to write a strongly worded letter, it is rarely necessary to mail it”. The fault especially in hope of benefitting the younger inves- tigators. First, ask a good question. The best questions can be stated clearly and are easily understood by non-experts. As one author put it, “Until you can explain your study to the janitor and see his eyes light up, you are not ready to start” [7]. I like to look for things that are widely be- lieved or are enshrined in guidelines, but that I think are probably wrong. And I am not the only who thinks this way. The pathologist Paul Broca said “The least ques- tioned assumptions are often the most questionable.” Physicist Richard Feynman said “Learn from science that you must doubt the experts.” Playwrite George Bernard Shaw said “All great truths begin as blasphemies.” And Alvan Feinstein, one of the founders of clinical epidemi- ology, said “the agreement of experts has been a tradi- tional source of all the errors that have been established throughout medical history” [8]. There are still plenty of widely accepted “facts” out there that are not true, and you probably each know of some – I encourage you to point your research in that direction. As principal investigator of your own study, you are the one who must keep pushing it forward and who knows the big picture so well that you can ensure that any changes to your design don’t cause worse problems than they solve. While few people can actually stop you, many can slow you down. In particular, anytime that you assume that some part of your study is going well because someone else is looking after it, you may be headed for a surprise. I have found that if the principal investigator is not keeping an eye on it personally, it probably isn’t getting done. Sitting around the table (real or virtual), be sure you have done your homework, avoid groupthink, provide your own honest indepen- dent assessments, don’t overstate your conclusions, and if you have nothing to say, say nothing. I’d also like to say a few words about writing. After all, that’s all there is in the end. Always keep the eventual journal article in mind while you plan your study, and keep the possible reviews and letters in mind while you write the journal article. Never write a sentence you can’t defend – it will likely turn up in quotes in one of those reviews or letters. And don’t forget to write the article! Most presented abstracts are never published as manuscripts, in most cases because they are never submitted as manuscripts [9]. I submit the meeting ab- stract after the paper is written – the paper is no harder Lederle, F. A. Distinguished Opening Lecture at IMAD 5 (2016) 155 Distinguished Lecture is always with the author, as in “I may have failed to convey…”. Learn to handle rejection; we only count the victories on our résumés anyway. Winston Churchill said “Success is the ability to go from one failure to an- other with no loss of enthusiasm.” A rejection can also be the beginning of a dialog (and several editors have said so in print). I have had five flat-out rejections later accepted by the rejecting journal. Another thing I have learned is that, once you pass the age of 50, nothing is more satisfying than mento- ring junior investigators, and doing so strictly for their professional advantage, not your own. Of course, only in that way do you really benefit in the ways that count. Erik Erikson, a successor to Piaget in sorting out what makes us mentally healthy throughout our lives, talked a lot about this. His 7th stage of life he termed: Generativity vs. Stagnation. Generativity is described as “primarily the concern in establishing and guiding the next generation” and he speaks of “the only hap- piness that is lasting: to increase, by whatever is yours to give, the goodwill and higher order in your sector of the world” [12]. Many of you already know from ex- perience how satisfying mentoring can be. Finally, I’ve learned that we should remember those who got us here. In the case of IMAD5, that can only mean our conference director, Natzi Saka- lihasan. Ralph Waldo Emerson said that “An institu- tion is the lengthened shadow of one man”, and if the institution is the International Meeting for Aor- tic Diseases, that man is Natzi Sakalihasan. To bring us all together for the fifth time to focus on science without benefit of society dues or intrusion by in- fomercials is an awesome achievement, and I thank him for it. I’ve thrown a lot of quotes at you in this little talk, but I’d like to throw out a few more, the first because it’s my favorite election year story. When Adlai Ste- venson was running for president against Dwight Eisenhower, a woman called out from the audience “Senator, you have the vote of every thinking person!” Stevenson replied “That’s not enough, madam, I need a majority!” He lost to Eisenhower twice. The last quote I offer for no other reason than that I like it. It’s from Jack Handey, and goes: “Before you crit- icize someone, you should walk a mile in their shoes. That way, when you criticize them, you’re a mile away and you have their shoes.” Thank you for your atten- tion, and please enjoy this wonderful meeting. Conflict of Interest The author declares no conflict of interest in regard to this publication. Comment on this Article or Ask a Question References 1. Collin J. Screening for abdominal aortic aneurysms. Br J Surg 1985; 72:851-2. DOI: 10.1002/bjs.1800721102 2. Lederle FA, Walker JM, Reinke DB. Selective screening for abdominal aortic aneurysms with physical examination and ultrasound. Arch Intern Med 1988;148:1753-6. DOI: 10.1001/archinte.1988.00380080049015 3. Lederle FA. Screening for snipers: the bur- den of proof. J Clin Epidemiol 1990;43:101-4. DOI: 10.1016/0895-4356(90)90062-T 4. Lederle FA, Johnson GR, Wilson SE, Ballard DJ, Jordan WD, Blebea J, et al. For the Veter- ans Affairs Cooperative Study #417 Investi- gators. Rupture rate of large abdominal aor- tic aneurysms in patients refusing or unfit for elective repair. JAMA 2002;287:2968-72. DOI: 10.1001/jama.287.22.2968 5. Lederle FA, Freischlag JA, Kyriakides TC, Matsumura JS, Padberg FT Jr, et al. For the Open Versus Endovascular Repair (OVER) Veterans Affairs Cooperative Study Group. Long-term comparison of endovascular and open repair of abdominal aortic aneu- rysm. N Engl J Med 2012;367: 1988-97. DOI: 10.1056/NEJMoa1207481 6. Lederle FA, Cushman WC, Ferguson RE, Brophy MT, Fiore LD. Chlorthalidone versus hydrochlorothiazide: a new kind of Veterans Affairs Cooperative Study. Ann Intern Med. 2016;165:663-664. DOI: 10.7326/M16-1208 7. Shelley WB, Shelley ED. The art of writ- ing a clinical paper. Arch Dermatol 1988;124:1119-20. DOI: 10.1001/arch- derm.1988.01670070097032 8. Feinstein AR. Fraud, distortion, delusion, and consensus: the problems of human and natural deception in epidemiologic science. Am J Med. 1988;84:475-8. PMID: 3348248 9. Pierson DJ. The top 10 reasons why man- uscripts are not accepted for publica- tion. Respir Care 2004;49:1246-52. PMID: 15447812 10. Boice R. Advice for new faculty members: Nihil Nimus. Boston: Allyn & Bacon, 2000. ISBN-13: 978-0205281596 11. Hess DR. How to write an effective discus- sion. Respir Care 2004;49:1238-41.PMID: 15447810 12. Erikson EH. Dimensions of a New Identity. New York: Norton; 1974, 266. Cite this article as: Lederle FA. Distinguished Lecture Given at the Opening of the 5th International Meeting on Aortic Disease, Liège, Belgium (September 15, 2016). AORTA (Stamford). 2016;4(5):152-155. DOI: http://dx.doi.org/ 10.12945/j. aorta.2016.16.069 http://dx.doi.org/10.12945/j.aorta.2016.16.069 http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/bjs.1800721102 http://dx.doi.org/10.1001/archinte.1988.00380080049015 http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0895-4356(90)90062-T http://dx.doi.org/10.1001/jama.287.22.2968 http://dx.doi.org/10.1056/NEJMoa1207481 http://dx.doi.org/10.7326/M16-1208 http://dx.doi.org/10.1001/archderm.1988.01670070097032 http://dx.doi.org/10.1001/archderm.1988.01670070097032 https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pubmed/3348248 https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pubmed/15447812 https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pubmed/15447810 http://dx.doi.org/​10.12945/j.aorta.2016.16.069 http://dx.doi.org/​10.12945/j.aorta.2016.16.069 work_2tvedto2fvgizdrnqjllnnhiwe ---- Torre dei Schiavi Monument and Metaphor Charles C. Eldredge Thomas Hotcbkiss, Torre di Schiavi (detail), 1865. Oil on canvas 22 3/8 x 34 3/4 in. National Museum of American Art, Smith- sonian Institution, Museum Purchase When Benjamin West landed on Italy's ancient shores, he was fol- lowing the path of generations of Grand Tourists. Italy, especially Rome, was, after all, the center of European civilization and from an- cient times had drawn visitors from near and far. While but a single pil- grim in the long line to Rome, West was at the same time a pioneer for generations of American artists who would follow in his wake, drawn by the city's special history and character. The distinctive nature of central Italian light and topography, which had profoundly affected Claude Lorrain and altered the subsequent course of landscape painting, was scarcely the sole attraction of which the area could boast. The an of the Old Masters was a major lure for the Grand Tourists of the eighteenth century, as were the sculpted artifacts and architectural remains of the ancients. These reminiscences of the classical world were everywhere apparent along the Tiber and inescapably molded perceptions and depictions of the Eternal City. As archaeologists exhumed this storehouse of a storied past, artists delineated the ruins, with exacti- tude or caprice. Giambattista Piranesi's famed views of the antiq- uities of Rome excited the imagina- tions of connoisseurs throughout Europe and even in colonial Amer- ica, to which his engravings easily and readily traveled. Giovanni Pannini's compositions based upon Roman monuments, precisely drawn if fancifully rearranged, simi- larly enjoyed great vogue among the patrons of his day. Given this widespread enthusiasm for things Roman, it was little wonder that Benjamin West, the New World's first artist-ambassador to Europe, was determined "to visit the foun- tainhead of the arts" and in 1760 headed to Rome.1 West, who left Italy for London in 1763, was followed by John Sin- gleton Copley, who arrived in Rome in 1774. The familiar land- marks with which Pannini and col- leagues had preoccupied them- selves reappeared tellingly in the background of Copley's portrait of the American Italophiles Mr. and Mrs. Ralph Izard, painted in 1775. The couple posed amid their Old World finery before a distant pros- pect of the Colosseum. That such trappings were significant both to artists and sitters of many nationali- ties is suggested by J. H. W. Tischbein's renowned portrait Goethe in the Roman Campagna (1787), with the Tomb of Caecilia Metella and other favorite sites in the background, or Jean Ingres's equally acclaimed portrayal of his colleague Frangois Granet (1807), posed before the Quirinal. After the turn of the nineteenth century, the pioneering travels of West and Copley were repeated by increasing numbers of American artists, for whom Italy became a fa- vorite destination during their Eu- ropean sojourns. Between 1796 15 Smithsonian Studies in American Art 1 Robert Burford, Explanation of the Pan- orama of Rome Ancient & Modern, ca. 1840, Published in Burford, Description of a View of the City of Rome (New York: William Osborn, 1840) and 1815, John Vanderlyn spent all but two years abroad, dividing his time between Paris and Rome. In Rome in 1807 he composed his ac- claimed Marius Amidst the Ruins of Carthage, which reflected the art- ist s mastery of antique history ren- dered in tight, neoclassical style. The American taste for figures and ruins, as well as for Italy in general, reached its high point in the mid nineteenth century, as seen for in- stance in the work of the expatriate William Page. In 1860 he painted a romantic image of his wife before the Colosseum, an edifice that she, the quintessential Italophile, im- pressively dominates. While Vanderlyn and Page and many others worked in Rome, the fascina- tion with the ancient capital extend- ed far beyond the city's bound- aries. In his Paris studio in the early 1840s, the fashionable por- traitist George P. A. Healy painted Euphemia Van Rensselaer—with Roman ruins in the distance. Italomania was by then wide- spread, indeed so much so that Ralph Waldo Emerson worried, "My countrymen a r e . . . infatuated with the rococo toy of Europe. All America seems on the point of em- barking."2 The "dream of Arcadia"— as Thomas Cole entitled a key work of 1838—exercised a potent effect on the imaginations of nineteenth-century Americans and, from about 1825 to 1875, motivated the travels and the productions of many writers and artists. It was James Russell Lowell who perhaps best explained the American fasci- nation. "Italy," he wrote, was classic ground and this not so much by association with great events as with great men [T]o the American Italy gave cheaply what gold cannot buy for him at home, a past at once legendary> and authentic, and in which he has an equal claim with every other for- eigner. In England he is a poor re- lation ... in France his notions are purely English... but Rome is the mother country of every boy who devoured Plutarch Italy gives us antiquity with good roads, cheap living, and above all, a sense of freedom from responsibility... the sense of permanence, un- changeableness and repose.3 The whole of Italy, from Etna to the northern lakes, was rich in his- toric associations. But, for the mid- nineteenth-centurv traveler, as for his predecessors, it was to Rome that attention was particularly di- rected. Viewed from the Pincian or other Roman hilltops, or from the EXPLANATION OF TH£ MNOKAMA OF ROM I ANCIENT* MOUEKN 3 Fall 1987 far reaches of the Campagna, the dome of St. Peters and the city's fabled ruins inspired hushed rev- erence in nearly every visitor. Worthington Whittredges recollec- tions of his first glimpse of the city was typical of most Americans: "To me, born in a log cabin and reared in towns of low flat-roofed houses of pine and hemlock, the picture of Rome at last before my eyes was quite enough to inspire me with feelings of reverence and humility. I could not speak, or did not, and observed that the other passengers [in the carriage] were similarly affected."4 Understandably, artists sought to capture the grand sight, on can- vases, daguerreotypes, or even in monumental panoramas, such as that by the noted English specialist of the genre Robert Burford, which was first exhibited in New York in 1840 and shown again in Philadel- phia two years later—appropriately at the Coliseum (fig. 1). Ameri- cans, of course, were not alone in this fascination. Goethe's "discov- ery" of Rome in the late eighteenth century led to an equivalent migra- tion of German artists, who min- gled in Rome with painters and sculptors from the Scandinavian countries, France, Russia, and En- gland, all drawn by the region's pe- culiar appeal. Painters particularly delighted in the scenic possibilities of decaying monuments (fig. 2). For Thomas Cole, it was the Colosseum, "beauti- ful in its destruction," which, he said, "affected me most." "From the broad arena within," he recalled, it rises around you, arch above arch, broken and desolate, and mantled in many parts with... plants and flowers, exquisite both for their color and fragrance. It looks more like a work of nature than of man, for the regularity of art is lost, in a great measure, in dilapidation, and the luxuriant herbiage, clinging to its ruins as if to "mouth its distress" completes the illusion. Crag rises over crag, green and breezy summits mount into the sky.5 The overgrown arcades attracted as well the admiration of Rembrandt Peale, who, like most of the artists, regretted the program of cleaning up the monuments that was begun in the early nineteenth century. In- spired by recollections of a "beauti- ful wilderness of ruins, vines and shrubbery," he suggested that "some spots [be] left neglected and covered with plants and shrubs, as a sample of its former guise." Peale's advice, however, went un- heeded, leaving later artists, like Elihu Vedder, to lament that "the ruins were wonderfully beautiful before they were 'slicked up.'" "Slicked up" or not, the monu- ments cast their spell over visitors for most of the century. The "ro- mance of ruins" was described as "one of the most innocent and in- structive pleasures in which one may indulge," and thousands succumbed.6 The fascination with decay was more sentimental than morbid. Al- though most American artists did not wind up in Rome's Protestant Cemetery, many visitors would have understood the poetic senti- ment of Shelley (who is interred in Rome): "It could make one in love with death to think of being buried in so sweet a place."7 If Rome inspired sweet thoughts of mortality, the unsettled Cam- pagna outside its ancient walls did not always do likewise. To many early travelers, it was a bleak land of "solitude, dust and tombs."8 The wild and hilly Campagna was the domain of malaria and banditti, a dangerous "desert" whose traverse was required to achieve the art- pilgrim's goal. Hippolyte Taine thought it like "an abandoned cemetery... the sepulchre of 4 Smithsonian Studies in American Art Rome, and of all the nations she destroyed All antiquity, indis- criminately, lies buried here under the monstrous city which devoured them, and which died of its sur- feit." Wrote another visitor in 1820, "Rome . . . stood alone in the wil- derness, as in the world, sur- rounded by a desert of her own creation . . . pestilent with disease and death [L]ike a devouring grave, it annually engulphs [sic] all of human kind that toil upon its surface."9 During the nineteenth century, as highway safety improved and as methods to deal with the threats of malaria developed, travelers pushed farther beyond the limits of the city. The Campagna had to be crossed to reach the pictur- esque towns of Tivoli, Albano, and their neighbors in the Sabine Hills, which drew increasing numbers of travelers. As familiarity grew and se- curity improved, the reactions of travelers to the Campagnas wastes changed. Instead of the "fearsome loneliness" experienced by an ear- lier traveler, William Wetmore Story, one of Rome s greatest propa- gandists, found the Campagna air "filled with a tender sentiment of sadness which makes the beauty of the world about you touching."10 To his many readers Bayard Taylor recommended the view from the Campagna. While "there was noth- ing particularly beautiful or sub- lime in the landscape," he noted, "few other scenes on earth com- bine in one glance such a myriad of mighty associations, or bewilder the mind with such a crowd of con- fused emotions." In time, the re- gion came to seem almost homey. Charles Dickens, visiting in the early 1860s, noted that one Cam- pagna view, "where it was most level, reminded me of an American prairie." Indeed one American tour- ist, familiar with the Midwest, wrote that the Campagnas "wheat- fields, extending far and wide, are like those of Illinois."11 Along with the tourists, painters extended their rambles through the historic landscape, searching for the perfect fragment of broken aqueduct, the artistic effect of sun- set across verdant land, the colorful herdsman tending his flock amid the ruins. Van Wyck Brooks created a memorable word picture of these artists, who, "with Claude on the brain," haunted the Campagna, painting all day until twilight, willing to run the risks of the chill and the night mist, hoping to catch a little of the wonder of the sunset; and then hurrying in to pass the gates before these were closed in the eve- ning, man]elling over the purple clouds behind,the purpler Alban Hills and the mellow golden glow in the sky at the west.12 Ruined aqueducts, the "camels of the Campagna" that had brought precious water to ancient Rome from the distant hills, provided a favorite motif for nineteenth- century painters, as did the pictur- esque ruins along the old Appian Way. Another favored destination, to the east of the city along the Via Praenestina, was the remains of the villa of the Gordian emperors (fig. 3), who reigned from A.D. 237 to 244. The site, which was known as the Torre dei Schiavi, lay about two and one-half miles beyond the Porta Maggiore, crowning a rise in the landscape above the flow of the Acqua Bollicante. It was praised in guidebooks as "one of the most pic- turesque and interesting points in the Campagna."13 The complex was constructed amid and over the remains of ear- lier Antonine cisterns and build- ings. The new imperial country house was remarkable for its size; the ruins stretched along nearly a mile of the roadway. Begun by Gordian pere, a cultivated man of letters, the villa was subsequently 18 Fall 1987 3 Veduta delle Religuie della Villa dei Gordiani. Engraving in Luigi Canina, Gli edifizj antichi dei contorni di Roma, vol 6 (Rome, 1856), plate 106 4 Terme e Ninfeo della Villa dei Gordiani (elevations, sections, and plans). Engrav- ing in Luigi Canina, Gli edifizj antichi dei contorni di Roma, vol 6 (Rome, 1856), plate 107 occupied by Gordian III, who shared his father's passion for books, amassing a library of sixty thousand volumes. But the epicu- rean son also collected in other ar- eas, boasting twenty-two concu- bines, by each of whom he sired three or.four children—perhaps ac- counting for the size of the subur- ban spread. Three main elements composed the villa: sumptuous baths; the "heroon" or mausoleum, a circular building oriented toward the high- way in the best Vitruvian fashion; and a large colonnaded structure incorporating three basilicas. Of these, only ruins remained in the nineteenth century, although the form of the mausoleum was still readily apparent, as was a corner of an octagonal bath. Contemporary descriptions by the Roman chronicler Julius Capitolinus suggest the elaborate scale and decoration of this majes- tic home. The Gordian villa, he wrote, "was remarkable for the magnificence of a portico with four ranges of columns, fifty of which were of Carystian, fifty of Claudian, fifty of Synnadan [or Phrygian], and fifty of Nubian marble." Remnants of these colorful, imported stones were recovered in archaeological excavations which began in earnest in the early nineteenth century. "There were also three basilicas of corresponding size, particularly some thermae, more magnificent than any others in the world, ex- cept those in Rome" (fig. 4).14 The circular mausoleum was likened by a number of nineteenth- century travel writers to the Pan- theon, but its modest scale—fifty- six feet interior diameter—and method of construction are more analogous to the Temple of Romu- lus on the Appian Way. The brick- work of the Gordian villa and the engineering of the vaults were char- acteristically late Roman; the pio- neering archaeologist Antonio Nibby even claimed that the Gordian mausoleum was "the most ancient of this type of construction" and served as the model for the more familiar landmark near the Circus of Romulus on the Via Ap- pia. Four large round windows, of which two remain intact, permitted light into the upper story; there, a series of niches, alternating square 19 Smithsonian Studies in American Art and round, presumably contained sculpture. Augustus Hare noted that the splendid statue of Livia in the Torlonia Museum was found at the site and that works of that type originally embellished the entire complex.15 A subterranean room similarly contained straight and arched niches and was supported at its center by a large round pillar. Adjacent to the circular structure were the vast basilican building and the baths, of which little remains. Long after the dissipated Gordian III was murdered by his troops, his Campagna homesite was put to very different purposes. Remains of frescoes, which in the nineteenth century were still evi- dent in the mausoleums vault, sug- gest that the structure served as a medieval church. A frieze of saints and other Christian subjects was painted beneath the oculi in what was probably the church o f San An- drea, razed in A.D. 984.16 The ruins served military as well as religious purposes. The octagonal room re- maining from the ornate baths was transformed into a watchtower in the late Roman Empire by building walls over the apselike vault, strengthening it at the center with a thick Saracenic column, and top- ping it with a newly constructed tower. To Karl Baedeker, writing in 1867, this curious pastiche "im- parled] a grotesque aspect to the place"—and doubtless enhanced its allure.17 Eventually the Gordian villa site came to be known as the Torre dei Schiavi, a designation originally oc- casioned by the curious, broken watchtower but later applied to the distinctive mausoleum and ulti- mately to the entire region. The ori- gins of the name are uncertain. In the nineteenth century it was often referred to by English-speaking visi- tors as the "Tower of Slaves," al- though at least one travel guide specifically cautioned against such a literal translation with its allusion to Roman slavery. Instead, Bruno Schrader traced the name to the wealthy Schiavi family of the fif- teenth century, one of whose mem- bers, Vincenzo dello Schiavo, was prominent in Rome as late as 1562.18 The ruins along the Via Praenestina lay largely ignored for centuries following the construc- tion o f the watchtower and the raz- ing of San Andrea. Few travelers and fewer artists were drawn to the site until, in the seventeenth cen- tury, Piranesi turned to the ruins for inspiration. Among his cele- brated views of the Roman antiqui- ties are several plates featuring the ruined villa and its environs (fig. 5).19 He drew the stucco orna- ments of foliation and animals in the octagonal bath, which he mis- took for a tomb, and in his engrav- ings of the mausoleum he made the common misidentification of the site as a temple. In the following century, tour- ism outside the walls of Rome re- mained scarce. Francois Joullain was among the apparent few who made the pilgrimage to the Torre, perhaps attracted to it by Piranesi's prints, which remained popular among R o m e s visitors and cogno- scenti. Joullains small panel is char- acteristic of the views of Roman monuments popular with collec- tors of the period (fig. 6). He has anticipated the later "slickening up" o f the ruins by transforming the broken and irregular form of the mausoleum into a tidy sheep- fold. The rustic, mangerlike setting, the multiple lamb references, the gesturing, Magus-like figure at the left, and the mother and child with father, combine in an unexpected suggestion of a Nativity on the Campagna. The villa of a degener- ate emperor would surely be an un- likely setting for such an extraordi- nary event—if that indeed was what the artist intended—and 20 Fall 1987 Veduta degli Avanzi di Fabbrica magnifica sepolcrale... vicina a Torre de1 Schiavi... Published in Giovanni Battista Piranesi, Le antichita romane (Rome: Stamperia di Angelo Rotilj\ 1756), plate 60 FranqoisJoullain, Torre dei Schiavi, n.d. Oil on wood, 9 7/16 x 12 3/4 in. Bowdoin College Museum of Art, Bruns- wick, Maine, Bequest of The Hon. James Bowdoin III Joullain s rare choice of the Torre setting suggests that in his time there was little understanding of the site's historical importance. That appreciation did not come until the early years of the nine- teenth century, when the ruins at- tracted the attention of archaeolo- gists. The recovery of precious decorative materials and of such treasures as the Torlonia Livia lent new interest to the Torre dei Schiavi, and excavations were con- ducted nearly continuously from the 1830s to the 1870s. The site simultaneously attracted attention for a very different reason—it was there that Rome's large community of German artists assembled for their annual Walpurgisnacht festivals, events which grew in popularity through the middle decades of the century (fig. 7). The German revels quickly became a popular attraction for Ro- man visitors of many nationalities, 21 Smithsonian Studies in American Art 7 Ippolito Caffi, The Artists' Party7 near Tor de' Schiavi, 1839. Oil on canvas, 32 1/4 x 58 11/16 in. Museo di Roma whose carriages followed the art- ists' procession across the Cam- pagna to the Torre dei Schiavi. Many of the era's travel accounts took note of the colorful event. "I do not think a foreign colony ever or- ganized abroad a national festival with spirit and originality to com- pare with this," wrote Francis Wey; "the enormity of the farce in it rep- resents the old German gaiety, while the picturesque display of the spec- tacle could only have been imag- ined by artists."20 The artists' fol- lies inevitably attracted other paint- ers from Rome's international com- munity, such as Henri Regnault, who made illustrations of the Wal- purgisnacht festivities, and Walter Crane, who later recounted one such May Day spectacle: The central feature of the one I re- member was a gorgeous domed Moorish divan on wheels, with an Emperor of Morocco and his harem sitting inside; behind and be- fore went a great company of art- ists of all nationalities in all sorts of costumes—some as seventeenth- century Spanish cavaliers on horse- back, some as burlesque field mar- shals with enormous cocked hats, jackboots, and sabres riding on donkeys. The caterer of the picnic (a well-known artists colorman) was attired as a sort of white liz- ard, with a tall conical hat, and a long robe on which were painted lobsters, salads and other sugges- tions of luncheon.21 The crowd of artists and follow- ers assembled at the Torre dei Schiavi and from there proceeded across the Campagna for several miles to the grotto of Cervara (fig. 8). "At the moment of departure," wrote Wey, on a car festooned with garlands and drawn by four great oxen whose ample horns have been gilded, appears the President in the midst of his court of chamberlains, of madmen, and poets; he passes his countrymen in review, makes them a solemn and grotesque dis- course, and distributes to the wor- thiest the knightly order of the Baiocco; then the procession pro- ceeds on its way, escorted by its fourgon of wines, its cooking bat- tery, and its cup bearers, towards the grottos, chosen for a monster festival on account of their fresh- ness and their darkness, which is favorable to the effects of illumination. Upon arriving at the caves of Cervara, the artists entered: "At the bottom of the grotto a high priest calls up the Sibyl who, appearing in the midst of Bengal fires, recites 22 Fall 1987 8 Henri Regnault, German Masquerading; The March Past. Wood engraving, in Fran- cis Wey, Rome (New York: D. Appleton, 1875) in comic verses the exploits of the school, and prophesies the desti- nies of its artists for the following year. A Homeric supper prepared and served by our friends on stone tables in the heart of the cavern, which is lighted by torches and fes- tooned by garlands, precedes the return."22 The annual outing, how- ever frivolous, was also decorous, and George Hillard was able to re- assure his American readers that al- though "the day is spent in the wildest and most exuberant frolic, [it] rarely or never, however, degen- erate^] into vulgar license or coarse excess, but preserves] the flavor of wit and the spice of genu- ine enthusiasm."23 The May Day rites at the Torre dei Schiavi provided an important occasion for artists of various na- tionalities to celebrate together on common ground. Equally impor- tant, the festivities introduced many in the Roman community for the first time to the Gordian ruins and their beautiful views across the Campagna. It was, after all, the scenic splendor of this rise in the countryside that had lured the em- perors in the first place, and that beauty remained undiminished af- ter fifteen hundred years. Hillard recommended the site to his read- ers, for though these ruins are not much in themselves, they are so happily placed that they form a favorite sub- ject for artists. [T]he chief charm of the spot consists in the unrivalled beauty of the distant view which it commands; revealing, as it does, all the characteristic features of the Campagna. On the extreme left, towers the solitary bulk of Soracte, a hermit mountain which seems to have wandered away from its kin- dred heights, and to live in remote and unsocial seclusion. On the right dividing it from the Sabine chain is the narrow lateral valley of the Tiber; and further on the ho- rizon is walled up by the imposing range of the Sabine Hills, whose peaks, bold, pointed and irregular, have the true grandeur, and claim affinity with the great central chain of the Appenines.24 With the rise of the landscapist's art in the United States, such natu- ral splendors predictably attracted increasing numbers of American painters to the Torre dei Schiavi from the 1840s onward. Almost un- failingly these artists included in their views not only the distant ^y-viouii^ 10 Smithsonian Studies in American Art 24 Fall 1987 11 Edward Lear, The Tor di Schiavi on the Via Labicana, 1842. Oil on canvas, 9 1/4 X 17 1/2 in. Present whereabouts unknown 9 (opposite) Attributed to John Gadsby Chap- man, Excavations in the Campagna, 1837. Oil on canvas, 30 5/8 x 55 5/8 in. Paul Moro, Inc., New York 10 (opposite) Thomas Cole, Torre dei Schiavi, Campagna di Roma, 1842. Oil on wood, 14 3/4 x 24 in. Private Collection Campagna prospect but also the ru- ined circular mausoleum, a power- fully evocative object within the Campagnas expanse. The excavations at the Torre fig- ured in several views of the site. In an expansive canvas attributed to John Gadsby Chapman, workers busily retrieve fragments of statu- ary, urns, and even a human skull from the columbaria (fig. 9). Such recoveries from "the glory that was Rome" inevitably fired the imagina- tions of visitors from the New World and made a special magnet of the Torre and the entire Campagna. Chapman, a longtime resident of Rome, was so taken with the archaeological activity at the Torre dei Schiavi that he visited the site frequently and his enthusi- asm inspired his son, John Linton Chapman, to paint the ruin as well. In 1842 Thomas Cole discov- ered the Torre. His depiction of it (fig. 10) shows a less busy, more contemplative scene than Chapmans. Cole's view of the mau- soleum from its unfractured "back" side is unusual, presenting a less ruinous structure. The fabled golden sun of central Italy rises be- hind the tower and over the Sabine Hills, accentuating the unbroken oculus and suffusing the landscape with its glow. In both point of view and mood, Cole differs strikingly from the Chapmans and from Edward Lear, who also painted the Torre in the same year (fig. 11). The urbane Englishman depicted the more familiar broken facade, past which peasants amble toward the city in the distance, suggesting the monument's placement in com- munity and in a historical contin- uum, linking the ancient past to the colorful present. Despite the crowds of peasants, archaeologists, and painters that often attended the site, Cole populates his view with but a lone goatherd, seem- ingly lost in timeless contemplation of the romantic scene. Cole's lonely herdsman became a favorite motif for a number of Torre painters at mid century. He reappeared in 1849 in two draw- ings by Jasper Francis Cropsey (fig. 12), perhaps studies for an unlo- 25 Smithsonian Studies in American Art 12 Jasper Francis Cropsey, Torre dei Schiavi: The Roman Campagna, 1849. Pencil, broum wash and Chinese white on brown paper, 41/8x5 11/16 in. The Metropoli- tan Museum of Art, Charles and Anita Blatt Fund 13 (opposite) Sanford Robinson Gifford, Torre di Schiavi, Campagna di Roma, ca. 1864. Oil on canvas, 8 1/2 x 15 3/4 in. Henry Melville Fuller 14 (opposite) George Yewell, Torre dei Schiavi, 1860s. Oil on board, 51/2x8 3/4 in. University of Iowa Museum of Art, Iowa City, Gift of Oscar Coast cated painting of the scene that the artist exhibited in Buffalo in 1861,25 as well as in views by San- ford Gifford (fig. 13), Thomas Hotchkiss, George Yewell (fig. 14 ), and David Maitland Armstrong. The herdsman's thatched hut is neigh- bor to the monument in John Rollin Tiltons version of the Torre (fig. 15). During the middle de- cades of the century, many other Americans painted at the ruins, among them John F. Kensett, Christopher Cranch, William S. Haseltine, Elihu Vedder, Eugene Benson, Conrad Wise Chapman, and Thomas Hicks. The frequent appearance of these views at mid century indi- cates the monument s sudden popularity among American artists and their audiences—surprising in light of its relative neglect over most of the preceding millennium. One reviewer, for instance, singled out Tiltons painting of the ruins for special praise: "Among the smaller pictures in o i l . . . we are inclined to value most the Torre dei Schiavi, on the Campagna, which is distinctly drawn, and has infused into it an impressive sense of solemnity and lonely memo- ries."26 The Torre painters often admired each others efforts. For in- stance, his friends particularly val- ued Vedders small landscape com- positions for their "realism taken directly from nature and studied profoundly, [such a s ] . . . the Roman Campagna with Tor de Schiavi [s/c]." And Vedder reciprocated the praise, inscribing his painting of the scene (fig. 16) with the leg- 26 Fall 1987 15 John Rollin Tilton, Torre di Schiavi, n.d. Oil on canvas, 11 x 23 in. Present where- abouts unknown 16 Elihu Vedder, Ruins, Torre di Schiavi, ca. 1868. Oil on panel, 15 1/2 x 5 1/4 in. Munson-Williams-Proctor Institute, Utica, N. K, Gift of Robert Palmiter end: "A good subject—Hotchkiss used to go out there frequently... [and] made some good things at the Torre dei Schiavi."2"7 That a number of painters repeated the scene of "solemnity and lonely memories11 implies a special mean- ing for the subject, as well as a ready market for the Torre views. Hotchkiss's two canvases, painted in 1864 and 1865 (fig. 17), are among the most ambitious and accomplished of the group. In each he opted for a horizontal format, well suited to the expansive sweep of the Campagna landscape and used by nearly all the artists. (The broad vista compelled Haseltine, unique among his colleagues, to paint the view from, rather than of, the mausoleum, looking westward toward Rome and St. Peter s distant dome [fig. 18].) Hotchkiss s fre- quent visits and familiarity with the site yielded the most faithful re- cordings of archaeological detail. He carefully drew the interior niches, the curious notched bands on the buildings exterior, the frag- ments of ornately carved archi- traves and capitals, and the boy- and-dolphin motif of the mosaic pavement, which was also de- scribed by Nibby. (His eye for his- torical detail brought Hotchkiss financial as well as aesthetic re- wards, for as Vedder recorded, " 'twas here he found a niche in this Columbarium which had not been discovered a beautiful glass vase and sold it for a good sum of money which came in well in those days."28) A human skull and bones near the columbaria at the lower left serve as the works me- mento mori; in the second canvas this mood is completed by a herds- man, lost in reverie on this scene of ruined Roman glory. Vedder's view of the ruins (see fig. 16) differed markedly from all others. In lieu of the usual horizon- tal format, Vedder's small oil is em- phatically tall and narrow. Like other Campagna sketches he painted during the 1860s, his view employs the eccentric format of the Macchiaioli artists with whom he was in close association. The painting, which Vedder left unfin- ished, is more spontaneous, more sketchlike, than most of the Ameri- can productions. The elongated canvas eliminates most of the roll- ing landscape and distant hills and focuses closely upon the verdant ground and the broken mauso- leum, whose brickwork is warmed by the suns slanting rays. The circu- lar building occupies exclusive at- tention in the upper half of the composition and is set off below by a corner of newly excavated columbarium and broken pottery. These two focal points—the frac- tured building echoed in the pot shards—are visually and psycho- logically locked in perfect balance. Absent the herdsman in reverie, without the distant Campagna pros- pects bathed in warm Italian light, even lacking the archaeological de- tail that gave resonance to other in- terpretations, Vedder's small Torre view nevertheless provides one of the most telling and poignant evo- cations of past Roman glory. So popular was the Torre dei Schiavi that figure painters as well as landscapists turned to the monu- ment. In 1867-68 Conrad Wise Chapman painted a suite of The Four Seasons, a traditional allegori- cal subject that the American treated in the colorful costume of Italian peasants much favored by foreign artists in Italy. These models, bedecked in their regional finery, were the subject of many fig- ure studies, their ubiquity suggest- ing that for foreigners the peasant had come to symbolize the historic land. In Chapman's depiction of the harvest season, a gleaner in tra- ditional peasant dress of the cen- tral region stands before the Torre dei Schiavi (fig. 19). The symbolic authority of the peasant figure is 28 Fall 1987 17 Thomas Hotchkiss, Torre di Schiavi, 1865. Oil on cant os, 22 3 8 x 34 3/4 in. Na- tional Museum of American Art, Smithso- nian Institution, Museum Purchase augmented by its pairing with the Torre, which had become an equally potent symbol of Italy for Chapman and his compatriots. In the same year, Thomas Hicks composed his Italian Mother and Child (fig. 20). The association of allusive figures with Roman ruins had by then become a common- place in many artists' works. Daniel Huntington's Italy (fig. 21), for in- stance, posed the symbol of nation- hood between a Tuscan bell tower, which evoked the Catholic piety of modern Italians, and ancient ruins which harkened back to the glory that was Rome. Beyond the parapet in Hicks's painting, the remains of the Torre dei Schiavi are clearly evident—suggesting that the woman is no ordinary Italian mother but, indeed, Mother Italy. More than their scenic character is required to explain the phe- nomenal popularity of these par- ticular ruins at mid century. If the Torre dei Schiavi could appropri- ately accompany Mater Italia, if it could embody the fabled grandeur of legendary Rome, might it not have played other roles and prompted other reveries as well? Despite Bruno Schrader's warn- ing that the Torre dei Schiavi desig- nation had nothing to do with slav- ery, most commentators persisted in the notion that the monument was somehow—in a way never clearly specified—linked with such Roman practices and to slave insur- rections during the late Empire. The discovery of several colum- baria adjacent to the Torre, purport- edly containing inscriptions of "liberti," further fueled that roman- tic association.29 Such associations would, of course, have been highly topical in the mid nineteenth century when American artists' pilgrimages to Rome and the Campagna were at their peak. This tourism coincided with the cresting of abolitionist sen- timent in the United States and Brit- 29 Smithsonian Studies in American Art 18 William Stanley Haseltine, Torre degli Schiavi, Campagna Romana, 1856. Oil on canvas, 13 3/4 x 19 1/2 in. North Caro- lina Museum of Art, Raleigh, Gift of Helen Haseltine in memory ofW. R. Valentiner <19 20 Conrad Wise Chapman, The Four Seasons (Harvest), 1867-68. Oil on canvas, 18 x 24 1/4 in. Present whereabouts unknown Thomas Hicks, Italian Mother and Child, 1868. Oil on canvas, 363/4 x 29 1/2 in. North Carolina Museum of Art, Raleigh, Gift of John W. Bailey 21 (opposite) Daniel Huntington, Italy, 1843. Oil on canvas, 38 5/8 x 29 1/8 in. Na- tional Museum of American Art, Smithson- ian Institution. Museum Purchase ain and with America's seemingly inevitable slide toward civil war. It seems scarcely accidental that the "Tower of Slaves" enjoyed such fa- vor among American painters and that depictions of the once obscure ruin became most frequent in the troubled decade of the 1860s. Although Americans in Italy were safely removed from the ca- lamities of the Civil War at home, they were scarcely unaware or unaf- fected by the tragic events, and many of the artists believed strongly in the Union cause. Their liberal sympathies had extended to European struggles as well— including the Greeks' war of inde- pendence, the revolutionaries of 1848, and those involved in the movement for Italian unification. In that matrix of political and social issues, the huge popularity of an image such as Hiram Powers s Greek Slave becomes understand- able, adding another dimension to its aesthetic appeal. In 1848 in Flor- ence, where the expatriate Powers had carved his slave, he conceived the allegorical figure of America (fig. 22), a heroic symbol of Liberty and a prototype for Bartholdfs fa- mous statue in New York Harbor. Journalists on occasion resorted to ancient precedent to describe the bloody struggle between the Union forces and the Confederacy. In 1861, for instance, the American Fall 1987 Smithsonian Studies in American Art 22 Hiram Powers, America, 1848-50. Plaster, 89 3/16 x 35 3/16 x 16 7/8 in. National Museum of American Art, Smithsonian In- stitution, Museum purchase in memory of Ralph Cross Johnson "CAESAR IMPERATOR!" THE AMERICAN GLADIATORS. 23 "Caesar Imperator!" or, The American Glad- iators, 1861. Engraving in Punch, or the London Charivari, 18 May 1861, p. 203 war was depicted by Punch car- toonists in Roman terms, as "Caesar Imperator f or, The Ameri- can Gladiators (fig. 23), reflecting the conjunction of two of the peri- od's major preoccupations, previ- ously distinct—Italomania and na- tional preservation. Given this predilection for alle- gory and historicism in Europe and America, the sudden popularity of the "Tower of Slaves" owes as much to metaphor as to monu- ment. American painters and pa- trons, untroubled by the lack of cor- roborating facts, readily tied the Torre dei Schiavi to legendary slave battles of an earlier empire. For them the monument on the Campagna became an architectural surrogate for Liberty, symbolic of their optimistic faith in the Ameri- can cause. Notes 1 John Gait, The Life, Studies, and Works of Benjamin West (London: Cadell and Davies, 1820), p. 84. 2 Quoted in Otto Wittmann, "The Italian Experience (American Artists in Italy 1830-1875 )," American Quarterly, Spring 1952, p. 5. 3 Quoted in Otto Wittmann, "The Attrac- tion of Italy for American Painters," An- tiques 85, no. 5 (May 1964): 553. 4 Worthington Whittredge, "Autobiogra- phy," Brooklyn Museum Journal, 1942, p. 350. 5 Quoted in Wittmann, "The Italian Expe- rience," p. 12. 6 Peale, Notes on Italy (Philadelphia: 1831), p. 105; Vedder quoted in Marga- ret R. Scherer, Mangels of Ancient Rome (New York: Phaidon, 1955), fig. 154; "ro- mance of ruins" quotation from Etienne- Jean Delecluze, Two Lovers in Rome, Being Extracts from the Journal and Letters of Etienne-Jean Delecluze, ed. Louis Desternes and trans. Gerard Hopkins (Garden City, N.Y.: Doubleday, 1958), p. 92. 7 Quoted in Wendy M. Watson, Images of Italy: Photography in the Nineteenth Century (South Hadlev, Mass.: Mount Holvoke College Museum of An, 1980), p. 48. 8 Abbe Dupaty, Travels through Italy... in the Year 1785 (London, 1788), p. 153. 9 Taine, Italy: Florence and Venice, trans. J. Durand (New York: Ley, Oldt & Holt, 1869), pp. 1 - 2 ; 1820 quote in Charlotte A. Eaton, Rome in the Nineteenth Cen- tury, vol. 1 (1820; reprint London: Henry G. Bohn, I860), p. 13. 10 "Fearsome loneliness" in ibid., p. 64; Story, Roha di Roma (London: Chap- man & Hall, 1875), p. 3 1 1 . 1 1 Taylor, Views Afoot (New York: Putnam, 1859), p. 405; Dickens, Pictures from Italy, and American Notes (London: Chapman & Hall, 1862), p. 143; quota- tion by American tourist in Henry P. Leland, Americans in Rome (New York: Charles T. Evans, 1863), p. 198. 1 2 Brooks, The Dream of Arcadia-. Ameri- can Writers and Artists in Italy, 1760- 1915 (New York: E. P. Dutton, 1958), p. 90. 1 3 George Stillman Hillard, Six Months in Italy ( Boston: Ticknor & Fields, 1856), p. 315. 14 Quoted in Robert Burn, Rome and the Campagna: An Historical and Topo- graphical Description (Cambridge and London: 1871), p. 418. 1 5 N ibby, Analisi Storico—Topografico— Antiquaria della Carta deDintorno di Roma, vol. 3 (Rome, 1857), p. 7 1 1 ; Hare, Walks in Rome (London: Kegan Paul, Trench, Trubner & Co., 1923), p. 427. 16 The identification of San Andrea was first proposed by Nibby, p. 712. See also Bruno Schrader, Die Romische Campagna (Leipzig: E. A. Seeman, 1910), p. 62. 1 7 Baedeker, Italy: Handbook for Travel- lers. Part 2: Central Italy and Rome (London: Williams & Norgate, 1867), p. 3 1 2 . 18 Schrader, p. 62. 32 Fall 1987 19 Giovanni Battista Piranesi, Le antichita romane (Rome: Stamperia di Angelo Rotilja, 1756), e.g., vol. 2, plates 29, 59, 60. 20 Wey, Rome (New York: D. Appleton & Co., 1875), p. 269. 21 Crane, An Artist's Reminiscences (New York: Macmillan, 1907), p. 137. 22 Wey, p. 269. 23 Hillard, p. 316. 24 Ibid., p. 315. 25 The Cropsey painting and a number of other works referred to here are in- cluded in the National Museum of American Art's Index to American Art Exhibition Catalogues from the Begin- ning through the 1876 Centennial Year, compiled by the Smithsonian In- stitution's National Museum of Ameri- can Art (Boston: G. K. Hall, 1986). 26 "Mr. Tilton's Pictures," Atlantic Monthly 47, no. 280 (February 1881): 291. 27 Quotation on realism from American Academy of Arts and Letters, Exhibition of the Works of Elihu Vedder (New York, 1937), p. 20; Vedder quoted in Gwendolyn Owens and John Peters- Campbell, Golden Day, Silver Night: Per- ceptions of Nature in American Art, 1850-1910 (Ithaca, N.Y.: Herbert F. Johnson Museum of An, 1983), p. 102. 28 Ibid. 29 For Schrader's warning, see n. 16; late editions of Murray's Handbook refer to such a discovery in the spring of 1874; others were possibly found earlier. Nei- ther the accuracy nor the significance of the inscriptions can be determined. See A Handbook of Rome and the Campagna (London: John Murray, 1899), p. 398. 20 Smithsonian Studies in American Art work_2wxlcgnwiren7bzo6sj2gislcq ---- Walden; or, Life in the Woods by Henry David Thoreau Walden; or, Life in the Woods by Henry David Thoreau Author(s): Barbara Celarent Source: American Journal of Sociology, Vol. 115, No. 2 (September 2009), pp. 649-655 Published by: The University of Chicago Press Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/10.1086/648657 . Accessed: 19/06/2011 17:56 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp. 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The University of Chicago Press is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to American Journal of Sociology. http://www.jstor.org http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=ucpress http://www.jstor.org/stable/10.1086/648657?origin=JSTOR-pdf http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=ucpress Book Reviews 649 placement. Data for the same cohort observed at different periods do not show a trend toward more mobility. Increasing relative mobility for co- horts, in turn, is explained by educational expansion. The puzzle then becomes why later cohorts in Britain, a country that also experienced educational expansion, did not show more mobility. This would be the case since in Germany the effect of origin on destination is lower at higher levels of education, whereas things are not like that in Britain. But Breen and Luijkx leave this puzzle as a matter for further research. Karl Ulrich Mayer and Silke Aisenbrey’s paper goes beyond that of Breen and Luijkx. Mayer is the German sociologist who recognized that questions of the type “How much father-son class mobility is there in the population of country x at time y?” are rather poor, who popped the pertinent question, and who collected appropriate data. A question about mobility always should invoke two points in time, and the hidden point in the poor question stands for quite different points in time, since the observed people differ in age. Mayer set out in the early 1980s to collect occupational histories for cohorts born in 1920 and for later ones. Against this background, it is remarkable that Breen and Luijkx seem to code persons currently without a job after their last job. That decision forecloses the “special issue” of whether early retirement differs for cohorts. By comparing for various cohorts the origins of persons with their class at age 27 and at age 35, Mayer and Aisenbrey show that the trend toward more father-son and father-daughter relative class mobility reversed with the early 1960s cohort. They too leave this puzzle for further research. Mayer and Aisenbrey say that their chapter provides variations on the theme of mobility. This metaphor misleads. The theme of the generation of mobility sociologists to which Breen and Luijkx belong contains false notes, and readers should know. Walden; or, Life in the Woods. By Henry David Thoreau. Boston: Ticknor & Fields, 1854. Pp. 357. Barbara Celarent* University of Atlantis The emergence of a fully theorized environmental sociology after 2015 brought Walden briefly into sociological prominence. But its semiauto- biographical framework and allusive density made it ill-suited to a dis- cipline with one foot in the scientific study of society, even if the other foot was firmly placed in Thoreau’s home turf—the normative under- standing of social life. Worse yet, the endless riches of Thoreau’s journals proved an inescapable temptation to discover “what Walden really * Another review from 2048 to share with AJS readers.—Ed. American Journal of Sociology 650 means,” reinforcing the book’s status as fixed literary classic rather than open social theory. Yet Walden has much broader sociological relevance than we have usually thought. Of course, it is a central work for environmental soci- ology. But to its theory of man/environment relations it adds theories of consumption, social relations, space-time, and action. Ostensibly auto- biographical, it is nonetheless a sociological classic. It is ironic that Thoreau’s sociological relevance should be urged by one who is neither an American nor a landsman. But sociological canons are usually made by foreigners. It was after all Americans who started the vogue for Durkheim and Weber, just as they would later for Foucault and Habermas. And conversely it took Europeans and Asians to release the theoretical core of the Chicago school from the trammels of its self- veneration. Walden is a short text, but a long read—a paradox not at first apparent. One revels in its simple aphorisms for many pages before realizing that everything in it—from metaphor and paragraph to topic and chapter— is designed by a complex and even devious mind. Thoreau writes very self-consciously—sometimes annoyingly so. Allusions abound. Indeed, the counterpoint of themes and references and arguments becomes at times overwhelming. For Thoreau does not write in rigorous abstractions, be they macrosociological or metatheoretical or even phenomenological. There is no list of concepts, no polemic with predecessors: no formal propositions or clearcut definitions. He simply bushwhacks through the intellectual underbrush that lies between his own particularities and what is universal in the human project. That is the very definition of theory, and if one of Thoreau’s paradoxical conclusions is that our particularities cannot be (indeed should not be) escaped, we are all the wiser for having made the journey, scratches and all. As schoolchildren learn, Walden presents Thoreau’s reflections on two years spent living in a small cabin he built by a pond in Concord, Mas- sachusetts, on land owned by his friend and mentor, the essayist Ralph Waldo Emerson. It begins with a review of the classical problems of social theory by means of reflections on Thoreau’s cabin-building and settle- ment. We see all the stuff of social life: eating, drinking, talking, reading, and working, and beyond them the fundamentals of valuing, acting, and feeling. Love alone escapes, as it escaped—except in one essay and one brief moment—Henry David Thoreau himself. The book then works through the annual cycle, from summer planting in the bean field to autumn moon and harvest, to the frozen pond in winter (whose ice literally supports Thoreau’s elaborately “scientific” in- vestigation of its depths), and finally to the return of spring. “Thus was my first year’s life in the woods completed, and the second year was similar to it,” Thoreau tells us, managing in one characteristically dense sentence to paraphrase the Bible (AV Matt. 22:39), emphasize cyclical temporality, and deftly misrepresent his own activity. He has never told Book Reviews 651 the reader that his main work in two years at Walden was to write or edit three book-length manuscripts, including the first draft (there were seven total) of Walden itself. Nor are we much aware that during his two Walden years he was at one point jailed for civil disobedience and at another took a two week trip to locate and climb Maine’s dramatic roof- top, Mount Katahdin. Any reading must begin with the most familiar Thoreau—the Thoreau who placed man in nature. Walden’s nature is not the Enlightenment’s nature: sublime, awesome, and inscrutable, a challenge to human daring and an omnipotent boundary to human power. Thoreau was not John Franklin, who sailed to icy immortality in the Northwest Passage only a month before Thoreau moved to Walden Pond. He did not seek the North- west Passage; he sought himself. Like Petrarch and Augustine before him, he found humans to be the most puzzling and profound works of nature. Thoreau’s embedding of humanity in nature is clearest not in his ar- guments but in his choice of metaphors. Throughout the book nature is described in human/social metaphors and vice versa. In the brilliant chap- ter “Sounds,” the morning train leaves “a train of clouds stretching far behind and higher and higher, going to heaven while the cars are going to Boston,” while a few pages later “the whippoorwills chanted their vespers for half an hour.” The whole chapter “Solitude” argues that nature provides authentic society, while shortly afterward “The Village” describes Concord as a beast with vital organs, defines news as a grain consumed by “worthies” with “sound digestive organs,” and identifies gossip as “whatever was in the wind” (precisely the same words Thoreau had used for his own ecstatic listening to nature in the opening pages of the book). “Brute Neighbors” allegorizes local fauna—an ant war occupies several pages—and “The Pond in Winter” uses the dimensions of frozen Walden to discuss human ethics. By contrast, “Former Inhabitants” treats bygone locals as passing animals, and in “Visitors” a Canadian woodchopper becomes a (much admired) “animal man.” This melding of the human and the natural rejects the common view that Thoreau aims to exchange society for nature. Rather, he wants to embrace the natural: to collaborate with nature, since we are ourselves natural beings. Not for Thoreau the model (capitalist) farm, “a great grease-spot, redolent of manures and buttermilk. Under a high state of cultivation, being manured with the hearts and brains of men.” He prefers an unmediated, noncommercial encounter with the physical and biological world around us. In sociology, we have seldom theorized such an en- counter. There have been various beginnings; the turn-of-the-century de- bate about gender essentialism, the 19th-century obsession with instincts, the reductionist frivolities of cognitive neuroscience. And of course there are the earnest arguments of more recent environmental sociology. But we still await a truly general theory of man in nature to complement our theories of man in society. While Thoreau’s insertion of man in nature shapes his theory of society American Journal of Sociology 652 decisively, we must recognize here two very different readings of that theory. In the 19th- and 20th-century reading, Thoreau withdrew from society to nature, thereby reducing society to its ultimate unit, the indi- vidual. For such readers, Thoreau rejected not only capitalism and com- merce, but indeed everyday social life itself. The more modern reading has noted that Thoreau left Walden without regret after two years. In later life, he would never forsake the natural world, but neither did he hide in it from future challenges. On this reading, Thoreau at the pond represents not so much an individual as he does the whole of human society itself. He seeks the essentials not only of personal life in nature, but indeed of social life in nature. These essentials are set forth in the early chapters. Political economy is, to be sure, mercilessly parodied (“while [the poor student] is reading Adam Smith, Ricardo, and Say, he runs his father in debt irretrievably”). But at the same time Thoreau considers the basics of food, shelter, and barter as forthrightly as did Smith himself. Indeed, Thoreau’s hymn to the railroad and its commerce (in “Sounds”) is every bit as extravagant as anything in Smith. The railroad is a comet, a rising sun. The ripped sails it carries to the papermaker are “proof sheets that need no correction,” their condition telling “the history of the storms they have weathered.” Commerce, he tells us, is “unexpectedly confident and serene, alert, ad- venturous, and unworried.” Indeed, commercial men may be among the “strong and valiant natures” that Thoreau thinks have no need to read Walden, because they already live as Thoreau would have us live: delib- erately rather than habitually, in the present rather than in the future. In his systematic shedding of what he feels to be the inessentials of social life, Thoreau seems akin to Rousseau, the Romantics, and the other world rejecters. But the book’s narrative is more subtle. It does begin with detachment from everyday society: from the burden of property, from the slavery of divided labor, from the dominance of clock time, from the endless sway of fashion and opinion. (And, it must be noted, from women; there is a fog of misogyny in the early chapters that burns off slowly as Thoreau warms to his task.) But after this detachment, Thoreau parts company with the Romantics, whose ecstasies never ripened into the rigors of subsistence living. For the shedding of inessentials leaves life—both individual and so- cial—founded on necessities: on the one hand, the necessities of daily life—manual labor, exercise, preparation of food; on the other, the ne- cessities of spiritual life—contemplation of the natural world (and of “nat- ural” human artifacts like the railroad) coupled with reading of the clas- sics, of descriptive writing, and of philosophical reflection. By refounding life in daily and spiritual necessities, we can finally see nature for itself, without mediation, in its full complexity. This vision in turn enables a refounding of the self (and, by implication, of society). This self refounded on essentials can return safely to the quotidian world, for it can see reality Book Reviews 653 through the veils of cant and hypocrisy. More important, it can enact reality itself. There is for Thoreau a considerable heroism to this enactment, and the theme of heroism and nobility, strong in the opening pages (where it is tied to the misogyny—one can read Walden as a first essay in the 19th- century reinterpretation of masculinity), runs through the book like a flowing stream. Yet in the end, curiously, the hero is man the dreamer— the artist of Kouroo who strives after perfection, the woodsman who leaves the wood lest he fall into the slough of habit. Thoreau may have admired the captains of capitalism who had no need of Walden. But the artist is his ideal. Like many great books (the Bible is a good example), Walden is obsessed with place and time. It takes its name from a particular place, and the book itself is full of places: the woods, the groves, the village, the ponds and bays. It is also full of links between those places: the railroad track, the turnpike, the paths, the river. Everything in Walden is situated, placed. Indeed, this complexity of place is another device linking man and nature, for Thoreau maps nature by his constant analogies to human geography. But Thoreau’s interwoven geography pales beside his multilayered tem- porality. Walden runs on many times. These include linear times—the Walden sojourn itself, the life course of the individual, the long pattern of human history (seen in the cellar holes around Walden as well as in the much longer endurance of the classics), and beyond all these the vast course of geological and astronomical time. They include also cyclical times—the day, the week, the year, and the irregular rise and fall not only of the pond itself, but also of commercial establishments, of societies, and of peoples. In the midst of all this flow, however, the book focuses intensely on mere being, in which time does not pass at all. Indeed, to dwell in the present is to live at the intersection of the linear and the cyclical, “at the still point of the turning world.” All of these temporalities are run together. For example, the life course is identified with the round of seasons in the book’s very design: Walden begins with the censorious certainty of youth, and passes through work and maturity to its end in the calm of wisdom. “I left the woods for as good a reason as I went there,” Thoreau tells us calmly in the epilogue. For suddenly the idyll is over. “There is an incessant influx of novelty in the world, and yet we tolerate incredible dulness.” To stay at Walden would be to risk that dulness, “a cabin passage”; Thoreau wants to be “before the mast, and on the deck of the world.” (The pun on “cabin” is typical Thoreau; one can easily miss it, whereas the reference to Dana’s Two Years before the Mast leaps out to all who have read sea literature.) Beyond these themes of essentials and of space and time lies Thoreau’s central theme for sociologists: his idea of action. Much is written of Weber’s analysis of action. But Talcott Parsons would have done better to read Thoreau, who invites us to reflect on what exactly it is to “live deliberately.” What Thoreau leaves behind in Concord are his routines. American Journal of Sociology 654 He wishes to intend everything that he does, and to do this he must leave his habits and even his past experience behind, as he will leave his wood- land habits behind in the last pages of Walden. There is (that is, there ought to be) no one set of necessities; there is only the necessity of finding a new present and living in it fully and deliberately. This is true liberation. Although he read so much in the literatures of the East, Thoreau does not follow that literature in its pervasive commitment to inaction, much less to that suppression of desire central to Buddhism (although he does speak of “the inexpressible satisfaction of food in which appetite [has] no share”). He remains committed to a contemplative life, but he would not always contemplate the same things. He has a wish for new experience. It is an obsession with Thoreau that such experience be authentic, that it should involve only the necessities of the self, not false needs implanted by others nor action undertaken to please others nor mediation through any collective will. It is this point that makes Thoreau hard as sociology; few have seemed more insistently individualist. Thoreau’s idea of socia- bility is sitting with a visiting fisherman and not speaking (“Visitors”). Indeed language itself is a problem. He much appreciates the Canadian woodchopper who cannot put his thoughts into words; so much the better, thinks Thoreau, for then those thoughts are unbetrayed. Thoreau’s theme here is that for which Habermas would later become famous. It is not that Thoreau values society little. Rather the reverse. Society, he tells us, is too cheap. We should be more careful of it. Thoreau, that is, wants social life to be like the natural world, to be authentic. He presumes authenticity in nature itself and speaks throughout of the nat- uralness of certain human things: of architecture, of persons, of farms, of the very pond itself. Yet we who read him can see that such “naturalness” is not really “natural.” “The Ponds” hymns Walden’s purity and its place in the endless round of nature. These we too can see in the pond. But Walden is after all an insignificant kettle pond, the remnant of a melting block of glacier whose sand and gravel impurities became the porous bottom that Thoreau so admires. So when Thoreau tells us that “a lake . . . is earth’s eye; looking into which the beholder measures the depth of his own nature,” we begin to part company with him. We see that he is Don Quixote and that Walden, however tiny and plain, is his Dulcinea. Walden’s nature in all its purity and depth and complexity, above all in its rich symbolic panoply, is in fact the willed creation of Henry David Thoreau. And in this vision is society complete. Throughout the book, nature is itself a society: from ant wars to avian religious services to “piscine mur- der” to Waldensian pickerel. Thoreau is as much an outsider to societies of animals, plants, and inanimate nature as he is to the society of men. Yet nature, to Thoreau, is an honest society, and in that sense an ideal for the human one riven by deceptions and follies. In both kinds of so- cieties, Thoreau admires the deliberate actor: the animal that does what Book Reviews 655 it must, the pond that is what it is, the visitor who fishes in companionable silence. Even in commerce, he admires the bold and straightforward. Yet what is the aim of this action without illusion and deception, this contact with the necessities and realities? On this, Thoreau is much less clear. He is essentially contemplative, and his aim, in the end, is merely to see both nature and society for what they are. He knew full well—as sociologists should know—that seeing society for what it is inevitably means judging it. But in Walden at least, his moral program is completely negative: simplify life, shed illusions, minimize consumption, ignore fash- ion, and so on. These are the themes so many have taken from him. But his hymn to commerce suggests that he didn’t really believe this program. So also does the fact that he leaves Walden to return to the larger world. Indeed, one can imagine Thoreau writing a book like Walden about hu- man society. Hard Times, North and South, and Madame Bovary—all appearing within a year or two of Walden and none of them read by Thoreau—could all be taken as similarly single-minded meditations on the “natural” life of humans. As sociologists we are among the many inheritors of that literary tra- dition. And our aim, like Thoreau’s, is to see (social) life as it really is, to truly see it. This ties us to Thoreau’s program of “looking things in the eye,” of disillusionment (disenchantment was Weber’s word). But it also ties us to his view of that project as heroic and in some sense noble. And Thoreau ultimately turns the theme of disillusionment on its head; for him, seeing things as they are leads to reenchantment. The deliber- ateness with which Thoreau went to the woods, renouncing human il- lusion, becomes a deliberate imagination (i.e., a choice of illusion): “If one advances confidently in the direction of his dreams, and endeavors to live the life which he has imagined, he will meet with a success unexpected in common hours.” For of course, even in the woods, we remain in society, the larger society of nature and the universe of which we are an insig- nificant—but to ourselves very interesting—part. Indeed, Thoreau leaves us not as the stoic and disillusioned Roman farmer of the opening pages, but as the Quixote in love with his own dream of a beautiful pond. “If you have built castles in the air, your work need not be lost. That is where they should be. Now put foundations under them.” No better place to look for foundation stone than in Walden. Read it. You will not be disappointed. work_2yhsmx2auvarpbzya3jzbodw34 ---- Microsoft Word - Casilli_UnderstandingMedia_def2RELU.doc HAL Id: halshs-01055785 https://halshs.archives-ouvertes.fr/halshs-01055785 Submitted on 17 Aug 2014 HAL is a multi-disciplinary open access archive for the deposit and dissemination of sci- entific research documents, whether they are pub- lished or not. The documents may come from teaching and research institutions in France or abroad, or from public or private research centers. L’archive ouverte pluridisciplinaire HAL, est destinée au dépôt et à la diffusion de documents scientifiques de niveau recherche, publiés ou non, émanant des établissements d’enseignement et de recherche français ou étrangers, des laboratoires publics ou privés. How to Talk about Media You Haven’t Understood Antonio Casilli To cite this version: Antonio Casilli. How to Talk about Media You Haven’t Understood. Journal of Visual Culture, SAGE Publications, 2014, 13 (1), pp.26-28. �10.1470412913509445�. �halshs-01055785� https://halshs.archives-ouvertes.fr/halshs-01055785 https://hal.archives-ouvertes.fr     Antonio A. Casilli (2014) “How to Talk about Media You Haven't Understood”. Journal of Visual Culture, special themed issue - "Marshall McLuhan’s Understanding Media at 50", vol. 13, n. 1, pp. 26-28. doi: 10.1177/1470412913509445 How to talk about media you haven’t understood In his essay How to Talk About Books You Haven't Read, French literary critic Pierre Bayard insists that the act of reading is not essential to the appreciation of the essence of a book—as long as we know how to position it in the broader ecosystem of a literary genre or of a field of knowledge. Following Oscar Wilde’s tongue-in-cheek advice never to read a text one must review (‘it prejudices you so…’), Bayard advocates the right to non-reading, in order to stimulate our creative imagination. I, for one, have been sticking to this principle for most of my adult life. I’ve put off reading certain books as much as possible, while in the meantime avidly studying germane texts, secondary sources, and critical appraisals, so to have a comprehensive panorama of the literary environment of their authors. Moreover, this procrastination allows me to fantasize about their opinions, their style, their concealed intentions. I call this ‘beating around the book.’ McLuhan’s Understanding Media is no exception. For years I’ve been leafing through excerpts and commentaries—never the real thing. And to this day I wouldn’t even have opened it, were it not for my students. When I started teaching classes on (new) media studies, the 1964 classic was on every list of compulsory readings. Reluctantly, I had to put my hands on a copy, too. It was the mid-noughties and the emphasis was on ‘social’ and participatory media. That largely shaped my expectations as to the content of the book.     That also determined my initial disappointment as to what I deemed was missing in McLuhan’s work. There I had an author who clearly drew inspiration from Harold Innis, who considered technologies as tools mediating processes of diffusion of cultural forms across spatial and time biases, and yet showed little awareness of the part played by human intermediaries in the transmission of messages across geographic, social and demographic boundaries. While his contemporaries Elihu Katz and Paul F. Lazarsfeld where already reflecting on how media contents moved across social networks via opinion leaders, brokers, and mediators, McLuhan didn’t seem to take into account that part of the equation. His manifold influences included Edward T. Hall, Ralph Waldo Emerson, Pierre Teilhard de Chardin, none of whom (except maybe the last one) qualifies as an early pioneer of ‘social’ and ‘new’ media studies. In a way it was like McLuhan’s work left the role of social ties as structuring forces of diffusion untackled. From this point of view, situating Understanding Media in the larger field of communication and social sciences revealed more arduous than I thought. Yet, this realization coincided with the moment when my initial disappointment turned into genuine interest. I was intrigued by the fact this work exposed a schism between a holistic stance, descriptive and focusing on the content of mediatic communication, and a more empirically-driven one, micro- and meso- sociologically-oriented, sensitive to the context of the mediated communication. For the former, McLuhan’s catchphrase ‘The medium is the message’ was valid. For the latter, it was also valid but – in an admittedly less incisive phrasing – it read: ‘The medium is the structure of the social network describing the ties between the social agents uttering the message.’ No incident summarizes the tension between these two approaches better than the 1955 Columbia University Teacher’s College seminar clash that opposed the then-     budding Canadian information theorist and the dean of US sociology, Robert K. Merton. The anecdote is related in Paul Levinson’s Digital McLuhan, one of the germane books I engaged with while postponing reading Understanding Media: [Merton stood up] purpled with outrage and proceeded to say: ‘Just about everything in your paper requires cross-examination!’ He started with the first paragraph, sonorously ticking off all the points in want of further explanation, a William Jennings Bryan making a closing argument to the jury about why the accused should be found guilty of murdering the scholarly procedure. (Levinson, 1999:24) Retrospectively, I cannot help thinking that Merton was somehow set against McLuhan by Lazarsfeld with whom, one year before, he had co-written Friendship as a Social Process, the text establishing the notion of homophily as the individual propensity to communicate and create preferential ties with persons displaying shared characteristics. For decades, their seminal contribution would remain relatively unknown outside a restricted circle of English-speaking academics, while McLuhan would go on to meet international success with Understanding Media. Here another type of schism comes to light, this time in terms of timing and public reception. If up to the 1990s McLuhan’s analysis were considered indispensable to figure out how ‘mass’ media worked, in the 2000s Merton and Lazarsfeld’s approach got the upper hand, as far as their approach turned out to be crucial to our grasp of how ‘social’ media function. Today’s interminable debates about online ‘echo chambers’, or the emphasis on the nature and effects of computer-mediated ‘friendships’, seem to respond to the theoretical framework established by the context-aware stance embodied by the two sociologists. Homophily in Internet social     networks stands as a prominent theoretical concern for scholars researching web- based political phenomena, cultural consumption, or relationship building. Yet this relative cyclicality betrays the fact that the two approaches are complementary, rather than opposed. The focus on content and the one on context go together—they alternate, interchange, the one lives in the negative space left by the decline of the other. Which is why today’s McLuhan’s voice still has something to say to our understanding of contemporary media. Even if, in fact, he did not understand them. REFERENCES Bayard, P (2007) How to talk about books you haven't read. New York, NY: Bloomsbury. Lazarsfeld, P. F. & R. K. Merton (1954) Friendship as a Social Process: A Substantive and Methodological Analysis. In: M. Berger, T. Abel, and C. H. Page (eds) Freedom and Control in Modern Society. New York: Van Nostrand: 18-66. Levinson, P (1999) Digital McLuhan: A Guide to the Information Millennium. London: Routledge. Antonio A. Casilli Economics & Social Sciences Department Telecom ParisTech (Ecole Nationale Supérieure des Télécommunications) Centre Edgar Morin, IIAC EHESS (Ecole des Hautes Etudes en Sciences Sociales), Paris. work_32wquxn6wncgle4vcwtxtivabq ---- BRITISH MEDICAL JOURNAL 14 OCTOBER 1978 1065 alities recorded by pathologists carrying out necropsies at the coroner's command, which are not invariably the cause of death. Another important factor is the reluctance of coroners to mention abuse of or addiction to alcohol or to acknowledge suicide or the depression from which it stems. Death certificates not given by a coroner are usually com- pleted by the most junior and least experienced member of the hospital team responsible for the patient's care. Understandably therefore inaccurate impressions are sometimes conveyed. The smallest discrepancy between death certificates and case notes was in the group where no necropsies were performed. In cases where the cause of death is not in doubt efforts to persuade relatives to agree to permit a necropsy may be less persistent, and because no necropsy is performed a wrong clinical diagnosis may remain undisclosed. Although there were several discrepancies between certificates and case notes in names and dates of birth, such errors are not very important except in cases where the patient's name is all that is available, when difficulties in tracing the relevant death certificate may arise. The present certificate, in which the last diagnosis under section I is the real cause of death, might usefully be revised. Today a high proportion of entries under Ia are "cardiac arrest," which is how all of us will leave this world whatever the real cause of our death. The next most frequent entry is "bronchopneumonia"-the final curtain of so many chronic diseases.5 Section II, "Other significant conditions contributing to the death, but not relating to the disease or condition causing it," is not always capable of completion in a manner that may not mislead the epidemiological research worker. Death certificates are not primarily intended for epidemio- logical research-they are an important legal and social require- ment. Nevertheless, they are often used by research workers because they form a concise6 and convenient record. As we have shown, however, they are sometimes materially inaccurate and research based on them alone may not be secure, despite what Rose and Barker have recently said.7 The purpose of this paper is to try to improve the accuracy of the information which the OPCS receives. Thus coroners' certificates might be more accurate if the coroners more often consulted the clinician in charge, and other certificates would more closely reflect the cause of death if supplied by senior hospital staff. References James, G, Patton, R E, and Heslin, A S, Public Health Reports, 1955, 70, 32. 2 Registrar General's Statistical Review for 1956, Part III. 3 Heasman, M A, and Lipworth, L, Accuracy of Certification of Cause of Death. London, HMSO, 1966. 4 Waldron, H A, and Vickerstaff, L, Intimations of Quality. London, Nuffield Provincial Hospitals Trust, 1977. 5 Paton, A, British Medical Journal, 1972, 3, 287. 6 Adelstein, A M, Health Trends, 1977, 9, 78. 7 Rose, G, and Barker, D J P, British Medical Journal, 1978, 2, 803. (Accepted 15 September 1978) How to do it Raise funds A K THOULD British Medical_Journal, 1978, 2, 1065-1066 "Can anyone remember when the times were not hard, and money not scarce ?" Ralph Waldo Emerson The above quotation steeled my own resolve when attempting to raise funds for a major project, and lesson one about fund raising is-if you are convinced that the cause is worthy and the project viable, don't let anyone put you off, and don't be disheartened because the country is bankrupt. It is never the right time to raise money, so go ahead and do it anyway. Lesson two is that if you think fundraising is merely a matter of saying to yourself: "there are 300 000 people in this county, so if everyone gives 50p we will be home and dry"-forget it, go home, and tend your roses instead. Nobody is interested in handing over their hard-earned cash unless you can convince them that the whole scheme is sound, necessary, and appealing to them. After all, why should they? Fundraising is grinding Royal Cornwall Hospital, Truro, Cornwall TR1 3LJ A K THOULD, MD, FRCP, consultant physician hard work. You must be prepared to kiss your wife and the baby goodbye for many evenings, oecause you will need to address any number of lay meetings. You will spend many hours at the kitchen table with your spouse signing letters and putting them in envelopes. You will go through agonies of self- doubt and many crises of morale in your organisation. You will learn to endure the hunted look of your friends as they see you approach, hot with the news of your latest disaster/triumph. Fascinating for you; boring for them. If all this appears too much for you, with the seemingly endless hours of repetitive, slogging work, then don't go fundraising, not at any price- it is not for the faint-hearted. Basic organisation If you have lasted this far, and are still convinced of the right- ness of your cause and the glamour of your appeal, then the next step is to set up your basic organisation. First of all, you will need a small but select band of trusted (voluntary) and dedicated hard-working helpers. You must have a very good secretary/ typist, because you are going to need to send out a great many letters: thousands will be needed for a major appeal. Next, you need to gather together a small committee you can trust. The members will need to be long-suffering, industrious but o n 5 A p ril 2 0 2 1 b y g u e st. P ro te cte d b y co p yrig h t. h ttp ://w w w .b m j.co m / B r M e d J: first p u b lish e d a s 1 0 .1 1 3 6 /b m j.2 .6 1 4 4 .1 0 6 5 o n 1 4 O cto b e r 1 9 7 8 . D o w n lo a d e d fro m http://www.bmj.com/ 1066 BRITISH MEDICAL JOURNAL 14 OCTOBER 1978 enthusiastic, and, if possible, experienced in this sort of thing. They should, if possible, be well known and respected in the community, with many contacts in the business and professional worlds. Do not have a big committee-it is much too hard to reach decisions if you do. I suggest about ten as the maximum. You will need a good solicitor, because he will set up your trust and do the legal work-for nothing, if you're lucky. You must have a good, painstaking treasurer, used to handling large amounts of money without getting nightmares, and able to keep proper accounts. Above all, you must have a good, decent chairman, well known in the area at large, and carrying with him/her the aura of trust. You ought to be the secretary yourself, and be prepared to do the dog work of arranging the committee business. You will need a bank account, and all cheques must be signed by the treasurer and yourself. Next you must get your solicitor to set your organisation up as a charitable trust. The procedure is tedious, but not particularly difficult, and be prepared for the Charity Commissioners to ask some searching and highly pertinent questions. When drawing up the articles of the trust, be sure you look ahead, so that you can continue to raise funds by way of the organisation in the future and can, within the articles, pursue whatever long-term projects you wish. Your solicitor will advise you. If you are successful, you will be given a number, and you must quote this in all your correspondence. If you don't, some charitable trusts may not be prepared to give you money. Where to start It is a good idea to start with a meeting to which you invite all the heads of the known fundraising organisations in your area, that is, the Women's Institute, Rotary Clubs, Lions, and so on. You will be surprised how many there are; you must find out who they are from your committee and local contacts, then draw up a list. Have your meeting in the early evening and provide sherry and whatnots to eat, but don't be too lavish. They will be looking for evidence that the money you raise goes to the appeal, not towards wasteful window dressing. Try not to be mean, however-the balance is important. Make up a brochure setting out your aims and objectives. Not glossy and expensively produced, but workmanlike and readable. A small book on the subject is unnecessary and will not be read. It needs to be short, informative, and to the point. Most of all, when someone asks you to go and give a talk on your project, then go, however inconvenient, and go at their time and convenience. Be prepared to answer questions and, above all, be honest and frank. If you feel your project needs a million pounds, then say so. The dissembler is soon mercilessly exposed and rightly so. Never underestimate your audience or talk down to them. They are probably more experienced at the game than you are. They are usually hard-headed but great-hearted people, and they need to be convinced of the essential worthiness and practicality of what you are doing. A further step is to get from the public library the published list of registered charities (there may be a waiting list to get it), then go through the three or four thousand listed there and see which ones may be interested in your cause. Write them a short letter setting out the facts and enclosing your brochure. About 95% of them will throw your application in the wastepaper basket. The other 5%O may give you some money. If you can, and they will let you, offer to go and see their trustees in person. Some recommend trying to raise money from the top thousand companies, but I have found this a waste of time. Only local industry seems to be interested in contributing to local causes, and this is all that one can expect. If there is a large industrial combine or combines near you, write to the managing director and go and see him. He will usually be courteous and give you a fair hearing. Just possibly, he may even advise his company to give you some money. Local businesses may be reached by looking them up in the yellow pages of the telephone directory; then write them a letter. The letters them- selves are important. They can be printed, using your appeal's logo at the head, but you must personally enter the name of the person you are writing to, and sign it personally. This will mean signing many hundreds of letters, possibly thousands. If you are not prepared to give the personal touch, then don't expect to get much money. Nothing is worse than the cold, printed impersonal letter. It looks as if you are not prepared to take trouble, and, if you don't sign it yourself, this is probably true. You must be prepared to go to endless donkey derbys, band festivals, sponsored walks, fetes, and whatever. After all, if they are prepared to go to that much trouble to raise money for you, the least you can do is turn up, and make a short speech of thanks. Anyway, it is all enormous fun for most of the time. Publicity and costs The local press will probably be interested and, in my experience, helpful, but they like to be kept informed of how things are going. In return, they will give you a few column inches of publicity at intervals. Be careful, however, about self- advertisement. It is a good idea to check with the Medical Defence Union about how far you can go. Almost any publicity is valuable, unless your treasurer makes off with the funds. It is worth asking to have a stand at the local county show-they will probably give you a site at cheap rates. Costs should be kept to less than 1 °' of the money you raise, so spend as little as you can on your organisation. Your worst expense will be on postage-the costs of printing should be relatively trivial (use the office roneo). Car stickers are worth- while and cheap-if you can persuade people to display them. The Charity Commissioners will expect you to have your accounts properly audited and these must be readily available. So keep good records; don't be like Samuel Johnson, who observed that he had two very cogent reasons for not printing any list of subscribers-one that he had lost all the names; the other that he had spent all the money. When it is all over, invite your subscribers to see what their money has bought, and be generous in your thanks. The reward for you will be in the immense satisfaction of seeing your project completed. It will have been very hard going and at times discouraging, but the glow of satisfaction is very warm. Good luck. Eventually this series will be collected into a book and hence no reprints will be available from the authors. A 60-year-old woman is most distressed by copious sweating of the head and neck on the slightest exertion. This started some 10 years ago and has worsened since. The only abnormality is a familial hypercholesterol- aemia. What might alleviate this condition ? Put iontophorese hyoscine butyl bromide on to a patch of skin that usually sweats before sweating takes place. Then exercise the patient. If the treated area remains dry her condition is likely to be improved by cervical sympathectomy. This could be preceded by local anaes- thetic stelate block. Fox, R H, et al, British MedicalJournal, 1973, 2, 693. Correction Letter from... New Zealand In Dr Richard Smith's article "Confusion about abortion" (10 June 1978, p 1534) the last sentence of all should have read as follows: "As I write, the circle of confusion is completed, as the medical superintendent in chief of the Auckland Hospital Board has announced that, after several weeks' painstaking deliberation, his opinion is that the new abortion law is in fact more liberal than the old." o n 5 A p ril 2 0 2 1 b y g u e st. P ro te cte d b y co p yrig h t. h ttp ://w w w .b m j.co m / B r M e d J: first p u b lish e d a s 1 0 .1 1 3 6 /b m j.2 .6 1 4 4 .1 0 6 5 o n 1 4 O cto b e r 1 9 7 8 . D o w n lo a d e d fro m http://www.bmj.com/ work_37mdvqglqbdkrbuhl772ez2hne ---- Review: History, Abolition, and the Ever-Present Now in Antebellum American Writing, by Jeffrey Insko | Nineteenth-Century Literature | University of California Press Skip to Main Content Close UCPRESS ABOUT US BLOG SUPPORT US CONTACT US Search search input Search input auto suggest search filter All Content Nineteenth-Century Literature Search User Tools Register Carnegie Mellon University Carnegie Mellon University Sign In Toggle MenuMenu Content Recent Content Browse Issues All Content Purchase Alerts Submit Info For Authors Librarians Reprints & Permissions About Journal Editorial Team Contact Us Skip Nav Destination Article Navigation Close mobile search navigation Article navigation Volume 74, Issue 4 March 2020 Previous Article Next Article Article Navigation Book Review| March 31 2020 Review: History, Abolition, and the Ever-Present Now in Antebellum American Writing, by Jeffrey Insko Jeffrey Insko, History, Abolition, and the Ever-Present Now in Antebellum American Writing . New York :  Oxford University Press ,  2018 . Pp. xii + 255. $65. Cristin Ellis Cristin Ellis University Of Mississippi Cristin Ellis, Associate Professor of English at the University of Mississippi, is the author of Antebellum Posthuman: Race and Materiality in the Mid-Nineteenth Century (2018). She has published articles and chapters in Henry David Thoreau in Context (2017), Political Research Quarterly (2016), American Literature (2014), and The Concord Saunterer (2014). She is currently working on a book project on nineteenth-century eco-eroticism. Search for other works by this author on: This Site PubMed Google Scholar Nineteenth-Century Literature (2020) 74 (4): 535–539. https://doi.org/10.1525/ncl.2020.74.4.535 Split-Screen Views Icon Views Article contents Figures & tables Video Audio Supplementary Data PDF LinkPDF Share Icon Share Facebook Twitter LinkedIn Email Guest Access Tools Icon Tools Get Permissions Cite Icon Cite Search Site Citation Cristin Ellis; Review: History, Abolition, and the Ever-Present Now in Antebellum American Writing, by Jeffrey Insko. 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Submit × Citing articles via Google Scholar CrossRef Latest Most Read Most Cited Wasted Gifts: Robert Louis Stevenson in Oceania Bright Sunshine, Dark Shadows: Decadent Beauty and Victorian Views of Hawai‘i “The Meaner & More Usual &c.”: Everybody in Emma Contributors to this Issue Recent Books Received Email alerts Article Activity Alert Latest Issue Alert Close Modal Recent Content Browse Issues All Content Purchase Alerts Submit Info for Authors Info for Librarians About Editorial Team Contact Us Online ISSN 1067-8352 Print ISSN 0891-9356 Copyright © 2021 Stay Informed Sign up for eNews Twitter Facebook Instagram YouTube LinkedIn Visit the UC Press Blog Disciplines Ancient World Anthropology Art Communication Criminology & Criminal Justice Film & Media Studies Food & Wine History Music Psychology Religion Sociology Browse All Disciplines Courses Browse All Courses Products Books Journals Resources Book Authors Booksellers Instructions Journal Authors Journal Editors Librarians Media & Journalists Support Us Endowments Membership Planned Giving Supporters About UC Press Careers Location Press Releases Seasonal Catalog Contact Us Acquisitions Editors Customer Service Exam/Desk Requests Media Inquiries Print-Disability Rights & Permissions Royalties UC Press Foundation © Copyright 2021 by the Regents of the University of California. All rights reserved. Privacy policy   Accessibility Close Modal Close Modal This Feature Is Available To Subscribers Only Sign In or Create an Account Close Modal Close Modal This site uses cookies. By continuing to use our website, you are agreeing to our privacy policy. Accept work_3b6h3xzppzae3jrwwymt4ysvlu ---- Cholemic Nephropathy Reloaded Peter Fickert, MD1 Alexander R. Rosenkranz, MD2 1Division of Gastroenterology and Hepatology, Department of Internal Medicine, Medical University of Graz, Graz, Austria 2Division of Nephrology, Department of Internal Medicine, Medical University of Graz, Graz, Austria Semin Liver Dis 2020;40:91–100. Address for correspondence Peter Fickert, MD, Division of Gastroenterology and Hepatology, Department of Internal Medicine, Medical University of Graz, Graz, Austria (e-mail: peter.fickert@medunigraz.at). It is a reliable sign of uncertainty in medicine whenever we use a considerable number of names for what is most likely one single entity as is the case with cholemic nephropathy (CN), bilecast nephropathy,ictericnephrosis,andbileacidnephrop- athy.1 It is, however, a clinical truism that jaundiced patients are at significantly increased risk for renal failure and patients with jaundice and renal failure have a dismal prognosis, as shown in former studies and recently confirmed by the sound results of the landmark CANONIC study.2–5 Consequently, we have to ask ourselves whether the resurrection of CN we currently observe is (1) the end of the hibernation of an important disease, (2) the reinvention of the emperor’s new clothes, or (3) the slow emergence of a black box in clinical hepatology and nephrology that is now hidden in the mixed bag of acute kidney injury-hepatorenal syndrome (AKI-HRS)? “A rose of any other name would smell as sweet” (William Shakespeare): Cholemic nephropathy (CN) – What is in a name and does the name matter? The concept that bile constituents, and more specifically bile pigments, might harm the kidney dates back to 1899 when Quincke noted bile pigments staining the glomeruli in autopsies of patients with acute onset of jaundice6,7; our short historical note on that has appeared elsewhere.1 On its journey through medical literature, kidney injury in chole- static patients, animals, and corresponding experimental animal models was referred to with numerous names as mentioned earlier. Some terms found in literature, such as the currently widely used bile cast nephropathy, result from description of presumably characteristic morphological alterations or still unproven pathophysiological concepts.8 We think that “bile cast” is a misnomer, since bile can be found either in bile ducts, the gall bladder, or in the intestine but never in the kidney, and consequently also not in renal tubular casts. Nevertheless, this term suggests that we know that tubular casts observed in patients with CN primarily consist of bile or biliary constituents, most likely bilirubin, while there is no information on other important biliary constituents such as phospholipids and bile acids. Other names, such as bile acid nephropathy, suggest a clarified etiopathogenesis9–12; however, such an assumption would currently appear constricting and premature even in the light of some experimental evidence showing a central role Keywords ► acute kidney injury ► cholestasis ► hepatorenal syndrome ► advanced liver disease ► jaundice Abstract Acute kidney injury (AKI) is a dreaded complication in patients with liver disease and jaundice, since it is associated with significant morbidity and mortality. Cholemic nephropathy (CN) is thought to represent a widely underestimated important cause of AKI in advanced liver diseases with jaundice. The umbrella term CN describes impaired renal function along with histomorphological changes consisting of intratubular cast formation and tubular epithelial cell injury directed primarily toward distal nephron segments. In cholestasis, biliary constituents may be excreted via the kidney and bilirubin or bile acids may trigger tubular injury and cast formation, but as we begin to understand the underlying pathophysiologic mechanisms, we become increasingly aware of the urgent need for clearly defined diagnostic criteria. In the following, we aim to summarize current knowledge of clinical and morphological characteristics of CN, discuss potential pathomechanisms, and raise key questions to stimulate evolution of a research strategy for CN. published online October 18, 2019 Copyright © 2020 by Thieme Medical Publishers, Inc., 333 Seventh Avenue, New York, NY 10001, USA. Tel: +1(212) 760-0888. DOI https://doi.org/ 10.1055/s-0039-1698826. ISSN 0272-8087. 91 D o w n lo a d e d b y: C a rn e g ie M e llo n U n iv e rs ity . C o p yr ig h te d m a te ri a l. Published online: 2019-10-18 mailto:peter.fickert@medunigraz.at https://doi.org/10.1055/s-0039-1698826 https://doi.org/10.1055/s-0039-1698826 for bile acids in CN.13–15 In contrast, we find that the term CN is more neutral in that it indicates spill-over of biliary constituents such as bile acids and bilirubin into blood (i.e., cholemia) leading to renal dysfunction and histological changes in jaundiced patients. Based on findings in longitu- dinal studies in common bile duct ligated mice, CN starts with tubular epithelial injury in distal nephron segments, accompanied by intraluminal cast formation (the composi- tion of which remains to be determined in detail), leading to obstruction and dilatation of the tubules.13 We find that harmonizing the nomenclature by using CN might be most advantageous,1 since CN neither restricts to a specific histology (which may well not exist) nor to a specific and so far unproven pathogenetic mechanism (e.g., the highly controversial issue of whether tubular casts are the cause or consequence of CN, and the overall impact of bile acids in CN). “Cause and effect are two sides of one fact” (Ralph Waldo Emerson): What causes cholemic nephropathy (CN)? Although intuitive, as outlined above, the focus on biliary constituents such as bilirubin and bile acids as potentially causative for CN1,9 may conceptually be misleading as it neglects inflammatory processes that may also contribute to CN (►Fig. 1).16 However, what we know so far on the pathogenesis of CN still circles around these two molecules. Bilirubin Bilirubinuria means that in cholestasis, when less bile reaches the duodenum, conjugated bilirubin is alternatively excreted via the urine. The potential nephrotoxicity of unconjugated bilirubin was ascribed to its accumulation in mitochondria with subsequent inhibition of oxidative phosphorylation with decreased adenosine triphosphatase activity. This was associ- ated with mitochondrial defects and led to increased perme- ability of cell membranes, resulting in modified electrolyte content and cell volume.17–21 However, currently there is no direct proof for the concept that bilirubin may be causative for tubular epithelial injury, cast formation, or more generally speaking CN. Renal bilirubinaccumulation inCN may therefore just be an innocent bystander caused by accumulation through alternative renal excretion in cholestasis hampered through cast formation and tubular injury. Interestingly, there seems to beacertainthreshold forserumbilirubinlevels(> 15 mg/dL)in patients with CN. However, thisdoes not necessarily mean that high bilirubin levels are causative; rather, it might reflect the degree of cholestasis and liver disease. Indeed, bilirubin mayevenhaverenoprotectiveeffects,whichwereattributedto an increased expression of heme oxygenase-1 and increased activity of this enzyme in kidneys of common bile duct ligated rodents.22–27 In addition, bilirubin was shown to improve vascular resistance, tubular function, mitochondrial integrity, and inhibition of nicotinamide adenine dinucleotide phos- phatehydrogenoxidaseand nitricoxidesynthase2expression, which all together would be assumed to be beneficial for stressed kidneys.24–26 There is also increasing clinical evidence that elevated serum bilirubin levels may be renoprotective. In line with that assumption, late graft failure in kidney trans- plant patients was significantly lower in those with higher bilirubin.27 Moreover, a large-sized cohort study showed slower chronic kidney disease progression in individuals with only mild elevations of serum bilirubin levels beyond the upper limitofnormal (ULN).28 In essence, there is currently no strong experimental evidence supporting a causative role for bilirubin in the pathogenesis of CN. Nevertheless, increased urinary excretion of bilirubin may still be an attractive cause of tubular casts and virtually nothing is known about the phys- icochemistry of bilirubin within casts or the tubular lumen in CN. Consequently, several intriguing questions remain such as whether there is bilirubin crystal formation or cross-reaction with proteins or alternative molecules in CN. Bile Acids Under physiological conditions, glomerular-filtered bile acids are reuptaken in the distal part of Henle’s loop via active transport systems, apical sodium-dependent transporter and organic solute transporter α/β,29 similar to the quantitatively much more important reuptake of bile acids in the terminal ileum during their enterohepatic circulation that starts with the excretion of hepatic bile acids with bile into the duode- num.30 In cholestatic patients, less bile reaches the duodenum and bileacidsspillover fromtheliverand accumulate inserum. Alternative renal excretion of bile acids is currently seen as a mechanism of compensation under this condition.31–35 It is therefore tempting to speculate that this mechanism may exceed thekidneys’ capability foralternativebileacidexcretion at certain levels of cholestasis, resulting in CN.36 The most compelling evidence that bile acids may trigger CN derives from experimental animal models. In response to common bile duct ligation (CBDL), serum bile acids peak around day 3.13,31,36 Notably, this coincides with discrete alterations in proximal tubule architecture, which may easily be missed on hematoxylin and eosin stained kidney sections but may be more easily seen on periodic acid-Schiff (PAS)– stained sections.13,36 We showed epithelial injury in collecting ducts in CBDL mice at day 3 that will hardly be detected in patients.13 Besides tubular epithelial injury, basement mem- brane defects leading to leaky tubuli and obstruction of collecting ducts due to sloughed cells, tubular casts, and increased urinary neutrophil gelatinase-associated lipocalin levels were found.13–15 There is no evidence in this model that tubularcastscontainplentifulbilirubin;however,CBDLmouse liver, intriguingly, shows neither bilirubinostasis nor bile plugs and the species differences remain unexplained. Time course studies revealed that these early lesions were followed by interstitial nephritis and tubulointerstitial fibrosis later on. With long-term CBDL (up to 8 weeks), we were able to model the typical human histomorphological and functional alter- ations with CN.13 These findings suggest that full-blown CN in CBDL mice requires a long-standing and severe form of chole- stasis. Evidence that bile acid toxicity is key in this model is based on two main experimental findings and key experi- ments: (1) increasing the hydrophilicity of the bile acid pool Seminars in Liver Disease Vol. 40 No. 1/2020 Cholemic Nephropathy Reloaded Fickert, Rosenkranz92 D o w n lo a d e d b y: C a rn e g ie M e llo n U n iv e rs ity . C o p yr ig h te d m a te ri a l. Fig. 1 (A) Potential triggers of acute kidney injury (AKI) in jaundiced patients. (B) Conceptual model for the pathogenesis of cholemic nephropathy (CN). (1) CN in common bile duct ligated mice starts at the level of collecting ducts with injury to aquaporin 2 (AQP2)-positive tubular epithelial cells and basement membrane disintegrity leading to leaky collecting ducts. (2) Tubules cell injury and cast formation increase pressure within the tubular part of the nephron with dilatation and tubulointerstitial nephritis. (3) Progressive tubular dilatation and interstitial nephritis trigger interstitial fibrosis (adapted from Fickert et al)13 (C) Postmortem kidney histology in a patient with CN. periodic acid-Schiff (PAS)- stained section showing granular (partially PAS-positive) intratubular casts with cellular debris in the tubulus lumina (as highlighted by arrows). Note also a mixed-cell inflammatory infiltrate in the tubulus lumina and the interstitium (magnification 10�). Seminars in Liver Disease Vol. 40 No. 1/2020 Cholemic Nephropathy Reloaded Fickert, Rosenkranz 93 D o w n lo a d e d b y: C a rn e g ie M e llo n U n iv e rs ity . C o p yr ig h te d m a te ri a l. with the aid of hydrophilic and nontoxic norursodeoxycholic acid (norUDCA) significantly ameliorated the renal pheno- type14 and (2) CBDL in FXR�/� mice (with a much more hydrophilic bile acid pool in comparison to the wild-type controls) were protected against CN but showed similar renal fibrosis in response to unilateral ureteral ligation.13 Accord- ingly, bile acids might represent a key determinant of CN in CBDL mice. High concentrations of cholephiles such as bile acids in the renal tubules (probably in concert with alternative danger signals or inflammatory mediators) may be toxic to tubularepithelialcellsandconsequentlytrigger inflammation. Detailed mechanisms, however, still have to be determined and most importantly currently there is no human evidence that bile acids have a major role in CN. This is of critical importance and likely based on the numerous species differ- ences in bile acid biology between rodents and humans that have to be considered.37,38 There is a lively discussion on the issue whether tubular casts in CN may be the cause or rather the consequence of a decreased glomerular filtration rate (please see AJKD blog; #NephMadness 2019: Hepatorenal Region). Currently, known cast ingredients in CN include desquamated epithelial cells, proteinprecipitates,andbilirubin as evidenced by positive PAS and Hall’s stain. However, this has to be referred to as indirect evidence from unspecific staining methods, since a detailed biochemical analysis of casts in CN is still unavailable. The enigma also remains as to whether casts themselves are tubulotoxic or may trigger CN. Such a mechanism could hypothetically be analogous to cast nephropathies by myelo- ma or myoglobin release from crushed muscles.39–42 Interest- ingly, tubular casts in CN are predominantly found in aquaporin 2-positive collecting ducts in CBDL mice.13 This key finding was recently confirmed in kidney biopsies of patients with CN.43 Tubular cast formation at the level of collecting ducts originate not only from a higher urinary concentration due to water reabsorption in this part of the nephron but also from lower pH, both of which may promote cast formation.44,45 Consequently, the formation of tubular casts in CN could be due to the poor water solubility of cholephiles such as bilirubin and specific bile acids and/or limited proximal tubular reabsorption. Again, detailed bio- chemical analysis of tubular casts should provide important results and answers. Inflammation Cholestasis and jaundice are frequently seen in patients with decompensated cirrhosis. CN may in fact be more frequent as suggested so far in such patients, since several studies showed that there may actually be renal pathology comparable to CN, even when patients were clinically classified as having HRS. Thus, our current diagnostic criteria for HRS do not rule out CN.8,46 In recent years, evidence has accumulated indicating that decompensated cirrhosis is associated with persistent systemic inflammation, which may play an important part in the progression of cirrhosis and the development of compli- cations, including not only HRS but also CN.16,47–49 Patients with advanced cirrhosis show bacterial translocation from the gut to mesenteric lymph nodes, which is associated with increased levels of proinflammatory cytokines. In addition, pathogen-associated molecular patterns (PAMPs) deriving from bacterial translocation or bacterial infections and damage-associated molecular patterns (DAMPs, e.g., high- mobility group protein B1) may come into play. It is conse- quently attractive to speculate that such inflammatory cascades may also trigger CN, again analogues as to the pathogenesis of myoglobin nephropathy underscoring the importance of macrophages and activated platelets in this disease.50 Figuring out the pathogenesis of CN will be demanding indeed and will require a multidisciplinaryapproach including clinical and experimental nephrologists, hepatologists, and pathologists. “The proof of the pudding is in the eating” (English saying): What is the clinical evidence for cholemic nephropathy? The clinical literature on CN published since the early 20th century was more or less anecdotal, constituting mainly of case reports or case series and CN did not attract much attention either in the hepatologists’ or the nephrologists’ camps (►Table 1). This may be related to its overlap with different medical disciplines and their respective interests, and general problems with research funding for CN; even a lack of clinical appeal due to the generally poor prognosis of jaundiced patients with AKI may be a reason. The pathology series published by van Slambrouck et al including analysis of 44 patients (classified as 23 cirrhotic jaundice, 14 obstructive jaundice, 5 hepatic jaundice, 2 hemolytic jaundice) had a game changing effect, at least with the invention of the new name “bile cast nephropathy” and suddenly raised consider- able interest in the cause and consequences of kidney disease in jaundiced patients.8,46 In essence, the findings of this interesting study can be summarized in that the presence of tubular casts (positive for Hall’s stain indicating bilirubin content) correlated with higher serum bilirubin levels and showed a trend toward higher creatinine levels. However, as we discussed above, changing the name from CN to bile cast nephropathy may harbor significant disadvantages, but most importantly, this paper substantially stimulated nephrolo- gists’ and hepatologists’ imaginations and interest in this most likely underestimated and probably important disease and stimulated recent research and discussions.8,46 Subsequently, Bräsen et al investigated the frequency and clinical course of CNin their tertiarycarehospital over a period of more than 15 years (from 2000 to 2016) when a total of 79 patients with liver disease underwent kidney biopsy due to deteriorating renal function.43 It is important to note that this retrospective analysis was based on the presumed histomor- phological characteristics of CN, specifically the presence of Hall’s stain-positive bilirubin casts. Out of 79 patients, 45 presented with AKI and in this study the diagnosis of CN was exclusivelyobserved inpatients with AKI (8 of 45, 18%).All patients with histological findings compatible with CN were positive for bilirubin in the urine, whereas only 22% of non-CN Seminars in Liver Disease Vol. 40 No. 1/2020 Cholemic Nephropathy Reloaded Fickert, Rosenkranz94 D o w n lo a d e d b y: C a rn e g ie M e llo n U n iv e rs ity . C o p yr ig h te d m a te ri a l. T a b le 1 C o m m o n cl in ic al fe at u re s in ca se re p o rt s/ ca se se ri e s o n ch o le m ic n ep h ro p at h y p u b lis h ed si n ce 2 0 0 0 (a d ap te d fr o m K ro n e s et al 1 ) A u th o r Y ea r N o . o f ca se s Et io lo g y o f ja u n d ic e P ea k to ta l b il ir u b in o r m e a n le ve ls � S EM D ia g n o si s o f C N H is to lo g ic a l fi n d in g s O u tc o m e B al et al 5 4 2 0 0 0 3 o u t o f 4 0 Su b ac u te h e p at ic fa ilu re 2 0 � 1 0 .2 m g /d L P o st m o rt e m b io p sy in 3 p at ie n ts M en in g ea l p ro lif er at io n an d th ic ke n in g , b as e m en t m em b ra n e th ic ke n in g , p re se n ce o f h ya lin e, g ra n u la r, an d b ile ca st s N /A K ie w e et al 5 5 2 0 0 4 1 H o d g ki n ’s ly m p h o m a w it h liv er in vo lv em en t an d ja u n d ic e 1 .7 m g /d L B io p sy M u lt ip le in tr at u b u la r g re e n is h b ile ca st s Im p ro ve m en t o f re n al fu n ct io n al o n g w it h re st o ra ti o n o f ch o le st as is an d liv er fu n ct io n B e tj es an d B aj em a5 6 2 0 0 6 2 O b st ru ct iv e ja u n d ic e in p at ie n t A , au to im m u n e h e p at it is in p at ie n t B 3 6 .2 m g /d L 3 3 .2 m g /d L B io p sy B ili ru b in p ig m en t in th e tu b u le s Tu b u la r ce ll n ec ro si s Im p ro ve m en t o f re n al fu n ct io n al o n g w it h d ec re as e o f b ili ru b in in p at ie n t A , p at ie n t B d ie d U sl u et al 5 7 2 0 1 0 2 0 O b st ru ct iv e ja u n d ic e (m ea n d u ra ti o n 1 5 .5 � 1 .4 d ) 1 0 .1 � 1 .0 m g /d L B io p sy D ila ta ti o n o f p e ri tu b u la r ve n u le s, ac u te tu b u la r n ec ro si s A b so lu te re co ve ry o f re n al fu n ct io n in al lp at ie n ts af te r b ili ar y d ra in ag e B re d ew o ld et al 5 8 2 0 1 1 1 P ro g re ss iv e ja u n d ic e d u e to m o n o n u cl e o si s in fe ct io sa 3 6 .1 m g /d L B io p sy A cu te tu b u la r n ec ro si s, ca st s co n si st in g o f b ili ru b in p ig m en t P at ie n t fu lly re co ve re d va n Sl am b ro u ck et al 8 2 0 1 3 2 4 O b st ru ct iv e ch o le st as is 2 4 .9 m g /d L A u to p sy B io p sy B ile ca st s w it h in vo lv em en t o f d is ta l n e p h ro n se g m en ts N /A R af at et al 5 9 2 0 1 3 1 Ja u n d ic e d u e to m al ig n an t ch o la n g io ca rc in o m a 3 0 m g /d L B io p sy B ile th ro m b i in d ila te d tu b u le s B ile g ra n u le s in cy to p la sm o f tu b u la r ep it h e lia l ce lls P at ie n t d ie d d u e to ch o la n g io ca rc in o m a Lu ci an o et al 1 2 2 0 1 4 1 C h o le st at ic ja u n d ic e re la te d to in g es ti o n o f an ab o lic st er o id s 4 7 .9 m g /d L U ri n e m ic ro sc o p y B io p sy P ig m en te d g ra n u la r ca st s an d h ea vi ly p ig m en te d re n al tu b u la r ep it h el ia lc el l ca st s u p o n u ri n e m ic ro sc o p y D ila te d tu b u le s co n ta in in g h ea vi ly p ig m en te d g ra n u la r ca st s u p o n h is to lo g y Se ru m cr ea ti n in e le ve ls re m ai n e d m ild ly el ev at e d va n d er W ijn g aa rt et al 6 0 2 0 1 4 1 O b st ru ct iv e ja u n d ic e w it h m u lt ip le g al ls to n es in th e co m m o n b ile d u ct 3 9 .6 m g /d L B io p sy B ile ca st s, re ac ti ve ch an g es o f tu b u la r ep it h e lia l ce lls Im p ro ve m en t o f ki d n ey fu n ct io n af te r b ili ar y d ra in ag e an d h em o d ia ly si s fo r 5 w k Ja in et al 6 1 2 0 1 5 1 Ja u n d ic e fo llo w in g w ed g e re se ct io n o f liv e r 4 2 .5 m g /d L U ri n e m ic ro sc o p y B io p sy B ile ca st s an d le u ci n e cr ys ta ls u p o n u ri n e m ic ro sc o p y In tr at u b u la r b ile ca st s u p o n ki d n ey b io p sy N /A Se q u e ir a an d G u 6 2 2 0 1 5 1 A lc o h o lic st e at o h ep at it is 2 3 .1 m g /d L B io p sy A cu te tu b u la r in ju ry , b ile ca st s H em o d ia ly si s T ab at ab ae e et al 6 3 2 0 1 5 2 C h o le st at ic ja u n d ic e re la te d to in g es ti o n o f an ab o lic st er o id s 5 0 m g /d L B io p sy A cu te tu b u la r ep it h el ia l ce ll d am ag e, b ile ca st d ep o si ti o n Im p ro ve m en t o f se ru m cr ea ti n in e al o n g w it h d ec re as e o f b ili ru b in P at el et al 6 4 2 0 1 6 1 D ru g -in d u ce d liv er in ju ry se co n d ar y to an ti b io ti c u se 1 9 .3 m g /d L B io p sy P ig m en te d b ili ru b in ca st s an d d ro p le ts in p ro xi m al an d d is ta lt u b u le s, tu b u la r at ro p h y, an d in te rs ti ti al fi b ro si s C o m b in ed liv er an d ki d n ey tr an sp la n t (C on ti n u ed ) Seminars in Liver Disease Vol. 40 No. 1/2020 Cholemic Nephropathy Reloaded Fickert, Rosenkranz 95 D o w n lo a d e d b y: C a rn e g ie M e llo n U n iv e rs ity . C o p yr ig h te d m a te ri a l. T a b le 1 (C on ti n u ed ) A u th o r Y ea r N o . o f ca se s Et io lo g y o f ja u n d ic e P ea k to ta l b il ir u b in o r m e a n le ve ls � S EM D ia g n o si s o f C N H is to lo g ic a l fi n d in g s O u tc o m e Se n s et al 6 5 2 0 1 6 1 Ep is o d e o f ch o le st as is in a p at ie n t w it h M at u ri ty O n se t D ia b et es o f th e Yo u th (M O D Y ) ty p e 5 2 0 .1 m g /d L B io p sy B ile ca st s, m ar ke d tu b u la r n ec ro si s Im p ro ve m en t o f se ru m cr ea ti n in e al o n g w it h d ec re as e o f b ili ru b in W er n er et al 6 6 2 0 1 6 1 P ai n le ss ja u n d ic e d u e to ch o la n g io ce llu la r ca rc in o m a N /A B io p sy D ila te d tu b u le s, b ile ca st s R e so lu ti o n o f re n al fu n ct io n af te r re st o ra ti o n o f ch o le st as is A lk h u n ai zi et al 6 7 2 0 1 6 1 C h o le st at ic ja u n d ic e re la te d to in g es ti o n o f an ab o lic st er o id s 4 4 m g /d L B io p sy B ile ca st s w it h in d is ta l tu b u la r lu m in a, fi la m en to u s b ile in cl u si o n s w it h in tu b u la r ce lls , si g n s o f ac u te tu b u la r in ju ry Im p ro ve m en t o f se ru m cr ea ti n in e al o n g w it h d ec re as e o f b ili ru b in A ln as ra lla h et al 6 8 2 0 1 6 1 Fl u cl o xa ci lli n -in d u ce d liv e r d ys fu n ct io n 5 1 .5 m g /d L B io p sy D ila te d tu b u le s, b ile ca st s, tu b u la r ep it h e lia l in ju ry D ec lin e o f se ru m cr ea ti n in e af te r im p ro ve m en t o f ja u n d ic e M o h ap at ra et al 6 9 2 0 1 6 2 0 Se ve re fa lc ip ar u m m al ar ia co m p lic at ed w it h ja u n d ic e 2 6 .5 � 4 .1 m g /d L U ri n e m ic ro sc o p y B io p sy B ile -s ta in ed ca st s u p o n u ri n e m ic ro sc o p y N u m er o u s tu b u la r ca st s, ac u te tu b u la r N e cr o si s b u t m ai n ta in ed g lo m er u la r ar ch it e ct u re u p o n ki d n ey h is to lo g y R e co ve ry ti m e o f re n al d ys fu n c- ti o n 1 5 .1 � 6 .5 d Le cl e rc et al 1 0 2 0 1 6 1 D ru g -in d u ce d h ep at ic ja u n d ic e 3 0 .9 m g /d L B io p sy B ro w n ca st s cl o g g in g th e tu b u la r lu m en , b ro w n d ep o si ts in th e cy to p la sm o f tu b u la r ep it h el ia l ce lls Im p ro ve m en t o f ki d n ey fu n ct io n af te r n o rm al iz at io n o f b ili ru b in an d h e m o d ia ly si s A n io rt et al 7 0 2 0 1 7 1 O b st ru ct iv e ch o le st as is ca u se d b y st o n es in th e co m m o n b ile d u ct 3 2 .6 m g /d L B io p sy In tr al u m in al g re e n ca st s, tu b u la r in ju ry C o m p le te re co ve ry fo llo w in g re m o va l o f th e b ile d u ct o b st ru ct io n N ay ak et al 4 6 2 0 1 7 5 7 4 2 A C LF , 2 5 d ec o m p en sa te d ci rr h o si s M ed ia n (r an g e) 2 7 .0 m g /d L (1 .5 – 7 2 .8 ) P o st m o rt e m b io p sy H al l’ s st ai n -p o si ti ve ca st s in 5 7 fr o m 1 2 7 au to p sy ki d n ey sp ec im en s. In te rs ti ti al ed em a 1 1 /5 7 , in te rs ti ti al fi b ro si s 6 /5 7 , tu b u la r at ro p h y 1 /5 7 P o st m o rt e m b io p sy st u d y B rä se n et al 4 3 2 0 1 9 8 3 vi ra l h e p at it is , 1 A IH , 4 o th e rs 4 5 .5 � 1 7 .8 m g /d L B io p sy H al l’ s st ai n -p o si ti ve tu b u la r ca st s, p ig m en t in cl u si o n s in tu b u la r ep it h e lia l ce lls 5 /8 re q u ir ed re n al re p la ce m e n t th e ra p y A b b re vi at io n s: A C LF , ac u te o n ch ro n ic liv er fa ilu re ; A IH , au to im m u n e h e p at it is ; C N , ch o le m ic n ep h ro p at h y; SE M , st an d ar d er ro r o f th e m e an . Seminars in Liver Disease Vol. 40 No. 1/2020 Cholemic Nephropathy Reloaded Fickert, Rosenkranz96 D o w n lo a d e d b y: C a rn e g ie M e llo n U n iv e rs ity . C o p yr ig h te d m a te ri a l. patients had detectable urinary bilirubin. An additional uni- variate logistic regression analysis identified bilirubin > 5 times the ULN and alkaline phosphatase > 3 times the ULN as independent risk factors. Importantly, this study calls the specificity of histological findings in CN into question. To further characterize the histomorphology of CN and to deter- mine the specificity of these findings, the authors developed a questionnaire and included some CN cases in a group of 20 acute tubular injury cases (7 CN, 7 cases with liver disease and elevated bilirubin but no CN, and 6 cases with pigment deposits for different reasons such as lipofuscin, iron, or porphyria). The authors invited six highly experienced neph- ropathologists from three different pathology departments to participate and answer the questionnaire. Neither the evalua- tion ofall six raters nora subgroup analysis based on theirlevel of experience (nephropathologists with > 10 vs. > 15 years of experience) identified discriminating histopathological features among the chosen entities indicating that the histo- pathological findings in CN may be less specific than initially suggested. Moreover, Hall’s stain is known to have a low sensitivity.8 Of note, this important study confirmed that kidney biopsy carried a significant risk of bleeding (6 of 79 patients, 8%; 4 underwent surgery or vascular coiling). There- fore, kidney biopsy/histology may not represent the ideal diagnostic test and the findings of the Bräsen et al study reinforce the need for noninvasive and alternative diagnostic methods. Both studies raise the pivotal question about the esti- mated number of unreported cases of CN within the group of patients currently referred to as AKI-HRS, since they may also fulfill the revised modern criteria for this syn- drome.51,52 It is attractive to hypothesize that AKI-HRS patients with insufficient response to terlipressin or nor- adrenalin may be most likely to have CN. Diagnostic Challenges in Cholemic Nephropathy A consensus on diagnosticcriteria for CN issorely missed. From the clinicians’ point of view, the differential diagnosis of CN arisesincaseswith(prolonged) deepjaundiceand concomitant impairment of renal function which may not be primarily related to or explained by clinical significant portal hyperten- sion (i.e., the situation with only minimal or lack of ascites). Currently, the diagnosis of CN is solely based upon kidney histology with Hall’s stain-positive bilirubin casts as the diag- nostic corner stone, which are frequently considered as disease specific. The tubular casts in CN may significantly differ in color (e.g., greenish yellow, light to dark red), composition (variable degree of cellular debris), and localization (primarily in the distal nephron segments, also in the proximal segments in severe cases). Pathologists use the Hall’s stain (i.e., using Fouchet’s reagent which converts bilirubin to green biliverdin) to confirm bilirubin in the casts and Perls’ Prussian blue stain to rule out ferric iron deposits. It again has to be mentioned that Hall’s histochemical stain is insensitive. In addition, kidney biopsy in patients with advanced liver disease may involve a significant risk of bleeding, as also observed in the Bräsen et al study.43 Consequently, the benefit–risk ratio for kidney biopsy in such cases is complicated, especially in the light of the current lack of therapeutic consequences. Together with the current evidence that kidney histology in CN might not be as specific as has been suggested,43 this also raises the critical question of whether CN is indeed a specific entity in each individual case. Alternatively, CN may also represent a part of the spectrum of AKI in jaundiced patients also including those with advanced chronic liver disease, acute on chronic liver failure (ACLF), or inflammatory-driven AKI. At least what is known from published autopsy studies argues for such an assumption, since there are numerous patients reported show- ing morphological characteristics of CN in kidney histology but were clinically classified as AKI-HRS.8,46 A postmortem kidney biopsy study by Nayak et al included 127 renal biopsies for analysis obtained from 84 patients with decompensated cir- rhosis and 43 patients with ACLF.46 Fifty-seven of the total 127 (45%) biopsies showed CN with Hall’s stain-positive and Perls’ stain-negative tubular casts. Patients with CN had significantly higher levels of serum total bilirubin, total leukocyte count, and Model of End-stage Liver Disease score than those without CN. The authors concluded that CN was found in 72% of patients with ACLF and 27% patients with decompensated cirrhosis hospitalized with HRS-AKI. This indicates that a so far unde- fined percentage of patients fulfilling current AKI-HRS criteria will show kidney histology compatible with the findings in CN. Such a concept is further supported by the finding in Bräsen et al’s study that patients with a unalterableliver problem did not recover from CN in contrast to those with a treatable liver disease (e.g., chronic hepatitis B).43 It is attractive to speculate that the percentage of CN in terlipressin nonrepsonder AKI- HRS patients will be high. However, all these intriguing ques- tions have to be resolved in future prospective clinical trials, since postmortemanalysis and retrospective analysis ofkidney biopsies in AKI-HRS patients have several flaws and weak- nesses ranging from the problem of potential postmortem artifacts to the important issue of selection bias. Still, the studies discussed above are relevant, since they challenge our current concepts of definition and classification of AKI- HRS on one hand and those of CN on the other and will stimulate further essential research in this area. The fact that kidney biopsy is risky especially in AKI patients with advanced liver disease raises the critical issue of alternative and noninvasive diagnostic methods. One rather simple method could be urine cytospin and cellblock analysis,53 but this still has to be evaluated in prospective trials. In the Nayak et al study, there was no difference in the (routine) urinary analysis between patients with and with- out CN; however, they did not use adequate protocols to detect casts (e.g., centrifugation of 10 mL of urine at 2,000 revolutions per minute for 20 minutes) and the authors critically discuss this interesting issue in detail.46 Future prospective studies should therefore evaluate such protocols for potential noninvasive detection of Fouchet’s or Hall’s stain-positive casts in CN patients. Moreover, urinary biomarkers such as NGAL, interleukin-18, kidney injury molecule-1, and liver-type fatty acid binding protein should be studied in CN as discussed in detail earlier.1 Seminars in Liver Disease Vol. 40 No. 1/2020 Cholemic Nephropathy Reloaded Fickert, Rosenkranz 97 D o w n lo a d e d b y: C a rn e g ie M e llo n U n iv e rs ity . C o p yr ig h te d m a te ri a l. Management of Patients with Cholemic Nephropathy Currently, there is no specific treatment or management recommendation for CN available. The published evidence on that issue still has to be referred to as anecdotal and publication bias is additionally very likely (►Table 1). Since jaundiced patients are known to be at significantly increased risk for AKI, potentially nephrotoxic agents should be omitted to minimize tubular stress and volumestatus of patients has to be checked and corrected carefully. In some patients, however, complete recovery of renal function after successful biliary drainage was observed, which is again a strong argument for cholephiles as causing factors of CN. There is currently no single published prospective clinical trial on the therapeutic management of CN, which may originate in the ambiguity of the diagnostic criteria and standards of CN, the discussed differential diagnostic problems (especially clear discrimina- tion from AKI-HRS), and the mixed patients population. Animal experiments suggest that bile acids such as norUDCA may represent attractive candidates for medical treatment.14 Task List for Cholemic Nephropathy • We need diagnostic criteria and standards for CN. • One of the most critical issues in the area is the widely unknown clinical impact of CN in patients with and without concomitant liver disease and the undefined but likely overlap with AKI-HRS. For that aim, we urgently need carefully designed prospective large cohort studies, which should be performed by powerful study groups. • Careful retrospective histological analysis of explanted kidneys from patients with refractory AKI-HRS undergo- ing combined liver and kidney transplantation should be most informative. • Clinicalstudiesshouldespeciallyaimontheidentificationof triggers,risk factors,andnoninvasivediagnostictestsforCN. • Animal models with cholestatic liver diseases should be screened for CN, since CBDL in rodents comprises several limitations.1 • Mechanisms of renal tubular cell injury, impact of bile acid signaling molecules such as FXR and TGR5 on renal bile acid transport, and mediators of inflammation in CN have to be determined. • Since CN may have numerous parallels to myoglobin nephropathy where platelets were just recently shown to play a major role,50 the influence of platelets should be clarified. • Impact of activation of inflammatory cells, of DAMPs or PAMPs,as well as ofdifferentcytokines and chemokines has to be determined and such studies should specifically focus on the identification of novel potential therapeutic targets. Main Concepts and Learning Points • The term cholemic nephropathy (CN) refers to renal dysfunction with tubular epithelial injury primarily in distal nephron segments accompanied by intraluminal cast formation in patients with deep jaundice. • The mechanisms of tubular cell injury remain elusive and whether tubular casts in CN are cause or consequence of the disease is unclear; the role of bilirubin is controversial, but the role of bile acids is likely pivotal. • Lack of clear diagnostic criteria and standards as well as the need for invasive and potentially risky kidney biopsy currently hinders accurate but exact diagnosis and con- sequently a clear picture of the clinical impact of CN in the absence of prospective clinical trials. • CN frequently resolves if cholestasis can be resolved, but there is no specific therapy to achieve this. • Research in CN should focus on its pathophysiology, identification of noninvasive diagnostic tests, determina- tion of its prognosis and clinical importance, and on the development of specific treatment strategies. Conflict of Interest P.F. reports grants from Dr. Falk Pharma GmbH, other from Medical University of Graz, grants from Austrian Science Foundation, during the conduct of the study; grants from Dr. Falk Pharma GmbH, other from Medical University of Graz, outside the submitted work. P.F. has a patent WO2006119803 licensed to Medical University of Graz, and a patent WO20099013334 licensed to Medical Univer- sity of Graz. References 1 Krones E, Pollheimer MJ, Rosenkranz AR, Fickert P. Cholemic nephropathy - historical notes and novel perspectives. Biochim Biophys Acta Mol Basis Dis 2018;1864(4 Pt B): 1356–1366 2 Dawson JL. Acute post-operative renal failure in obstructive jaundice. Ann R Coll Surg Engl 1968;42(03):163–181 3 Armstrong CP, Dixon JM, Taylor TV, Davies GC. Surgical experience of deeply jaundiced patients with bile duct obstruction. Br J Surg 1984;71(03):234–238 4 Ariza X, Graupera I, Coll M, et al; CANONIC Investigators, EASL CLIF Consortium. 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Bilirubin-associated acute tubular necrosis in a kidney transplant recipient. Am J Kidney Dis 2013;61(05):782–785 60 van der Wijngaart H, van Dam B, van den Berg JG, Krul-Poel YH, Klemt-Kropp M, Bax WA. A 73-year-old male with jaundice and acute kidney injury. Bile cast nephropathy. Neth J Med 2014;72 (02):95–99, 99 61 Jain K, Gupta A, Singh HK, Nickeleit V, Kshirsagar AV. Bile cast nephropathy. Kidney Int 2015;87(02):484 62 Sequeira A, Gu X. Bile cast nephropathy: an often forgotten diagnosis. Hemodial Int 2015;19(01):132–135 63 Tabatabaee SM, Elahi R, Savaj S. Bile cast nephropathy due to cholestatic jaundice after using stanozolol in 2 amateur body- builders. Iran J Kidney Dis 2015;9(04):331–334 64 Patel J, Walayat S, Kalva N, Palmer-Hill S, Dhillon S. Bile cast nephropathy: a case report and review of the literature. World J Gastroenterol 2016;22(27):6328–6334 65 Sens F, Bacchetta J, Rabeyrin M, Juillard L. Efficacy of extracorpo- real albumin dialysis for acute kidney injury due to cholestatic jaundice nephrotoxicity. BMJ Case Rep 2016;2016:2016 66 Werner CR, Wagner V, Sipos B, et al. Acute kidney injury in liver failure [in German]. Dtsch Med Wochenschr 2016;141(21):1559 67 Alkhunaizi AM, ElTigani MA, Rabah RS, Nasr SH. Acute bile nephropathy secondary to anabolic steroids. Clin Nephrol 2016; 85(02):121–126 68 Alnasrallah B, Collins JF, Zwi LJ. Bile nephropathy in flucloxacillin- induced cholestatic liver dysfunction. Case Rep Nephrol 2016; 2016:4162674 69 Mohapatra MK, Behera AK, Karua PC, et al. Urinary bile casts in bile cast nephropathy secondary to severe falciparum malaria. Clin Kidney J 2016;9(04):644–648 70 Aniort J, Poyet A, Kemeny JL, Philipponnet C, Heng AE. Bile cast nephropathy caused by obstructive cholestasis. Am J Kidney Dis 2017;69(01):143–146 Seminars in Liver Disease Vol. 40 No. 1/2020 Cholemic Nephropathy Reloaded Fickert, Rosenkranz100 D o w n lo a d e d b y: C a rn e g ie M e llo n U n iv e rs ity . C o p yr ig h te d m a te ri a l. work_3fxxk6efing3rduaths2jzyesa ---- Volume 66 Number 8 August 2014 James J. Robinson Executive Director JO “My seminar- attendance mantra is to come away with three credible ideas that I will try to act upon.” “The only person you are destined to become is the person you decide to be.” — Ralph Waldo Emerson Over the last few days, I’ve been thinking Emersonian thoughts. For those unacquainted, Emerson is a giant of American literature—a poet and essayist who helped frame the transcendental movement in the mid-1800s. Others can explain transcendentalism much human nature and celebrating the inspirational beauty of nature itself. While it has been decades since I last read Emerson, his ethos occurred to me while attending a professional development seminar on the shore of Lake Louise in Canada’s Banff National Park. The venue, with its partially ice-covered lake, snow-covered craggy mountains, and ancient glaciers was the art of nature at its most inspirational. I kid you not in saying that it is one of the most transcendent places that I have ever visited. While the view was an eyeful, my mind’s eye was equally opened by an impressive array of speakers assembled by the American Society of Association Executives for the forum, 360 View on Leadership. The goal: Help us CEO-types become better leaders. I took many pages of notes, but my seminar-attendance mantra is to come away with three credible ideas that I will try to act upon. What was my trio from this event? They were obvious: Obvious populations matter. Demographer Kenneth Gronback looks at population trends to gain insight that can be used in marketing and social theory. He put it generically that a bigger pool of people means a bigger pool of potential association members. For example, we in the U.S. association community have a lot of members from the gigantic “Baby Boomer” generation (1945–1964) based on the sheer number of people born during this period. Conversely, we see a clear decline in the number of “Generation X” (1965–1984) members as there were simply fewer people born during this period. “Generation Y” (1985– 2004), however, is a generation of record numbers—even bigger than the Boomers. As these have the right value proposition for these young people who breathe social media, treasure diversity, and are passionate about sustainability. That’s intriguing. Obvious ideas come from unobvious places. Professor Alan Gregerman of Georgetown University recounted how we are most likely to collaborate with people and groups that we know since people generally have an aversion to interacting with people who are different. We are most likely to innovate, however, by reaching beyond our comfortable communities. reshaping our thinking in new and creative ways. This does not apply to just businesses and networks of colleagues, but to cultures and countries as well. That’s provocative. Obviousness is in the eye of the beholder. Creative Revolution Arms Dealer Todd Henry advised attendees to avoid fossilizing around practices that may have allowed us to reach one plateau, but may be hindering us from reaching the next one. As a tactic to “continually assault the beachhead of apathy,” he encouraged the attendees to continue to have curiosity and be urgent in our learning. A great approach to use with colleagues, members, clients, friends, and family members is to ask a single question: “What is something that I am not seeing, but that is obvious to you?” A person will be well-equipped for growth if he or she can get (and is willing to listen to) the answer to that question. That’s an open invitation for you to give me guidance. Was there more good advice? Plenty. Like the Canadian Rockies outside the window, there was much to scale for the motivated hiker. And like the Rockies, that’s a journey best taken one step at a time. A transcendental view of Lake Louise in June. JOM, Vol. 66, No. 8, 2014 DOI: 10.1007/s11837-014-1076-y Ó 2014 The Minerals, Metals & Materials Society 1349 In the final analysis work_3ia4zvshsbhf7nozjkxgdvgwti ---- THE HUMANISTIC PSYCHOLOGIST, 33(3), 175–186 Copyright © 2005, Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, Inc. The Birth of Tragedy and The Trauma of Birth Will L. Wadlington Center for Counseling and Psychological Services Penn State University This article examines the early writings of Friedrich Nietzsche and Otto Rank in terms of Harold Bloom’s notion of an “anxiety of influence.” Like the “strong poets” in Bloom’s theory, each of these innovators needed to resolve his ambivalence toward precursors to create new theories and approaches. Nietzsche and Rank are seen as “pre- mature births,” thinkers before their time; both went beyond their own early works and attempted self-creation. Through an emphasis on affirmation of life despite death’s in- evitability, both were able to free themselves creatively. Rank drew from Nietzsche’s philosophy and his example in developing an early existential psychotherapy. Otto Rank’s gift to Sigmund Freud on his 70th birthday was an elegant, white, leather-bound edition of the complete works of Friedrich Nietzsche. As both a gift of gratitude and a “defiant reminder of Freud’s unacknowledged debt” to Nietzsche (Rudnytsky, 1987, p. 199), Rank’s gesture betrays an ambivalence toward precur- sors that accompanies artistic innovation and creative thought; Harold Bloom (1973) called it an “anxiety of influence.” Rank’s ambivalence toward Freud, in re- minding Freud of his own ambivalence toward Nietzsche, is an interesting parallel to Nietzsche’s ambivalence toward Schopenhauer1 and his subsequent declaration of independence from him in The Birth of Tragedy (1872/1967). Requests for reprints should be sent to Will L. Wadlington, Center for Counseling and Psychologi- cal Services, 221 Ritenour Health Center, Pennsylvania State University, University Park, PA 16802. E-mail: WLW3@sa.psu.edu 1Nietzsche had other ambivalances, as did Freud and Rank: In addition to Nietzsche’s uneasy relation- ship to Schopenhauer, there is his relationship to Wagner, and for that matter, to Socrates. In addition to Freud’s ambivalence toward Nietzsche, there is Freud’s ambivalence toward Breuer, Fleiss, and several of his followers within the circle of founders of psychoanalysis. And, of course, along with Rank’s ambiva- lence toward Freud, there is Rank’s ambivalence toward Nietzsche and Schopenhauer. The focus of this article, however, is on Nietzsche’s influence on Freud and Nietzsche’s and Freud’s influence on Rank. mailto:WLW3@sa.psu.edu mailto:WLW3@sa.psu.edu mailto:WLW3@sa.psu.edu 176 WADLINGTON The impact on the psyche of the discovery that every new world of thought is al- ready inhabited can be profound; it can have a stifling effect on the developing sense of self. Alternatively, it can be the source of a necessary and healthy perspective on the limits even of creativity. Everything depends on the reaction to this realization. As Nietzsche exemplifies, and as Rank understood, it is necessary for the artist (meaning every creative person) to overcome past influences—including one’s own past. As Rank noted, a still further risk to the original artist is that his or her own work may become an inhibiting, mocking double, subverting the full expres- sion of the self (cf. Wadlington, 2001). The challenge to the artist who would strive for originality is immense. Throughout the history of modern art, at least until postmodernism with its em- phasis on appropriation and pastiche, originality has been seen as the sine qua non of creativity. To have one’s thought or work regarded as derivative of another’s is to be “only” an imitator or a slave to artistic tradition or style. Despite the fact that the creative process often involves experimentation with new combinations of existing elements, at its extreme the conceit of the creative person is that every creation must be a creatio ex nihilo, a new work that arrives in the world, establishes a new style, and changes the nature of our perception. Each of the individuals to be dis- cussed here—Nietzsche, Freud, and Rank—was an innovator who faced the daunt- ing task of creating a radically new approach to life. Nietzsche’s philosophy, Freud’s psychoanalysis, and Rank’s will therapy emerged from the deep self-re- flection and self-analysis of these three strong personalities and each is the product of a difficult struggle to go beyond powerful precursors, whose genius was not eas- ily overlooked. THE ANXIETY OF INFLUENCE Genius is a Romantic notion that still resonates for us; it captures the sense that cer- tain individuals rise above the rest of us by virtue of, especially, imaginative talent. Because their abilities seem beyond our comprehension, we make extreme attribu- tions to them; thus geniuses appear to have arrived on the scene spontaneously and perhaps even supernaturally. Geniuses easily become objects of our admiration and awe, and that awe, according to Bloom (1973), frequently feeds the inhibition and anxiety experienced by other, younger, imaginative artists, preventing further creative action. Great works of the past, in any field of creative endeavor, send chills up our spines. In The Anxiety of Influence, Bloom captured that feeling in an epigram, a quotation from another of Nietzsche’s precursors and influences, Ralph Waldo Emerson, who said, “In every work of genius we recognize our own re- jected thoughts; they come back to us with a certain alienated majesty” (p. 48). Be- 177 THE BIRTH OF TRAGEDY cause we see ourselves in others we cannot deny having intellectual parentage, and that can be a stifling realization. Bloom (1973) challenges the commonplace assumption that the history of art and literature (or any creative endeavor) has a benign influence on the artist. To the contrary, Bloom’s idea is that the precursor, the “strong poet”(p. 5) or creative ge- nius who has gone before, is an inhibiting influence who must be overcome for an artist to speak with his or her own voice. This overcoming often involves radical re- vision of the precursor’s work, made possible by the new artist’s misappropriation or misreading of the previous work. The anxiety felt by the creative artist arises from the realization that he is “not the originator of his own works; that he has, so to speak, come too late onto the scene. Because every son, or daughter, for that matter, must inevitably arrive after the parent, a tragedy built into the creative pro- cess is, in Nietzsche’s words, the tragedy of ‘belatedness’” (Bloom, 1975, p. 83). Bloom’s seemingly original contribution to literary theory is not without its own precursors. Bloom (1973) considers Nietzsche, a “prophet of the antithetical,” and Freud, an investigator of ambivalence, as “prime influences” on his theory (p. 8). Bloom, however, thinks Nietzsche and Freud “underestimated poets and po- etry” (p. 8) but that Rank showed “a greater awareness of the artist’s fight against art” (p. 9). Rank had titled one of the chapters of Art and Artist (1932/1968) “The Artist’s Fight with Art.” In it he described what he called the “double attitude of the personal artist to the prevailing art-ideology, which, on the one hand, he uses for the justification of his individual creativity, but, on the other, opposes with all the vigour of his personality” (p. 365). If Rank was an influence on Bloom, he was one who apparently was not misread. MISREADING AND MISUSE The kind of misreading to which Bloom (1973) refers, functions “so as to clear imaginative space” (p.5) for new creation. Misreading is the way an artist who has been frozen in awe of his or her precursors thaws and begins to move independ- ently. Misreading, in this sense, is fundamentally different from disrespect that drives distortion and spiteful misuse of an earlier author’s work. Nietzsche is a case in point. Historically his ideas have been maliciously misused; as a consequence he has a reputation as an enigmatic figure and has been called, at times, a madman, a Nazi, and The Antichrist. But despite the ambivalence it engenders, and the ad hominem attack it elicits, and because his work has also been loved and revered by some, Nietzsche’s thought has survived, and is recurrently relevant to psycholo- gists interested in an existential approach. Rank, like Nietzsche, has been widely misunderstood. Kainer and Kainer (1984) applied Bloom’s notion to the misapprehension or distortion of his work by 178 WADLINGTON later thinkers such as Erich Fromm. Fromm, they contend, mistakenly believed that Rank had unintentionally developed views of “truth, external reality, and de- pendency … [that] … bore a close link with fascist philosophy” (p. 173). What Fromm achieved, according to Kainer and Kainer, was to attribute to Rank some of the pessimism and determinism Rank previously challenged in Freud, as well as the “Schopenhaurian view of will as evil that Rank had detached himself from” (p. 174). In another attempt to reread Rank, Kainer and Gourevitch (1983) challenged the reductive psychobiographical method of Stolorow and Atwood (1976), who saw Rank’s separation from Freud in pathological terms as narcissistic and archai- cally grandiose. There is no question there is a certain conceit in the presumption to originality but Kainer and Gourevich successfully distinguished between a pathologizing view of this conceit as megalomaniacal and a view that it demon- strates healthy self-creation. They understood Rank’s idea of creative will in posi- tive terms, not just as a deviation and rebellion against Freud, but as a striving to- ward individuation. DEATH AND IMMORTALITY As a young man interested in artists and their creations, Rank immersed himself in Nietzsche’s work. What Rank was able to appropriate from Nietzsche and make his own, was a “profound understanding of the ‘tragedy of the creative man’” (Kainer & Gourevitch, 1983, p. 539), a grasp of the difficulty of achieving origi- nality, and an apprehension of the inevitability that a truly original work is not likely to be understood in the creator’s lifetime. The “artist-type” in Rank owes much to Nietzsche’s “overman” (cf. Wadlington, 2001); both share this tragic awareness of the difficulty of overcoming the past, including one’s own past. As both Nietzsche and Rank understood, the past often appears as “fate,” seeming to obviate the feeling of independent will. But both thought beyond the belief in the past as fate. Nietzsche spoke of becoming one’s own fate and Rank of creative will- ing even in the face of death and limitation. What Nietzsche, and Rank, who appro- priated from him, possessed was an existential appreciation for the necessity of liv- ing fully in spite of death and in spite of the past as a predetermining cause and fate. “Every poet,” according to Bloom (1973), “begins … by rebelling more strongly against the consciousness of death’s necessity than all other men and women do” (p. 10). There are two crucial tasks for creative types: forgetting dead poets and not becoming a forgotten dead poet. The past impinges on the present. The reminder that our thoughts are not origi- nal, that we have ancestors, teaches us that all things die and that only through ar- tistic rebirth can death be overcome. Both Nietzsche and Rank rejected a pessimis- tic view and asserted that original art and thought must arise out of an affirming, a saying “yes” to life, and that the achievement of immortality, through the creation 179 THE BIRTH OF TRAGEDY of lasting works, is the only recourse for the creative individual, in the face of the overwhelming reality of death. PREMATURITY AND BELATEDNESS A philosopher of dysynchrony and untimeliness (cf. Kaufmann, 1974b, p. 10), Nietzsche attempted to avoid precursors by creating himself. Rank, emulating Nietzsche, likewise attempted to give birth to himself—to will himself into exis- tence. However, as Kainer and Kainer (1984) note, the task is greater than merely overcoming precursors. Once a creative individual in any field has successfully separated from the dominant influences of the past, he or she faces the “necessity of being split off … from the mainstream of thought” (p. 176), of being alone, alienated, and potentially misunderstood. In addition to the “belatedness” Bloom considers, we must also speak of “prematurity.” Nietzsche (1882/1974), in fact, ad- dresses his readers, along with himself, as “premature births” (p. 346). His famous madman, announcing the death of God, realized that he had “come too early” (p.182). Like Nietzsche, Rank was ahead of his time. The psychoanalytic world of the early 20th century was not ready for his early therapeutic innovations and his con- ception of the creative will to immortality. The prematurity of Rank’s thought has historically led to its neglect, a fact that comes to light occasionally, in brief flashes, when one glimpses Rankian ideas that have been assimilated into the mainstream of psychology. It may be possible, however, to recognize some of the important origins of what we now call existential psychology in the early inde- pendent works of these two authors. THE BIRTH OF TRAGEDY The Birth of Tragedy was Friedrich Nietzsche’s first book. Published in 1872, when he was 27, this book was and remains, in the words of translator Walter Kaufman, “one of the most suggestive and influential studies of tragedy ever writ- ten” (in Nietzsche, 1872/1967, p. 3). Although written by the young Nietzsche, a precocious philology professor, it gives a preview of the later Nietzsche’s more fully developed Romanticism and perspectivism. The Birth of Tragedy represents a return to original sources—a ricorso in Vico’s (1744/1968) terms—an attempt to go back in time to the original words, sounds, and movements of the ancient Greeks. A reconciliation of art and philosophy, it is both rhapsodic and dialectical. It shows Nietzsche’s capacity for both immer- sion in and perspective on a topic. In this book, Nietzsche attempts to counter the one-sided, idealized view of art as representation, with an appreciation for 180 WADLINGTON art’s unconscious and irrational sources. To visualize what Nietzsche called the Apollonian, we need only think of the pristine white marble and human propor- tions of an ancient Greek temple or sculpture (although more recently art histori- ans remind us that such temples were often brightly painted and statues clothed!). A visualization of what Nietzsche called Dionysian might include an image of a festive occasion, satyrs, and the imbibing of wine. In contrast to the rational, Apollonian view of art as embodying “restraint, measure, … [and] … harmony” (Kaufmann, in Nietzsche, 1872/1967, p. 9), Nietzsche reminds us of the powerful Dionysian spirit of music and dance that lies beneath. He intuitively grasped the origins of tragedy in the choral dance and song of the Dithyramb (“a community of unconscious actors” p. 64). He understood that tragedy arises out of the satiric but that there is a necessary tension between the two. Tragedy needs comedy; to be en- dured by an audience, every tragedy must be relieved by a satiric, comic episode that follows. In The Birth of Tragedy, Nietzsche (1872/1967) penetrates to the core of the tragic sense of life, confronting the harsh reality that despite life’s efforts to pre- vail, death always overcomes. In his words, “man now sees everywhere only the horror or absurdity of existence” (p. 60). This is the very realization reached by Schopenhauer which was the genesis of his pessimistic view that the tragic spirit leads to resignation. But here, by separating himself from his precursor, Nietzsche is able to achieve his deepest existential insight. Nietzsche sees art as “a saving sor- ceress, expert at healing” (p. 60). In the dithyrambic chorus of the Greeks he sees the mythopoetic power for transforming horror and sorrow into humor and song. Thus, in the words of Kaufmann, “from tragedy Nietzsche learns that one can af- firm life as sublime, beautiful, and joyous in spite of all suffering and cruelty.” (Kaufmann, in Nietzsche, 1872/1967, p. 11). This notion of living fully and art- fully in spite of the inevitability of limitation, endings, and death is central to Nietzsche’s aesthetic: Art is not just representational, it is transformative of the spirit! Art is necessary, said Nietzsche, “lest we perish through the truth” (1901/1968, p. 435). Nietzsche’s preface to the 1886 edition of The Birth of Tragedy (1872/1967), written when he was 41, and called “Attempt at a Self-Criticism,” is a remarkable work in itself, and according to Kaufmann, “one of the finest things he ever wrote” (p. 3). In it Nietzsche offers the sort of honest perspective on himself most of us (as would-be-critics) could only hope to have. With the perspective of 14 years of ex- perience, Nietzsche was able to mock himself, not out of meanness but with humor and true humility. In his words, The Birth of Tragedy was “a first book … in every bad sense of that label … [a] book marked by every defect of youth.” And he goes on, “badly writ- ten, ponderous, embarrassing, image-mad and image-confused, sentimental, … uneven in tempo … very convinced and therefore disdainful of proof … a book for 181 THE BIRTH OF TRAGEDY initiates” (1872/1967, p. 19). Here Nietzsche separated himself from his own pre- vious work that had become an inhibiting precursor. Every artists’ work is both an embarrassment and a source of pride. Like our children, our works have the power to hurt us deeply as well as bring us joy. Nietz- sche’s perspectivism, so apparent in this self-criticism, is a necessary complement to his romantic aestheticism (Nehamas, 1995). In satirizing himself, Nietzsche showed himself ready to relinquish his awe of Schopenhauer, of Socrates, and of himself. In his later work, Nietzsche “became increasingly aware of the necessity for a disciple to leave behind his erstwhile master and follow himself” (Rudnytsky, 1987, p. 221). At the conclusion of the first part of Thus Spoke Zarathustra, Nietz- sche (1883/1978) puts these words into the mouth of Zarathustra, the great teacher, who cautions his followers: One repays a teacher badly if one remains nothing but a pupil. And why do you not want to pluck at my wreath? You revere me; but what if your reverence tumbles one day? Beware lest a statue slay you (p. 78). Zarathustra, the exemplar of self-discovery, encourages those who wish to learn to reach for their own truths rather than seeking “the way.” To those who inquire, he says “This is my way; where is yours?” (p. 195). THE TRAUMA OF BIRTH Nietzsche’s originality and penetrating honesty proved daunting to Freud, for whom it evoked an anxious ambivalence. He said that Nietzsche had reached a “more penetrating knowledge of himself than any other man who ever lived or was ever likely to live” (Jones, 1955, p. 344). Freud (1914/1957) also claimed, how- ever, to have “denied … [himself] … the very great pleasure of reading the works of Nietzsche, with the deliberate object of not being hampered in working out the impressions received in psychoanalysis by any sort of anticipatory ideas” (p. 15–16). It was this seeming contradiction that Rank’s gift to Freud of Nietzsche’s collected works dramatizes. Among Freud’s protégés, no one understood Nietz- sche as deeply as Rank, the first “lay analyst” (Freud, 1926/1959) and one of the first to develop what we would now call an existential-humanistic psychotherapy. But Rank has been misunderstood and what is needed is a revaluation, to use Nietzsche’s term, of Rank’s psychology. The Trauma of Birth (Rank, 1924/1993) is more important historically than con- ceptually. The book established birth as “the prototype for all anxiety” (Lieberman, 1985. p. 221) and shifted the emphasis from the patient’s father transference to the 182 WADLINGTON relationship with the mother (p. 222) but, in doing so, because it challenged the primacy of the Oedipal, it led to a rupture in Rank’s relationship with Freud that was never to be repaired. It is far from Rank’s best work and it lacked the kind of critical perspective and distance we saw in Nietzsche’s self-evaluation. The Trauma of Birth was an awkward attempt to squeeze a vast and encyclopedic cross-cultural knowl- edge of literary and artistic iconology into the narrow container of psychoanalytic theory. It was contrived in its effort to translate the mythopoetic into the reductive scientific language of psychoanalysis. Rank was too much under the influence of Freud to consciously and willingly separate from his mentor and surrogate father. Rank, Freud’s designated ambassador to and from the world of folklore, myth, liter- ature, and art, was too scientific, too justificational, too psychoanalytic for his own good, and too unable to see the irony of his own symbolic birth. “The Trauma of Birth was praised, criticized, misunderstood, and finally, ignored after Rank’s break with orthodox analysis” (Lieberman, in Rank, 1924/1993, p. x). After an initially warm reception (Freud had only read parts of it), Rank was hurt—his narcissism wounded—by the intensity of Freud’s criticism. When he recovered, he went on, for- tunately, to develop his own unique approach. One of the wonders of The Trauma of Birth is its appreciation of the perva- siveness and power of birth imagery. Ironically, Rank was better able to see birth symbolism in Nietzsche than in his own work. In a chapter on “Philosophic Speculation,” Rank generously acknowledged his debt to Nietzsche and showed his understanding of Nietzsche’s struggle to free himself from his philosophical precursor, Socrates. Nietzsche had the utmost admiration for this master of dia- lectical method, known to us only by his speech and reputation. In Nietzsche’s lectures, “Socrates is celebrated as ‘the first philosopher of life [Lebensphilo- soph]’”(Kaufmann, 1974a, p. 396). Nietzsche thought of him as original. In Soc- rates, “Thought serves life, while in all previous philosophers life served thought and knowledge” (p. 396). Rank read The Birth of Tragedy carefully and certainly saw Nietzsche as he wanted to be seen, as an “artistic Socrates”(Nietzsche, 1967/1872, p. 12). The birth imagery is abundant. Rank remembered that “Soc- rates himself likened his dialectic therapy of drawing forth thoughts to the prac- tice of midwifery, as he practices it in imitation of his mother who was a mid- wife” (Rank, 1924/1993, pp. 181–182). Rank’s own will therapy was itself a powerful drawing forth of unborn selves. Rank also read what Nietzsche (1872/1967) said about Socrates’ death—that Socrates voluntarily willed his death. In choosing hemlock over exile, Socrates sentenced himself to death, an act “Socrates himself seems to have brought about with perfect awareness and without any natural awe of death” (p. 89). Rank (1924/1993) sees the image of the dying Socrates as that of “the human being freed, through knowledge and reason, from the fear of death” (p. 182). But as Nietzsche understood, and Rank would come to understand, knowledge and rea- 183 THE BIRTH OF TRAGEDY son are not enough. An intellectual overcoming of the birth trauma and the death fear through will, intention, and action is also required. Both Nietzsche and Rank also ultimately saw the necessity of active encounter with the irrational. They rec- ognized the importance of going beyond the belief that mere insight and talk were enough. Both advocated the kind of courage and independence of will that only arises in full conscious engagement with one’s mortality, as experienced here and now. Even in The Trauma of Birth, were seeds of Rank’s existential approach. Rank moved away from the kind of reductive interpretation of birth trauma he offered in this early book. In time The Trauma of Birth changed even Freud’s think- ing about the source of anxiety but by then Rank had gone beyond an emphasis on birth and was immersed in the development of an independent approach to the therapeutic process. Rank literally moved away from Freud and his followers; he came to The United States and introduced an alternative to psychoanalysis—a present-focused and engaged psychotherapy—to a receptive audience of social workers and psychologists eager for a more time-limited and more client-centered approach. In the meantime, The Trauma of Birth came to represent for Rank only painful memories. According to Lieberman (1985), later in his life “Rank told a friend he wished he had never written the book” (p. 221). Will therapy, Rank’s constructive alternative to psychoanalysis, is existential. It emphasizes present-centered awareness, acknowledgement of limitation, and cre- ative seizing of improvisational opportunities. Birth was still important but now it was the healthy separation of client from therapist that took center stage. Thera- peutic innovations such as “end-setting” (Rank, 1929/1978, p. 185) were Rank’s way to remind the client of his or her own strength of will. Rank encouraged going beyond a stage of bargaining with death. He thought self-stifling and inhibition were ways to postpone death. He believed clients were able to overcome the neu- rotic hoarding that leads to an unlived life. Rank’s will therapy, an active here- and-now approach that deals openly and honestly with termination, is a forerunner of much of what we now call existential psychotherapy. There is no direct lineage from Rank to contemporary practitioners of this ther- apeutic art. Rank’s approach is more intuitive and experientially rediscoverable than knowable and teachable. Rigorously nondogmatic and determined to avoid the zealotry and elitism he discovered within the Freudian movement, Rank never established a school of his own; instead he developed an approach that requires in- novation and spontaneity on the part of the practitioner, no less than on the part of the client. Rank’s original contribution to psychology is a timeless art, a highly sit- uational and present-centered psychotherapy addressed to the fundamental exis- tential concern of living fully in spite of death. It is an approach that challenges the client’s own anxiety of influence—his or her belief that the past is fate; it simulta- neously encourages the therapist to relinquish influence over the client so that the client can give birth to a newly independent self. 184 WADLINGTON THE WOLFMAN DREAM A famous dream provides insight about influence—particularly about Freud’s in- fluence on Rank and Rank’s ultimate reaction to it. This dream is a familiar one from the psychoanalytic literature: the Wolfman dream from Freud’s case studies (Freud, 1914/1955). The Wolfman was destined to become one of Freud’s most fa- mous offspring—one of his immortal clinical cases. First the dream: I dreamt that it was night and that I was lying in my bed (my bed stood with its foot to- ward the window; in front of the window there was a row of old walnut trees. I know it was winter when I had the dream, and night-time.) Suddenly the window opened of its own accord, and I was terrified to see some white wolves sitting on the big walnut tree in front of the window. There were six or seven of them. The wolves were quite white and looked more like foxes or sheep-dogs, for they had big tails like foxes and they had their ears pricked up like dogs when they pay attention to something. In great terror, evidently of being eaten up by the wolves, I screamed and woke up. (in Menaker, 1981, p. 554) The patient known as The Wolfman had this dream at age 4, then intermittently throughout his life. Freud interpreted and reinterpreted it but perhaps his best- known interpretation has to do with the patient’s castration anxiety, of Oedipal ori- gin, based on a fear of retribution for having witnessed the primal scene. Esther Menaker, one of the first to bring Rank’s work to a contemporary psy- chological audience, shows that several years after his Trauma of Birth, Rank had another way of understanding it. Rank’s interpretation dramatically illustrates his divergence from Freud and his hard-won understanding of the necessity of over- coming precursors. Menaker (1981) suggests that the retelling of the dream many years after it was dreamt calls for a new interpretation. The dream, she suggests, is best understood in terms of the context where it occurs—not in terms of the past but in the context of the therapeutic relationship, the relationship between patient and analyst, between The Wolfman and Freud. As Rank correctly understood, the dream “is a communication to Freud” (Menaker, 1981, p. 555). As Menaker notes, Rank interprets the tree outside the window as a family tree; and indeed there were chestnut trees outside Freud’s office window which a patient lying on the couch would be looking at because the sofa faced the window. On the narrow strip of wall beside the windowframe there hung photographs of Freud’s disciples. These are the wolves sitting on the tree; they are the siblings whom the patient fears, envies, and would like to replace. (p. 555) Rank’s interpretation is that the dream is about precursors, not only the Wolfman’s but also Rank’s own, and importantly, for him, the dream is a reminder of the im- 185 THE BIRTH OF TRAGEDY portance of attending to the actual therapeutic relationship in the consulting room where it takes place. This “here and now” focus would become central in Rank’s later writing on psychotherapy. Rank’s immortality is largely and ironically the result of his ambivalent rela- tionship to Freud. Rank is more famous now for his break with Freud and for the biting criticisms to which he was subjected by various “wolves,” than for his inno- vative later work. In this sense, Rank is a tragic figure, never fully recognized for his individuality and never completely able to outlive his intellectual father. Al- though 38 years younger than Freud, Rank died just a month after him. But at his death he seemed to have found the kind of ironic perspective he treasured in Nietz- sche, for he was heard to say in his last breath, “comical” (Lieberman, 1985, p. 389). CONCLUSION To the question of whether the existence of powerful precursors is daunting or stimulating, we must conclude that for Nietzsche and Rank the necessity of going beyond “strong poets” of their time, although painful and awkward, was a spur to creative action and productivity. For both men awe of their intellectual predeces- sors receded as they, through acts of will and self-determination, developed inde- pendent stances. Nietzsche and Rank both needed to put previous works behind them to move on. Nietzsche’s means of doing so was ruthless self-critique; Rank’s was to move away and leave the past behind. For both Nietzsche and Rank, even to have (intellectual) parents was to admit that one is mortal. An acute awareness of the inevitability of death led both, however, not to resignation but to an affirmation of life and further creativity. ACKNOWLEDGMENTS It would be an oversight not to acknowledge my own precursors. I appreciate the extensive contributions to the study of Otto Rank made by two individuals from whom I have liberally appropriated—E. James Lieberman and R. G. K. Kainer. Thank you both! REFERENCES Bloom, H. (1973). The anxiety of influence: A theory of poetry. New York: Oxford University Press. Bloom, H. (1975). A map of misreading. New York: Oxford University Press. 186 WADLINGTON Freud, S. (1955). From the history of an infantile neurosis (1918). In J. Strachey (Ed. & Trans.), The standard edition of the complete psychological works of Sigmund Freud (Vol. 17, pp. 1–122). Lon- don: Hogarth Press. (Original work published 1914) Freud, S. (1957). On the history of the psychoanalytic movement. In J. Strachey (Ed. & Trans.), The standard edition of the complete psychological works of Sigmund Freud (Vol. 14, pp. 3–66). London: Hogarth Press. (Original work published 1914) Freud, S. (1959). The question of lay analysis. In J. Strachey (Ed. & Trans.), The standard edition of the complete psychological works of Sigmund Freud. (Vol. 20, pp. 177–258). London: Hogarth Press. (Original work published 1926) Jones, E. (1955). The life and works of Sigmund Freud (Vol. 2). New York: Basic. Kainer, R. G. K., & Gourevitch, S. (1983). On the distinction between narcissism and will: Two aspects of the self. Psychoanalytic Review, 70(4), 535–552. Kainer, R. G. K., & Kainer, S. (1984). The anxiety of influence in the creation of theory. Psychoanalytic Review, 71(1), 169–177. Kaufmann, W. (1974a). Nietzsche: philosopher, psychologist, Antichrist. Princeton, NJ: Princeton Uni- versity Press. Kaufmann, W. (1974b). Nietzsche and existentialism. Symposium: A Quarterly Journal in Modern For- eign Literatures, Spring, pp. 7–16. Lieberman, J. (1985). Acts of will: The life and work of Otto Rank. New York: Free Press. Menaker, E. (1981). Otto Rank’s contribution to psychoanalytic communication. Contemporary Psy- choanalysis, 17(4), 552–564. Nehamas, A. (1995). Nietzsche: Life as literature. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. Nietzsche, F. (1967). The birth of tragedy and the case of Wagner. (W. Kaufmann, Trans.), New York, Vintage Books. (Original work published 1872) Nietzsche, F. (1968). The will to power. (W. Kaufmann & R. J. Hollingdale, Trans.), New York: Vintage Books. (Original work published 1901) Nietzsche, F. (1974). The gay science. (W. Kaufmann, Trans.), New York, Vintage Books. (Original work published 1882) Nietzsche, F. (1978). Thus spoke Zarathustra: A book for none and all. (W. Kaufmann, Trans.), New York: Penguin Books. (Original work published 1883) Rank, O. (1978). Will therapy. (J. Taft, Trans.), New York: Norton. (Original work published 1929) Rank, O. (1993). The trauma of birth. New York: Dover. (Original work published 1924) Rudnytsky, P. (1987). Freud and Oedipus. New York: Columbia University Press. Stolorow, R., & Atwood, G. (1976). An ego-psychological analysis of the work and life of Otto Rank in the light of modern conceptions of narcissism. The International Review of Psychoanalysis, 3(4), 441–459. Vico, G. (1968). The new science of Giambattista Vico. (T.G. Bergin & M.H. Fisch, Ed. and Trans.). Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press. (Original work published 1744) Wadlington, W. (2001). Otto Rank’s art. The Humanistic Psychologist, 29 (1–3), 280–283. AUTHOR NOTE Will Wadlington is a psychologist and former art professor. He is Associate Direc- tor for Clinical Services at The Center for Counseling and Psychological Services at Penn State University, where he does individual and group psychotherapy and supervision. A previous article by Will on Otto Rank appeared in this journal in 2001. work_3ibsignjjfdurf2gya6elvvsqa ---- Durational ethics Search, finding, and translation of Fauconnet’s “Essay on responsibility and liberty”: Search, finding, and translation of Fauconnet’s “Essay on responsibility and liberty”: HAU: Journal of Ethnographic Theory: Vol 4, No 1 Skip to main content SearchSearch This journal Anywhere Quick Search in JournalsSearchSearch Quick Search anywhereSearchSearch Advanced Search Log in | Register Access provided by Carnegie Mellon University Skip main navigationmenuDrawerCloseTextmenuDrawerOpenTextHome Subscribe/renew Institutions Individual subscriptions Recommend to your library Purchase back issues Browse issues All issues Online sample issue For contributors Submit manuscript Author guidelines Publication ethics Editorial policies Authors' rights Open access at Chicago Obtaining permissions About About HAU Editorial team Contact the editorial team Abstracting and indexing Advertise in HAU HomeHAU: Journal of Ethnographic TheoryVolume 4, Number 1 Previous article Next article Free Durational ethics Search, finding, and translation of Fauconnet’s “Essay on responsibility and liberty” JANE I. GUYER JANE I. GUYER Johns Hopkins University Search for more articles by this author Johns Hopkins University Abstract Full Text PDF EPUB MOBI Add to favorites Download Citations Track Citations Permissions Reprints Share on Facebook Twitter Linked In Reddit Email QR Code Sections More Abstract This paper introduces and explains the forum around my translation of the appendix to Paul Fauconnet’s 1920 book, entitled La responsabilité. Étude de sociologie, which resulted from his doctoral thesis. The appendix of this book is devoted to “The sentiment of responsibility and the sentiment of liberty.” The ideas in this piece on liberty were clearly developed in conversation with Durkheim and with other members of the group. My reading in the anthropology of ethics for papers of my own, led me to new work on liberty, but I found less attention than I expected in our contemporary anthropological scholarship to what I called durational ethics, which encompasses concepts such as responsibility, in the prospective sense, and fortitude. The following introduction explains this trajectory of exploration, which led me to Fauconnet’s work, excerpts passages from a conference paper of mine entitled “Steadfastness and goodness,” and prefaces the translation. In addition, it profiles Fauconnet and offers a background to the concept of libre arbitre in Romance language thought, as differing from its usual translation as “free will” in the Germanic register of English. L’Éthique étendue : chercher, trouver et traduire « L’Essai sur la responsabilité et de la liberté » de Fauconnet Résumé: Ce texte présente et explique le forum autour de ma traduction de l’annexe de 1920 au livre de Paul Fauconnet, intitulé La Responsibilité. Étude de sociologie, qui a résulté de sa thèse de doctorat. L’annexe de ce livre porte sur « Le sentiment de la responsabilité et le sentiment de la liberté ». Les idées relatives à la liberté furent clairement développées en conversation avec Durkheim et d’autres membres du groupe. Mes lectures en anthropologie de l’éthique pour mes propres écrits m’ont conduit à de nouveaux travaux sur la liberté, mais contre toute attente l’anthropologique contemporaine semble avoir accordé moins d’attention à ce que j’appelle une éthique étendue, qui englobe des concepts tels que la responsabilité, dans un sens prospectif, et la force morale. Cette introduction explique ce parcours exploratoire, qui m’a conduit au travail de Fauconnet, cite des extraits d’une de mes conférences intitulée « La constance et la bonté », et tient lieu de préface à la traduction. En outre, j’y dresse un portrait de Fauconnet et apporte un arrière-plan à la notion de libre arbitre dans la pensée et la langue romane, en opposition à sa traduction habituelle de free will dans le registre germanique de l’anglais. The logic I happened upon Fauconnet’s book La responsabilité (1920) while researching what I had termed durational ethics for two invited presentations in the spring of 2013. Those papers were entitled “Response and responsibility” and “Steadfastness and goodness.” These themes were provoked by my (Guyer 2011) earlier reading for an article on “perseverance,” with respect to both personal and professional engagements. These papers were not primarily informed by my own ethnographically based or even theoretically based scholarship, although I will mention a Yoruba instance from field research later. I had found the themes of responsibility and perseverance to be personally provocative and challenging. And, even though the concept of a covenantal relationship between anthropologists and the communities in which we work had been envisaged in the American Anthropological Association ethical guidelines, the combination of responsibility and perseverance seemed to be writ rather small in our current literature on ethics. This is especially true in the durational, prospective sense of taking responsibility for a situation, domain, or activity, and sticking with it, which includes going forward toward some kind of benchmark in the future whether immediate, near, far, or eternal. I had in mind a quality that went beyond fulfilling a defined role in a plan or structure, a quality that comprised a certain imagination and commitment with respect to whatever might arise within a particular context, as time frames played out. One relevant quality arose early in my searches: the concept of fortitude, or courage, which—as one of the four cardinal virtues along with temperance, prudence and justice—has a long history in Christian religious thought, from St. Augustine to Paul Tillich. Additionally, the related quality of perseverance emerges in Spinoza’s thought. This was clearly deep theological and philosophical water, and I wondered whether the secularization of ethics had worked its own selectivity, enhanced by a sense of a slow advance of general peace and wellbeing, to relocate fortitude back into the military context that it had occupied in Greek thought. In comparative and historical study, however, I thought that it was still a relevant concept in the present. Fauconnet’s book turned out to be relevant to this line of thinking for several reasons. In his appendix, he had developed the concept of responsibility beyond its legal-juridical context, to discuss it as a sentiment, in relationship to the sentiment of liberty. So, both of them together were thought of in a particular configuration of convictions and capacities, which he was also clearly taking beyond its grounding in Christian thought (“whom to serve is perfect freedom”), and which he was explicitly abstracting from the theologically-based libre arbitre version of free will (to be discussed later in my appendix). At the same time, his formulation evaded the autonomous individual of liberal thinking as a first principle, which the Année Sociologique school found philosophically overstated. Although this book is not Durkheim’s own work or in Durkheim’s voice, it is deeply influenced by Fauconnet’s years of collaborative work with both him and with the Année Sociologique school. Therefore, it can possibly contribute to a fuller picture of their work on morals than the various unsynthesized sources that were left by Durkheim himself. The book explicitly incorporates Durkheim’s lecture notes at his own request, and it was read in its entirety by Marcel Mauss. It has never been translated into English, and since it could possibly be a useful original source—precisely on issues raised by James Laidlaw (2002) in his important article on the anthropology of ethics and by Michael Lambek (2010) in his edited collection on “ordinary ethics”—it seemed worth placing it in the English-speaking intellectual world. It was in order to provide the source in an accessible form, with a commentary by a social theorist, John Kelly, that this work was undertaken and supported by the Hau editors, for whom I was already carrying out another translation during the summer of 2013 (Marcel Mauss on joking relations—see Hau Volume 3, Issue 2). It is by fortunate chance, not by design as a critique, that our publication date coincides with the symposium on James Laidlaw’s (2014) new book. I had not read any of this book until the last minute before the co-publication of the symposium and our forum, so the points I bring out here are entirely a function of my past reading and simply a recognition of the importance of the challenging juxtaposition that Laidlaw puts before us, as a comparative anthropological topic of study: freedom and ethics. I am not an erudite scholar in the anthropology of ethics, so I may be overstating the situation here, but, in my reading for the preparation of my previously mentioned papers, I did not find sustained attention to particular temporal framings that fall between the immediate and the long term. The literature I consulted was stronger on: cause and effect one act at a time; the very long time framework of self-cultivation; and the formal fulfillment of roles whose features would endure beyond any particular incumbent’s tenure of the position. Neither are the orientations and actions in the temporality of prospective responsibility reducible to the classic obligations of promise, deferral, and eventual repayment in reciprocal exchange relations, as has sometimes been inferred from Mauss’ Essay on the gift. The kind of personal commitment I was searching for inhabits “near futures” under conditions where indeterminacy is a fully recognized feature of the prospects looking forward (Guyer 2007). My reading made me wonder how the new virtue ethics configured this component of moral regimes, where accepting a domain, then holding steady, hanging in, keeping going and enduring through thick and thin would be individually ethically crucial. It would also be radically contingent upon what such acceptance could bring in the eventual playing out of life, where each small intervention or abstention might be profoundly consequential because of its insertion in complex mutual concatenations. Because of duration and contingency, which require recurrent, nested temporal-ethical imaginations, the narrow cause and effect interpretation of the durational aspects of responsibility and perseverance does not seem reducible to simply submitting to obligations that have been specified and imposed from outside, or even committed to explicitly at the outset. I began to wonder whether the use of responsibility in this sense, and such vernacular concepts as steadfastness were class specific in Europe. Although, they certainly exist in other cultural regimes as I will suggest later. The word steadfastness had been used by my mother (Mason 1973) in her family history. She applied the term to kin and neighbors who took care of three little sisters during WWI after their mother died following childbirth and their father was drafted to military service in France. The lower classes of Western Europe have a social-experiential history for which modernity and enlightenment would be a hypocritical misrepresentation, if taken under the general rubric of a shared “western culture.” Service and suffering during frequent warfare across the centuries, the centrality of variously mobilized and exploited labor in social history, serious punishments for delicts that now seem minor and largely a function of inequality, and deep skepticism about the claims of the upper class to virtue: These are issues that might give a different grounding to the meaning of responsibility, linking it to perseverance in both a defensive and aspirational manner. For the lower classes, this link to perseverance is over the foreseeable near futures, which might be the only time horizon for which they could realistically hope to plan. While certainly being participants, as foot-soldiers, in the massive interventions in world history constituted by the slave trade and colonial rule, it seems unlikely that the European working class would have been surprised that John Locke, the father of liberalism, invested in the United Africa Company, which made much of its money from the slave trade. Likewise, ideological capture of ordinary ethical concepts for political purposes, such as the recent neoliberal emphasis on responsibilization, has been a recurrent phenomenon that does not, however, make the continuing vernacular practice necessarily a sham. Ideology and ethical practice share terms in deeply disconcerting, but analyzable, ways. I was particularly struck by the way in which Fauconnet placed the sentiment of responsibility as a precondition to the sentiment of liberty, rather than as a result of it, and by how, for him, the primary ethical act was to “make an effort” in life, which had a reciprocal, reflexive effect on the self rather than being a constraint. He was referring to an orientation to the good, but not an orientation by imposition. I thought this was useful to put into the archive of thought on ethics. In order to make more of this source than I am able to do myself, philosopher Souleymane Bachir Diagne then offered a guide on the religious grounding of the concept of libre arbitre (usually “free will” in English) which recurs in Fauconnet’s text. Additionally, John Kelly offered to contextualize the Fauconnet work within our received understanding of Durkheim on morality. The coincidence of publication of the Forum and the Symposium allows me to make parts of my logic more explicit, very briefly, and to include a few paragraphs from my paper, “Steadfastness and goodness,” written for the 2013 conference “The Comparative Study of the Good” organized by Joel Robbins and held in Helsinki.. Freedom and durational ethics: Relative to the anthropology of ethics (2012–13) Responsibility in this durational sense can come under the rubric of care, and is interspersed in many other places in our anthropological literature. The freedom that Laidlaw importantly inserted into the anthropology of ethics in 2002, drew on the crucial centrality of reflection, as distinct from submission, in ethical reasoning. The small interventions in the entailments of everyday life seemed, however, to be assimilated to unreflective routine. In a concatenated, futures-oriented, assumption of responsibility, what appears to be routine might matter profoundly. Working from my reading of the literature so far, the following paragraphs are from my 2013 paper “Steadfastness and goodness,” which are relative to “freedom” and the “school of life”, as distinct from “reflection” in the sense of contemplation: By taking ethics out of a version of Christian history, as necessarily self-denying and ascetic, and necessarily encapsulated in consequentialist “agency,” Laidlaw (2002: 322) opens up a much broader terrain of potential for what is considered to be ethical, and suggests life-projects of self-fashioning where people “transform themselves, modify themselves … to attain a certain state of perfection, happiness, purity, supernatural power.” It is worth noting the examples given, even if only briefly. He does qualify the emphasis Foucault gives to sexuality as central, but nevertheless the sexual-sensual and intellectual domains are those within which the theory is developed (as distinct, for example, from the domestic domain, or a community context, or work, or an environmental point of reference). Thus, the examples tend to be of self-selected disciplinary acts, rather than the facing of multitudinous and multifarious life-situations, or the persistent conditions of, for example, very hard work. He draws on monastic disciplines, and an ascetic training in Jainism. Clearly a certain constancy and consistency is implied, but what is not yet clear here is whether, and how, the disciplines-of-theself in a secularized ethical context are based on anticipation, response, and responsibility in the context of “matters arising” in the course of life-as-lived. Do we expect life to be demanding, turbulent, and a recurrent challenge (demanding and dreadful situations? temptation? fulfillment?)? Under a regime of “care-of-the-self,” are there guidelines for how to meet the many challenges in a “careful” way such that our situational responses and reflections have an incremental effect on that “self”?... Laidlaw’s contribution to Michael Lambek’s (2010) collection Ordinary ethics gives us an insight to how “life itself” might not figure too prominently in an anthropology of ethics derived through Foucault. Citing Sherry Ortner, Laidlaw (2010: 144) suggests that ethical agency should be distanced from “merely routine practices,” just as it should also be taken out of a necessarily structure-oriented understanding of efficacy. “Mere routine” may be a problem, however. Veena Das (2010: 377), in the same volume, locates ethical practice—in the literal self-pedagogic sense as well as the social sense—precisely in the “everyday” by defining “a notion of the everyday in which how I respond to the claims of the other, as well as how I allow myself to be claimed by the other, defines the work of self-formation.” She (ibid.: 395) opposes seeing morality as “some version of following rules” (even, I suggest, as a pedagogy of the self), but rather seeing “everyday life as an achievement.” Are there precursors to her position? Ralph Waldo Emerson, in The conduct of life (1883) and especially in a section entitled “Conditions by the way” (so, not specific to a particular type of conduct), makes eloquent claims for everyday life and its challenges as the grounds and terms for self-formation. “By humiliations, by defeats, by loss of sympathy, by gulfs of disparity, (we) learn a wider truth and humanity than that of a fine gentleman.… What tests of manhood could he stand? Take him out of his protection?” (229). In fact, adversities alone—and explicitly not pedagogy—offer training, so he advocates facing them: “We acquire the strength we have overcome” (224); “life is rather a subject of wonder than of didactics” (215). Courage is both the condition for, and an outcome of, a life in which “The high prize (of life), the crowning fortune of a man is to be born with a bias to some pursuit, which finds him in employment and happiness—whether it be to make baskets or broadswords, or canals, or statutes, or songs” (234). What then emerges in the end—and this is the last sentence of his book—is “the courage to be what we are” (263). What we are, for him, is a person with a “bias” for a specific kind of creative work, and a capacity for friendship. So we keep creative work, friendship and the domestic sphere in mind as Emerson’s own definitions of the “good.” For him, in his time and place, one actively sought out the many challenges that life itself posed. The move into “life itself” as offering the recurrent ethical discipline does begin to take on new meaning in some new comparative work, for example on the cultivation of a new disposition in South India (see Pandian 2009). But durational virtues such as fortitude are not yet a prominent theme within this theoretical development. The main place where we do find it returning is in relation to the conditions of late liberal life in turbulence (Povinelli 2011; Butler and Athanasiou 2013). Here the sociopolitical referent to endurance and other durational dispositions becomes central, and takes us back to the social grounding questions with respect to virtues that are raised by Alasdair McIntyre. A subsequent reading of the chapter “Taking responsibility seriously,” in Laidlaw’s (2014) new book, whose title links virtue, ethics, and freedom and which is discussed in the Symposium in this issue, shows that he still addresses responsibility more forensically, in retrospect or with an immediate future referent, than prospectively, toward complex near futures with respect to imagined but varying temporal durations, social spans, and uncontrollable contingencies. He writes of “the attribution of responsibility (cause, intention, state, response)” (ibid.: 201). Many of the examples are of the modular, exemplary kind, where these four components can be intellectually isolated. This is certainly one important intellectual endeavor. A full comparative treatment of ethics, however, would seem to require complementary attention to the complications of responsibility as assumed for contingent situations, within concatenated interconnections, with respect to possibly obstreperous or vulnerable other people, and near futures when anything could happen, which do not easily lend themselves to precise forensic analysis, even though such responsibilities are, in fact, taken up by people in the throes of what Emerson might have concurred to be “the school of life.” Here, freedom and responsibility interpenetrate rather than emanating from autonomy as the reference point. Two short ethnographic moments This first ethnographic example amplifies the notion that, even as MacIntyre himself notes, virtue ethics was culture and class specific in its Greek origins. During fieldwork in Western Nigeria, I was asking about debt repayment. The manager of a contribution club told me that sometimes they have to invoke asa, in light of the debtor’s circumstances when the date for repayment arrives. Asa translates roughly as “custom,” but its etymology is “choice,” so with no intimation of constraint. In Yoruba thought, what is handed down is a kind of archive of heterogeneous wisdoms. The diviners or elders then match the specific case and person at hand, to a vast corpus of poetry and experience, and then choose an apposite resolution as guidance for action, in that case. In the case of a routine secular issue, such as debt repayment on time, to act in accordance with asa is to riff through this archive to find a solution that “won’t make everything worse.” This would clearly index to a collectivity of some sort, and to a general responsibility to keep picking up the pieces and reconfiguring them. In Western thought, this kind of grounding is inaccurately considered as a kind of constraining lockstep of traditional solidarity. Indeed, a certain kind of original freedom is presupposed by the Yoruba concept of temperament and destiny being chosen by each individual before birth, and em bodied in the ori or “head.” The recognition that there are different emphases, in different ethical regimes, on varied temporalities becomes crucial. My second, different, example comes from my (2013) “Steadfastness and good ness” paper, and is quoting and commenting on a rural, working class ethic in war time that is occasionally inflected with explicitly Christian values. The following quoted material in this passage from my paper is from the daily journal of Iris Origo ([1947] 1984), War in Val D’Orcia: An Italian war diary 1943–1944. When I look back upon these years of tension and expectation, of destruction and sorrow, it is individual acts of kindness, courage or faith that illuminate them.…” (15) She poses ethical questions and makes ethical observations: “At the end of each day prudence inquired, ‘Have I done too much?’—and enthusiasm and compassion, ‘Might I not, perhaps, have done more?’” (12) She asks: what motivates the kindness? As described by an Italian partisan (13), it is “the simplest of all ties between one man and another; the tie that arises between the man who asks for what he needs, and the man who comes to his aid as best he can,” regardless of political affiliation. And, “some old peasant-woman, whose son was a prisoner in a far away camp … might say—as she prepared a bowl of soup or made the bed for the foreigner in her house—‘Perhaps someone will do the same for my boy?’”(14–15). Of another case she observes: “Here is a man (and there are hundreds of others like him) who has run the risk of being shot, who has shared his family’s food to the last crumb, and who has lodged, clothed and protected four strangers for over three months.… What is this if not courage and loyalty?” (146). “The patience and endurance, the industry and resourcefulness of the Italian workman … in times of crisis, these qualities reach a degree that is almost heroic.… Resigned and laborious, they … turn back from the fresh graves and the wreckage of their homes to their accustomed daily toil. It is they who will bring the land to life again” (239). Origo makes the link from a capacity for kindness in extremity, to mundane and routine work, and the ordinariness of the people, that together can make of “courage” a cultivated discipline of the self, when life itself is thought to be the ethical “school” and where the terrible frequency of war has made that real and imperative. This is not an inevitability, but a quality of experience and conceptual and material coordinates. If we turn to Michael Jackson’s work on Sierra Leone in the aftermath of war and in Aboriginal Australia, he writes of courage, of the “patience and stoicism with which they go on” (2013: 223), where “it takes all our will simply to endure” and the “struggle to create viable lives” (216)—but does not yet analyze this as a specific ethical disposition. Indeed he desists from over-interpreting, and thereby perhaps distorting for one’s own purposes, what he sees as created in experiential contexts. The dangers of ideological capture certainly enter, as in the neoliberal emphasis on responsibilization which shifts the blame for clearly structural circumstances to individual culpability. But it seems clear that there are terms under which the ordinary people, practicing ordinary ethics, do experience and cultivate durational ethics, for their own immediate circumstances as well as for political struggle, of the we shall not be moved kind. Indeed, training in routine coordination, through song, work, narrative participation, and ritual collaboration, may be the grounding in which novel possibilities can find traction and from which they may eventually take new flight. And intimate memories of small gestures, through which everything awkward—from confusion to extremity—has already been navigated by oneself or others, may provide compasses, and other tools, for an indeterminate future. Return to Fauconnet’s text Thinking about cases such as these, and two war-time and post-war episodes described by my mother in her Family Album (and quoted in full in my “Steadfastness and goodness” [2013] paper), Paul Fauconnet’s appendix became useful in itself, and also as a source on the themes and collaborations characteristic of the Année Sociologique School: themes which may come through rather faintly, as we read the works one by one, in selective English translations. In fact, the members of the Année Sociologique worked very closely together, as Mauss expressed so movingly in his eulogy that precedes the Essay on the gift in the issue of the journal published in 1925 (see Guyer 2014). This appendix addresses issues that have arisen in later assessments of Durkheim’s position on the externality of moral force, the meaning of that “force,” the place of freedom (in an anti-utilitarian orientation), the place of moral feelings, and the play of experience in the course of self-fashioning. As Fauconnet’s preface suggests, he saw himself as carrying forward a collective concentration on these issues that were cardinal to Durkheim’s legacy, without necessarily being a direct mouthpiece for his master on all points. A translation also offers the opportunity for us anglophone scholars to become more familiar with the French vocabulary in moral philosophy and sociology. I myself found difficulties, faced with translation of French into the mixed Romance-Germanic vocabularies of English. Is libre arbitre well rendered as “free will,” as it is conventionally? Volonté seems more like “willingness” in some places, than like “will” in English, especially since “will” is so closely associated with German philosophical ideas, such as the will to power. With the concept of indole, Fauconnet is invoking an Italian theory of pedagogy concerned with temperament and natural inclinations, or perhaps disposition, to which John Kelly drew my attention. Where the correspondence of concepts seems to me questionable, I have kept the French original in parentheses. And, even where clumsy in English, I have tried to render reflexive verbs as they are, in order not to shift the sense of subject-object identity in action. In the spirit of appendices, I have appended to this introduction a discussion of the history of the concept of libre arbitre, helped by S. B. Diagne. In order to make available the argument of the whole work, I have translated and appended the extensive table of contents, which does address the legal-forensic issues in great detail. All contemporary readers will surely remain with unanswered questions after reading this text. My own would relate to the specific precepts and the moral and empirically-imagined terrain that fill the space of imagination and aspiration between the sacred things in life and the effort in the everyday. The sociology of the time was extricating itself from concepts and problematics coming down in a direct line of descent from theology to philosophy to science. In the spirit of both recuperation of the past text, in its place in intellectual history, and further exploration of its lacunae, I am grateful for the confidence that Diagne and Kelly placed in the worth of what became a shared endeavor. Fauconnet himself Sociologist Paul Fauconnet (1874–1938) was a young member—sixteen years Durkheim’s junior—of the Année Sociologique School at its foundation in the 1890s, and he continued to belong throughout its heyday. Marcel Fournier’s (2007) magisterial biography of Durkheim suggests that Fauconnet came into the School through friendship with Marcel Mauss (322); took up a central role in the “syndicate” of “good workers” by 1894 (206); became a “close collaborator” on the inaugural issue of the journal in 1898 (350); took over the management of one of the review sections (on “contract, responsibility and procedure”) in the third edition (414); co-authored an encyclopedia article with Durkheim on “Sociology and social sciences” in Revue Philosophique of 1903 (170); and continued close engagement with the group as his career developed. Fauconnet had chosen the topic of responsibility for his thesis by 1911, and hoped to finish it by 1913. Durkheim mentions taking time to correct the proofs in 1915 (891), but he died before the doctoral thesis was presented at the University of Paris in 1919. The text had been completed sometime during 1914, but the war had intervened in all scholarly endeavors. The book is dedicated, posthumously, to “the memory of my master, Émile Durkheim,” who had died in 1917. By the time of Durkheim’s death, Fauconnet had been working with him for about 25 years. He acknowledges the enormous influence of Durkheim, but Fournier’s account also draws attention to Fauconnet’s close intellectual affinity with Mauss, especially in relation to the rules of method. Both were seeking to “attenuate” Durkheim’s tendency to methodological “dogmatism” (471), by keeping “consciousness” within the sphere of their own science rather than defining it entirely under the auspices of psychology. We keep in mind, then, that this book is the product of a deep and long mutual engagement within the group, where a certain independence of intellectual temperament and political conviction was also maintained, amidst the vast shared erudition that was cultivated by the work of the group as a whole. From Catholic libre arbitre to Protestant “free will”? Here is a brief review of the stakes in translation of the appendix to Paul Fauconnet’s Responsibility: “The sentiment of responsibility and the sentiment of liberty” (with the help of Souleymane Bachir Diagne) The challenge of rendering the concept of, and therefore the discussions around, libre arbitre in translation from French to English, where it is conventionally translated as “free will,” has encouraged us to write a brief explanation of the concept, as it is discussed in French. It derives from the Latin of the early Church fathers, particularly St. Augustine of Hippo in the fourth century ce who wrote a treatise precisely entitled De libero arbitrio. Its development in the Middle Ages by the scholastics, and in the early modern period by philosophers, including Spinoza, drew even further back in classical philosophy, to Aristotle’s Nichomachean ethics. The deep history of the concept is clearly classical and Mediterranean in origin, and thereby nuances, very differently from the German cultures and languages, the meaning of “will,” and thereby might be better rendered as “willingness” (volonté). “Will” has gained a valence of individualized power that willingness does not evoke in the same way, although willingness, also, fails to convey adequately the centrality of choice in the concept of arbitre. The slippage in meaning between libre arbitre and its conventional translation as free will (Willensfreiheit in German) is noted immediately in the lengthy French Wikipedia review for libre arbitre (consulted April 16, 2014). This is a summary of the definition given: libre arbitre is the faculty that the human has to determine itself freely and by itself alone, to act and to think, in distinction from determinism or fatalism. By contrast with English and German, the French expression maintains the centrality of choice. The basis for this is its roots in a theology of causation in the world, which defines evil as the responsibility of the “creatures of God” but not of God Himself. The problem is how to locate responsibility for evil. Augustine’s answer was that volonté, the capacity for choice, is a good that gives dignity by being also open to abuse. If it were not exercised consciously it would bring no dignity. It is by grace that original sin has not destroyed this capacity. Choice is thereby not a narrowly rationalized action, but fundamentally an expression and aspiration within a world in which humans act in concert with their Creator, supposing a chosen union of spontaneity and intentionality: self-cultivation and purpose in the world, as reflexively intertwined. The scholastics introduced reason more forcefully into this framing of the dynamics of choice: to orient urgently towards something (vouloir) involves decisions. The Christian theologians retained from Aristotle the idea of liberty as necessarily associating will and reason, as the basis for human responsibility before the moral, penal, and divine law. Thomas Aquinas placed choice at the center of this refinement of the theory de libero arbitrio, but without secularizing the framework. The concept of libre arbitre has been the object of three categories of critique. One is theological, where to attribute libre arbitre to man is to deny, or at least minimize, the role of divine grace in good works, and to eliminate Calvinist conceptions of predestination. A second is philosophical, that libre arbitre fails to take into account the motives and influences on our choices and actions, to note that there are necessities. Because after all, libre arbitre could only fully exist as freedom of indifference, that is, when the capacity for conscious choice has no reason, and exerts no reasoning, for going one way or the other. But does such a notion make sense? Descartes thus considered freedom of indifference—that is, to suspend the capacity to reason—to be the lowest degree of freedom for humans (downgrading reason) and the highest for God (who has no need to reason). The third is psychoanalytic, that libre arbitre is not possible without a theory of the unconscious. A further extension of the third is associated with the Durkheimian school, namely that libre arbitre gave no place to constraints, which can be of several kinds: from legal to physical (that is, it simply cannot be done). Also interjected very early, was the idea that libre arbitre required a facet of reason devoted to truth and falsehood in the world, and not only to weighing the value of actions in the moral register. Spinoza raised the question of how freedom is even understood by a being who is part of nature, or how it could have been derived through a religion where God’s first action was to give freedom and immediately utter a negative injunction about its use (not to eat the fruit of the tree of the knowledge of good and evil). Further discussion on the Wikipedia entry addresses determinism frontally: the possibility that one day there will be a theory of the nature and evolution of the world as a whole. How, and whether, this operates on the level of grand eras or of micro-moments is a point of debate, and—in a new era of declining religious faith—perhaps a disturbingly difficult question. But we can see, from this very schematic genealogy of ideas, two useful implications for English-speakers. First, more is at stake with libre arbitre than a secularized and individualized notion of free will. Responsibility in a created world seems always to be in the picture. Nothing and no one is radically autonomous. The gods, and God, are invoked in most western ethical thought, including the Greeks, for millennia: if only as our Creator and companion(s), and not primarily as our master or judge. Secondly, the forms of determinism put forward, either to argue with libre arbitre or to see how combinations might work, have been very varied and very debated for a very long time— probably since the beginning. Apparently, a resolution is not expected, perhaps because—in the Romance configuration of ideas—the individual has never been conceptualized in the same fashion as under the Calvinist combination of radical autonomy to make totally individuated choices, and to accrue them along a totally personal trajectory to a predestined future in the afterlife. That improbable combination of total autonomy and total determination escapes from the moral world of libre arbitre into which a secular scientific sociology of morality and religion was intervening at the time when Fauconnet wrote his book on responsibility. References Judith Butler, Athena Athanasiou 2013. Dispossession: The performative in the political. Cambridge: Polity Press. First citation in article Google Scholar Veena Das 2010. “Engaging the life of the other: Love and everyday life.” In Ordinary ethics. Anthropology, language and action, edited by Michael Lambek, 376–99. New York: Fordham University Press. First citation in article Google Scholar Ralph Waldo Emerson 1883. The conduct of life. Boston: Houghton Mifflin. First citation in article Google Scholar Paul Fauconnet 1920. La responsabilité. Étude de sociologie. Paris: Librairie Felix Alcan. First citation in article Google Scholar Marcel Fournier 2007. Emile Durkheim 1858–1917. Paris: Fayard. 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Lifeworlds: Essays in existential anthropology. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. First citation in article Google Scholar James Laidlaw 2002. “For an anthropology of ethics and freedom.” Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute 8(2): 311–32. First citation in article Google Scholar James Laidlaw 2010. “Agency and responsibility: Perhaps you can have too much of a good thing.” In Ordinary ethics: Anthropology, language and action, edited by Michael Lambek, 143–64. New York: Fordham University Press. First citation in article Google Scholar James Laidlaw 2014. The subject of virtue: An anthropology of ethics and freedom. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. First citation in article Google Scholar Michael Lambek, ed. 2010. Ordinary ethics: Anthropology, language and action. New York: Fordham University Press. First citation in article Google Scholar Alasdair MacIntyre 1981. After virtue: A study in moral theory. Notre Dame, IN: University of Notre Dame Press. First citation in article Google Scholar Isabel Anna Mason 1973. Family album. Personal manuscript. First citation in article Google Scholar Iris Origo (1947) 1984. War in Val D’Orcia: An Italian war diary 1943–1947. Boston: David R. Godine. First citation in article Google Scholar Elizabeth Povinelli 2011. Economies of abandonment: Social belonging and endurance in late liberalism. Durham, NC: Duke University Press. First citation in article Google Scholar Anand Pandian 2009. Crooked stalks: Cultivating virtue in South India. Durham, NC: Duke University Press. First citation in article Google Scholar Jane I. GUYER works primarily on economic topics, broadly speaking, and particularly on the anthropology of money in the present world. The present work grows from a long-term interest in the larger archive of L’Année Sociologique, most recently represented in two articles focused on Marcel Mauss, in the Journal of Classical Sociology (2014), and Social Anthropology (2012). She is currently working on a book of collected essays with the working title of Legacies, logics, logistics: Towards an economic anthropology of the present. JANE I. GUYER George Armstrong Kelly Professor, Department of Anthropology, Johns Hopkins University Baltimore, MD 21218 [email protected]edu Previous article Next article Details Figures References Cited by HAU: Journal of Ethnographic Theory Volume 4, Number 1Summer 2014 Published on behalf of the Society for Ethnographic Theory Article DOI https://doi.org/10.14318/hau4.1.022 Views: 156 Citations: 1 Citations are reported from Crossref Keywords responsibility durational ethics free will L’Année Sociologique Fauconnet translation This work is licensed under the Creative Commons | © Jane I. Guyer. 2014. Crossref reports the following articles citing this article: James D. Faubion, Jane I. Guyer, Tom Boellstorff, Marilyn Strathern, Clémentine Deliss, Frédéric Keck, and Terry Smith On the anthropology of the contemporary: Addressing concepts, designs, and practices, HAU: Journal of Ethnographic Theory 6, no.11 (Nov 2017): 371–402.https://doi.org/10.14318/hau6.1.020 Close Figure Viewer Browse All FiguresReturn to Figure Previous FigureNext Figure Caption The University of Chicago Press Books Chicago Distribution Center The University of Chicago Terms and Conditions Statement of Publication Ethics Privacy Notice Chicago Journals accessibility University accessibility Follow us on facebook Follow us on Twitter Contact us Media and advertising requests Open access at Chicago Follow us on facebook Follow us on Twitter work_3kbt5y45ebayxofspbachsekzu ---- In Memoriam Edna Aizenberg, Marymount Manhattan College, 9 April 2018 Nina Joan Auerbach, University of Pennsylvania, 3 February 2017 Jacques Barchilon, University of Colorado, Boulder, 19 June 2018 Nina Baym, University of Illinois, Urbana, 15 June 2018 Lawrence I. Berkove, University of Michigan, Dearborn, 19 May 2018 Maryellen Bieder, Indiana University, Bloomington, 31 January 2018 Richard Joseph Bourcier, University of Scranton, 27 May 2018 L. Ross Chambers, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor, 18 October 2017 Brian W. Connolly, Xavier University, OH, 16 May 2018 June S. Cummins, San Diego State University, 22 February 2018 Craig J. Decker, Bates College, 17 March 2018 David R. Eastwood, United States Merchant Marine Academy, 14 July 2017 Milton D. Emont, Denison University, 21 January 2018 John Halperin, Vanderbilt University, 1 March 2018 Jonathan Hess, University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill, 9 April 2018 Barbara Hodgdon, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor, 22 March 2018 Donald D. Kummings, University of Wisconsin, Parkside, 10 November 2017 Thérèse Ballet Lynn, Chapman University, 30 May 2017 David D. Mann, Miami University, Oxford, 24 December 2017 Charles A. Messner, Jr., Carleton College, 1 March 2018 Sally Todd Nelson, Dawson College, Canada, 3 April 2018 Anna Norris, Michigan State University, 18 March 2017 Philip Roth, Cornwall Bridge, CT, 22 May 2018 Estella Irvine Schoenberg, Buffalo State College, State University of New York, 17 April 2017 C. Jan Swearingen, Texas A&M University, College Station, 1 June 2017 Betty Perry Townsend, University of Maryland, College Park, 22 December 2017 Daniel D. Townsend, Anne Arundel Community College, MD, 25 May 2018 This listing contains names received by the membership ofice since the March 2018 issue. A cumulative list for the aca- demic year 2017–18 appears at the MLA Web site (www .mla .org/in_memoriam). In Memoriam [ P M L A 774 PMLA 133.3 (2018), published by the Modern Language Association of America 775 Omeka.net is a web publishing platform for sharing digital collections and creating media-rich online exhibits. Omeka.net offers the perfect platform for your digital public history work. 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Approaches to Teaching Hugo’s Les Misérables Binder3.pdf 775 777 778 779 780 781 782 work_3llcizxsjrgj5gledhcaguwu6m ---- wp-p1m-38.ebi.ac.uk Params is empty 404 sys_1000 exception wp-p1m-38.ebi.ac.uk no 217700633 Params is empty 217700633 exception Params is empty 2021/04/06-01:59:23 if (typeof jQuery === "undefined") document.write('[script type="text/javascript" src="/corehtml/pmc/jig/1.14.8/js/jig.min.js"][/script]'.replace(/\[/g,String.fromCharCode(60)).replace(/\]/g,String.fromCharCode(62))); // // // window.name="mainwindow"; .pmc-wm {background:transparent repeat-y top left;background-image:url(/corehtml/pmc/pmcgifs/wm-nobrand.png);background-size: auto, contain} .print-view{display:block} Page not available Reason: The web page address (URL) that you used may be incorrect. Message ID: 217700633 (wp-p1m-38.ebi.ac.uk) Time: 2021/04/06 01:59:23 If you need further help, please send an email to PMC. Include the information from the box above in your message. 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Message ID: 217693335 (wp-p1m-39.ebi.ac.uk) Time: 2021/04/06 01:59:14 If you need further help, please send an email to PMC. Include the information from the box above in your message. Otherwise, click on one of the following links to continue using PMC: Search the complete PMC archive. Browse the contents of a specific journal in PMC. Find a specific article by its citation (journal, date, volume, first page, author or article title). http://europepmc.org/abstract/MED/ work_3opiub3szfeflczubcrcxffene ---- I 15-3 Editor's Column: Metaphoric Spaces, Existential Moments, Practical Consequences T he physical site was an elevator at an annual MLA convention. This particular elevator was located in the New York Hilton. (Many of us recall that hotel from the time when we met regularly in Manhattan, until the city’s hostelries, having concluded that academics do not spend as much or tip as well as civilian tourists, banished the MLA from the premises.) Convention elevators are much alike wherever they are, however: smallish metallic containers packed with people who are trying hard not to be too obvious in their attempts to read the name tags of fellow passengers. Of more importance were the psychological features of the site: an unforgettable annual overload of fa- tigue, elation, and anxiety shared among a wedged-in mass of strangers. It was in that place and that context that a question was directed at me over the heads of the others: “Where are you?” Turning, I glimpsed a fa- miliar face. Not stopping to consider that the purpose of my friend’s query was to find out whether I was booked into the Hilton or another of the MLA hotels, I shot back, “Is this an existential question?” Laughter filled the elevator, somewhat nervous yet warm with self-awareness. Where are we, indeed1’ We will be assaulted by this question in many places and at many moments, but are we not inordinately vulnerable to its demands when ringed by the peculiar circumstances of our professional lives and of our function as academic practitioners of languages and literatures? I cite two moments when what I do, and am, as a professor of literature was challenged in a manner that, all of a sudden, forced me to rethink the existential applicability of the words “Where are you?” I recall these mo- ments of personal experience in order to venture certain comments about the situations in which all of us as members of the MLA function in our professorial duties and about the role PMLA may take in these situations. In my persona as a citizen of Los Angeles County, I was summoned for service in a jury “pool.” Eager to escape the boredom of having to pass ten days in the jurors’ “lounge,” I hoped to get assigned to the jury “box” so that I might attend to a case. Finally called into that box for preliminary screening, I was queried by the lawyers for the defense and the prosecution. Al- though it frequently happens that potential jurors are dismissed through peremptory challenges if it is learned that they are employed by academic institutions, the lawyers seemed satisfied with my answers to the basic questions put to me. Yet the presiding judge soon told me to leave the box, step out of the pool, and return to the lounge. I was dismissed “for cause,” as it were. He stated that I could not possibly function prop- erly as a juror. His reason: because I was a litera- ture professor and worked entirely with fantasies, I was incapable of processing the factual evi- dence on which final decisions in legal matters must be based. (He patiently took the time to in- form me about that which he assumed I was un- aware: that court cases depend on evaluating hard facts, not soft fictions.) Another existential moment that caught me offguard took place in yet another closely con- fined space (the backseat of a taxi). As the newly elected president of a national scholarly orga- nization, I was told (told off) by a well-known scholar trained as a dedicated empiricist that I, as a literature professor, represented the particu- lar tradition that was responsible for the murder of six million Jews: "You people only believe in fantasies, and fantasies gave Nazis the power to carry out the work of the Holocaust." The judge chose only to censor me individ- ually for practicing an occupation blind to real- ity. The scholar elected to condemn an entire professional discipline in my name for its mind- less advocacy of untruths that led to the horribly true destruction of an entire generation. Is this, indeed, where we are? Such encounters can shake teachers, schol- ars, and critics toiling in the fields of languages and literatures loose from the comfort of feeling at some peace with the tasks we perform day by day. Such existential moments (in elevators, jury boxes, and taxicabs) have the power to raise doubts about who and what we are. They also have a way of breaking into the monotony of ac- tivities that are more literal in their practice than profound in their commitment. How one re- sponds to such moments is, however, an individ- ual matter. No single call voiced during an MLA Presidential Address, no one item printed in the MLA Newsletter, no set of debates mounted at the Delegate Assembly, and no particular view ad- vanced in a PMLA Editor’s Column will resolve the unsettling circumstances that elicit existen- tial moments, which, by their nature, only take possession of our minds and wills, one by one. Recognition of where the “where” resides remains a private discovery, though one liable to have public consequences. There is an oft-told bit of apocrypha (but one so apt it carries its own truth) about the verbal exchange between Henry David Thoreau and Ralph Waldo Emerson after Thoreau was incarcerated for refusing to pay taxes to Massachusetts because it had recently sanctioned the capture and return of runaway slaves. Emerson supposedly queried Thoreau, “Henry, why are you there?” “Why are you not here?” Thoreau flung back in his customarily untactful manner.1 In Thoreau’s view, Emerson’s here was situated midst the corrupt convention- ality of a smugly law-abiding society. Thoreau's here was Concord’s jail, the moral space he elected to occupy to express in real terms his ab- horrence for America’s slave system. Sooner or later, we all need to choose our own “good jails” if we hope to have workable answers to the almost impossible questions of where we situate ourselves. For those of us who lead the academic life, our best jails will proba- bly be the spaces we daily claim, in our own manner, in the classroom, the study, and arenas of community activity. Also consider that PMLA and its parent organization, the Modern Lan- guage Association, strive to offer additional metaphoric spaces for experiencing existential moments and responding to the practical conse- quences these moments call into play. In the March issue of PMLA, Charles S. Adams’s Guest Column describes the real small world inhabited by teacher-scholars in the nation’s many liberal arts colleges. Writers of other Guest Columns in the recent past have also reported on the special spaces they occupy and the practices that follow from these facts. Linda Hutcheon has traced the scholarly geogra- phies Canadian academicians must traverse (114 11999]: 311-17), and Nellie Y. McKay has ana- lyzed the implications of being in “the Wheatley court” for all scholars of African American liter- ature (113 [19981: 359-69). In 1998. the special Forum on PMLA Abroad published communi- ques from members who teach in universities around the world (113 [ 1998]: 1122-50). while the 1999 special Forum on Literatures of the En- vironment addressed the problematics of writ- ing responsibly about the immense entirety of the natural world, that “where” where we all exist, like it or not (114 11999]: 1089-104). Ap- pearing in this issue are the first in PMLA's new series of commentaries, filled with a wide range of spaces, moments, and consequences. These inaugural contributions take us inside the back rooms where arguments over the film studies curriculum and the tight little island of academic book publishing are under way and into the are- nas where debates are taking place over the “where is it going?" of French theory and the “what are they?” of premodern sexualities. I close with a rapid look at the doings last December in Chicago at the annual MLA con- vention. As usual, the elevators are crowded, the lobbies jammed, the barstools occupied, and the session rooms either filled to overflowing or sparsely occupied (each panel its own special world of professional tensions and delights). Sea- soned conventioneers sense it is wise not to think too hard about what is going on upstairs in the rooms where job interviews are being held or downstairs in the large communal areas where other interviews are taking place nakedly in pub- lic view. But whatever precautions the cautious take, the four days of the convention will ball together into one massive existential moment. Lobby, elevator, corridor, room, and meeting place are metaphoric spaces in which persons whose tenure-track positions define for them their “where” are invisibly separated from others who feel, as yet, nowhere in the professional world. Still, there is excitement in the atmosphere and benefits to be gained for those willing to open themselves up to the abrupt experience of the ex- istential question that can come at any moment. Ralph Waldo Emerson had his own jails to deal with. It was often troubled spaces he wished to escape, not the good spaces his acer- bic friend Thoreau fought hard to inhabit. In “Self-Reliance,” Emerson offers a little parable of the person who flees to faraway places in hopes of eluding the unresolved tensions of ex- istence back home: Travelling is a fool’s paradise. Our first journeys discover to us the indifference of places. At home 1 dream that at Naples, at Rome, I can be intoxicated with beauty, and lose my sadness. I pack my trunk, embrace my friends, embark on the sea. and at last wake up in Naples, and there beside me is the stern Fact, the sad self, unre- lenting, identical, that I fled from. (145) Whether we fly off to distant cities for the annual conventions with sad or happy hearts or remain at home in the study or the classroom, the moment will surely come when a voice calls out from over our shoulder, “Where are you?” The answers to that question are our own to de- vise, but there are positive ways to deal with the practical consequences of our professional exis- tence. PMLA will continue to try to offer the best of all possible “jails,” from whose site we are free to retort, “Why are you not here?” Martha Banta Note 1 The version cited here comes from Henry Seidel Can- by’s biography, Thoreau (233). Walter Harding's The Days of Henry Thoreau reports that Emerson asked Thoreau why he had gone to jail, and Thoreau replied, “Why did you not?" (205-06). Harding takes as his source John Weiss’s 1865 es- say on Thoreau. In the January 1919 issue of the Liberator, Floyd Dell stated that the magazine was addressed “to two classes of readers: those who are in jail and those who are not" (14). Works Cited Canby, Henry Seidel. Thoreau. Boston: Beacon, 1939. Dell, Floyd. “‘What Are You Doing Out There?’" Liberator Jan. 1919: 14-15. Emerson, Ralph Waldo. “Self-Reliance.” Ralph Waldo Em- erson. Ed. Richard Poirier. New York: Oxford UP, 1990. 131-51. Harding, Walter. The Days of Henry Thoreau. 1962. New York: Dover, 1982. Weiss, John. “Thoreau.” Christian Examiner July 1865: 96-117. work_3pbb7j7mkrbgvpgmz5pzyw4eo4 ---- JASN2011111048 1..2 OBITUARY www.jasn.org In Memoriam: Charles Bernard Carpenter Richard J. Glassock,* Edgar Milford,† Mohamed H. Sayegh,‡§ Terry Strom,| and Nicholas Tilney¶ *Department of Medicine, Geffen School of Medicine at UCLA, Los Angeles, California; Departments of †Medicine and ¶Surgery, Brigham and Women's Hospital, Harvard Medical School, Boston, Massachusetts; ‡Department of Medicine, American University of Beirut, Beirut, Lebanon; §Harvard Medical School, Boston, Massachusetts; and |Department of Medicine, Beth Israel-Deaconess Medical Center, Harvard Medical School, Boston, Massachusetts J Am Soc Nephrol 23: 1–2, 2012. doi: 10.1681/ASN.2011111048 Do not go where the path may lead. Go instead where there is no path and leave a trail. Ralph Waldo Emerson An authentic pioneer must be visionary, courageous, resilient, patient, and persistent. All of these noble qualities were embodied in the persona of Charles Bernard (“Bernie”) Carpenter, a true pathfinder in the field of transplantation and nephrology, who passed into the pages of history at age 78 after a long struggle with Alzheimer’s disease. Only a very few individuals have been dually responsible for the founding of a medical discipline and for contributing so munificently to its growth and maturation. Bernie was born in Melrose, Massachusetts, in 1933, and remained a New Englander by nature and temperament. He possessed an inexhaustible curiosity, a calm and caring demeanor, and a dedication to the high ideals of scholarship, family, and friendship. After graduating from Dartmouth College (summa cum laude) and Dartmouth Medical School, he received his MD from Harvard Medical School in 1958. After a short sojourn at Cornell University Medical College and the Bellevue Hospital in New York for training in internal medicine, he served 2 years in the US Naval Medical Corps in Japan and then returned to Boston and the Peter Bent Brig- ham Hospital and Harvard Medical School in 1962, where he remained almost a half-century for his illustrious and highly productive career. At Harvard, he rose to full professor after 18 years, serving along the way as an investigator of the Howard Hughes Medical Institute from 1973 to 1980. Al- though he was director of the Tissue Typing and Immunogenet- ics Laboratories ofthe Brigham andWomen’s Hospital for nearly 3 decades, these titles and accomplishments are pale reflections of his iconic status in our field. Bernie, almost single-handedly, created the discipline of transplant medicine. In the heady, early days of organ trans- plantationusingazathioprineandglucocorticoids,andunderthe guidanceofJohnMerrillandJosephMurray,bothseminalfigures inthefieldofhumanorgantransplantation,hebecamethe main physician providing ongoing care for the first successful kidney transplants performed with immunosuppression in the dramatic period of 1962 to 1963—rightly called the dawn of organ allo-transplantation modified by drugs. Bernie excelled in the provision of compassionate care at a time when the out- come ofthekidney transplantationwas not as wellunderstood as it is now. The small initial brotherhood of patients with success- ful kidney grafts idolized him for his cool confidence radiating a much appreciated reassurance for their uncertain lives. He quickly expanded his horizons beyond the limits of the bedside tothelaboratory,where healsobegina life-long questto uncover Charles Bernard Carpenter Published online ahead of print. Publication date available at www.jasn.org. Correspondence: Dr. Richard J. Glassock, 8 Bethany, Laguna Niguel, CA 92677. Email: Glassock@cox.net Copyright © 2012 by the American Society of Nephrology J Am Soc Nephrol 23: 1–2, 2012 ISSN : 1046-6673/2301-1 1 U P F R O N T M A T T E R S the secrets of allograft acceptance. It was this conjunction of clinical and laboratory science that brought Bernie to posterity’s pinnacle. He also became the mentor for a phenomenal succession of supremely talented and gifted individuals, whose own con- tributions firmly advanced the discipline of transplant med- icine. His disciples recall the easy spirit of cooperation and openness, the quiet acceptance of young investigators strug- gling with unfamiliar technology and the growing intricacies of transplantation immunology, and most of all, the overriding sense of integrity, honesty, openness, and critical exposition that he brought to all endeavors. Bernie became known as the “big man who made all feel bigger” when they were under his spell. Trainees and young faculty flocked to Bernie and the laboratories of the Brigham and Women’s Hospital in large numbers (over 60) knowing that their careers as clinicians and scientists in the newly min- ted field of transplantation immunology, immunogenetics, and clinical transplantation would be would be nurtured by an inspirational mentor of unmatched intellect, balanced by wit and wisdom and a willingness to listen. Their decisions to come under this guidance were rewarded by success and rec- ognition in their own right. Bernie’s light burnt even more brightly on account of his unqualified dedication to his intel- lectual offspring. By the end of his active career, Bernie had trained a great majority of the new leaders of transplantation medicine in the United States and in many foreign countries. Together with his colleagues and trainees, he published over 380 scientific papers or about one per month over a span of 40 years. It is difficult to select key contributions from such a diverse and prodigious record of clinical and basic investiga- tion; he made major contributions to the immunogenetics of transplantation and tissue typing, indirect allo-recognition, oral tolerance, mechanisms of allograft rejection, immuno- suppression (chemical and biologic), complement metabolism in disease, and many others. Bernie and the talented group of co-investigators that surrounded him touched virtually every critical issueinhuman and experimentaltissue transplantation. Naturally, such an exceptional career would bring many accolades and awards. He was elected to the American Society for Clinical Investigation and to the Association of American Physicians,andservedasthepresidentoftheAmericanSocietyof Transplant Physicians (now the American Society of Trans- plantation). Bernie, along with Ronald Guttmann, Lawrence Hunsicker, and Terry Strom, helped found this major society representing the nascent field of transplantation medicine. He received the prestigious John P. Peters Award from the American Society of Nephrology and the David Hume Award fromtheNationalKidneyFoundation.Hiscolleaguesandfriends throughout the world endowed a Carpenter Transplantation Fellowship at the Brigham and Women’s Hospital on the occasion of his retirement from active academic life. He retired officially in 2005 but the ties to Boston were so strong he did not move to his postacademic hamlet in New Hampshire until 2007. Despite all of these achievements, Bernie remained the humble and generous humanist that endeared him to all that were fortunate to know or work with him. He sought no limelight and commanded no audience. He was content to follow his instincts, to persist in his curiosity, and to guide others through the tedium and disappointments that can crop up in a research career. His ability to succeed in all of these tasks can be attributed in large part his devotion to family and the support he received from his loving wife, Sandra, and to the joy they experienced in witnessing the growth and successes of their sons, Brad and Scott, and their four grandchildren, Michaela, Emma, Andres, and Annette. Add to this the wonderful ambience of New England and the warmth of their home in Weston, summers at a cottage on Angle Pond in New Hampshire and later a new home at Bar Harbor in Maine, the numerous informal gatherings with a large coterie of close friends, and their travels to many countries as an ambassador of transplantation science, and one can appreciate the richness of Bernie’s and Sandra’s life together. His last years, like his entire illustrious career, were devoted to the pursuit of new knowledge, as he became a volunteer for a large clinical trial in Alzheimer’s disease at the Brigham and Women’s Hospital. Bernie’s career over time is testimony to the truth of the observations of Socrates and Emerson that the examined life is the one worth living. Instinct, intuition, imagination, and re- flection guided Bernie during his long and productive career, a career epitomized by a passion to understand the unknown. No biologic mystery intimidated his inquisitiveness. His aequinimitas as a teacher brought out the best in his students. His legacy survives in the knowledge he advanced and in the accomplishments of his academic progeny. He will be sorely missed but not forgotten. All that is beautiful drifts away, like the waters. William Butler Yeats DISCLOSURES None. 2 Journal of the American Society of Nephrology J Am Soc Nephrol 23: 1–2, 2012 OBITUARY www.jasn.org work_3r2i745t7bd4tfx757vin54eju ---- Pittsburgh at Yellowstone: Old Faithful and the Pulse of Industrial America Pittsburgh at Yellowstone: Old Faithful and the Pulse of Industrial America Cecelia Tichi Yellowstone National Park became a tourist "Wonderland" only after the 1870s, when a mix of writers, photographers, illus- trators, publishers, and corporations, notably the Northern Pa- cific Railroad, repositioned its public identity from hell-on-earth to "a big wholesome wilderness" (Muir, Our National Parks 37). A significant part of that shift to a new geophysical identity in- volved figuration of the human body, a centuries-long practice in geographic description continued in nineteenth-century Ameri- can public discourse that invoked the body-geography analogy. In Natural History of Intellect (1893), Ralph Waldo Emerson, echoing Scripture, urged geographical exploration because "[n]a- ture ... is bone of our bone, flesh of our flesh, made of us" (165). Other writers exploited bodily terms to describe topographical features and geopolitical entities in the US. Henry David Tho- reau had opened his Cape Cod (1865) with an extended trope of Massachusetts as an anatomically configured pugilist ("Cape Cod is the bared and bended arm of Massachusetts" [851]), while in Life on the Mississippi (1883), Mark Twain observed that the river "is always changing its habitat bodily-is always moving bodily sidewise" (40-41). In the latter decades of the century, as Yellowstone and its geyser region became identified as an Ameri- can "Wonderland," texts supporting the newer identity partici- pated in the kinds of figuration proliferating in contemporary essays and narrative. In part, the bodily terms in texts on Yellowstone operated as a familiarizing stratagem whereby the distant alien land of rocky mountain ranges, erupting geysers, mud volcanoes, boiling springs, and the like became more conceptually accessible. But attention to the role of figuration of the human body in texts on Yellowstone from the 1870s to the 1920s reveals, in addition, the "double discourse of the natural and the technological" (Seltzer 152). This discourse, especially focused on the geyser, Old Faith- ful, produced an icon of industrial America. To recognize this is American Literary History 523 also to see the basis on which the geyser area became a text on the sociocultural disjunctions of the new industrial order. Prior to a series of explorations beginning in 1869, the Yel- lowstone area was known as "Colter's Hell," a tall-tale scene of "burning plains, immense lakes, and boiling springs" (William F. Raynolds, qtd. in Kinsey 45) encountered at first-hand by a few white trappers, hunters, and mountaineers dating back to John Colter's foray in the area in 1807-08, when he split off from the Lewis and Clark expedition and ventured into Yellowstone (Kin- sey 45-46). Colter was not alone, for another of the first white male explorers of the region, James Bridger, had called it "a place where hell bubbles up" ("Yellowstone Park" 248). Such descriptions fit earlier nineteenth-century fables of the far West as "scenes of barronness and desolation," of "the most dismal country" riddled with man-eating grizzlies, of "dismal and horrible mountains," of the "desert," of endless plains "on which not a speck of vegetable matter existed" (Lawson-Peebles 224-25). In order for the Yellowstone area to become credible as a national park and tourist "Wonderland," as it was called by the Helena Daily Herald in 1872, it was necessary that it be assigned a new public identity. This was achieved, as we shall see, in part by bodily figura- tion appearing both in travel and expeditionary texts. But the whole process of Yellowstone's reidentification has been docu- mented as a part of the larger post-Civil War project by which the trans-Mississippi West, theretofore understood to be the Great American Desert, now became a pathway to the "Edenic civilization that would occur as Americans entered the region, settled there, exploited its natural resources, and made the West over in their desired image" (Hales 47). In the case of Yel- lowstone, "Wonderland" replaced the inferno in expeditionary reports by Nathaniel P. Langford (1871) and especially Ferdi- nand V. Hayden (1872), who extolled the beauty and "magnifi- cent features" of the area (qtd. in Kinsey 83). These were aug- mented by guidebooks describing Yellowstone's majesty, beauty, enchantment, and by travel writing in the following decades in such middle-class magazines as Harper's, Scribners, National Geographic, and Atlantic Monthly, whose essays recounted per- sonally inspiring visits and beckoned readers to visit the park for health, adventure, and edification. Throughout one finds a rhetorical strategy using bodily figures to emphasize maternal succor and masculine guardianship. Yellowstone's new identity was also achieved by visual me- dia, such as the Hayden party's expeditionary photographs of William Henry Jackson. These showed male, shaftlike rock for- 524 Pittsburgh at Yellowstone mations and female valleys, along with canyons and waterfalls that, in compositional terms, "continued the Romantic land- scape tradition" (Hales 50). Alan Trachtenberg, discussing the work of Timothy O'Sullivan, another post-Civil War photogra- pher of the West, remarks that such photographs belong to the tradition of landscape art, with landscape referring to a particu- lar genre of academic painting (128). But painting also played a major role in establishing the new identity of Yellowstone. The painter Thomas Moran, also with the Hayden group, sketched scenes that provided illustra- tions for essays in Scribner's on "The Wonders of Yellowstone" and for James Richardson's Wonders of the Yellowstone (1872). Probably more importantly, Moran became nationally known for his huge (7 by 12 feet) oil painting The Grand Canon of the Yel- lowstone (1872), which was publicly exhibited in the US Capitol and instrumental in the creation of the park by an act of Con- gress signed into law by President Ulysses S. Grant in March 1871 and setting the region aside as "a great national park or pleasure ground for the benefit and enjoyment of the people" (qtd. in Sears 162; see Sears 158-63). In the painting, as in a series of his watercolors, Moran's compositonal exploitation of arches, towers, rocks, and trees, together with his adaptation of the aesthetic principles of John Ruskin and the painterly tech- niques of Joseph Mallord William Turner in capturing atmo- spheric effects and color, largely enabled Moran to translate Yel- lowstone as a landscape of the American sublime, a response codified earlier in the century in relation to America's first icon of nature, Niagara Falls (Kinsey 20-40; McKinsey 30-36, 99). In Moran's painting shafts of rock and tree trunks frame a wide, deep valley from which a central shaft of white mist rises sky- ward. In bodily terms, one recalls Perry Miller's statement on late-nineteenth-century representations of steam as "the pure white jet that fecundates America," inseminating the "body of the continent" (qtd. in Seltzer 27). Business, too, was centrally involved in the transformation of Yellowstone from "a place where hell bubbles up" to the new "Wonderland." Scribner's evidently funded the exhibition of Moran's huge canvas in Clinton Hall on New York's Astor Place, just as it published numerous essays on the Yellowstone area il- lustrated by Moran, including John Muir's. In addition, execu- tives and financiers of the Northern Pacific Railroad understood the advantages of a sublime, enticing Yellowstone for generating income from passengers, freight, and stockholders (Kinsey 64). Subliminally, at least, that shaft of steamy white mist central to Moran's The Grand Canon of the Yellowstone looked enough like 526 Pittsburgh at Yellowstone nineteenth-century texts also codify Yellowstone National Park as a sentient being expressive of feelings. The "mood" of Yel- lowstone Lake, for instance, "is ever changing." It "laughs" and then turns "angry" ("Washburn" 490). Muir, naturalist and leading proponent of the national park system, feminizes the park in terms of "Mother Earth" (Our Na- tional Parks 50) but moves anatomically inside the body when he says park visitors are "getting in touch with the nerves of Mother Earth" ("Wild Parks" 16). Muir's image is significant for its ana- tomical internalization, a direction that various writers followed. In 1893, in The Significance of the Frontier, Frederick Jackson Turner remarked that "civilization in America has followed the arteries made by geology ... like the steady growth of a complex nervous system for the originally simple, inert continent" (14- 15). F. W. Hayden explicitly linked the railroad's utilitarian rela- tion to this geological arterial system: "[T]he multitude of rivers that wind like arteries through the country ... excavate the ave- nues for our railroads" (qtd. in Hales 69). This textual mapping of the area in terms of internal organ systems is significant because it enables the production of certain social meanings that devolve from the traits of those organs, in- cluding arterial blood flow and cardiac pulse. The arterial rivers conjoin, in cardiovascular terms, with the heart, and, not surpris- ingly, the 5 April 1873 Harpers Weekly Magazine included an article entitled "The Heart of the Continent: The Hot Springs and Geysers of the Yellow Stone Region" (273-74). The heart-as-center was, of course, a centuries-old conven- tion but gained a certain agency from the dictum of Ralph Waldo Emerson, whose American scholar is not only "the world's eye" but "the world's heart" ("American Scholar" 73). Cardiac vitality is correlatively located at the center of the Emersonian universe: "[T]he heart at the centre of the universe with every throb hurls the flood of happiness into every artery, vein and veinlet, so that the whole system is inundated with the tides of joy" (Society 306- 07). In his essay, "The Yellowstone National Park," Muir, a self- proclaimed student and admirer of Emerson, asserted, "The shocks and outbursts of earthquakes, volcanoes, geysers, storms, the pounding of waves, the uprush of sap in plants, each and all tell the orderly love-beats of Nature's heart" (Our National Parks 70). The health of that heart was measured in a pulse manifest by Old Faithful geyser. In his essay on Yellowstone, Muir de- scribes "a hundred geysers," (54) though Old Faithful was, and is to this day, preeminent. Named by Nathaniel P. Langford and Gustavus C. Doane, who had written of the Yellowstone area American Literary History 527 prior to congressional action, Old Faithful is repeatedly singled out as exemplary. It is the "most instructive" geyser, wrote Hayden in 1872: "When it is about to make a display, very little preliminary warn- ing is given. There is simply a rush of steam for a moment, and then a column of water shoots up vertically into the air, and by a succession of impulses is apparently held steadily up for the space of fifteen minutes" ("Hot Springs" 175). In 1878, Joseph Le Conte identified the trait-punctual regularity-for which Old Faithful is best known. "'Old Faithful,' he wrote, "[is] so called from the frequency and regularity of its eruptions, throws up a column six feet in diameter to the height of 100 to 150 feet regularly every hour, and plays each time fifteen minutes" (412; emphasis added). Numerous texts from the 1870s cite the un- varying regularity of Old Faithful, always in terms of approval and admiration: It is "the only reliable geyser in the park. You can always bet on seeing him every sixty-five minutes" (Francis 34); there has been no "appreciable difference in its eruptions ... for over thirty years.... It always displays the same graceful, slender column" (Hague, "The Yellowstone" 523); it is "the gey- ser of the park" (Weed, "Geysers" 294); Old Faithful sets "a no- ble example to his followers" and is as punctual as "a tall, old- fashioned clock" (Rollins 886); it is a "perfect" geyser (Hague, "The Yellowstone" 517); "a model geyser" (Henderson 164); "Old Faithful is a friend to every tourist.... With the regularity of a clock, he pours out his soul toward heaven every sixty mi- nutes and then sinks back to regain new strength" (King 597). The very name-Old Faithful-connotes the cherished, fa- miliar, and dear. The geyser becomes an object of affection be- cause of its very predictability, its punctuality. The hotel beside it would be named the Old Faithful Inn, as if hospitality itself were linked to the geyser, as if it performed intentionally for the visitors who had endured the inconvenience of travel in order to experience what John Sears has called the "sacred places," the sacralized tourist sublime associated throughout the century with such sites as Niagara Falls, Kentucky's Mammoth Cave, Yosemite's sequoias. More than one writer said the road traveled to the geysers was "dull, dusty, glaring, and disappointing" (Rol- lins 872), but if Old Faithful failed to meet expectations, no one but Rudyard Kipling said so in print. This cherished, sacred Old Faithful is clearly central to Emerson's and Muir's idea of the organic, benevolent heart of the natural world. Yet texts from the 1870s to the 1920s indicate that the socio- cultural definition of Old Faithful changed radically from the version embraced by Emerson and Muir. Pulse itself becomes a 528 Pittsburgh at Yellowstone crucial term in this change. Numerous commentators character- ized geyser eruptions as pulsations. "The geyser," said one writer in 1890, "is a pool of limpid, green water whose surface rises and falls in rhythmic pulsations.... [A]t every pulsation, thick white clouds of steam came rolling out" (Weed, "Geysers" 291). A group in 1882 observed "nine successive pulsations" of the Grand (Francis 35). Many of the "springs ... rise and fall every second or two . . . with each pulsation, [by] ... steady im- pulses, . . . regular pulsations" ("Washburn" 437; Hayden, "Hot Springs" 163, 174). The pulse in these statements reverts to the arterial pulse, which in medical history is both mechanistic and organic. Texts such as Muir's ally the geysers' rhythms with those of waterfalls, storms, and avalanches, and thus position them with the rhythms of nature (Our National Parks 54). The many references to the steady, regular, clocklike pulsations and eruptions like those above derive from a mechanistic model. With regard to Old Faithful, the relation of the organic to the mechanic is neither a binary division nor an antithesis but a conjunction. The geyser operates as nature's own clockworks. The regularity of Old Faithful's pulse had a crucial connec- tion to the medical history that linked the body to the clock. Since the early eighteenth century the arterial pulse had been measured by the clock, when Sir John Floyer published The Phy- sicians Pulse Watch (1707), an account of his invention of a me- chanical watch with a second hand subsequently standard in time pieces. The sixty-second minute thus became the standard for pulse measurement. Floyer measured patients with "ex- ceeding and deficient pulses" (qtd. in Clendening 12), and these he worked to reregulate. Those that beat too fast or too slowly, according to the measurement of the pulse watch, were treated with medical regimens involving heat and cold. Life consists, Floyer theorized, "in the Circulation of blood, and that running too fast or slow, produces most of our Diseases" (qtd. in Clen- dening 573-74). The healthy body was that whose pulse throbbed in synchrony with the measurement of the pulse watch. By the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, medi- cal experts agreed that "changes of the pulse are important" (Barwell 89) and recognized a normative range of healthy pulsa- tions even as they named irregularities or arrhythmias, separated the arterial from the venal and hepatic pulses, and devised new instruments for measurement such as the sphygmograph, which showed the pulse is a series of curves (Osler, Principles 650-651). As one specialist wrote in 1902, "The rate of the pulse is the most simple of all signs" and "variations in rhythm are usually readily American Literary History 529 recognized," though "the timing of the various events in a car- diac revolution ... can only be acquired by careful practice ... with the radial pulse as a standard" (Mackenzie 6, viii). Old Faithful, as we have seen, was celebrated for its hourly pulse measured radially. It met the standard of the sixty-second minute encapsulated within the sixty-minute hour. Its health was proven by its very regularity over decades. Yet the pulse regularity of Old Faithful involved more than the apparent synchrony of nature with human horology. Muir tries to adhere to the organic model of the Emersonian "heart at the centre of the universe with every throb hurl[ing] the flood of happiness into every artery, vein and veinlet," but other writers, even Muir himself, were responding to a new model of the body as machine. In fact, the repositioning of Yellowstone as the US "Wonderland" included the technologizing of the body and of the material environment. For the post-Civil War decades not only redefined the American West but witnessed the transforma- tion of the Northeast and Midwest into industrial centers. This process, too, is important to the specific ways in which bodily identity produced Old Faithful as an icon of industrial America. The industrializing American scene is acknowledged in Muir's "Yellowstone National Park," despite the preponderance of pastoral and domestic terms, as though Yellowstone were a designed park, like Frederick Law Olmstead's Central Park or Boston's Fenway or Philadelphia's Fairmount parks. Muir's terms are organic; the very mineral formations are turned into flowers (47, 38). Abruptly, however, Muir invokes a radically different environment as he describes the geyser basin. It is as if "a fierce furnace fire were burning beneath each" geyser, "hiss- ing, throbbing, booming," writes Muir. "Looking down over the forests as you approach [the geysers]," he adds, "you see a multi- tude of white columns, broad reeking masses, and irregular jets and puffs of misty vapor ... entangled like smoke, ... suggesting the factories of some busy town" (Our National Parks 43). The factories of some busy town-so the "fierce furnace," the noises of hissing, throbbing, and booming after all recall the industrial landscape thousands of miles east of Yellowstone, which, ironically, is the very landscape preserved in its natural splendor from the encroachment of industrialism. The sub- lime Yellowstone of William Henry Jackson's photographs, of Thomas Moran's huge painting, of the railroad guidebooks and flyers, for that matter of Muir's own crafting, suddenly is chal- lenged by an apparently incongruous, even antithetical, overt im- age of industrial America. Comparing the geyser area to "the factories of some busy In fact, the repositioning of Yellowstone as the US "Wonderland" included the technologizing of the body and of the material environment. 530 Pittsburgh at Yellowstone town," Muir's diction collapses the boundaries between the two worlds of nature's "Wonderland" and technological industrial- ism. The writer whose name had become synonymous with natu- ralism and conservation, with appreciation of wilderness qua wil- derness, who speaks of mineral formations as bouquets of flowers, who writes that the geyser visitors "look on, awe-stricken and silent, in devout, worshipful wonder" seems inadvertently to reveal a major disjunction in consciousness (Our National Parks 53, 54). The geysers look like a factory, and the most visited site in Yellowstone National Park turns out to be Pittsburgh. Others, in fact, explicitly named the city identified with steel and coke magnates Andrew Carnegie and Henry Clay Frick in their descriptions of Old Faithful. The "rising smoke and vapor" reminded one writer "of the city of Pittsburgh" (Koch 503), and another observed that "a view of the city of Pittsburg [sic] from a high point would convey some idea of the appearance of this valley [of geysers and hot springs], except that in the former case the dense black smoke arises in hundreds of columns, instead of the pure white feathery clouds of steam" (Hayden, "Hot Springs" 173). In 1880 S. Wier Mitchell, the physician known for his immobilizing "rest cure" for disordered women, described the area of "mud volcanoes" as comparable to "the exhaust of a steam-engine, and near it from the earth come the rattle and crash and buzz and whirring of a cotton-mill" (701). Signifi- cantly, it was another nature writer, John Burroughs, who com- pared the geyser area to an industrial site when he wrote in 1907 that "as one nears the geyser region, he gets the impression from the columns of steam ... that he is approaching an industrial centre" (63). In part, such comments are utilitarian, measuring waste- fulness against a norm of efficient usage. The geysers emit steam "in extravagant ... prodigality ... Steam enough is wasted here to run all the Western railways" ("Editor's Study" 320). A writer in The Nation observed that enough geyser water shot into the air "to run all the factories of Pennsylvania for a week" ("Yel- lowstone" 249). Burroughs "disliked to see so much good steam and hot water going to waste" because "whole towns might be warmed by them, and big wheels made to go round" (64). Technological analogies providing easily accessible lessons to the reading public also show the extent of middle-class famil- iarity with mechanistic thinking, as when a geologist in 1898 ex- plained that some geysers "have been formed by explosion, like the bursting of a boiler" (Tarr 1575), or when steam vents are said to "keep up a constant pulsating noise like a high-pressure engine on a river steamboat" (Hayden, "Hot Springs" 164), or American Literary History 531 when geysers are termed "natural steam-engines" (Weed, "Gey- sers" 299), their vapor likened to "the smoke of the ... locomo- tive" (Rollins 883). Whether used as a utilitarian measure of usage or waste- fulness, or as a term of explanation or description, however, these references to machine technology, heavy industry, and the indus- trial city provide a context in which the bodily identity of Old Faithful becomes clearer. Though Muir grouped geophysical eruptions, wind-and-wave hydraulics, and botanical cycles as the percussive "orderly love-beats of Nature's heart," the industrial context produced a different cardiac model. The clockwork regu- larity of Old Faithful's pulse, when set within the context of an industrializing America, defines the geyser as an industrial-age bodily icon. The eminent physician William Osler wrote that a man must realize "that he is a machine" (William Oslers Col- lected Papers 5), and the American geophysical expression of that machine body becomes Old Faithful geyser. Old Faithful in this sense is a synecdoche of the valorized body of the industrial era-a body understood as a machine whose pulse must be regular as clockwork. It is male, in that the realm of heavy industry was gendered masculine (despite the female operatives in textile mills), and its eruptions encompass the ejaculative in the arterial. Indeed, Muir emphasizes that gey- sers sometimes erupt for periods of nearly one hour, "standing rigid and erect," "seeming so firm and substantial and perma- nent" (Our National Parks 42, 54). Such expression of male virility is fully consonant with the new industrial ethos of the later nineteenth century, and Old Faithful thus exemplified the ideals of an industrial society orga- nized for maximal rationalized production. Like the railroads and well-run industrial plants, Old Faithful produced on sched- ule. True, its eruptions varied by a few minutes, but the concept of hourly regularity was intact, as the numerous tributes to the geyser as reliable, punctual, regular as a clock all indicate. Old Faithful reassuringly enacted the unvarying, relentless rhythms of an industrial system and thus seemed to be the "American incarnation," in Myra Jehlen's terms, of the capitalistic social or- der of industrial, technological production. Its pulse could be measured by the clock; its very arterial rhythm seemed to be na- ture's own precocious foreordination of the American modernity manifest in the industrial system. "Nature's nation" thus was validated by nature's own indus- trial pulse. The very geophysical heart of America beat the rhythms of mechanization. Those seeing the geyser basin as a version of Pittsburgh or a similar "industrial centre" thus could 532 Pittsburgh at Yellowstone appreciate Old Faithful as the paradigmatic pulse of that very system. Presumably, those responding with approbation also felt their interests well served by the new industrial order. Repre- sented by those who gathered in May 1872 to view Moran's Yel- lowstone painting, these were, as one railroad executive de- scribed them, "the press-the literati- ... the rich people" (qtd. in Kinsey 73). Evidently, however, the geyser basin of Yellowstone also aroused anxieties pertinent to the industrial system and thereby to its bodily identity. No other geyser approached Old Faithful in regularity of pulse. Its punctuality was offset by other geysers' "capricious[ness]" (Francis 34) and "misbehavior" (Weed, "Gey- sers" 294), and some of the geyser names suggest the anxiety evoked by their very irregularity and turbulence: Hurricane, Restless, Spasmodic, Spiteful, Impulsive, Fitful, Spasm. Against Old Faithful, the very unpredictability of other geysers needs to be engaged, not solely in geophysical terms but, as with Old Faithful, in those of sociocultural issues in late nineteenth- and early twentieth-century America. For Yellowstone's old identity as hell-on-earth was not quite effaced or even entirely repressed despite the vigorous efforts of its post-1870 spokespersons. The continuation of the infernal identity, however, has less to do with an inadequate cam- paign on behalf of the new Yellowstone "Wonderland" than it does with certain contemporary representations of industrial America. Ironically, just at the point when the cohort of photog- raphers, painters, railroad executives, publishers, et cetera col- laborated to identify Yellowstone as America's "Wonderland," public discourse in the US was fashioning an infernal identity for industrial America. While the West was newly configured in edenic terms, the industrial Northeast and Midwest were as- signed Yellowstone's old identity as hell-on-earth. In fact, from the 1860s, fiction writers, journalists, and illus- trators presented the new urban industrial order in terms of the infernal. Woodcuts and lithographs, for instance, in Harper's Weekly Magazine (1 Nov. 1873; 7 July 1888) showed tense labor- ers shoveling coal into beehive coke ovens as flames roil skyward, while other bare-chested workmen tend the fiery furnaces of the iron mill as flames backlight the night sky in a blinding blaze. Writers, too, produced these kinds of infernal images. Rebecca Harding Davis, in Life in the Iron Mills (1861), published in the Atlantic Monthly, described a "city of fires, that burned hot and fiercely in the night. Fire in every horrible form.... caldrons filled with boiling fire. ... It was like a street in Hell" (20); "like Dante's Inferno" (27). Industrial Pittsburgh, just 60 miles north American Literary History 533 of Davis's Wheeling, was characterized in 1883 by a travel writer as "the great furnace of Pandemonium ... the outer edge of the infernal regions" (Glazier 332). Such accounts of industrial, technologically driven Amer- ica corresponded to the characterization of "American Ner- vousness," which, in 1881, George Beard attributed to an ur- banizing American environment of traction railways, industrial machinery, electrification, steam engines, factories, the very loco- motive rods and pistons moving the passenger cars of the North- ern Pacific, the Burlington Route, and the Oregon Short Line that brought visitors to Yellowstone as of the 1880s. While Turner affirmed the westward path of civilization as "the steady growth of a complex nervous system," Beard blamed that same civilization for overtaxing the body's neural system in a world thought to engender a host of diseases, including consumption and neurasthenia, whose etiology was found in cities, industrial plants, and fast-paced temporal pressures. The tourists at Yellowstone came to experience awe at Old Faithful, but evidence indicates that visitors who produced travel texts on their experience at the park did so as inhabitants of an industrial, technological world. This is to say that the texts repre- sentative of their experience show a Yellowstone-especially Old Faithful and the geyser basin-framed in experience largely of industrialism and its conditions of production and labor. As Old Faithful became an icon of industrial America, the erratic sur- rounding geysers, boiling springs, and mud volcanoes were read as a statement on the industrial pulse/body under mortal threat. The geyser area was a rearview-mirror image of the industrializ- ing US. Muir, the active agent in the production of a Yellowstone "Wonderland," worked to allay anxieties about danger there. Ad- dressing a middle-class reading public, he framed his park de- scription in reassurances that "most of the dangers that haunt the unseasoned citizen are imaginary," that "over-civilized people" are subject to "irrational dread," for instance, of rattle- snakes and murderous Indians ("No scalping Indians will you see" [Our National Parks 51]). "Fear nothing," he says, for "no town park you have been accustomed to saunter in is so free from danger as the Yellowstone" (Our National Parks 57-58). Muir then tries to make the old hellish nicknames sound zany and fun, as though anticipating the later-twentieth-century theme park. Names like "Hell Broth Springs," the "Devil's Cal- dron," and "Coulter's Hell" are "so exhilarating that they set our pulses dancing" (Our National Parks 58). Muir sets up a sympa- thetic pulsing of the geothermal and the arterial in the realm of 534 Pittsburgh at Yellowstone rhythmic movement whose beat is emphatically more musical than mechanical. As partners, the visitors and the geysers have a ball. Others, however, did not reproduce Muir's terpsichorean rhetorical strategy. Travelers' accounts through the 1880s to the 1910s continued to enforce a somber linkage between the geyser basin and the inferno. By implication, their descriptions are shadowed by the presumed presence of demonic, monstrous bodies in hell. And their statements show the extent to which industrial-age America did not efface the old Yellowstone iden- tity as "a place where hell bubbles up" but actually renewed it. They described "a seething caldron over a fiery furnace" emitting a "villainous smell" ("Washburn" 434). One of the mud volca- noes bears "testimony to the terrible nature of the convulsion that wrought such destruction" (Langford 354). A writer in Scribners Magazine noted the "weird, uncanny, sulphurous, and at times even dangerous" aspect of the geyser area (Hague 516). Another said, "It seemed as if we were looking upon a panorama of the Inferno" (King 597), and still another remarked that the air was "burden[ed] ... with such sulphurous odors that at times it was rendered almost unfit for respiration" (Owen 193). A mother shepherding her seven children through a Yellowstone vacation in 1905 recalled that "like everybody else, we loved Old Faithful ... feared Excelsior, admired the Giant and Beehive." But, she said, "the horrible rumbling as if an earthquake were imminent and the smell of brimstone made me eager to get my brood into the valley of safety beyond the Yellowstone" (Corthell 1466). Even the scientists reverted to fraught language in descrip- tion of the geyser: the Excelsior is "a violently boiling cauldron[;] ... its waters may be seen in violent ebullition" (Jagger 324). Absent Old Faithful, and unable to join in the spirit of Mu- ir's injunction to "fear nothing" and dance, texts from the 1870s, including Muir's, link the geyser basin with the inferno in affirming its volcanic geophysics. In 1896, Arnold Hague of the United States Geological Survey asserted that "all geologists who have visited [Yellowstone] concur that the 'great body' of rock and mineral is 'volcanic,"' (Hague, "Age of Igneous Rocks" 447). Two years later, a geologist graphically described the pro- cess: "Volcanoes developed throughout the entire Rockies.... Great masses of lava were intruded into the rocks.... Beds of volcanic ash testify to violent explosive volcanic activity" (Tarr 1407). The novelist Owen Wister's hero, the Virginian, visits the geysers and smells a "volcanaic [sic] whiff" (Sears 169). One writer compared the probable eruptive force of the Yellowstone- area volcanoes with those of the widely publicized recent erup- American Literary History 535 tions of Krakatoa (1883) and of Tarawera, New Zealand (1886) (Weed, "Fossil Forests" 235). US visitors to Yellowstone were not encouraged to consider the likelihood of renewed volcanic activity. (Muir reassured them that "the fire times had passed away, and the volcanic furnaces were banked" [Our National Parks 64]). The "glass road" of vol- canic obsidian over which they rode in wagons and stage coaches to the geysers was considered a wonder, not a threat. Yet images of the inferno indicate anxieties not allayed by reassurances that the fires were extinct. The spewing, hissing eruptions proved otherwise. An 1897 "Editor's Study" column in Harpers cited a "lady" who considered the geyser area of Yel- lowstone as "the safety-valve of the United States": The geysers function as "vent-holes of its internal fires and explosive energies, and but for the relief they afford, the whole country might be shaken with earthquakes and be blown up in fragments" (320). The column's author reported it "not encouraging" (320) to feel the hot crust underfoot and identified the subterranean area as "a terrible furnace" (321). The imagery of safety value and furnace, together with that of the danger, destruction, and chaos of the inferno, also tended to collapse boundaries between Yellowstone and the industrial East and Midwest. Public discourse indicates that apart from the pleasures of Old Faithful, the Yellowstone visitors alighted at the geyser basin only to encounter a geophysical version of the very inferno familiar to them from fictional and journalistic accounts of the material environment of industrial Eastern and upper Midwestern cities of the US. Just as Old Faithful provided reassurance about the health of the industrial order, so the erratic and frightening geyser basin was read as a geophysical text on sociocultural threats to the new industrial order. There is some evidence that such threat was perceived in bodily terms with reference to industrial work- ers occupying "t' Devil's place" (Davis 20), workmen who were "bad" and "desperate" enough to be condemned to hell (Davis 27). The heaving, spewing, violent, and capricious geysers and volcanoes replicated an industrializing scene periodically rife with social turmoil, including strikes and riots devolving from conditions of labor and wages. In this sense, the erratic, arrhyth- mic geysers are a homology of the bodies necessary to keep the industrial world in mechanistic synchrony that instead, at inter- vals, subvert its clockwork rhythms. Such bodies, swarthy, carbon-blacked, and mud-caked-as Davis termed them, "filthy and ash-covered" (24), "coarse and vulgar" (25)-threaten the clockwork pulse of the industrial order. Like erratic geysers, they 536 Pittsburgh at Yellowstone "pulsate in rhythmic beats from the mighty heart of internal chaos" (Townsend 163). In Life in the Iron Mills they are "bois- terous" (Davis 26), but at Yellowstone "infernally angry enough to emit 'sighs, moans, and shrieks"' (Sedgwick 3573). The sulphurous, heaving mud volcanoes, hissing steam vents, and explosive eruptions-the inferno-had a textual fore- ground, moreover, in the dire volcanic social vision recurrent in public discourse in the US from the early nineteenth century and deeply engaged with the social body of nonelites. Political, reli- gious, and educational figures had recurrently exploited volca- noes as a terrifying metaphor for the collapse of social order in the US, as Fred Somkin has shown. Back in 1788 Fisher Ames of Massachusetts warned at a political convention that "a de- mocracy is a volcano, which conceals the fiery materials of its own destruction" (qtd. in Somkin 39). In 1817 the Columbian Orator reprinted Yale president Timothy Dwight's description in the "Conquest of Canaan" of "a fiery Judgment Day marked by quaking, fire-belching mountains" (Somkin 39). The possibility that slavery or some other issue might prompt riotous rupture of the social order led Reverend Ephraim Peabody in 1846 to say that while "all may be smooth and fair on the surface," the "fires of a volcano are moving beneath the thin crust, and ... in a moment they may burst through and lay the labors of centuries in ruins" (7). In 1855 the Reverend Richard Storrs voiced his fear that crime, slavery, vice, and Catholicism threatened the US, which he feared slept "on the crater's edge" as "fiery floods threaten an overflow ... more terrible than was felt by Pompeii or Herculaneum" (21). In a Fourth of July oration of 1842, Hor- ace Mann speculated that the nation "is an active volcano of ignorance and guilt" (29). The eruption of strikes and riots in the later nineteenth and early twentieth centuries also prompted description in volcanic terms. The "political and industrial battles" in Colorado from 1894 to 1904, for instance, led to the publication of a report from the US Commissioner of Labor (1905): "The reading of that re- port leaves one with the impression that present-day society rests upon a volcano, which in favorable periods seems very harmless, but, when certain elemental forces clash, it bursts forth in a man- ner that threatens with destruction civilization itself" (Hunter 303). Statements of this kind produce a volcanic social body cor- relative with the rumored western hell-on-earth at Yellowstone, and thus the nineteenth-century US becomes a continuum of volcanic geopolitics. Possibilities for sociocultural "volcanic" explosion appar- ently intensified with the availability of the new explosives in- American Literary History 537 vented by Alfred B. Nobel in 1866 and developed in the US by the Du Pont Corporation and others. Nobel's work enabled pro- duction of a stable explosive in which nitroglycerine was mixed with an inert filler, such as sawdust, then pressed into paper cylin- ders, and set off with a detonator. Used in construction, mining, and civil engineering, it was lightweight and portable. And like the explosive volcano, dynamite served to express deep anxieties about hidden dangers of social disorder. Anybody in possession of a stick of dynamite became a potential one- person volcano. Josiah Strong's best-selling social critique, Our Country: Its Possible Future and Its Present Crisis (1885) de- scribed as "social dynamite" the "largely foreign" male popula- tion of "roughs[,] . . . lawless and desperate men of all sorts" (132). Strong's "social dynamite" gained credence the following year, when some of the eight anarchists found guilty of detonat- ing the bomb that killed a policeman in Chicago's Haymarket riot spoke in the language of explosive social change. August Spies declared, "[F]rom Jove's head once more HAS SPRUNG A MINERVA-DYNAMITE!" (7). Revolutions, he added, result from certain "causes and conditions," like "earthquakes and cyclones" (8). One may recall the Yellowstone visitor anxious about the earth hot under her feet as Spies's speech warned that laboring wage slaves would rise in revolt: "[E]verywhere, flames will blaze up. It is a subterranean fire. You cannot put it out" (10). Spies's fellow anarchist, Albert P. Parsons, who denied using dynamite to cause the 1886 Haymarket riot, nonetheless declared its effi- cacy as "a democratic instrument" and was quoted by one alarmed author as citing it as a "splendid opportunity ... for some bold fellow to make the capitalists tremble by blowing up [the Chicago Board of Trade] building and all the thieves and robbers that are there" (McLean 33). The texts celebrating a clocklike Old Faithful and deploring the infernal adjoining geysers would seem hostile to the notion of dynamiting buildings or otherwise altering the social order with incendiary devices. Such texts were not produced by those laboring 12 hours daily in dangerous, debilitating, low-paying toil, but by those sufficiently affluent to buy rail and coach seats to the Rockies, to stay at hotels or to camp in the Wylie Com- pany's system of tents (beds and meals with campfires at the rate of five dollars per day), to take leave of a primary residence for weeks at a time. These, not the self-described wage-slave labor- ers with anarchist views, were the visitors poised to applaud Old Faithful. And these were the visitors who shuddered when, unexpect- edly, one or another of the other geysers "burst forth again with- 538 Pittsburgh at Yellowstone out warning, and even greater violence" (Francis 35) who saw eruptions "pulsate in rhythmic beats from the mighty heart of internal chaos." For civil violence had abated but not ceased in the decades following the Civil War, as seen in such events as the deadly Great Railroad Strike of 1877 over the issues of hourly wages, the Haymarket riot of 1886 which started over the eight- hour work day, the New Orleans race riots of 1866, the Home- stead Strike of 1892, the Pullman Strike of 1894, the miners' strike at Coeur d'Alene, Idaho, in 1899, the above-mentioned Colorado strikes and riots from 1894 to 1904-all of which seemed to nativists dangerously explosive. Add to these the ac- tual explosives, from the bomb thrown into Chicago's Haymar- ket to the carload of dynamite detonated by striking miners to blow up the mine concentrator, an area where wastes were ex- tracted from ores, at the Coeur d'Alene mine. It is important to recognize that Yellowstone's visitors- camped with their own "wagons, tents, and provisions," their "coffee pot, frying pan and kettle," and "a buffalo robe to spread on a pile of fir, pine, or hemlock twigs, with blankets for covering, [which] makes a bed which renders that city pest, insomnia, an impossibility" (Logan 160)-looked to Old Faithful to help them keep faith in an industrializing nation that was built, some feared, on incendiary volcanic soil. Given their class position, the American body politic and the mechanistic body of the new industrial order must have seemed tenuous, contingent, and con- tested. 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[522] p. 523 p. 524 p. 525 p. 526 p. 527 p. 528 p. 529 p. 530 p. 531 p. 532 p. 533 p. 534 p. 535 p. 536 p. 537 p. 538 p. 539 p. 540 p. 541 Issue Table of Contents American Literary History, Vol. 9, No. 3 (Autumn, 1997), pp. 381-624 Front Matter American Cultural Iconography: Vision, History, and the Real [pp. 381 - 395] "Are We Men?": Prince Hall, Martin Delany, and the Masculine Ideal in Black Freemasonry, 1775-1865 [pp. 396 - 424] Melville, Garibaldi, and the Medusa of Revolution [pp. 425 - 459] Seeing and Believing: Hawthorne's Reflections on the Daguerreotype in The House of the Seven Gables [pp. 460 - 481] Miscegenated America: The Civil War [pp. 482 - 501] Unseemly Commemoration: Religion, Fragments, and the Icon [pp. 502 - 521] Pittsburgh at Yellowstone: Old Faithful and the Pulse of Industrial America [pp. 522 - 541] The Whiteness of Film Noir [pp. 542 - 566] Nuclear Pictures and Metapictures [pp. 567 - 597] Tex-Sex-Mex: American Identities, Lone Stars, and the Politics of Racialized Sexuality [pp. 598 - 616] A Forum, Not a Temple: Notes on the Return of Iconography to the Museum [pp. 617 - 623] Back Matter [pp. 624 - 624] work_3sbdsqt4onavrgrcztto2a3sne ---- Alone in the Void: Getting Real about the Tenuous and Fragile Nature of Modern Civilization Humanities 2012, 1, 178-191; doi:10.3390/h1030178 humanities ISSN 2076-0787 www.mdpi.com/journal/humanities Article Alone in the Void: Getting Real about the Tenuous and Fragile Nature of Modern Civilization Paul C. Sutton 1,2 1 Department of Geography, University of Denver, Denver 80208, CO, USA; E-Mail: psutton@du.edu; Tel.: +1-303-871-2399; Fax: +1-303-871-2201 2 Barbara Hardy Institute, School of the Natural and Built Environments, University of South Australia, GPO Box 2471, Adelaide 5001, SA, Australia; E-Mail: pau.sutton@unisa.edu.au Received: 23 October 2012; in revised form: 12 November 2012 / Accepted: 19 November 2012 / Published: 28 November 2012 Abstract: It is estimated that roughly seventy billion human beings have lived out their lives on planet earth. It is very unlikely that any of the seven billion currently enjoying this planet will be living out the rest of their life any place else. Nonetheless, many of our movies and much of our literature envisions easy space travel that is scientifically unrealistic. On July 24th, 2012 Adam Frank, a professor of physics and astronomy, wrote an op-ed piece in the New York Times titled: Alone in the Void. This article posited that humanity (Homo sapiens) lives on a planet that is, for all intents and purposes, alone in a vast empty space. Reader comments to this editorial ranged from people who were very confident we were destined to colonize other galaxies to people who had little faith that humanity would even exist on the earth one hundred years from now. The reader’s responses mirror dominant and minority world views of economic theory. The dominant neo-classical economic paradigm is optimistic and growth oriented with faith in technological solutions to pressing social and environmental problems; whereas, the minority paradigm of ecological economics posits a need to move toward a steady state economy governed by the laws of thermodynamics as the preferred path for human progress. I side with ecological economics regarding what collective choices will result in a better future for humanity. Keywords: Neo-classical economics; ecological economics; sustainability OPEN ACCESS Humanities 2012, 1 179 1. Introduction We live on a ―Small Blue Planet‖. This idea was poignantly reinforced into humanity’s collective consciousness by the famous ―Earthrise‖ photograph taken by Apollo 8 astronauts in 1968 [1]. This photograph, in and of itself, is an ironic juxtaposition of our nascent capacity for space travel with the humbling fact that we are truly ―alone in the void‖. On July 24th, 2012 Adam Frank, a professor of physics and astronomy, wrote an op-ed piece in the New York Times with that very title: Alone in the Void [2]. This op-ed piece attracted over 150 thoughtful comments from readers of the New York Times that represented a significant dichotomy of opinion as to the likely destiny of humanity. The article posited that humanity (Homo sapiens) lives on a planet that is, for all intents and purposes, alone in a vast empty space. Whilst Dr. Frank dreamed that humanity’s future ―would be played out in the theatre of the stars‖ he ruefully concluded that if we are ever going to reach the stars we will first have to learn to live with one another on this planet in increasingly larger numbers with increasingly difficult challenges for the foreseeable future. The reader responses to this editorial were almost bipolar in nature ranging from this: ―We had the scientific miracle of Einstein’s physics. We developed flight from a bike shop to intercontinental jets, and made travel by ship obsolete. We have had the scientific miracle of computers and all their progeny of devices. Combining these things we have things like GPS so nobody need be lost again. We have had scientific miracles. We will have more.‖ (Mark Thomason) to this: ―Human beings are very good at destroying things: other species, each other, and the world around us. If we ever do figure out how to leave our solar system, I hope it is long after we have learned how to get along with each other, coexist with other living things, and that we have had many centuries of practice living in peace before we do.‖ (Bill Appledorf) While the range of comments were bipolar in nature, the majority of them were pessimistic and argued that humanity better figure out how to live here on earth before we colonized space. One poignant comment quoted Robert Browning: ―Ah, but a man’s reach should exceed his grasp, or what’s a heaven for?‖ And many commenters hoped we would chart a near term path toward sustainability with the hope that once we matured as a civilization we might extend our grasp beyond planet earth. However, these commenters often noted that our current and past behaviours did not suggest we would be successful. The bifurcated nature of these reader’s responses is mirrored in the dominant and minority world views of economic theory. The dominant neo-classical economic paradigm is optimistic regarding the future, with faith in technological solutions to pressing environmental problems and continuous economic growth the result. Alternatively, the minority paradigm of ecological economics asserts that we need to move toward a steady state economy governed by the laws of thermodynamics. Ecological economics is referred to as both a trans disciplinary and interdisciplinary field of academic research that aims to address the interdependence and coevolution of human economies and natural ecosystems over time and space [3]. It is interesting to note that the majority opinions of the commenters to this New York Times article are in opposition to the policy prescriptions of the dominant neo-classical Humanities 2012, 1 180 economic paradigm. I am convinced the paradigm of ecological economics holds the greatest promise regarding what collective choices are more likely to result in a better future for humanity. Ecological Economics addresses the relationships between ecosystems and economic systems [4]. Distinguishing Themes of Ecological Economics includes Sustainability, Broader notions of value, Intergenerational Equity, Uncertainty, Methodological Pluralism, and a Land Ethic [5]. Some economists are coming to recognize that the study of human activities on a finite planet, in the long-run, requires a different set of concepts to those useful for the economic analysis of households, firms, and nation states in the short- and medium-run. In a complementary way, ecologists, and other natural scientists, are increasingly recognizing that economic activity is here to stay; human activities are coming to dominate the global ecosystem, and ecosystem analysis which does not explicitly include economic activities makes less and less sense. The stage seems to be set for a coming together of these two disciplines so that problems of resource use and pollution in the global ecosystem can be discussed and assessed in a conceptual framework worthy of these problems [6]. A brief discussion of the idea of a ―collective‖ choice is warranted here. The very idea that the future is not pre-determined and that the future has different potential outcomes that will necessarily result from choices that we make both individually and collectively is not universally held [7]. Many eminent scholars such as Stephen Pinker, Richard Dawkins, and Edward O. Wilson hold to ideas that many would call a deterministic world view; and, to the idea that ―Free Will‖ (as most of us understand it) is merely an evolutionarily adaptive illusion. Many scholars who ally themselves with the perspective of ecological economics bridle at the ideas of determinist thinking entering into policy discussions regarding sustainable development and normative suggestions as to appropriate paths to human progress [8,9]. This discussion of ―The Future of Humanity‖ is premised on the assumption that human beings will make individual and collective choices that will make a difference as to what will be taking place on this planet tomorrow, next year, a hundred years from now, and ten thousand years from now. 2. The Dark Side of the Earth Since the dawn of agriculture roughly 10,000 years ago, the dark side of the earth has lit up with city lights at an accelerating pace. Images of the earth at night derived from nighttime satellite imagery are an iconic representation of both human presence and technology at this point in time (Figure 1). Today, more than half of humanity lives in these lit areas of the earth’s surface; and, the growth in human numbers and energy consumption that has produced these patterns of light will eventually stop. Cosmologists speculate that the reason we have not found the civilizations of other intelligent life that evolved in the universe is because the lights go out on the dark side of their planet for some catastrophic reason. It is hard to imagine what the dark side of the earth will look like in 10,000 years. If we want to see light on the dark side of the Earth 10,000 years from now humanity will have to develop an international attitude of cooperative stewardship of our commonwealth—this small blue planet. Sadly, we are not making great progress in this respect. Humanities 2012, 1 181 Figure 1. The ―Dark Side of the Earth‖ past, present, and future. 3. The State of the World Countless academics, non-governmental organizations, and government agencies have gone to great effort to measure, map, document, and report on ―The State of the World‖ from various perspectives of environmental sustainability. Lester Brown, founder of the Worldwatch Institute and president of the Earth Policy Institute has written seminal books on the subject: The State of the World, and Plan B: Mobilizing to Save Civilization [10,11]. Brown has made dire warnings regarding many concerns including but not limited to: human population growth, global warming, soil erosion, deforestation, water resource degradation and depletion, melting glaciers, peak oil, and the great pacific garbage gyre to name a few. Whilst Brown and his ilk have numerous critics from a variety of intellectual paradigms, there are a particularly vocal set of them who are neo-liberals (aka neoclassical economists) who see historical examples of economic growth and technological progress as eternally valid refutations to almost every ―limits to growth‖ argument [12]. These neo-liberal critics of those positing a more strong sustainability perspective often blithely ignore significant criticism that has been levelled at neo-classical economics by established economists. Amartya Sen, Nobel Laureate in Economics no less, has made significant challenges to fundamental assumptions of economics such as the idea that human beings behave in ways that are limited to selfish rationality [13]. And, even when selfishly rational actors act in their own self-interest their behaviours can result in outcomes that refute Adam Smith’s idea of ―The Invisible Hand‖ [14]. This is most famously presented by Hardin in his 1968 paper: The Tragedy of the Commons [15]. Despite the panoply of critics, there are numerous consensus reports from panels of experts that sound the same alarms as Lester Brown including the Humanities 2012, 1 182 Millennium Ecosystem Assessment (compiled by over 1,000 of the world’s leading biological scientists) [16], The Millennium Development Goals (produced by the United Nations Development Program) [17], the intergovernmental panel on climate change (IPCC), and the United Nations Environment Program’s (UNEP) Global Environmental Outlook 5 (GEO 5) [18]. The most recent findings forebode a very unpleasant future regarding the state of the world. The 5th Global Environment Outlook (GEO-5) report was prepared in June of 2012 by the UNEP Division of Early Warning and Assessment. This report notes that most of the aims and goals of the environmental treaties and agreements (N > 500) made since 1972 have not been met. The global ―we‖ have tended to have more success with specific goals such as getting lead out of gasoline and chlorofluorocarbons out of the stratosphere; however, larger goals such as preserving coral reefs and wetlands have not been achieved. In fact, some of the big broad and important goals such as preserving coral reefs, fish stocks, and wetlands are all categorized as experiencing ―Further Deterioration‖. Similar discussions are taking place in the scientific community in the world’s premier scientific journals, see ―A safe operating space for humanity [19] and ―Earth system science for global sustainability: grand challenges [20]. The findings of GEO-5 are stated in surprisingly strong language for a UN document and are quite startling when one considers that they represent what was distilled from, and survived passage through, numerous scientific panels and government agency approvals. The Environment Scorecard (Figure 2) of the Geo-5 report provides a summary of ―The State of the World‖ with respect to these consensually acknowledged environmental threats. This ―Report Card‖ for the planet shows ―Little or no Progress‖ or worse for more than 50% of the Environmental Challenges they assessed (19 out of 34). In many respects the document suggests we are better at policy writing than we are at policy implementation and enforcement. The specifics of the Geo-5 report are sobering: ―Little or no progress‖ on climate change, extinction of species, natural habitat preservation, actual trends in invasive alien species, sustainable agriculture, preservation of genetic diversity of important food and medicine species, access to food, desertification and drought, ecosystem service monitoring and preservation, and marine pollution. Even worse, the report cited that the following challenges were experiencing ―Further Deterioration‖: coral reefs, groundwater depletion, wetlands conservation, and fish stocks. The report warns that one fifth of all vertebrates are threatened with extinction and that some marine ecosystems have collapsed due to pollution and overfishing. In addition there are over 150 ―coastal dead zones‖. The planetary idiot lights are flashing and buzzing yet the world moves forward with business as usual. ―Business as usual‖ is a world in which policy priorities are almost exclusively driven and governed by the neo-classical economic paradigmatic view of the world. It would be easy to write a much longer list of detailed and depressing facts about the state of the world. Yet I don’t think it serves any purpose. Most people know enough facts to believe deep down that something is going to have to give. If you remain unconvinced I suggest you just explore one of these facts in detail, for example, start with the ―Great Pacific Garbage Gyre‖ that has been described as an accumulation of plastic debris floating just below the surface of an area of the Pacific Ocean that is larger than the state of Texas [21]. The GEO-5 report was very clear in stating: ―if humanity does not urgently change its ways, several critical thresholds may be exceeded, beyond which abrupt and generally irreversible changes to the life-support functions of the planet could occur.‖ Humanities 2012, 1 183 Figure 2. Environment Scorecard from GEO-5 Report. 4. Food For Thought Another way to ponder the sustainability problematic is to think about energy and food. A simple cocktail napkin calculation on this matter reveals a very frightening reality about how we obtain our global food supply. Global annual energy consumption is roughly 474 exajoules (474 × 10 18 joules). Food production consumes 30% of the world’s annual energy consumption and roughly one third of the food we produce is wasted [22]. Assuming a 2,000 calorie per day diet (8,340 kilojoules) and seven billion people, the energy cost of producing a joule of food is roughly 5 joules. In other words it takes 5 joules of energy (most of which is fossil fuel based) to produce 1 joule of food energy. We are using millions of years of stored sunshine (in the form of fossil fuels) to produce the food for billions of people. The modern industrial economy is on an energy consuming binge that is unprecedented. Every year we consume 400 years of ancient sunlight stored as fossil fuel [23]. This is unsustainable. Not Humanities 2012, 1 184 surprisingly, the developed world uses more than four times as much energy per person to grow food. This is one very fundamental way in which the developed world is more vulnerable than the developing world with respect to the sustainability challenge. The food-energy problematic is one of the most compelling arguments from those who warn about the challenges we will face as we pass through ―Peak Oil‖. Many find it surprising that agriculture only accounts for small fractions of GDP in the developed world (~ 3% in the European Union). This is indicative of how much our economy (including agricultural activity) is fundamentally dependent on cheap energy. Consider the fact that one gallon of gasoline in an engine will produce the equivalent of 97 hours of manpower [24]. Ninety seven hours of human labour at minimum wage in the United States works out to over $700. Five dollars a gallon seems like really cheap energy in light of these energy equivalents. 5. We Can’t Grow on Like This The food, energy, and environmental challenges that humanity is facing right now are regarded as very serious by the vast majority of scientific experts. Nonetheless, traditional economists dominate the policy arena and prescribe economic growth as the solution to many world problems and encourage continued increases in material and energy throughput in the global economy. The oft used catch phrase ―A rising tide lifts all boats‖ has been used with some rhetorical effect in this way. Yet, as Paul Ehrlich said many years ago: ―Perpetual growth is the creed of the cancer cell‖. The urban growth patterns we can see from night-time satellite imagery have been likened to the growth of cancer cells [25]. Richard Heinberg argues that the very industrial civilization that built the satellites that enables us to observe the earth at night from space is based on a capitalistic system that fundamentally needs to grow forever in order to function; and, that this expansionary trajectory is on a collision path with non-negotiable laws of nature [26]. The United Nations report titled ―Resilient People, Resilient Planet‖ called for a significant departure from traditional economic measures of progress in light of these global challenges [27]: ―Without clear metrics for measuring progress towards sustainable development, achieving internationally agreed goals will remain elusive. In bringing sustainability to the core of decision-making, rethinking the way economic development and human well-being are currently measured and monitored becomes crucial. This requires a broader set of indicators for measuring economic, social and environmental dimensions of sustainable development that go beyond GDP, the most used indicator of development.‖ The perpetual growth paradigm of neo-classical economics is even being criticized by its own Nobel laureates. Paul Krugman writes about the role of economics and economists in the global financial crisis for a piece titled ―Economics in the Crisis‖ in the New York Times [28]: ―And the inadequacy of policy is something that should bother economists greatly—indeed, it should make them ashamed of their profession, which is certainly how I feel. For times of crisis are when economists are most needed. If they cannot get their advice accepted in the clinch—or, worse yet, if they have no useful advice to offer—the whole enterprise of economic scholarship has failed in its most essential duty. And that is, of course, what has just happened.‖ But it is not as if we were not taking advice from these neo-classical economists. Tim Geithner is a classically trained economist appointed to be U.S. Secretary of the Treasury. Hank Paulsen got his Humanities 2012, 1 185 MBA from Harvard and rotated from CEO of Goldman Sachs to U.S. Secretary of the Treasury. These economists are in governmental positions of power and authority that are orders of magnitude more influential than any scientist despite the fact that the earth’s ecosystem services are more valuable than the entire world’s annual gross domestic product [29]. We need appropriate environmental experts/advocates in positions of authority within the government that have commensurate political and economic power to these stewards of the economy. Stewards of our economy (e.g., Secretary of the Treasury Timothy Geithner and the Chairman of the Federal Reserve Ben Bernanke) have the power to print billions if not trillions of dollars to ―save the economy‖. There are no people in any country with anything remotely approaching that sort of power to ―save the environment‖. Yet the environment we depend on for our very survival is in great peril despite the fact that it is clearly more valuable than any market economy we participate in. Economics is described as the science/art concerned with the allocation of scarce resources. The ecosystem services provisioned by the global environment have not been considered a scarce resource for the first two centuries of economic management. 6. Failure is an Option Civilizations have collapsed many times throughout human history. Joseph Tainter describes 24 civilizations that have collapsed. Tainter argues that as these societies became more complex they invested more and more of their diminishing resources into expanding systems of complexity. These systems of complexity can be things like pyramids, churches, Easter Island statues, investment banks, cell phone networks, power grids, municipal water systems, and suites of GPS satellites. When these civilizations collapse their societies move backward from these developments because they lack the resources to sustain them [30]. It is perhaps easy to imagine how difficult it would be for a Roman senator to foresee the fall of Rome or why a passenger on the Titanic might imagine the ship to be invincible. Today, the technology instantiated in our communications, transportation, and built environment can perhaps instil a similar but false sense of invincibility. Holding an i-pad in my hand and watching an old movie on Netflix using wireless internet access as I fly across the United States in a passenger jet gives me the sense that anything is possible. With i-pad in hand it is easy for me to imagine that I possess a more highly evolved intelligence than any one of my Cro-Magnon ancestors from tens of thousands of years ago. But I am not significantly more intelligent than my Cro-Magnon ancestors. If a Cro-Magnon infant were time-warped into a modern crib in suburban Chicago in 1985 he or she would likely be savvier with their i-pad than I am now. Our collective cultural and technological achievements are evolving more rapidly than our biology. Human civilization as we know it is perhaps a very fragile house of cards that is incredible in its complexity yet potentially vulnerable to sinking like the Titanic. We need to incorporate more awareness of our dependencies and a sense of humility into our educational practices. My e-mail signature file tries to express this with the following sequence of quotes: ―Civilization advances by extending the number of important operations which we can perform without thinking about them.‖ Alfred North Whitehead Humanities 2012, 1 186 ―We are always only one failed generational transfer of knowledge away from darkest ignorance.‖ Herman Daly ―I don‖t know how world war III will be fought, but I know how World War IV will, with sticks and stones.‖ Albert Einstein 7. Humanity’s Future and the Future of the Humanities I initially interpreted the invitation to write this paper to be on the topic of ―The Future of the Humanities‖ rather than the ―The Future of Humanity‖. This was a concern because I regard myself as a scientist who has very little to say about the future of the humanities. However, in the sense that the humanities are the ―arts‖ that science is not, I have to say the humanities are for me what make life most inspiring, wonderful, and enjoyable. Consequently, I am happy to write this polemic on the future of humanity in the hope that it will encourage both greater awareness about pressing matters of economic and environmental sustainability; and, to foster individual and collective decisions that secure a promising future for modern civilization. The apocryphal quote attributed to Ralph Waldo Emerson: ―All my best thoughts were stolen by the ancients‖ is true regarding many of the ideas in this paper. Carl Sagan expressed many of these ideas more eloquently and succinctly in his musings on the ―Pale Blue Dot‖ as seen by the Voyager 1 space craft. The image of the earth was taken from 6 billion kilometres away in 1990 [31]. Sagan’s thoughts on the ―Pale Blue Dot‖: ―From this distant vantage point, the Earth might not seem of any particular interest. But for us, it’s different. Look again at that dot. That’s here. That’s home. That’s us. On it everyone you love, everyone you know, everyone you ever heard of, every human being who ever was, lived out their lives. The aggregate of our joy and suffering, thousands of confident religions, ideologies, and economic doctrines, every hunter and forager, every hero and coward, every creator and destroyer of civilization, every king and peasant, every young couple in love, every mother and father, hopeful child, inventor and explorer, every teacher of morals, every corrupt politician, every "superstar," every "supreme leader," every saint and sinner in the history of our species lived there - on a mote of dust suspended in a sunbeam. The Earth is a very small stage in a vast cosmic arena. Think of the rivers of blood spilled by all those generals and emperors, so that, in glory and triumph, they could become the momentary masters of a fraction of a dot. Think of the endless cruelties visited by the inhabitants of one corner of this pixel on the scarcely distinguishable inhabitants of some other corner, how frequent their misunderstandings, how eager they are to kill one another, how fervent their hatreds. Our posturings, our imagined self-importance, the delusion that we have some privileged position in the Universe, are challenged by this point of pale light. Our planet is a lonely speck in the great enveloping cosmic dark. In our obscurity, in all this vastness, there is no hint that help will come from elsewhere to save us from ourselves. The Earth is the only world known so far to harbor life. There is nowhere else, at least in the near future, to which our species could migrate. Visit yes. Settle, not yet. Like it or not, for the moment the Earth is where we make our stand. It has been said that astronomy is a humbling and character building experience. There is perhaps no better demonstration of the folly of human conceits than this distant image of our tiny world. To me, it underscores our responsibility to deal more kindly with one another, and to preserve and cherish the pale blue dot, the only home we’ve ever known.‖ Humanities 2012, 1 187 This quote wonderfully summarizes the precarious nature of human existence and makes very reasonable suggestions to improve the likelihood of a vibrant human civilization into the more distant future. Waxing eloquent to the public at large about matters like this may not have been the greatest career move for Carl Sagan. It is hypothesized that Sagan was denied admission to the National Academy of Sciences because he was perceived as a populariser of science. Many scientists who dare enter into the world of politics and policy have been scorned. Many scientists who enter into the domain of economics pay a price also. Consider Frederick Soddy, a seminal thinker in the development of ecological economics. Soddy was the winner of the 1921 Nobel Prize in chemistry yet is often described as an eccentric who argued for a fundamental restructuring of the economic system including changing the nature of international monetary policy. Soddy’s wacky ideas included things like: (1) Abandoning the gold standard, (2) letting international exchange rates float, (3) using government surpluses and deficits as Keynesian economic tools, (4) establishing national bureaus of economic statistics that measured economic activity including statistics akin to a consumer price index. All of these ideas are now regarded as the standard operating procedure of mature governments regarding economic policy. There is a great old quote from Arthur Schopenhauer: ―All truth passes through three stages. First it is ridiculed. Second it is violently opposed. Third, it is accepted as being self-evident.‖ Many of Soddy’s iconoclastic proposals have passed through these three phases. Some of his ideas are still in the first stage. This includes the idea that the fractional reserve banking system causes debt to grow exponentially while the real economy is fundamentally based on exhaustible fossil fuels. The critique of current neo-classical economic theory inherent in this idea remains violently opposed. Nonetheless, I do believe that one day it will be regarded as self-evident. We take our scientists and engineers for granted and we love the technology they both produce. However, when scientists and engineers start saying things that are uncomfortable, like the warnings about the dangers of global warming and climate change courageously put forth by the late Stephen Schneider, they are often ridiculed and violently opposed. Much of this ridicule comes from the classically trained economists. Paul Ehrlich has been so reviled that he felt it necessary to write a book titled: The Betrayal of Science and Reason [32]. Ask yourself this question: ―What do you think will be regarded as “self-evident” in 50 to 100 years regarding peak oil, global warming, and human population growth?‖ Frankly, I am more comfortable driving over the bridge designed by a civil engineer, using the cell phone built by a team of engineers, and trusting the medical diagnosis of a scientifically trained doctor than I am with the credit default swaps of any professional in investment banking or the financial recommendations of anyone in financial planning. I am increasingly of the opinion that the future of modern civilization and perhaps even human existence will begin when we choose to stop listening to the economists, start listening to the scientists, and re-learn what is really important from the humanities. 8. Living in the Solution for a Shot at Being Here 10,000 Years from Now The problems we face are often perceived as overwhelming. Hopelessness, helplessness, despair, and apathy are common reactions of those who learn of the myriad challenges we face. It helps to look Humanities 2012, 1 188 on many bright sides of the current global situation. One bright side is this: we will eventually run out of fossil fuel that is dumping CO2 into the atmosphere [33]. As this takes place we can hope that our collective awareness and behaviour will change in ways that mitigate or cease the myriad ways we are destroying our natural environment including loss of habitat and biodiversity, loss of ecosystem functioning, and pollution of our air and water. If we cooperate and plan our future we will live healthier lives, be less hypermobile, eat more locally grown food, have stronger communities, spend more time with family and friends, breathe cleaner air, grow some of our own food, spend more time creating and less time consuming, participate more fully in our local and national governance, and have more leisure time. The hypermobile, eternally growing, entropy accelerating ways of modern civilization that are championed by many of the economists of the world will come to an end regardless of the choices we make. I endorse choices that will support smoother transitions with less human suffering. These choices will create communities that are more connected and cooperative than the increasingly individualistic paths that many people and nations have chosen in the recent past. Perhaps instead of shrugging, Atlas will rise. There are numerous local, regional, and global efforts to foster and support a suite of choices to enable a smoother transition that minimizes human suffering. Nobody knows exactly what the transition will look like but realist scientists who think about this do not see more economic growth as the answer. People often ask what they can personally do to contribute to a sustainable future. We have to think and act locally and globally. Reduce, reuse, and recycle is still true. Knowledge is power is still true. Get informed about what is happening and what people are thinking needs to happen. Participate in making it happen. Your vote counts. Support candidates, policies, institutions, and governments that take these problems seriously. Civilization needs you [34]. What you do, what we do, today, tomorrow and for the rest of this generation, will profoundly influence what the dark of the earth will look like in 10,000 years. 9. Conclusions Modern civilization has been subsidized by fossil fuel to an extent that few people truly understand. The rapid consumption of this ancient energy has supported massive increases in food production to support an exponentially growing human population that now stands in excess of 7 billion people. A significant fraction of the people alive today use inordinate quantities of energy to enable consumption and hypermobility that is unprecedented in the history of the human race. The fossil fuel energy that sustains modern civilization will run out. Fossil fuels like petroleum may run out much more quickly because there are now additional billions of people interested in consuming it. The achievements of modern civilization in the arts, science, and technology are simultaneously incredibly valuable and incredibly vulnerable. Preserving those aspects of modern civilization that support continued development in the arts and sciences will require collective choices that steer our aggregate behaviour onto the path of sustainability. There are stark differences between traditional neo-classical economics and ecological economics as to what those collective decisions are. The majority of scientists who understand these circumstances would endorse those choices that are consistent with the laws of thermodynamics. Nonetheless, neoclassical economists dominate the policy arena and prescribe eternal Humanities 2012, 1 189 growth as the solution to our problems. Physical science is not consistent with the policy prescriptions of the dominant economic world view. The perspective of ecological economics is fundamentally rooted in the laws of thermodynamics and recognizes that ―Nature Bats Last‖. Given recent global developments it seems to be quite inevitable that the dark side of the earth in the future will look like the one 10,000 years ago. However, the question is how humanity will experience this transition and how fast it will happen. If we further stay on this business as usual track, we will learn the hard way with increasing catastrophes. The dark side of the earth will be black sooner than later, perhaps as soon at the 22nd century [35]. Thus, making the transition to a non-growth and sustainable society as smoothly as possible needs to be a primary objective for humanity. This priority must be established to minimize human suffering in the coming century and we have to take action now. This vision for the future of civilization could result in a dark side of the earth in 10,000 years that looks very similar to what it looks like now, but based on a sustainable, renewable resource-based non-growth economy. This is a vision for the future of humanity that work, not wishes, will make real. Acknowledgments I would like to thank Tom Cova and Sharolyn Anderson and the anonymous peer reviewers for their insightful comments on early drafts of this manuscript. I would also like to thank Robert Costanza for his tireless work contributing to the development of scholars in the area of ecological economics. Lastly, I want to thank Chris Elvidge for his visionary work making satellite imagery of the earth from space at night a compelling cultural icon representing human presence and impact on the planet. References and Notes 1. Frank Borman, Jim Lovell, and William Anders. Earthrise. NASA image of the day gallery. Available online: http://www.nasa.gov/multimedia/imagegallery/image_feature_102.html (accessed on 14 August 2009). 2. Adam Frank. Alone in the Void. Available online: http://www.nytimes.com/2012/07/25/ opinion/alone-in-the-void.html?_r=0 (accessed on 18 October 2012). 3. Xepapadeas Anastasios. ―Ecological economics.‖ In The New Palgrave Dictionary of Economics, 2nd ed. Gordonsville, VA: Palgrave MacMillan, 2008. 4. Robert Costanza. ―What is ecological economics?‖ Ecological Economics 1 (1989): 1–7. 5. David Bengston. ―Reply: What is Ecological Economics?‖ Available online: http://www.metla.fi/archive/forest/1993/09/msg00004.html (accessed on 7 November 2012). 6. John L.R. Proops. ―Ecological economics: Rationale and problem areas.‖ Ecological Economics 1 (1989): 59–76. 7. Sam Harris. Free Will. New York: Free Press, 2012. 8. Paul Ehrlich. Human Natures: Genes, Cultures, and the Human Prospect. Washington, DC: Island Press, 2000. 9. Wendell Berry. Life is a Miracle: An Essay against Modern Superstition. Washington, DC: Counterpoint press, 2000. 10. Lester Brown. The State of the World 2000. New York: W.W. Norton and Company Inc, 2000. Humanities 2012, 1 190 11. Lester Brown. Plan B 3.0: Mobilizing to Save Civilization. Washington, DC: Earth Policy Institute, 2008. 12. Bailey Ronald. Never Right, But Never in Doubt Famine-monger Lester Brown still Gets it Wrong after All These Years. Available online: http://reason.com/archives/2009/05/05/never-right-but- never-in-doubt (accessed on 12 October 2012). 13. Sen Amartya. ―Rational Fools: A Critique of the Behavioural Foundations of Economic Theory.‖ Philosophy and Public Affairs 6 (1977): 317, 332. 14. Adam Smith. An Inquiry into the Nature and Causes of the Wealth of Nations. London: W. Strahan and T. Cadell, 1777. 15. Garrett Hardin. ―Tragedy of commons.‖ Science 162 (1968): 1243–48. 16. Johan A. Rockstrom. ―A safe operating space for humanity.‖ Nature 461 (2009): 472–75. 17. Walter.V. Reid, D. Chen, L. Goldfarb, Heide Hackmann, Yei T. Lee, Khotso Mokhele, Elinor Ostrom, Kari Raivio, Johan Rockstrom, and Hans Joachim Schellnbuber. ―Earth systems science for global sustainability: grand challenges.‖ Science 330 (2010): 916–17. 18. Millennium Ecosystem Assessment (MEA). Ecosystems and human well-being: synthesis. Washington, DC: Island Press. Available online: http://www.millenniumassessment.org/ documents/document.356.aspx.pdf (accessed on 17 August 2009). 19. United Nations. The millennium development goals report. New York: United Nations. Available online: http://www.un.org/millenniumgoals/pdf/The Millennium Development Goals Report 2008.pdf (accessed on 14 August 2009). 20. United Nations. Measuring Progress: Environmental Goals & Gaps. Nairobi: United Nations Environment Programme, 2012. 21. NOAA. The Great Pacific Garbage Gyre. Available online: http://marinedebris.noaa.gov/info/ patch.html#6 (accessed on 5 October 2012). 22. FAO. United Nations Report Energy-Smart Food for people and climate. Rome: Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations, 2011. 23. Thom Hartmann. Last Hours of Ancient Sunlight. New York: Three Rivers Press, 2004. 24. David Pimentel, Alan F. Warneke, Wayne S. Teel, Kimberly A. Schwab, Nancy J. Simcox, Daniel M. Ebert, Kim D. Daenisch, and Marni R. Aaron. Food, Energy, and Society, 3rd ed. edited by David Pimentel, Marcia Pimentel. Boca Raton: CRC Press, 2007. 25. Alan Gregg. ―A Medical Aspect of the Population Problem.‖ Science 121 (1955): 681–82. 26. Richard Heinberg. The End of Growth. New York: New Society Publishers, 2011. 27. United Nations. Resilient People, Resilient Planet: A Future Worth Choosing. Report of the United Nations Secretary-General’s High-Level Panel on Global Sustainability. New York: United Nations, 2012. 28. Paul Krugman. Economics in the Crisis. Available online: http://krugman.blogs.nytimes.com/2012/03/05/economics-in-the-crisis/ (accessed on 13 October 2012). 29. R. Costanza, R. d’Arge, R. de Groot, S. Farber, M. Grasso, B. Hannon, S. Naeem, K. Limburg, J. Paruelo and R. O’Neill, et al. ―The Value of the World’s Ecosystem Services and Natural Capital.‖ Nature 387 (1997): 15. Humanities 2012, 1 191 30. Joseph Tainter. The Collapse of Complex Societies. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1988. 31. Carl Sagan. Pale Blue Dot: A Vision of the Human Future in Space, 1st ed. New York: Random House, 1994. 32. Paul Ehrlich, and Anne Ehrlich. Betrayal of Science and Reason: How Anti-Environmental Rhetoric Threatens Our Future. Washington, DC: Island Press, 1996. 33. James D. Ward, Steve H. Mohr, Myers R. Baden, and Nel P. Willem. ―High estimates of supply constrained emissions scenarios for long-term climate risk assessment.‖ Energy Policy 51 (2012): 598–604. 34. Greg Ederer. (author of ―The Liberal Elite Battalion‖), in discussion with the author, June, 2006 35. Alexa Danner. ―Earth 2100: Is this the final century of our civilization?‖ ABC News, 29 May 2009. http://abcnews.go.com/Technology/Earth2100/. © 2012 by the author; licensee MDPI, Basel, Switzerland. This article is an open access article distributed under the terms and conditions of the Creative Commons Attribution license (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/3.0/). work_3tmy5woq2ne2jaawxa4n6tak7u ---- ED049983.tif.pdf DOCUMENT RESUME ED 049 983 SO 001 137 AUTHOE Bailey, Stephen K. TITLE The City as Classroom. PUB EATE 23 Apr 71 NOTE 13p.; Speech given at the Annual Convention, New York State Council for the Social Studies, Buffalo, New York, April 23, 1971 EDES PRICE DESCRIPTORS IDENTIFIERS ABSTRACT EDRS Price 1F-$0.65 HC-$3.29 *City Problems, *Community Resources, Community Role, *Community Study, Educational Objectives, Educational Resources, Field Experience Programs, Field Instruction, General Educaticn, Relevance (Education), School Community Programs, Socialization, Social Problems, *Social Studies, *Urban Education *Open Schools The author gives a rationale for utilizing the city as a place to learn. The city has many problems and although logistics require that we conduct most education in the school building, the author argues for putting out best brains to the task of bringing the city tc the classroom and tc exploiting the city as a classroom when appropriate. Teaching can no longer be done only by professionals. Others such as para-professionals, businessmen, government officials, doctors, artists, parents, neighbors, cab drivers, policemen, etc. can and should be involved in the teaching process because they can often do the job better than the teacher due to their unique and special talents. By learning from these people the student is preparing himself for a life which is closer tc the real situations represented, not by the classroom teacher, but by the man on the street. (CWB) M O THE CITY AS CLASSROOM By Stephen K. Bailey Chairman, Policy Institute Syracuse University Research Corporation. U.S. DEPARTMENT OF HEALTH, EDUCATION & WELFARE OFFICE OF EDUCATION THIS OOCUMENT HAS BEEN REPRO- DUCED EXACTLY AS RECEIVED FROM THE PERSON OR ORGANIZATION ORIG- INATING IT. POINTS OF VIEW OR OPIN- IONS STATED 00 NOT NECESSARILY REPRESENT OFFICIAL OFFICE OF EOU- CATION POSITION OR POLICY. Delivered before the New York State Council for the Social Studies, Friday, April 23; 1971, Statler Hilton Hotel, Buffalo, New York. As one who has spent most of his adult life in the maddening but fascin- ating field of the Social Studies, it is good to meet with those whose lives have been similarly directed and dedicated. This is not an overwhelmingly good year for social studies. Our raw materials namely, our own society and the world -- are not only over- running our capacity to absorb and to understand; the few glimpses we get that we think theft we do understand are uniformally lugUbrioUst I am reminded of the sick joke about the fellow who finished reading the Sunday paper and then took his family out to the city dump to get a breath of fresh air. But it is no good trying to be an alarmist before a group such as this. Social Studies teachersof all people5are not likely in this day and age to be alarmed by anything said by an over-30 college professor, and outside of California the title "Regent" brings no whatsoever to anyone. The fact is that you people are alarmed daily by expert alarmers. Actually, you have become so inured to alarms that a sudden flurry of peace and quiet would probably be psychologically unnerving. I am reminded of the lighthouse keeper on a fog-shrouded reef off the Grand Banks who for 30 years listened to an automatic cannon which went off every three minutes to warn away craft that could not see the light through the fog. Thirty years! T., -2- Boom! Every three minutes! One early morning when the lighthouse keeper was asleep, something went wrong with the cannon trigger mechanism and suddenly it failed to go off. The lighthouse keeper bounded out of bed screaming, "My God! What was that There is a lot of dogma around these days that says that only urban schools have any troubles, and that only suburban social studies teachers are smart. I do not intend to beat a dogma with a stigma, but I can only tell you that some rural high schools are manned by social studies teachers who, in their ability to respond to crises, would put many of our urban and suburban school adminiaG2ators to shame. I heard the other day about the hulking farm boy who burst into the rural history teacher's office and said: "Teach," in my right hand I got a 10" bread knife. In my left hand I got an $18 dollar bill that some city slicker passed off on ma and that my pappy says is count'erfeit. Now that knife in any right hand tells me that you are going to give me change for that $18 dollar bill in my left hand. The historian calmly replied, "You're damn right young man.. Do you wait 2 nines or 3 sixes?" But today I want to talk about cities. Cities have been classrooms for longer than schools have been. Beginning with the training of scribes and artisans in ancient Thebes and Babylon, through the market-place teaching of Socrates, through the guild apprentice- ships of the Hanseatic League, through the spacial disjunctiveness of the medieval universities, up to the present era, a vast dimension of the educa- tional development of the human race has taken place inside cities, but outside,of formal school rooms. Alas, today as we all know, our great cities are classrooms for a lot we wish kids would not learn: how to pop drugs; how to be a successful bully or extortionist; how to pick pockets and shoplift without being ca-3ht; how to break windows, bend parking meters, strew toilet paper, and paint 2 obscenities .on public buildings; how to con others into sympathy; how to hate and injure and terrorize; how to beat raps. Social injustice in the cities is a fantastic teacher. Sir Thomas More, in his biting 16th century satire,' Utopia, pointed to the fact that crime in England was alarmingly common, but that in a grotesquely unequal society, crime was the only means of livelihood open to a great number of persons. In as terrible a voice as hispen can conjure, More fairly shouts at the Bngland of his day, "What other thing do you. do than make.thieves and then punish them?" Can anyone deny that our own cities are, in part, classrooms for making thieves and then punishing them? But our cities do more than make thieves. They set and symbolize the value preference of the overwhelming majority of our people. The city manufactures the cultural wasteland that is universally disseminated on film, tape, and microwaves; the city prints the pornography and the scandal sheets; it rips the ears with rivets, pneumatic drills, horns, and subways; it spews poisons into,the air and pollution into our waters. . Its over- crowding dehumanizes our souls, and destroys our sympathy. "Hell", wrote George Bananos, "is not to love any more." any of our cities are classrooms in Hell, and across the faces of teaming millions burdened by the. hurried meaninglessness of the daily grind, are etched the words that Dante read as he and 'argil crossed into the Inferno, "Abandon hope all ye who enter herein It is the city as classroom that gives reinforcement to so many of .the dismal aphorisms of this century: "You caalt beat city hall!" "Never give a SUcker'an even-`breaks" ..."ttli:S11 politics."' 'Daa't get . involvedi' "Awww, so what?" "Get it while you can! ' 'I'm for mein 1 "Up the establishmentl" "Off the pigsl" It has always been one of the self-centered follies of educators that we have believed that the school as classroam_is an effective antidote to the city as classroom. Now that the city has entered the school in terrifyingly new and disruptive ways, perhaps we can begin to appreciate how limited in truth our past efforts have actually been. We are not even as successful as ancient monasteries - -we cannot even keep the evil world at bay. Actually part of our failure has been our attempt to do just that. What are nice guys like us doing in a world like this? Why does not someone pass a law or something? It fs a sign of our growing maturity that we have come to realize the tragic depth of our condition--that laws are not enough, that legislation leaves a lot of the problem simply untouched. I say this not because new laws are not needed. (I happen to agree with Lord Macauley that "reformers are compelled to legislate fast because bigots will not legislate early".) I say it because at the root of our troubles are psychological difficulties that mark a bitter if transient point in our fitful evolution as a species. We hdVenot escaped the bonds of ego, tribe, and things. In consequence, we clutter and threaten our world with the hostilities of status and possession. And this in face of the reality that the universalization of technology, and the very bustle of numbers on this globe, place a premium upon mutuality, self-trfmscendence, and reason if'the species is in fact to survive. Our task is not to fashion a new syllabus or a new curriculum. Our task is to fashion new kinds of human beings. And here, wonderfully and perversely, we cannot succeedunless we.learn.to use,a1f the educative resources thaere to be ound in our cities. We cannot'suoceed unless .... . : A - 5- we find ways to use our cities as classrooms. In view of what I have previously said about the city as classroom, one might wonder what possible nutrients the city has for transforming human nature in any positive sense. The answer is that the nutrients are legion. For up to this point I have given you s one-sided view only. If tile city makes thieves and destroys human values, it also makes saints and reinvigorates human values. The city makes citizens out of strangers. The city is the focal point for the creation and reproduction 'and display of almost everything that is beautiful and ennobling and memorable in our civilization.' Itis in the great cities that theaters and symphonies and museums and libraries are located. In and around cities are the centers of the vast enterprises of commerce and industry, of medicine and social service, of transportation and communications that hold such enormous promise for the future of the human race. Cities are the foci of modern guilds and labor unions whose apprenticeships are such an important part of our, total educative system. In the cities, professional and 'aesthetic talent of exquisite quality abounds. Cities are pluralistic; cities offer options. According to E. B. White, "The urban inhabitant is in the happy position of being able to choose his spectacle and so conserve his sou/." If cities turn out the "kitsch" of soap operas and crime series for TV, they also support Sesame Street and Jacques Cousteau. If the slums manufacture violence, they also create a myriad ofquiet heroes (and some not so quiet) who see beyond the years "thine alabaster cities gleam undimmed by human tears" f most lives are.lived,lasTizoreaucontended, in quiet -6,- desperation, the city creates models of heroism, and reminds all of us of the words of Thoreau's Concord' neighbor, Ralph Waldo Emerson: "Great men, great nations, are not boasters of buffoons, but perceivers of the terror of life, and have manned themselves to face it." How, in fact, can the city be used as classroom? ,,The exciting work of the Quincy Vocational Technical School in Quincy, Massachusetts in turning to the area's industries to dis- cover the special skills necessary to fill the local job needs. "Project Able," as it is known, is revolutionizing the school's curriculum and its teaching emphases; --"Project Score" in that city, where teachers supervise kids after school hours in a variety of yervice and community research assignments; --"Project EPIC " -.-in the Cranston, Rhode Island public schools, in which 12th grade social studies students work with community leaders and informed citizens in investigating specific community, national, and international problensm-using the combined resources of the school and the community; ,--The Philadelphia Parkway School Project. It may not be universalizable in the sense of doing away completely with walled schools, but its basic theme of using the city as fully as possible as an educative resource is most certainly 6 universalizable. Parkway addresses itself to one of the. central educational dilemmas of our times. In the words of 'lames Coleman, "Modern society is information-rich and action-poor for the young"; --The direction pointed last summer by Jerry Bruner in collaboration with a conference sponsored by .the Office of Child Development of HEW: the'. opening up on a national scale of .opportunities for adolescents to take responsible roles in caring for young children. The Education Development Center of Cadbridge, Massachusetts -proposes to carry out this idea, utilizing .day -care centers and offering professional.training.tn,childcare for. secondary school students; --The Germantown; Pennsylvania, Area School Project involving students and community representatives in regular cooperative ventures ranging from curriculum- building in the humanities, arts, and social sciences to direct community service through established agencies. Over 100 community people, agencies, and institutions have been effectively utilized by the schools.' High school course credit is given for at least some of these programs; -rThe'recent exciting prospectus of the Berkeley, California, Unified School District for creating competing options for public school students of all ages, based on the pluralism in:the community.. Parents and community representatives wula.be involved with theSchools:in various programs in and out of the regular school buildings'; --The community experime;AP,9:_:the John Adamsli,igh School in Portland, . Oregon as a part. of the.National ES .110 consortium of.highschools interested in improving vocational education; -- "Project. Unique in Rochester, New York, which-among other things has conducted an experimental class (known as Sibley's Satellite School) on the fourth floor of a downtown department store--this as a way of bringing educational innovation to the attention of the citizens at large; --The Wave Hill Environmental Studies Center's Project in Harlem and, south Bronx in which children are encouraged to explore city streets and report bank on particular physical features. Thus such mysteries as moss growing in the crannies of decaying city walls can serve as an introduction to classroom lessons in Biology; --The Educational Talent Pcol Reserve scenario developed. by ECCO (the . Educational and Cultural Center of Onondaga County) in my home town of Syracuse. .CCO is one of the 16 regional educational planning centers set up by the State Education Department in New York. The Talent Pool Reserve would be a list of human resources in the area (housewives, engineers, artists, accountants? inventors--you name it) who would make a life-long conmitzent, offering adjunct educational contributionE to the schools and colleges of the region. I have only scratchedthe surface. New ways to tap the educative resources of cities are mushrooming daily. They extend from bringing,'`' exciting citizens. and programs into the schools as adjunct "instructors", to work-study and in-service training programs that involve moving the youngsters out of traditional schools entirely. I do not have an exhaustive catalog of these uses of cities as classrooms. Perhaps the Council staff could perform a'useful clearing-house function for you- -for us. g :I* 4. -r . . But excitingas all of this is and'can be, it 'represents today only a-drop in.the bucket. All too.many,of.our urban and suburban'achools'are tradition-bound, custodial, crisis-rielden, and cynical. One principal in my city tried to reassure a baffled substitute teacher in an urban school last month by saying, "Look, if you have kept any semblance of order for half the time, you're a huge success." But it may be thQ very notion o order that is at fault. Even when achieved,, it may be wrong. As my colleague Ralph Hambrick has put it, "A clasiroom of 30 children all the same age, sitting; neatly in rows, with hands folded, so quiet that one 'can hear a pin drop' may be the real chaos in the schools." Rids- - and especially troubled kids--are hyper-thyroid. Getting them out of the formal classroom may be the only way to command their attention. What many of them are screaming at us is what Alfred North Whitehead wrote in quiet prose, "Without adventure;" Whitehead suggested "civiliz4tion is in full decay." One of the ways to get adventure. back into educltion is to expose kids directly to the chartless frontiers of urban patholdgy and to the wondrous options of urban creativity and lifestyles. Cities are ecological laboratories. They are placeT where the sheer 5 nudbers of interacting people provide a marvelous observatory for human behavior and for behavioral consequences. Cities provide the delights of privacy as well as that terrifying companion of privacr4 loneliness. Cities teem with conflicts; and with. the political, governmental, and economic means for resolving conflictspeacefully. Cities are Masses of unsolved problems--a sufficient nudher.of problems to keep the lives of untold generations seeking solutions filled with adventure. And dities,to repeat an earlierheme are .vast educative resources in their myriad, occupational, professional, and ,aesthetic manifestations. It may beheresy, but I believe firmly that State Educational Departments,:, including our own, must take'a whole new look at the idea of compulsory 'attendance--at least as presently interpreted. As adults, we make claims on our, society for almost endless options--to take care of differences in talent, aspiration, and energy. And yet we insist on locking youngsters into developmental straight-jackets. Why should some classes not take place in industrial settings under the joint sponsorship of industry and labor? Way should restless kids, age 14 or 15,'not have the chance to drop out.of traditional.schools at'will, and without stigma, and.to drop into pon-traditional classrooms-in city-maaseums,. libraries, perfonling..exts centers, aid auto-repair garages? Why should not some of the three B's be taught at hoMe through cable.TV, or at a'work site through tutorials or. specially organized classes? U we face up to these needs and possibilities, we will continue to have vast amounts of unrest in our schools.. It is. true that reforms.of the kind suggested would mean that existing insurance laws, educational regulations, and labor laws would have to be re-examired and modified. 314,-. why not? Mostjof these laws were pat on the books in a totally different era. They are hardly sacrosanct in a world of exploding educational tech- . nologes like cable television, home video cassettes, and mobile science laboratories.that enorm9usly-extend:the rangeoflocations Where education '.can take place. We are in trouble. Fortunately we now recognize that we are. No lid is going to be placed on the bubbling caldron we.observe. Not even allitera- tive Vice-Presidents have that power. Restless, rootless youngsters need something to live by, something to capture their imagination, something to absorb their energies, something to give them a sense of adventure and meaning. And they desperately need models, people models, who give a damn about them and who by example demonstrate that civilized behavior can be exciting and joyfUl. There are an insufficient number of these models in our schools. Only the larger community can supply them in sufficient quantity and intimacy. There is always a danger that in conjuring an exciting future, one will be massively unfair to the past and the present. Even if it were desirable (which it is not) suddenly to empty oux schools and turn all youngsters loose in the asphalt jungle, the logistics of such an operation would be quite impossible. For as far ahead as I can see, most formal education will have to take place inside school buildings. Most children will have to be taught by certified teachers, not by shop foremen or industrial engineers. The Consequence of this reality is that we must apply our best minds to bringing the best of the_city-into-the 7classroom at the same time that we exploit the classroom potential of the city itself. The model of the city--at least, the city at:its best--has a lot to offer the schools. For the city permits enormous options. It allows talents to be developed and successes to be achieved in a variety of ways., It 11 praises the ballet dancer, whether or not she can do calculus. The city is patient 'about differing learning speeds. The city allows. a number of ways' J.'. . for its citizens.to participate in the making of decisions that affect tuem The city's labor market...is the ultims.te Validating instrument of educational. ' achievement. To do a particular job, the city says, "You've got t.o know. : . something, or know how to do somet The city provides many ,reinforcing ways of learning simple realities... - . ; These are some of the lessons the city has for the schools... If we take these seriously, we can begin to make our formal classrooms into exciting and productive educational ent.erprises. As Saul Touster has written with :, great eloquence; the traditional "delivery" model of teaching must give way to a "field-of-force" modelhis usef.ul imagery for minimizing the classroom . lecture and maximizing meaningful and diverse educative ,exposures and experi-, : . ences, in and out of the classr-com. There are many great teachers hidden in the homes and places of emlaocileat of our great cities. These must be sought out and used with increasing frequency and effectiveness. But most of our teachers are, and will continue . to be, inside the. schools. It istheir capaCity. to take lessons from the. ' .: city, as well as their capacity to use the city for educational purposes, . that will determine the future of the collective enterprise in which we are., . engaged. All many of them need is your. leadership and your inspiration; . Sixty years ago, E. G. Wells wrote an obscure navel called The New In it the main character says at one point,' "If .humanity !. cannot develop an education, far.-ceyond 4anythips that is now.:provided, if it cannot collectively invent.devicea and solve problems.cwanuch :richer,' . , "e/ :'; '-; broader scale than it does at the present time, it cannot hope to achieve any very much finer order or any more general happiness than it now enj oys . " This says it all, I leave you with only one piece of gratuitous advice. When you return to your respective homes, offices, and class- rooms, and find the samecrunch, the same in-basket, the same crises, the same weariness, take a moment, look out the window at your surround- ing city and say out loud, "I was once told that only professionals could and should run schools. It isn't true now, if it ever was." And then; mentally, I want you to see yourself standing in a circle an open circle formed by the linkage of hands of supervisors, teachers, pare-professionals, students, maintenance men, legislators, business men; labor leaders, school board members, museum directors, doctors, social workers2 artists, police, bus drivers, parents, older brothers and sisters? TV managers, in short, all your civic neighbors -- and you are saying to them very simply, but earnestly, "We need each other." OF************************** 13 work_3u63t6nygvfkliwzjhgwx3vqfq ---- Almaas | Ridhwan Google Tag Manager   Teaching Method A. H. Almaas Ridhwan School Online Courses Ways to Engage Blog Donate Portal Login Homepage See More Pages Main Pages Home The Teaching The Method The Ridhwan School Ways to Engage Friends of Ridhwan About Us By Region Asia Australia/New Zealand Diamond Approach Online/Diamond Net Europe South Africa US Middle US Northeast/Eastern Canada US South US West/Western Canada Pages A. H. 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Almaas Public Events Blog The Store Donate The Teachers Resources Recommended Books Recommended Articles The Library The Glossary FAQ Privacy Terms of Use Portal Login Copyright © 2021 Ridhwan Foundation work_3unudrk63fdmdnfvaqnpympesa ---- ajae_1294.tex Field Experiments in Food and Resource Economics Research (Brian Roe, Ohio State University, Organizer) CAN FIELD EXPERIMENTS RETURN AGRICULTURAL ECONOMICS TO THE GLORY DAYS? DAVID H. HERBERICH, STEVEN D. LEVITT, AND JOHN A. LIST As we contemplate the state of academic re- search in the agricultural economics commu- nity, there are two facts that are difficult to overlook. First, over roughly the first half of the twentieth century, scholars working on agri- cultural issues were the toast of the academy, setting forth an empirical research agenda that served to influence social and natural scientists profoundly. The seminal contributions made in these early years continue to shape important academic and policy debates. A second fact re- mains that this dominance has waned in the past several decades, with major empirical ad- vances now more likely in sister fields, such as labor economics or industrial organization. One piece of ocular evidence showing this decline is shown in figure 1, which reports the share of papers devoted to agricultural top- ics in four top economic journals over the period 1911–2000, quinquennially.1 In the ear- liest years more than 10% of papers in these four top journals were devoted to agriculture, with that share steadily falling through World War II. The share stayed roughly constant for David H. Herberich is a graduate student and research professional at University of Maryland and University of Chicago, Becker Cen- ter. Steven D. Levitt is the William B. Ogden Distinguished Service Professor, and John A. List is a professor, Department of Eco- nomics, University of Chicago, and NBER. Discussions with Bruce Gardner, Richard Just, and Marc Nerlove considerably enhanced the content of this paper. As usual, the authors are responsible for any errors, however. This article was presented in an invited paper session at the ASSA annual meeting in San Francisco, CA, January 2009. The articles in these sessions are not subjected to the journal’s standard refereeing process. 1 The journals are the American Economic Review, Economet- rica, Journal of Political Economy, and Quarterly Journal of Eco- nomics. For a more detailed description of our methodology for constructing figure 1, see the online appendix Herberich, Levitt, and List (2009). We understand that many approaches could be used to measure success of a field, and indeed, even under our approach one might argue that we include the wrong journals (Economic Journal, for example, played a significant role in the twentieth century and remains important today). We suspect that most, if not all, reasonable strategies will yield the general spatial pattern observed in figure 1. the next twenty years, before declining again to less than 1% of all papers by the end of the sample. In this study, we hypothesize on why agri- cultural economics played such a prominent role in economics for a long time, and why its importance has diminished more recently. We then provide one solution as to how agri- cultural economists can reverse this troubling trend and potentially return to a central place on the frontier of economic science: more ex- tensive use of field experiments. We view our solution as stemming from the roots of farm- ing, harkening back to Ralph Waldo Emerson who wrote: “The glory of the farmer is that, in the division of labors, it is his part to create.” Empirical Contributions of the Twentieth Century In this section, we briefly detail a select set of contributions that we view as seminal within the area of agriculture. From the outset, we concede that we cannot do this field justice due to space constraints so we limit our focus to briefly summarizing contributions of agri- cultural economists over the twentieth cen- tury. A useful starting point is the work of Fisher and Neyman, who were the first to conceptualize randomization as a key ele- ment of the experimental method in the 1920s and 1930s in answering important economic questions regarding agricultural productiv- ity (e.g., Splawa-Neyman 1990[1923]; Fisher 1926). Since Levitt and List (2008) discuss these contributions, we focus our study on sub- sequent decades, which witnessed agricultural economists making fundamental advances in regression analysis, including problems in- volving errors-in-variables and identification Amer. J. Agr. Econ. 91 (Number 5, 2009): 1259–1265 Copyright 2009 Agricultural and Applied Economics Association DOI: 10.1111/j.1467-8276.2009.01294.x 1260 Number 5, 2009 Amer. J. Agr. Econ. Note: The four Journals used are The Quarterly Journal of Economics, The American Economic Review, The Journal of Political Economy and Econometrica (begins 1933).Article by article search was done to determine if articles were related to Agriculture. Rejoinders, replies, restatements, comments orcorrections are omitted. The data was aggregated to 5-year periods begining in 1911 and running through 2000. Figure 1. Share of agricultural articles in four top economic journals problems concerning estimating elasticities of supply and demand (Fox 1986). The avail- ability of agricultural data during these years and the relevance of the estimation issues to agricultural questions are two possible expla- nations for why agricultural economists were early in addressing these issues. Other Early Empirical Contributions of the Twentieth Century Fox (1986) provides an important account of contributions that agricultural economists made to the areas of statistics and econo- metrics in the early half of the twentieth century. He mentions eight main agricultural economists during this time period: Louis H. Bean, Mordecai Ezekiel, Bradford B. Smith, Howard R. Tolley, Henry A. Wallace, Fred- erick V. Waugh, Holbrook Working, and E.J. Working as well as one economist working with agricultural commodities, Henry Schultz. A majority of these economists contributed to the field by playing a role in correctly address- ing identification issues resulting from sup- ply and demand analysis of agricultural data. However, more general work within multi- ple regression estimation was also being done by these scholars. For example, Tolley and Ezekiel (1923) initiated work toward expand- ing least squares estimation to multiple regres- sion. Ezekiel (1930) and Bean (1929) utilized graphical analysis to consider nonlinear im- pacts. Waugh (1935) increased the applicability of multiple regression by deriving matrix alge- bra computations. Working (1925) and Schultz (1925) recognized the attenuation bias that re- sults from the measurement error as early as 1925. Agricultural economists remained among the most prominent in the profession during the 1950s and 1960s. A pair of University of Chicago economists, Theodore Schultz and D. Gale Johnson, made lasting contributions to the field during this time period. Schultz’s early work dealt with agriculture in developed coun- tries, including issues of farm management. The work for which he was awarded the Nobel Prize in 1979, however, dealt with agriculture in developing countries. In particular, his re- search challenged the conventional view that traditional agriculture was not amenable to economic analysis because it was driven by tra- dition and culture rather than rational choices (Schultz 1964).2 Johnson’s contributions to agricultural economics spanned decades, be- ginning with his landmark analysis of the economics of share-cropping contracts (John- son 1950). His influential 1973 book World Agriculture in Disarray argued that govern- ment product and trademark interventions on 2 On arriving at the University of Chicago, one of the authors of this paper (Levitt) inherited the office that Ted Schultz had oc- cupied for decades. Upon hearing that Levitt was using Schultz’s office, the economist Sherwin Rosen lamented, “It’s too bad they gave you Ted’s office—all the good ideas in that office are already used up.” For a more detailed discussion of Schultz’s life and eco- nomic contributions, see Johnson (1999). Herberich, Levitt, and List Field Experiments in Agricultural and Resource Economics 1261 behalf of farmers had provided little real ben- efit to farmers. Even as an octagenarian, John- son continued to publish in leading economics journals (e.g., Johnson 2000). Other major players in this era include Marc Nerlove and Zvi Griliches. The collection of Nerlove’s papers in economics covers an extraordinarily wide range of topics, from adaptive expectations to spectral analysis to efficient methods of pooling time series of cross sections, but much of his work had agri- cultural applications or considerable implica- tions for agricultural analysis (e.g., Nerlove 1958; Balestra and Nerlove 1966). Although Zvi Griliches, who won the Clark medal just four years before Nerlove, is not principally thought of as an agricultural economist today, virtually all of his early work was on agri- cultural topics. This work included analyses of the demand for fertilizer and other inputs and most notably the diffusion of hybrid corn (Griliches 1957), which is the single most cited of his more than 200 papers. On the production economics front, Marschak and Andrews (1944) was seminal in combining first-order conditions with the production problem for estimation. Mundlak made important contributions along this line considering whether such systems involved simultaneous equation bias (Mundlak and Hoch 1965). This work provided a starting point for incredibly insightful refinements, particularly relevant to later agriculture work (e.g., Just and Zilberman 1983; Chambers and Just 1989). Another related area of study that has been influential more carefully considers implications of risk, such as Just and Pope (1978) and Chambers and Quiggin (2002). As mentioned, the availability of agricul- tural data as well as the relevance of the issues mentioned above to the types of ques- tions approached in agricultural economics are two possible explanations for why agricultural economists were early in addressing these is- sues. Further, during these formidable years, one aspect that separated the work of agri- cultural economists from the work of their economic counterparts may have been the former’s willingness to combine a strong theo- retical component with empirical analysis. As pointed out by Fox, Keynes lamented in 1917 that “to some economists the very idea of a mathematical treatment of economic problems is not only repugnant, but seems even absurd;” while Leontief assessed agricultural economics as “an exceptional example of a healthy bal- ance between theoretical and empirical analy- sis” (Leontief 1971, p. 5). Regardless of the underlying explanation, due to the cutting edge nature of the contributions in this field during this time period, major journals were common publishing outlets for agricultural work as noted earlier in figure 1. Later Empirical Contributions In aggregate, figure 1 suggests that agricul- tural economists of more recent generations have struggled to achieve the publishing suc- cess of their forebearers. One partial explana- tion, among many others, for this decline is that there has been an increased emphasis in top journals on empirical work that features plausibly exogenous sources of identification (i.e., “natural experiments”); this research ap- proach has been less frequently used by agri- cultural economists. There are, of course, many notable exceptions. For instance, Knoeber and Thurman (1994) use a plausibly exogenous shift in the contractual form of the incentive scheme facing producers of broiler chickens. A firm that purchased broilers switched from rewards based on the ordinal rank across pro- ducers to one that rewarded producers based on performance relative to the mean. Using this shift in compensation structures, the au- thors test the predictions of tournament the- ory, finding the data consistent with all of the testable predictions. A Path Forward Clearly, over the last third of the twenti- eth century, agricultural economists have not achieved the same level of publication success in these top journals as they had in earlier years. While our empirical analysis is limited to top general interest journal publications, we conjecture that this decline would be true un- der any of a broad number of metrics—faculty positions, quality and quantity of PhD stu- dents, share of federal grant monies, share of overall citations, etc. Our working hypothesis is that the combination of richer data sets com- ing on-line in sister fields—such as the large- scale data sets used today in labor economics— and issues in agricultural economics losing their relative cachet set forth the wheels of mo- tion to send senior scholars packing for more fertile fields and limited the attractiveness of the field of agricultural economics to the best young minds. There are several ways to proceed as a field. In one case, we can simply allow the market to 1262 Number 5, 2009 Amer. J. Agr. Econ. run its course, and perhaps in time our area will again become en vogue, perhaps in part driven by policy relevance, media relevance, or richer data sets of some sort being introduced. In some sense, we are observing this phenomenon now with the recent surge of research in global climate change amongst economists. A more active approach is to consider past successes and build on what seemed to work decades ago. As Levitt and List (2008) note and is recalled above, what might well be consid- ered the dawn of “field” experimentation was the work of Neyman and Fisher. Unfortu- nately, researchers in farm management in the 1950s and 1960s never connected their knowl- edge of the experimental method with labora- tory experiments using human subjects, which was at the very same time being pioneered by Vernon Smith at Purdue University (e.g., Smith 1962; this might be one reason for the subsequent demise of the farm management movement). Yet, there now might be a new train at the de- pot, perhaps providing agricultural economists with a unique second chance. While laboratory experiments have dominated the experimen- tal landscape in economics, the past decade has witnessed a significant surge in studies that gather data via field experiments. Field experi- ments in economics occupy an important mid- dling ground between laboratory experiments and studies making use of naturally occurring field data (see List 2006; Levitt and List 2008). This is beneficial because, on the one hand, economic theory is inspired by behavior in the field, so we would like to know if results from the laboratory domain are transferable to field environments. Further, field experiments al- low a search for similar causal effects using different identification assumptions than the strict assumptions necessary to achieve identi- fication using naturally occurring data. Harrison and List (2004) propose six fac- tors that can be used to determine the field context of an experiment: the nature of the subject pool, the information held by subjects, the commodity, the task or trading rules ap- plied, the stakes, and the environment in which the subjects operate. Using these factors, they discuss a broad classification scheme for field experiments, shown in figure 2, which helps or- ganize one’s thoughts about the factors that might be important when moving from the lab to the field. To date, field experiments across each of the three field experimental classifications—artifactual field experiments, framed field experiments, and natural field experiments—have shed insights on diverse areas through tests that pit neoclassical the- ory against prospect theory, that explore issues in cost/benefit analysis and preference elicita- tion, that explore competitive market theory in the field of alternative incentive schemes in developing nations, as well as tests of auction theory, the theory of private provision of public goods and of information assimilation among professional financial traders.3 So how does this growth in field experiments lend itself to agricultural economists? We speculate that the future of field experimen- tal methods can be importantly engineered by agricultural and resource economists. As Levitt and List (2008) discuss, one lesson learned from this most recent surge of field experimental research is that the researcher carrying out field experiments faces a set of challenges different from those that arise either in conducting laboratory experiments or relying on naturally occurring variation. The field experimenter does not exert the same degree of control over real markets as the scientist does in the lab. Yet, unlike an empiricist who collects existing data, the field experimenter is in the data generating business rather than data collection. Consequently, con- ducting successful field experiments demands a different set of skills from the researcher: the ability to recognize opportunities for experi- mentation hidden amidst everyday phenom- ena, an understanding of experimental design, knowledge of economic theory to motivate re- search and interpret empirical results, and pos- session of interpersonal skills to manage what are often complex sets of relationships involv- ing parties to an experiment. In this manner, agricultural economists have a comparative advantage in several factors in- strumental in conducting cutting-edge field ex- perimental research. First, existing extension programs provide specialists with a unique view of important everyday phenomena such as proposals for auctions to preserve conserva- tion land, new land use policies, insurance mar- kets, markets to hedge risk, and demand for new products. Many times, such ideas present themselves on the doorstep of extension spe- cialists long before they reach the “Ivory Tower.” Second, extension managers have the requisite interpersonal skills and knowledge of existing markets and market players to man- age the complex set of relationships involved in 3 See List’s website www.fieldexperiments.com, which contains a catalog of field experiments in these and several related areas. Herberich, Levitt, and List Field Experiments in Agricultural and Resource Economics 1263 Controlled Data Naturally Occurring Data ________________________________________________________________________ Lab AFE FFE NFE NE, PSM, IV, STR Lab: Lab experiment AFE: Artefactual field experiment FFE: Framed field experiment NFE: Natural field experiment NE: Natural experiment PSM: Propensity score estimation IV: Instrumental variables estimation STR: Structural modeling Note: This figure takes the field experimental classification scheme of Harrison and List (2004) and places it within other more traditional empirical approaches. Figure 2. Field experiments carrying out a clean experimental test. Finally, such an approach might better link extension specialists with theorists and statisticians who are trained in complementary research areas, yielding a much greater output than the sum of any of the inputs could yield in isolation. As in all such related cases, there is certainly avail- able human capital that will flock to such joint endeavors once the value of field experimen- tation is better recognized in this area. Such a research agenda, besides fostering important research links, has the capacity to lend important empirical insights into the types of theoretical models that best fit the data. Equally as important will be those cases in which the models are refuted by the data—in such instances, because the field experiments are able to collect enough facts to help con- struct new economic theories, there will be a healthy give and take between empiricists and theorists. Additionally, the field experiments in this area can measure key parameters that pro- vide economists with useful information and might lend insights into policymaking discus- sions. The underpinnings of such an approach are now being formed, as recent work across all three field experimental classifications in fig- ure 2 has begun in a fruitful direction.4 For 4 We only discuss a few here, but we would be remiss not to mention the work of Binswanger (1981), and the more recent work of Jayson Lusk (see, e.g., Lusk, Norwood, and Pruitt 2006). example, Schechter (2007b) evaluates risk and trust behavior using artifactual field experi- ments, finding that risk aversion explains a sub- stantial amount of decisions made by her group of Paraguayan farmers. Schechter (2007a) uti- lizes surveys that were run in conjunction with the experiments in Schechter (2007b) to pro- vide an interesting discovery of theft deter- rence: gift-giving, resulting in the formulation of a dynamic limited-commitment model on theft. Framed field experiments with farmers have also been used to inform policymakers, such as the auction work done by Cummings, Holt, and Laury (2003). The aforementioned au- thors began their research in response to The Flint River Drought Protection Act passed in Georgia in 2000, which mandated that an auction-like process for foregoing irrigation be implemented in years of drought. By running experimental auctions with farmers prior to the actual irrigation auctions, they were able to make suggestions on the auction design to make it more competitive and at the same time better understood by the participants. Examples of natural field experiments in this area also exist. For example in a partnership with the management of a leading fruit farm in the United Kingdom, Bandiera, Barankay, and Rasul (2005, 2006) use a natural field exper- iment to explore interesting economic ques- tions. Their subjects are farm workers, whose main task is to pick fruit. In one experiment, 1264 Number 5, 2009 Amer. J. Agr. Econ. workers were paid according to a relative in- centive scheme that provided a rationale for cooperation as the welfare of the group was maximized when workers fully internalize the negative externality that their effort placed on others. Bandiera, Barankay, and Rasul (2005) find that behavior is consistent with a model of social preferences when workers can be moni- tored, but when workers cannot be monitored, pro-social behaviors disappear. In their 2006 study, they find that individuals learn to coop- erate over time, both from their experience and from the experience of others. Together, these advances help us to understand workplace incentives. Conclusion Agricultural economics stands today at a cross- roads. Scholars working on agricultural issues once held a prominent role in conceptualiz- ing key empirical approaches that impacted the economics profession more generally. Yet the past several decades have witnessed other fields taking over central roles in the profes- sion. We hypothesize that this relative decline is due to the combination of richer data sets coming on-line in sister fields and the issues of agricultural economics losing their appeal. Yet, we do not view the situation as dire; rather, we advocate an active approach to returning to the roots of agricultural economics to help regain our relative footing. In this manner, we view agricultural economists possessing an enviable position to reestablish their place at the frontier of economic science. Though several years have passed since the Farm Management Move- ment was crushed, the time is ripe for theo- rists to combine with extension specialists to lend insights into both normative and posi- tive issues of the day. Years ago, there was not the methodological coherence and direc- tion that could be used by experimentalists on the farm; those days have passed. Agricul- tural economists can more easily combine the- ory and empirical work, taking advantage of their unique opportunities to execute field ex- periments. Whether such experiments revolve around exploring optimal incentive schemes of farm laborers in Europe, measuring de- mand elasticities for Bt cotton in the South, or examining farmers’ risk preferences in the Midwest, there is much to be done. In this way, agricultural economists have a clear route back to share the status of their subjects: substantial creation. References Balestra, P., and M. Nerlove. 1966. “Pooling Cross Section and Time Series Data in the Estimation of a Dynamic Model: The Demand for Natural Gas.” Econometrica 34(3):585–612. Bandiera, O., I. Barankay, and I. Rasul. 2005. “Social Preferences and the Response to In- centives: Evidence from Personnel Data.” Quarterly Journal of Economics 120(3):917– 62. ——. 2006. “The Evolution of Cooperative Norms: Evidence from a Natural Field Experiment.” B.E. Journal of Economic Analysis & Policy 6(2):Article 4. Bean, L.H. 1929. “A Simplified Method of Graphic Curvilinear Correlation.” Journal of the Amer- ican Statistical Association 24(168):386–97. Binswanger, H. 1981. “Attitudes toward Risk: Theo- retical Implications of an Experiment in Rural India.” Economic Journal 91:867–91. Chambers, R.G., and R.E. Just. 1989. “Estimating Multi-output Technologies.” American Journal of Agricultural Economics 7(4):980–95. Chambers, R.G., and J. Quiggin. 2002. “Optimal Producer Behavior in the Presence of Area- Yield Crop Insurance.” American Journal of Agricultural Economics 84(2):320–34. Cummings, R.G., C.A. Holt, and S.K. Laury. 2003. “Using Laboratory Experiments for Policy Making: An Example from the Georgia Irriga- tion Reduction Auction.” Working paper No. 06-14, Andrew Young School of Policy Studies Research Paper Series, September. 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Herberich, Levitt, and List Field Experiments in Agricultural and Resource Economics 1265 Johnson, D.G. 1950. “Resource Allocation under Share Contracts.” Journal of Political Economy 58(2):111–23. ——. 1973. World Agriculture in Disarray. London: Macmillan. ——. 1999. “Theodore William Schultz.” Biograph- ical Memoirs. 77:303–13. ——. 2000. “Population, Food, and Knowledge.” American Economic Review 90(1):1–14. Just, R.E., and R.D. Pope. 1978. “Stochastic Spec- ification of Production Functions and Eco- nomic Implications.” Journal of Econometrics 7(1):67–86. Just, R.E., and D. Zilberman. 1983. “Stochastic Structure, Farm Size and Technology Adoption in Developing Agriculture.” Oxford Economic Papers 35(2):307–28. Keynes, J.N. 1917. The Scope and Method of Political Economy. London: Macmillan. Knoeber, C.R., and W.N. Thurman. 1994. “Test- ing the Theory of Tournaments: An Empirical Analysis of Broiler Production.” Journal of La- bor Economics 12(2):155–79. Leontief, W. 1971. “Theoretical Assumptions and Nonobserved Facts.” The American Economic Review 61(1):1–7. Levitt, S., and J. List. 2008. “Field Experiments in Economics: The Past, The Present, and The Future.” NBER Working paper 14356, NBER, Cambridge, MA. List, J.A. 2006. “Field Experiments: A Bridge be- tween Lab and Naturally Occurring Data.” Advances in Economic Analysis and Policy 6(2):1747. Lusk, J.L., B. Norwood, and R. Pruitt. 2006. “Con- sumer Demand for a Ban on Subtherapeutic Antibiotic Use in Pork Production.” American Journal of Agricultural Economics 88:1015–33. Marschak, J., and W.H. Andrews. 1944. “Random Simultaneous Equations and the Theory of Production.” Econometrica 12(3,4):143–205. Mundlak, Y., and I. Hoch. 1965. “Consequences of Alternative Specifications in Estimation of Cobb-Douglas Production Functions.” Econo- metrica 33(4):814–28. Nerlove, M. 1958. “Adaptive Expectations and Cob- web Phenomena” Quarterly Journal of Eco- nomics 72(2):227–40. Schechter, L. 2007a. “Theft, Gift-giving, and Trust- worthiness: Honesty Is its Own Reward in Rural Paraguay” American Economic Review 97(5):1560–82. ——. 2007b. “Traditional Trust Measurement and the Risk Confound: An Experiment in Rural Paraguay.” Journal of Economic Behavior & Organization 62:272–92. Schultz, H. 1925. “The Statistical Law of Demand as Illustrated by the Demand for Sugar.” Journal of Political Economy 33(5):481–504. ——. 1928. The Statistical Laws of Demand and Sup- ply, with Special Application to Sugar. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Schultz, T. 1964. Transforming Traditional Agricul- ture. New Haven: Yale University Press. Smith, V. 1962 “An Experimental Study of Com- petitive Market Behavior.” Journal of Political Economy 70(2):111–37. Splawa-Neyman, J., 1990[1923]. “On the Appli- cation of Probability Theory to Agricultural Experiments. Essay on Principles. Section 9.” Statistical Science 5(4):465–472. Translated and edited bv D.M. Dabrowska & T.P. Speed from the Polish original, which appeared in Roczniki Nauk Rolniczyc, Tom X (1923): 1–51 (Annals ofAgricultura1 Sciences). Tolley, H.R., and M.J.B. Ezekiel. 1923. “A Method of Handling Multiple Correlation Problems.” Journal of the American Statistical Association 18(144):993–1003. Waugh, F.V. 1935. “A Simplified Method of Deter- mining Multiple Regression Constants.” Jour- nal of the American Statistical Association 30(192):694–700. Working, H. 1925. “The Statistical Determination of Demand Curves.” The Quarterly Journal of Economics 39(4):503–43. work_3xageqij6vcutinck22lsldu54 ---- wp-p1m-39.ebi.ac.uk Params is empty 404 sys_1000 exception wp-p1m-39.ebi.ac.uk no 217690238 Params is empty 217690238 exception Params is empty 2021/04/06-01:59:10 if (typeof jQuery === "undefined") document.write('[script type="text/javascript" src="/corehtml/pmc/jig/1.14.8/js/jig.min.js"][/script]'.replace(/\[/g,String.fromCharCode(60)).replace(/\]/g,String.fromCharCode(62))); // // // window.name="mainwindow"; .pmc-wm {background:transparent repeat-y top left;background-image:url(/corehtml/pmc/pmcgifs/wm-nobrand.png);background-size: auto, contain} .print-view{display:block} Page not available Reason: The web page address (URL) that you used may be incorrect. Message ID: 217690238 (wp-p1m-39.ebi.ac.uk) Time: 2021/04/06 01:59:10 If you need further help, please send an email to PMC. Include the information from the box above in your message. Otherwise, click on one of the following links to continue using PMC: Search the complete PMC archive. Browse the contents of a specific journal in PMC. Find a specific article by its citation (journal, date, volume, first page, author or article title). http://europepmc.org/abstract/MED/ work_3xb7vsv3ifak3iqbw3nlopszk4 ---- SYMPOSIUM: THE POLITICS OF PHILANTHROCAPITALISM The Cultural Contradictions of Philanthrocapitalism David Bosworth Published online: 28 July 2011 # Springer Science+Business Media, LLC 2011 Every excess causes a defect; every defect an excess. Ralph Waldo Emerson It is appropriate that Robin Rogers begins her informative essay on the state of philanthrocapitalism with a very large number — the 600 billion dollars in charitable donations promised by 40 über -rich Americans through the Giving Pledge; for both the current corporate culture whose private wealth feeds contemporary philanthropy and Bill Gates, the public figure who features most prominently in any account of the field, are deeply invested in the philosophical presumption that material quantity (as measured by goods produced, profits made, gross efficiencies achieved, effec- tive methods scaled) can reliably generate social quality. Because overall and in the end, more engenders better, the business of government (and most everything else, includ- ing scholarship, medicine, and public education) should be conducted in the manner of a corporate business — that is, by and for “the numbers.” This doctrine, which I have been calling quantiphilia, has so saturated American culture that, like any com- monsense belief, it now appears to be immune to effective critique. Despite a near total collapse of the global economy as generated by the egregious incompe- tence of corporate finance, the core notions of quanti- philia, including the idealization of corporate techniques, still dominate the position papers of our policy elite, and with our final assessment of value in all things now commonly defined as “the bottom line,” its logic has also succeeded in “monetizing” our everyday speech. The credo that more must equal better is crudely manifest in the super-sized meals that weigh down the trays in our fast-food restaurants, and in the super-sized cars and homes (faux chateaux) that were popular until the economy collapsed. Most relevant here, that credo can be counted in the super-sized pay days of our corporate CEOs and venture capitalists, whose astounding income is the source of the 600 billion pledged. There is, however, an alternative way of assessing social health and pursuing social quality, one that values harmony over sheer quantity, the complementary actions of homeostasis over the aggressive mechanisms of linear progress. This was the broader theme of that most American of philosophers, Ralph Waldo Emerson, in his essay “Compensation,” from which my epigraph has been taken. His assertion there that “every excess causes a defect; every defect an excess” highlights the irony that haunts recent assertions that philanthrocapitalism, as distinct from both democratic government and more traditional forms of philanthropy, can solve our social ills. For the excess, and so defect, most obvious in American society today is the severity of our economic inequality, which has dramatically increased over the last 40 years as the agenda of quantiphilia has taken hold. In 1970, the wealthiest 1% of Americans received 9.7% of the national income; now that number has surged to 23.7%, and the top one-tenth of that one percent (the targets of the Giving Pledge) receive 12.3%. America’s latest score of 45 on the Gini Index, which measures disparities in income distribution, is conspicuously worse than all our Western allies. These statistics matter because nations that suffer such economic disparities are more susceptible to the very social ills — cyclical poverty, early mortality, illegitimate births, poor test scores — that philanthrocapitalism now aims to cure. D. Bosworth (*) University of Washington, Box 35–4330, Seattle, WA 98195, USA e-mail: davidbos@u.washington.edu Soc (2011) 48:382–388 DOI 10.1007/s12115-011-9466-z In one sense, of course, the Giving Pledge is heeding Emerson’s principle of compensation, striving to restore social balance through self-conscious acts of generous giving. As the authors of that pledge, Bill Gates and Warren Buffet appear to be following an age-old moral imperative, one concisely expressed by Simone Weil: “If we know in what way society is unbalanced, we must do what we can to add weight to the lighter scale (Weil 1963).” What differentiates today’s efforts from earlier ones is the ideological presumption that the same techniques, manage- ment style, and value system that helped to generate the excessive income that is funding the pledge can also correct the social defects historically associated with income inequality. No individual can fully represent an entire movement, but as the wealthiest man in America and the most proactive of today’s philanthrocapitalists, Bill Gates comes close. A preliminary examination of the man’s stature, intentions, characteristic strategies, past accomplishments and current failures illustrates why a democratic citizenry might doubt this movement’s redemptive claims. The Royal Status of Today’s Philanthrocapitalist Businessmen and businesses are best placed to save the world. Bill Gates, speaking at Davos Although, born in revolt against a monarchy, America lacks an official royalty, our nation still possesses the same social and psychological needs that royalty has traditionally fulfilled. All complex societies require public figures that, drawing collective admiration, unify their otherwise diverse populations through symbolizing an underlying set of common aspirations. In a nation whose original intention was to replace the British aristocracy with a homegrown meritocracy, our high-achieving athletes, actors, musicians, and entrepreneurs are now elevated into a stratosphere of acclaim to fulfill that role. The fascination that accompanies their royal status, however, also tends to suspend effective evaluation, and their achievements in one field can lend them an authority unmerited in others. I am a long-time resident of Seattle, moving here in the year that Microsoft released the first version of its Windows franchise, and so I was an early witness to the royal spell that Gates can cast on public opinion. Melinda Gates’s first pregnancy was front page news here; charter boats coursing the inland waterways that both bound and bisect Seattle, include glimpses of the family’s lakefront estate on their tours; and in a local newspaper profile in the 1990s, Gates and his leading technology officer were actually compared to Plato and Aristotle. Such profiles are commonly puff pieces, of course, but however hyperbolic the praise, that gross equation of corporate success with philosophical wisdom did reflect the nation’s awed admiration of the man at a time when the release of Windows 95 was greeted as if it were a blockbuster movie or, yes, a royal marriage. More to the point here, that equation helps explain the political authority that Gates and his allies are now gaining to direct public policy on his pet issues of global health and national education reform, absent the usual requirement of holding public office. It is important to reflect on the true sources of this stature and the values they represent. In contrast to previous corporate icons like Henry Ford and Walt Disney, who, although equally fierce managers and competitors, were also masters at projecting a folksy, feel-good image of themselves and so, too, of the corporations that bore their names, Bill Gates — to his credit, perhaps — is not a natural salesman. (Case in point: he wanted to call their new graphical operating system Interface Manager and had to be convinced by his marketing director that Windows would be more appealing to consumers.) Indeed, despite the casual dress he prefers, Gates has always radiated a certain arrogance, the intellectual elitism of a technocrat who does not suffer critics, usually equated with fools, gladly. But what would be a fatal character flaw in any democratic politician has proven to be irrelevant in the case of the successful CEO. By dominating the race to market the next truly revolutionary technological advance, Gates made himself the wealthiest man in the world, and in a nation of Yankee engineers converted to quantiphilia, those numbers do matter. Where more is naturally presumed to be better, the most must mean the best. As the even less personable Mark Zuckerberg now appears to be doing, Gates became the secular hero of his generation by marrying technological how-to with managerial can-do to win the numbers game and score the most bucks. That this hero had yet to perform any good deeds in the charitable sense, that his original status was rooted in sheer self-interest rather than the self-sacrifice normally associat- ed with the heroic figure, were by then familiar ironies on the American scene. In a patterned performance first established by some of the plutocrats of the Gilded Age, Andrew Carnegie most prominently, a second act of material generosity would redeem the moral ambiguities of the first. Conspicuous philanthropy would compensate for cut-throat avidity. And once the ruling motive had flipped from acquisition to donation, it was simply presumed that the managerial success of the corporate magnate would reliably convert to the public good. This was the difference, after all, between a royal status bequeathed through an aristocracy and one achieved within a meritocracy. Having been tested in the competitive fires of the marketplace, our entrepreneurial billionaires had earned Soc (2011) 48:382–388 383 their status, and with their Machiavellian efficiencies now redirected to civic virtue, “the bottom line” of social improvement would surely spike. Yes, the ability to project a folksy self-image might help the cause, but like those brusque benefactors in Dickens’ novels, the philanthrocapitalist did not have to make-nice to do good. Quantifiable competence not vaporous charm was the trait that mattered most. And in the case of Bill Gates, who was better qualified to rescue public education than the broadly acknowledged smartest-man-in-the-room? The original Plato had founded the Academy; our latter-day version would rescue it from ruin. Monopolizing the Market of Ideas Unfortunately, this pretty narrative, wherein the technocrat- ic billionaire naturally becomes our cultural savior, does not hold up to scrutiny. The ideological presumption is that the donor’s philanthropic projects, like the commercial prod- ucts that made him wealthy, have been rigorously tested in a Darwinian marketplace where only the best ideas can survive. But whether or not this is even true of his corporate ventures (see below), it does not apply in practical fact to his philanthropic ones whose funding is dependent on the donor’s will alone. As a hands-on philanthrocapitalist, Gates insists that the initiatives of the Bill and Melinda Gates Foundation (BMGF) are rooted in the objective analysis of the best experts in each field, but in most cases, the evaluators of those initiatives have been hired by either the foundation itself or its subsidiaries. As courtiers were given to flatter the king, today’s policy analysts have a vested interested in pleasing their patrons. In the words of Frederick Hess, director of education policy at the American Enterprise Institute, “academics, activists, and the policy community live in a world where philan- thropists are royalty” whose disapproval can result in the practical equivalent of professional defunding (Hess 2005). This is especially true with the BMGF which, like its founder in business, aims to dominate every field it enters. In 2008, the New York Times reported that the chief of the malaria program for the World Health Organization, Dr. Arata Kochi, had “complained that the growing dominance of malaria research by the BMGF risks stifling diversity of views among scientists and wiping out the health agency’s policy-making function (McNeil 2008).” When the same foundation chose to promote smaller American schools from 2000–2008, it did so with a vengeance to similar effect. “Gates funding was so large and widespread,” writes education advocate Michael Klonsky, “it seemed for a time as if every initiative in the small-schools and charter world was being underwritten by the foundation. If you wanted to start a school, hold a meeting, organize a conference, or write an article in an education journal, you had to consider Gates (Klonsky 2011).” Nor, with a few notable exceptions, can we count on the mainstream press to fulfill its usual watchdog role. According to Hess, when Gates gave a major speech on public education to the nation’s governors in 2005, of the 44 newspaper stories that covered it, “not one questioned his assessment or critiqued his recommendations.” A subsequent analysis of the press coverage of all the major foundations who support public education reform found that the ratio of positive to negative stories was 13 to 1.1 The reasons for this arrant favoritism include the usual American obsequiousness to the royalty of the super wealthy, a general sense that it is rude to criticize large- scale acts of generosity, and the press’s dependence on the same policy experts who have been co-opted by the foundations in question. Thanks, ironically, to the corporate incompetence that triggered the Great Recession, this monopolizing of public opinion by corporately earned money is only likely to get worse. As government funding for medical and social research shrinks, the experts’ dependence on foundation money soars, and, desperate for funds, local school districts cannot easily resist the national reform initiatives now be dictating by billionaire donors with no local connections. Meanwhile, as the old economic model for journalism collapses, the BMGF has stepped in there as well. A recent (and rare) investigative report by the Seattle Times revealed that the foundation had contributed over 69 million dollars since 2002 to news organizations and journalism schools “to promote coverage of its central issues: global health, development, and education (Doughton and Heim 2011).” The media outlets supported include PBS’s News Hour and Frontline, NPR, ABC, and The Guardian in England. Although these recipients routinely deny being directly influenced by the foundation, their very dependence on the money places them in the same subservient position as the policy experts who have been paid to evaluate the foundation’s programs. On the political front, it is illegal for charitable organizations to contribute directly to individual candidates, but that did not stop Gates and Eli Broad of the Broad Foundation from spending 60 million dollars on a public information campaign before the 2008 election, with the aim of influencing both parties to adopt their shared agenda for education reform. Robin Rogers argues for the separation of philanthroca- pitalism from public policy-making, but on the subjects that matter most to Gates, that battle appears to have been lost. With their “partners” in policy, journalism, and both local and national politics secured, the BMGF and its primary allies on school reform, the Broad Foundation and the 1 Hess, pp. 10–12. 384 Soc (2011) 48:382–388 Walton Family Foundation (the Walmart clan), have now leveraged a relatively tiny investment — less than one percent of the monies spent each year on public education — into a commanding position. The public still pays most of the bills, but it is the philanthrocapitalist who, increasingly, sets the agenda. The climax of this leveraged takeover occurred with Obama’s selection of Arne Duncan to lead the Department of Education (DOE). As the “CEO”of Chicago’s troubled public schools (note the conversion to corporate terminol- ogy characteristic of quantiphilia), Duncan had already implemented a reform program, Renaissance 2010 (Ren10), that was based on the BMGF’s how-to guide, The Turnaround Challenge, and supported by 90 million dollars of the foundation’s money. At the DOE Duncan has championed the same guide as the “bible” of reform, and integrated its goals — charter schools, performance-based pay for teachers, national testing standards, and the power to effect a “turnaround” by firing the staff of low- performing schools — into his Race to the Top initiative, which has used federal money from the “stimulus package” as an incentive to state governments to conform to the same agenda. That temptation was then sweetened by the BMGF which offered both money and professional guidance to the states that were applying, and with the federal government now joining Gates’s other paid partners in policy analysis and the media, his domination in the field of school reform is nearly complete. None of this should seem surprising. “Nature [may] hate monopolies,” as Emerson also wrote in “Compensation,” but capitalism certainly does not. Especially in eras of technological change, only an aggressive application of antitrust regulations will prevent a few corporations from acquiring a stranglehold on whole new segments of our political economy. Just as Carnegie’s U.S. Steel and John D. Rockefeller’s Standard Oil monopolized the then new industries of steel and petroleum production, Microsoft has monopolized the PC software industry. Gates made his enormous fortune less by product innovation than by cleverly and ruthlessly dominating his industry’s distri- bution system — that is, by eliminating the very competition that is supposed to spur technological improvement; and in the new era of hands-on giving, he has now been applying the same tactics to his second career as a philanthrocapitalist. Having installed Windows in some 90% of today’s PCs, Gates is on the verge now of defining the default “operating system” for public education as well. The fate imposed on most independent software developers and PC manufac- turers in the 1990s is now being faced by professional educators: to enter the game at all, they will have to play by the rules established by the Gates, Broad and Walton foundations, as defined in their grant initiatives, training conferences, and how-to guides, and as enforced by their latter-day minions in government like Arne Duncan. Hewing to the quantiphilia characteristic of mass manu- facturing, those rules will insist on running our schools by and for the numbers, overvaluing abstract testing and scaling their favorite strategies to standardize educational “production” from coast to coast. The practical effect will be the technocratic elimination of local control over public schools — all pursued, of course, “with the best of intentions” and without any real concern as to the impact on democratic initiative. Given the authors of such a “turnaround” agenda, these results too should not prove shocking. Total authority, after all, is what monopolists usually seek, and for technocratic managers, rote measures of productivity routinely replace the less quantifiable standards of effective citizenship. The usurpation of local control has been a longstanding theme of our corporate economy, evident, for example, in the replacement of the family farm by agribusiness. And whether one believes such a result is desirable, it is certainly logical that the same vested owners whose big- box Walmarts have been displacing local retailers are now funding, through their tax-sheltered foundation, an equiv- alent disempowerment of local educators. Grade Inflation: the Philanthromonopolist’s Immunity to Failure The Royals go on and on, that’s what they do. They are not sackable. — an unnamed cabinet officer, commenting on the embarrassing behavior of Prince Andrew So what?, the editors of Forbes and the attendees of the World Economic Forum at Davos are likely to respond. In a global economy, we cannot afford a nostalgic allegiance to the archaic virtues of the local school board. In our digital era, the price of progress is perpetual change; education must lead the way; and with a GPS for a mind and his eyes laser-locked on the bottom line, the high-tech businessman “is best placed to save the world” by designing an education “delivery system” for the 21st century. No one would deny that we are being changed and challenged by our new technologies. But do the members of the Good Club really Know Better? Is their status as the wealthiest even a reliable reflection of their actual accom- plishments in the technological sphere, much less in the social arenas where their venture philanthropy now invades? Consider Microsoft. The company’s impressive profits (circa 4.5 billion in 2010) are still primarily dependent on its Windows franchise, whose quality as an operating system has long been attacked by technophiles. Soc (2011) 48:382–388 385 Wherever one stands on that issue, it is clear that the company has missed almost every significant development in the field since early nineties, failing to be either first or best, for example, with the web browser, the search engine, and the digital music player. Its current clumsy entry into the newest “new things” on the digital scene, cloud computing and social networking, may yet lead to a decline in market share. Irrespective of that outcome, any thorough evaluation of Microsoft’s performance would have to conclude that, under Gates’s formal and informal leadership, the company has thrived financially not due to its ongoing prophetic excellence but its longstanding monopoly status. For similar reasons, the BMGF’s performance as an effective agent of social betterment has been mixed at best. Here, as Dr. Kochi’s complaint suggests, there may even be weaknesses in those fields, like disease prevention, that are susceptible to what Robin Roger’s calls “evidence-based solutions.” But on the more socially complex subject of education reform, there is no such ambiguity: rarely has so much influence been granted to an institution whose actual track record has been so dismal. From 2000–2008 the BMGF poured up to 2 billion dollars into its small schools project. The plan created over 2600 new schools in 45 states across the nation, with the expectation that these smaller “learning communities” would rapidly boost test achievement. And yet they did not — at which point, undeterred by the enormity of the failure, Gates announced a second initiative, the turnaround agenda, pursuing it with same aggressive zeal as the first. The allure of the entrepreneur as social prophet has been fueled by his supposed mastery of those elusive numbers that our scientific studies relentlessly produce, but while Gates’s reforms are based on his interpretations of research data, the quality of those readings is frequently suspect. There was, in fact, little credible evidence to support his enormous investment in the small-schools project. (The statistician Howard Wainer of the Wharton School suspects that Gates misinterpreted statistical studies of school performance (Golden 2010)). Now, in the light of his first project’s failure, Gates has reversed course in some respects. Great teachers, he has decided make the most difference, and his new solution is to add six students to the best teachers’ classrooms, using the money saved to increase those teachers’ salaries. It is an arrangement, he insisted, citing BMGF- supported research in his latest speech to the nation’s governors, that the teachers themselves would gladly support. Here, too, however, his grasp of the numbers has proven shaky. Some fact-checking by the Seattle Times discovered that what the study in question actually found is that teachers would prefer a $5,000 raise to having two fewer students — they were never asked about accepting more (Westneat 2011). Nor does the undiminished support for charter schools by the Gates, Broad, Walton alliance have a sound basis in the data. A 2010 analysis of Milwaukee’s Parental Choice Program, the longest-lived and most extensive charter school and voucher program in the nation, found no significant difference in achievement growth rates between pupils in the choice program and those in public schools.2 A 2009 study of charter schools in 16 states, conducted by Stanford’s Center for Research on Educational Outcomes, asserted that, in the aggregate, charter school students were faring worse (New Stanford Report Finds Serious Quality Challenge in Nation s Charter Schools http credo stanford edu reports National_Release). And although 2010 was the year that Duncan’s Ren10 revival of the Chicago’s public schools was supposed to prove its worth, an extensive investigation by the Chicago Tribune, “Daley School Plan Fails to Make the Grade,” found otherwise. What proves disturbing here is not that experiments have been tried but the scope and pace of their institution, the rush to nationalize reforms that have either yet to be proven or have even been shown to be largely ineffective. Denying reality is not the hallmark of an entrepreneur committed to “evidence-based solutions”; it is the sign of an ideologue who is cushioned from consequences by money, connec- tions, and public acclaim. It does not seem to matter that Gates keeps misinterpreting the data or that his programs keep failing to “make the grade.” Under the turnaround agenda, which is now our national policy, the staffs of struggling schools will continue to be fired while the philanthrocapitalist whose own reforms have failed will, nevertheless, continue to dictate the direction of change. To paraphrase F. Scott Fitzgerald, today’s plutocrats are not like you and I; nor do they resemble the politicians we elect. Even when they assume the authority to set public policies, they are, I fear, not sackable. Cultural Contradictions In changing moon, in tidal wave, Glows the feud of Want and Have. Emerson Market-based capitalism can be enormously creative in the material sense, but it is a categorical error to presume, as quantiphilia does, that the techniques for boosting productiv- ity in the corporate world can be successfully transferred to the public arena. Human beings are not “upgradeable” machines; standardized tests can only measure a very narrow slice of intellectual achievement; workers in public education and public health bring a different ratio of motivations to their jobs 2 See Murray (2010) 386 Soc (2011) 48:382–388 than those in the private sector; insomuch as it emphasizes top-down expertise over on-the-ground experience and competition over collaboration (it is a race to the top, after all), the Turnaround Challenge is not even attuned to the latest developments in the digital world, where wiki software has been engendering whole new ways of doing business, science and scholarship: for these reasons and others, the current template for reforming the nation’s schools is bound to fail, both on its own narrow terms and ones more vital to the health of our democracy. The education agenda now being imposed by the venture philanthropists led by Gates refuses to acknowledge, much less redress, some other powerful causative factors. As Allan Ornstein has noted in this publication, there is a wealth of data “showing that the most important variable related to student achievement is the child’s family background and the second most important factor is the peer group (Ornstein 2010).” I have already mentioned the threats associated with our rapidly growing inequality in income distribution. Framed differently, poverty has a well- known inverse relationship to academic performance, and the percentage of impoverished American students is nearly double that of any other industrialized country, between 21% and 25%, by Ornstein’s account — a difference which in itself can explain most of the achievement gap between American students and those in Western Europe. Unem- ployment, broken families, excessive TV and internet consumption, lead and mercury pollution, malnutrition, obesity-induced diabetes, restless mobility (moving from school to school as parents try regain an economic foothold) are other known or likely socio-economic factors associated with low achievement. Any reform movement truly interested in improving student performance would commit itself to rooting out the sources of these often interrelated social ills. Here, however, is where the cultural contradictions of philanthrocapitalism become most obvious, for even as its proponents insist on a strict accountability in the public sphere, they refuse to review the broader social impact of the economic system that has been providing their own excessive compensation. The efficiencies that commend industrial pollution, the downsiz- ing of the white-collar workforce to boost shareholder value, the evisceration of whole communities as plants and services have been sent overseas: the very ethos of rationalization they now would impose on public schools has been complicit in creating social conditions inimical to student achievement. Eli Broad announced in 2004 that, due to the “crisis” he spied in public education, America was “in danger of becoming a second-class nation (Richard Lee Colvin).” But given that Broad made his billions in real estate and finance, his reformist zeal might have been more effectively aimed at the private industries that he knew best, which were then in the midst of generating the same spectacular economic collapse whose aftereffects now threaten public education with its greatest crisis in many decades. Performance-based pay may be an interesting concept, but it is apparently not applicable to Wall Street whose financial giants “punished” their upper-level employees with 18.4 billion dollars in bonuses in the same year the federal government was bailing them out. Attending to the health of the Third World poor is surely a commendable mission, but as the Los Angeles Times reported in 2007, the BMGF is also heavily invested in corporations whose industrial pollution in the Niger Delta is harmful to its residents’ respiratory health – the same residents the foundation was supplying with vaccinations. Nor was this an isolated instance. The Times report concluded that”the foundation reaps vast financial gains every year from invest- ments that contravene its good works,” and this conflict between the aims of its charitable grant (preventing illness) and the actions of its endowment holdings (causing illness) captures the moral incoherence at the core of philanthrocapi- talism more generally (Piller 2007) . As Americans, we have had to live with a core contradiction built into our political economy since the Industrial Revolu- tion: namely, that the wealth-producing engine of corporate capitalism can also generate severe social inequalities that threaten the very basis of democratic governance. Along with regulation, taxation, unionism and religious charities, tradi- tional philanthropy by the very wealthy was one way of easing that contradiction by adding “weight to the lighter scale.” Included in that traditional offering was a tacit admission that giving back to the community was a compensation for the collateral injustices produced by the system. Venture philan- thropy, however, is a different species. Rather than simply offering a compensation for the systems’ flaws, it also demands a conversion to that same system’s philosophy. Only if we submit to their ideological authority by accepting their quantiphilia will their funds be forthcoming. As such, these are not acts of material generosity so much as ones of intellectual and managerial hubris. The current leveraged takeover of public education by the moneyed few, as endorsed and enforced by first Bush’s and now Obama’s federal bureaucracy, brings us a very long way from G.K. Chesterton’s claim that “the democratic faith is this: that the most terribly important things must be left to ordinary men themselves.... (Chesterton et al. 1990)” We should not delude ourselves that the competence of the plutocrat warrants this surrender of our ordinary authority. On the subject of education, Bill Gates is not even close to being the smartest-man-in-the-room; he is merely the wealthiest and the most willful — someone far more adept at monopolizing power than creating social value. Ever the optimist, Emerson had faith in “the deep remedial force that underlies all facts”: that “the varieties of conditions” do, in the end,”tend to equalize themselves.” In the social sphere, however, that process of compensation can assume many forms, some far more desirable than others. There is a Soc (2011) 48:382–388 387 growing “feud between Want and Have” in the world today, fueled by excessive discrepancies in wealth and power. And as the “tidal wave” of revolutionary change now sweeping across the Middle East ought to remind us, the surest route to “becoming a second-class nation” is to allow a self-selected few to dominate the governance of the many. References Chesterton, G. K. 1990. Orthodoxy: The Romance of Faith. Doubleday, p. 47. Colvin, R. L. 2005. A New generation of philanthropists and their great ambitions” in With the Best of Intentions, p. 27. Doughton, S. & Heim, K. 2011. Does Gates funding of media taint objectivity? Seattle Times. Golden, D. 2010. Bill Gates School Crusade,” Bloomberg Businessweek. Hess, F. M. (ed). 2005. With the Best of Intentions: How Philanthropy Is Reshaping K-12 Schools. Harvard Eduation Press, p. 9. Klonsky, M. 2011. Power Philanthropy. In The Gates Foundation and the Future of Public Schools. Routledge, p. 26. McNeil Jr D. G. 2008. Gates foundation influence criticized. New York Times. Murray, C. 2010. Why charter schools fail the test. New York Times. “New Stanford Report Finds Serious Quality Challenge in Nation’s Charter Schools”: http://credo.stanford.edu/reports/ National_Release.pdf Ornstein, A. 2010. Achievement Gaps in Education. Society. Piller, C., Sanders, E., & Dixon, R. 2007. Dark clouds over good works of Gates Foundation. Los Angeles Times. Weil, S. 1963. Gravity and Grace. Routledge, p. 151. Westneat, D. 2011. Bill Gates, have I got a deal for you! Seattle Times. David Bosworth is the author of two prize-winning books of fiction and numerous essays on cultural change in America. He was a senior consulting scholar for the Thrift Project, a million-dollar multidisciplinary study directed by the Institute for Advanced Cultural Studies, and currently teaches in the University of Washington’s Creative Writing Program, where he was Director for five years. All quotes by Emerson are from his essay “Compensation.” 388 Soc (2011) 48:382–388 http://credo.stanford.edu/reports/National_Release.pdf http://credo.stanford.edu/reports/National_Release.pdf The Cultural Contradictions of Philanthrocapitalism The Royal Status of Today’s Philanthrocapitalist Monopolizing the Market of Ideas Grade Inflation: the Philanthromonopolist’s Immunity to Failure Cultural Contradictions References << /ASCII85EncodePages false /AllowTransparency false /AutoPositionEPSFiles true /AutoRotatePages /None /Binding /Left /CalGrayProfile (Gray Gamma 2.2) /CalRGBProfile (sRGB IEC61966-2.1) /CalCMYKProfile (ISO Coated v2 300% \050ECI\051) /sRGBProfile (sRGB IEC61966-2.1) /CannotEmbedFontPolicy /Error /CompatibilityLevel 1.3 /CompressObjects /Off /CompressPages true /ConvertImagesToIndexed true /PassThroughJPEGImages true /CreateJDFFile false /CreateJobTicket false /DefaultRenderingIntent /Perceptual /DetectBlends true /DetectCurves 0.0000 /ColorConversionStrategy /sRGB /DoThumbnails true /EmbedAllFonts true /EmbedOpenType false /ParseICCProfilesInComments true /EmbedJobOptions true /DSCReportingLevel 0 /EmitDSCWarnings false /EndPage -1 /ImageMemory 1048576 /LockDistillerParams true /MaxSubsetPct 100 /Optimize true /OPM 1 /ParseDSCComments true /ParseDSCCommentsForDocInfo true /PreserveCopyPage true /PreserveDICMYKValues true /PreserveEPSInfo true /PreserveFlatness true /PreserveHalftoneInfo false /PreserveOPIComments false /PreserveOverprintSettings true /StartPage 1 /SubsetFonts false /TransferFunctionInfo /Apply /UCRandBGInfo /Preserve /UsePrologue false /ColorSettingsFile () /AlwaysEmbed [ true ] /NeverEmbed [ true ] /AntiAliasColorImages false /CropColorImages true /ColorImageMinResolution 150 /ColorImageMinResolutionPolicy /Warning /DownsampleColorImages true /ColorImageDownsampleType /Bicubic /ColorImageResolution 150 /ColorImageDepth -1 /ColorImageMinDownsampleDepth 1 /ColorImageDownsampleThreshold 1.50000 /EncodeColorImages true /ColorImageFilter /DCTEncode /AutoFilterColorImages true /ColorImageAutoFilterStrategy /JPEG /ColorACSImageDict << /QFactor 0.40 /HSamples [1 1 1 1] /VSamples [1 1 1 1] >> /ColorImageDict << /QFactor 1.30 /HSamples [2 1 1 2] /VSamples [2 1 1 2] >> /JPEG2000ColorACSImageDict << /TileWidth 256 /TileHeight 256 /Quality 10 >> /JPEG2000ColorImageDict << /TileWidth 256 /TileHeight 256 /Quality 10 >> /AntiAliasGrayImages false /CropGrayImages true /GrayImageMinResolution 150 /GrayImageMinResolutionPolicy /Warning /DownsampleGrayImages true /GrayImageDownsampleType /Bicubic /GrayImageResolution 150 /GrayImageDepth -1 /GrayImageMinDownsampleDepth 2 /GrayImageDownsampleThreshold 1.50000 /EncodeGrayImages true /GrayImageFilter /DCTEncode /AutoFilterGrayImages true /GrayImageAutoFilterStrategy /JPEG /GrayACSImageDict << /QFactor 0.40 /HSamples [1 1 1 1] /VSamples [1 1 1 1] >> /GrayImageDict << /QFactor 1.30 /HSamples [2 1 1 2] /VSamples [2 1 1 2] >> /JPEG2000GrayACSImageDict << /TileWidth 256 /TileHeight 256 /Quality 10 >> /JPEG2000GrayImageDict << /TileWidth 256 /TileHeight 256 /Quality 10 >> /AntiAliasMonoImages false /CropMonoImages true /MonoImageMinResolution 600 /MonoImageMinResolutionPolicy /Warning /DownsampleMonoImages true /MonoImageDownsampleType /Bicubic /MonoImageResolution 600 /MonoImageDepth -1 /MonoImageDownsampleThreshold 1.50000 /EncodeMonoImages true /MonoImageFilter /CCITTFaxEncode /MonoImageDict << /K -1 >> /AllowPSXObjects false /CheckCompliance [ /None ] /PDFX1aCheck false /PDFX3Check false /PDFXCompliantPDFOnly false /PDFXNoTrimBoxError true /PDFXTrimBoxToMediaBoxOffset [ 0.00000 0.00000 0.00000 0.00000 ] /PDFXSetBleedBoxToMediaBox true /PDFXBleedBoxToTrimBoxOffset [ 0.00000 0.00000 0.00000 0.00000 ] /PDFXOutputIntentProfile (None) /PDFXOutputConditionIdentifier () /PDFXOutputCondition () /PDFXRegistryName () /PDFXTrapped /False /Description << /CHS /CHT /DAN /ESP /FRA /ITA /JPN /KOR /NLD (Gebruik deze instellingen om Adobe PDF-documenten te maken die zijn geoptimaliseerd voor weergave op een beeldscherm, e-mail en internet. 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Secret Histories: Reading Twentieth-Century American Literature. Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 2010. vii + 400 pages. Notes, works cited, and index. $35.00. Jennifer rae Greeson. Our South: Geographic Fantasy and the Rise of National Literature. Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University Press, 2010. vii + 356 pp. Illustrations, figures, notes, and index. $39.95. At the end of a semester of teaching, I felt fortunate to come across David Wyatt’s Secret Histories because Wyatt so clearly delights in American fiction. Gently encouraging readers to listen and to participate in the intimate rela- tionships revealed by American writers, Wyatt is most like Leslie Fiedler, who famously calls out to readers in the assumed voice of Mark Twain’s Jim to “come back to the raft agin, Huck honey” (the title of Fielder’s 1948 article). Jennifer Rae Greeson also urges readers familiar with American literature and literary tropes to anticipate intimate encounters. In Our South, Greeson uncovers an intranational consciousness at work in the United States. She shows how eighteenth- and nineteenth-century U.S. writers represent the South as “an enemy within,” as she titles one of her chapters. Both Wyatt and Greeson place family romance at the center of American history. While these two writers cover different periods in American history and, for the most part, approach fictional material with different methodologies, each reflects in some way a spatial turn in American Studies. Each argument hinges on the question of how national spaces have been imagined by American writers. Greeson refers explicitly to connections among geography, literature, and social forms. Wyatt employs spatial vocabulary more sparingly and most often within his discussions of gender and race in American fiction. Early in his wide-ranging argument, Wyatt makes the tantalizing assertion that “the history of the novel could be said, in fact, to constitute the secret his- tory of the origin and course of love” (p. 20). He perceives twentieth-century American writers as continuing the struggle toward union that began with the nation’s founding documents. Although connected by a fundamentally Ameri- can preoccupation with how and to what extent disparate peoples can share one Reviews in American History 40 (2012) 282–288 © 2012 by The Johns Hopkins University Press 283enGBer / Toward a More Perfect Union national identity, the writers in Wyatt’s study respond to distinct political and personal concerns. Some search for a balance between work and relationships, some struggle against the incorporation of America, and some represent war as a force that dehumanizes even as it creates new possibilities for empathy (p. xi). The chapter titles refer to familiar concepts that Wyatt groups under the umbrella term “love”—among them “Double-Consciousness,” “Pioneer- ing Women,” “Performing Maleness,” “The Depression,” “The Postmodern,” and “Slavery and Memory.” These descriptive headings signal Wyatt’s goals: to offer a collection of arguments that leads readers back to the books them- selves and to uncover the conversations, actual or intertextual, among these seemingly disparate writers. Thankfully, we have come to a moment when there is “no longer any way to read the greatest white American novelists of the twentieth century except through the greatest black American novelist of the twentieth century” (p. 333), and our intertextual reading need not stop with William Faulkner and Toni Morrison. Their interrelationship suggests to Wyatt a way of reading all of American literature. In one of the most interesting chapters, “Love and Separateness,” atten- tive readings link Eudora Welty, Mary McCarthy, and John Steinbeck to Betty Friedan’s Feminine Mystique. Citing the “decline in the power of women in the public world” after World War II, Wyatt reads Steinbeck’s Cathy Trask in East of Eden as a modern woman who defies the “temptations” of an ideology of femininity (pp. 210–11). Yet he is a reluctant champion of this character because she cannot balance love and separateness. In this, she is different from Welty’s prewar female characters who, like men, can run away from home. Perhaps more so than men, Welty’s women tend to return, and many of these returns constitute a kind of reconciliation to the idea of what Wyatt, quoting Mary McCarthy, calls “the otherness of a separate being” (p. 192). In examining what constitutes this separateness, Wyatt briefly considers the spatial dimension of gender roles. He emphasizes the “space, which we cannot see” in Welty’s “A Still Moment”: the houseboat where the main character, Jenny, has been secured by a group of fisherman. Jenny’s experience and the space that con- tains her are represented only by the “harsh human sounds” of the fishermen who “come in to her” (Welty quoted in Wyatt, p. 193). It is represented only by what escapes. Not seeing, in Wyatt’s estimation of Welty, affords readers and writer the freedom “to structure the nature of our own response” (p. 193). Spaces of intimate encounter hidden from sight become opportunities. As appealing as this reading of Welty as an exemplar of a kind of prewar female liberation may be, it elides the horrors found in Welty’s homes and avoids the real issue of whether or not women’s experiences, particularly experiences of sexual injustice, can yet be represented. Wyatt reads Welty’s depictions of rape and violence against women as given “a lightness that disarms them of their stigmatizing power” (p. 190). This reading is supported by several Welty reViewS in aMerican HiSTorY / JUne 2012284 characters who express a belief in the countervailing power of response to determine the meaning of an event. In emphasizing response, Welty shifts the story away from a male consciousness and away from male control, but she never successfully elaborates a female consciousness. The experience of rape is spatialized and auditory rather than embodied. So, as much as Welty places rape on a continuum of “things done to the self,” as Wyatt puts it, she also points to the absence of women’s bodily response in her stories, a prob- lem that Wyatt cannot recognize. Instead, he turns to Hemingway as a lens through which, briefly, to see Welty’s women. Beginning a paragraph with an isolated, unexamined quotation from For Whom the Bell Tolls—”Nothing is done to oneself that one does not accept”—Wyatt distracts us from the focus on Welty and suggests a connection that he does not explain (p. 194). This example reveals a simultaneous strength and weakness of Wyatt’s style of argumentation. The wonderful interweaving of authors sometimes leads to tantalizing juxtapositions—like Hemingway and Welty—that are left for the reader to unpack. This habit of leaving the structure of the argument open to readers oc- casionally leads Wyatt to miss the opportunity to analyze how history has been constructed. Historical events and legal or political actions—ranging from the Chinese Exclusion Act of 1882 to the Vietnam War, from the 1863 draft riots to postindustrial capitalism—provide context rather than parallel text. For instance, Wyatt mentions the Chinese Exclusion Act as a framework for Edith Maude Eaton’s “Mrs. Spring Fragrance,” a short story published in 1912 under the pseudonym Sui Sin Far. Politics breaks through this otherwise domestic narrative when, in one sentence of dialogue in the middle of the story, the husband of the title character reveals that his brother is being held in detention in California. We never learn what happens, as Wyatt points out. Instead, the narrator follows Mrs. Spring Fragrance on her journey to private happiness, happiness achieved “within the ongoing and glossed-over pain of an unresolved political conflict” (p. 38). Wyatt reads this as a “profoundly American solution” that is at the same time exemplary of modern and modern- ist women’s fiction. He argues that Far can only “imagine a partial adjustment in the province of the ‘real.’” She shows how sexual politics has begun to be addressed within the home in early to mid–twentieth century America, but racial politics “remain unredressed” (p. 38). Men like Mr. Spring Fragrance begin to listen to their wives. No similar audience is offered for the political prisoner, so his story remains untold. Far’s story is haunted by the unseen and unrepresented space of the bar- racks on Angel Island, San Francisco, where Chinese persons seeking entry into the United States were held as prisoners in the early twentieth century. Wyatt reminds us that “over the decades, the walls of these barracks filled up with poems, protests against having dreams of a new country end with 285enGBer / Toward a More Perfect Union confinement” (p.38). Soon after this lyrical description of walls that tell frag- mented stories, Wyatt jumps to a discussion of Gertrude Stein, but he leaves it to the reader to make the connection between Stein’s verbal camouflage and these imprisoned poems. He observes that “Stein does not conceive of language, then, as a prison-house by which we are constrained. It is more like Conrad’s destructive element in which we must immerse ourselves. Then the deep, deep sea will keep us up. Like water, like air, language precedes us and makes life possible” (p. 43). From Stein he draws the conclusion that “we live in a vale of collective language-making.” Placing Far and Stein so close together may suggest that both tend to avoid the overtly political in their pursuit of more domestic forms of liberation. Wyatt simply includes them both under the category “Pioneering Women,” and he surrounds them with the reassurance that twentieth-century men are learning to listen to women and that male writers like William Carlos Williams believe in the “renovat- ing effect of a passionate love” for place. Rather than linking Cather to Stein and Far through their shared awareness of how words become “marked by place,” as his own evidence suggests, he connects Cather and Stein by their “shared sexual preference,” and relies upon Williams to articulate Cather’s tie to the West as distinct from the expatriate Stein or the immigrant Far (p. 44). For Wyatt, American history is so bound up with the concept of union that literature cannot help but become dominated by this metaphor. Love ultimately defines the effort of reading or what Wyatt calls an “attempt to achieve empa- thetic union with a text” (p. xi). Wyatt celebrates an ever-changing American tradition and emphasizes the responsibility of the reader to learn through literature to move toward the future by listening to the past. If Phillip Roth and Elizabeth Bishop both ultimately offer a hopeful vision, as Wyatt argues in his final analysis, it is through their shared willingness to embrace the lessons of a contradictory history and thus to prepare readers to do the same (p. 330). Jennifer Rae Greeson reflects a similarly contradictory history more di- rectly in her methodology. Interested in how fantasy precedes social reality and predicts certain kinds of political bodies, Greeson assesses images of the southern United States that “emerge in national literature decades before the rise of North/South political sectionalism” (p. 11). She writes as a cultural historian. She analyzes newspaper stories, private correspondence, political tracts, and fictional texts to show how literary work both reflects and reforms other discourses. This literary emergence of the South suggests to Greeson “a great deal about how imaginative literature can set the horizons of possibility for a culture” (pp. 11–12). There is no “real” South, according to Greeson— which is not to say that there is no material place. Rather, the South makes sense only if we understand how our idea of it has been constructed out of a Western imperial “ordering of the globe” (p. 10). Greeson proposes three versions of the South and three corollary epochs in the development of the reViewS in aMerican HiSTorY / JUne 2012286 United States, and she divides her argument along these lines: The Plantation South and Nationalization; The Slave South and Industrialization and Expan- sion; The Reconstruction South and the Question of Empire. Paradigms familiar to American Studies scholars are given greater depth through Greeson’s analysis. Like David Reynolds in his classic work Beneath the American Renaissance: The Subversive Imagination in the Age of Emerson and Melville (1988), Greeson reads “beneath” canonical literature to find how popu- lar culture and literary culture intertwined; how newspapers, textbooks, and fictions echoed and altered one another’s language. She takes up the concept of the American farmer, the emergence of the antislavery narrative, the ques- tion of republican manhood, and what she calls “the imperial romance” of Reconstruction. The subjugation of the South is “a matter of the heart,” Greeson wryly declares in one of her final chapters (p. 282). She has prepared us to accept this reading by her careful tracing of the rise of national literature as a geographic narrative, structured by “the founding juxtaposition” between the new modern republic and an aristocratic and primitive South (p. 13). In crude terms, the South is figured again and again as the body in relation to the developing Northern mind. As one of the best examples of the unfolding of this geographic fantasy, Greeson offers the antislavery narrative and a compelling reading of William Lloyd Garrison’s abolitionist newspaper and Lydia Maria Child’s confrontation with the contradictions of modernization. More a rupture than an evolution, antislavery rhetoric growing in popularity in the 1830s represents “the Slave South” as violent and licentious, borrowing the exposé mode employed by reformers determined to reveal “pervasive hidden vice” in new urban envi- ronments (p. 124). The form of the city suggests the form of the exposé: It is more spatial than temporal, organized as a catalogue of vignettes that together form a coherent whole. This is an apt description of a didactic text as a kind of social scientific monograph; and indeed, Greeson concludes that the creation of the Slave South in antislavery tracts also marked the “beginning of a new novelistic mode, characterized by an omniscient narrator who functioned as moral geographer for the reader” (p. 144). This formulation is an elegant ex- tension of Raymond Williams’ insight, in The County and the City (1973), that new urban spaces necessitate a new literary form (p. 134). The question of form intersects a question of gender, as Greeson shows in her discussion of Ralph Waldo Emerson. Again, Greeson recalls familiar American Studies paradigms—in this case, republican manliness. She offers a careful textual analysis and generates a web of connections from the literary to the popular and political. Greeson turns to Emerson to further explore the troubled U.S. republic of the mid–nineteenth century in terms of its “disastrous want of men.” When Emerson identifies this problem in his 1844 address on “Emancipation in the British West Indies,” he ties gendered behavior to the 287enGBer / Toward a More Perfect Union as-yet-unrealized goal of abolition, ascribing the moral weakness of the U.S. to what he describes as effeminate political representation. In contrast to the “very amiable and very innocent representatives and senators at Washington,” Emerson imagines a more manly expansion of the English imperial model (Emerson quoted in Greeson, p. 156). He imagines a government both cen- tralized and dislocated, and, as Greeson observes, he “calls for New England to assert ‘mastery’ over its enduring South as the solution to the untenable sectionalist stand off between the Industrial North and the Slave South” (p. 159). He represents metropolitan Boston as the inheritor of benevolent imperial governance, defining it temporally—as progress more than place. Greeson recasts Emerson as a moral imperialist who seeks to transcend sectionalism by asserting the necessary supremacy of New England over the South (p.159). She also decenters Emerson and the Transcendentalist move- ment, to some extent, by recalling a counterargument made by self-identified Southern writer Edgar Allan Poe. Analyzing Poe’s satires, Greeson reveals his skepticism about Emerson’s centralizing vision. Poe sees the dangers of expansionism because he recognizes that the subjugation of the South provides a model for global expansion—that this impulse is imperial even though its proponents claim to be liberators. Yet Greeson acknowledges that Poe had little impact on his contemporaries. While she questions Emerson and others who offer moral sanctions for domination of the South, her argument moves away from the skeptics and toward imagery of union. Her geographic fan- tasy culminates in a third stage: the Reconstruction South imagined as global South at the turn into the twentieth century. Demonstrating the pervasive presence of an alternative story to U.S. exceptionalism, Greeson’s conclud- ing pages cover the plantation novels of Thomas Nelson Page and Pauline Hopkins, Henry James’ travelogue The American Scene, W. E. B. DuBois’ Souls of Black Folk, and two popular films—the notorious Birth of a Nation and the nostalgic Gone with the Wind—that each provoke a reaction to the U.S. South on the eve of American involvement in a global war. These disparate works demonstrate “a story of a nation that has emerged out of the ideological and material matrices of New World empire” (p. 289). Whether critical or celebra- tory, twentieth-century representations of the South participated in the same conversation and revealed the persistent parallel existence of U.S. empire and U.S. republic. By the early 1900s, the U.S. was assuming global power as the European empires crumbled, and Greeson argues that this “American century” is continuous rather than a break with American history. Visions of American empire are “routed back through understandings of the domestic past,” particularly the historical struggles to come to terms with the internal other, “our South” (p. 276). Both Jennifer Rae Greeson and David Wyatt read fictional romance as offering the possibility of real reconciliation. Wyatt’s capacious collection of reViewS in aMerican HiSTorY / JUne 2012288 disparate writers gains additional clarity when paired with Greeson’s imagined South. Greeson’s argument also gains by association with Wyatt’s twentieth century. Greeson leaves her readers with a turn-of–the-century problem—W. E. B. DuBois’ image of the color line as a national and global divide—and the solution imagined in the mid-twentieth century by Frantz Fanon—”a white and a black man hand in hand” (Fanon quoted in Greeson, p. 289). The inti- macy of U.S. geographic fantasy is surprisingly hopeful. Whereas Wyatt finds value in simply continuing the work of understanding the American canon as an ever-expanding whole, Jennifer Rae Greeson reflects a more embattled contemporary literary critical tradition when she calls her argument “a brief for the real-world importance of literary history” (p. 11). Behind Greeson’s formulation lurks some anxiety about the current moment of declared crisis in the humanities. She and Wyatt both invite us to consider the possibility that literary scholars engage in important future-oriented work when they reveal what was possible to imagine in the past. Kimberly Engber is an assistant professor of English at Wichita State Univer- sity where she teaches American literature and world literatures in English. Her current manuscript, Foreign Objects, Domestic Acts: Women Writers in an Ethnographic Age, is under review. work_4b7mg2kk5vf5xn5j3txw3rdklq ---- Recasting the Significant: The Transcultural Memory of Alexander von Humboldt’s Visit to Philadelphia and Washington, D.C. humanities Article Recasting the Significant: The Transcultural Memory of Alexander von Humboldt’s Visit to Philadelphia and Washington, D.C. James F. Howell Department of German Studies, University of Arizona, 9720 N. Oak Shadows Pl., Tucson, AZ 85737, USA; jfhowell@email.arizona.edu Academic Editor: Bernd Fischer Received: 1 May 2016; Accepted: 27 June 2016; Published: 1 July 2016 Abstract: Alexander von Humboldt was internationally known as a world traveler, having collected data and analyzed samples from five of the world’s seven continents. He spoke several languages fluently, and split most of his adult life between the cosmopolitan centers of Berlin and Paris. The great deal of time Humboldt spent in Latin America, along with his staunch belief in human equality, led to his reverence in those countries. Indeed, Humboldt was a world citizen in the truest sense of the word. But what of the United States? What claim can this nation make to the heritage and legacy of the world-exploring baron? A brief stop in Philadelphia and Washington, D.C. at the end of Humboldt’s expedition to the equatorial regions of the Americas seems to suffice. This short stay, along with the Humboldt-Jefferson correspondence, constitutes the great American link in Humboldt studies, a link whose nature and importance has, over the years, received an exaggerated amount of attention from authors writing for an American audience. The following analysis, using the tools of transcultural memory studies, investigates why this relatively insignificant event in a long and storied life assumes an inflated role in current accounts of the life and work of Alexander von Humboldt. Keywords: Alexander von Humboldt; cultural memory; transcultural memory; Thomas Jefferson; Founding Fathers 1. Humboldt’s Arrival in the United States On 24 May 1804, Alexander von Humboldt arrived in Philadelphia, marking the beginning of his one and only visit to the United States. Between his arrival and departure on June 30th of the same year, Humboldt traveled between Philadelphia and Washington, D.C., meeting with scientists and dignitaries at every stop. Humboldt was the talk of the new republic, indeed the world, after the completion of his five-year scientific and ethnographic survey of South and Central America. During his almost six weeks in the United States, Humboldt’s inquisitive hosts received him warmly, and he returned the warmth, remarking that the time spent in Washington and Philadelphia was “the most delightful of [my] life” ([1], p. 24), and that he considered himself from then on to be “half an American” ([2], p. ix). Although Humboldt did enjoy his stay in the United States and appreciated the connections he made there, he wrote very little about this pleasant and short detour in his long and storied travels. When later summarizing the final phase of his voyage, Humboldt merely remarked that he sailed from Havana to Bordeaux “by the way of Philadelphia” ([1], p. 30). This succinct characterization seems almost unthinkable when compared to recent textual depictions of Humboldt published in the United States. With the notable exception of Mary Louise Pratt’s volume Imperial Eyes: Travel Writing and Transculturation, Humboldt and his work have experienced an overwhelmingly positive reception in the United States over the past 25 years. In addition to this general positivity, another hallmark of Humanities 2016, 5, 49; doi:10.3390/h5030049 www.mdpi.com/journal/humanities http://www.mdpi.com/journal/humanities http://www.mdpi.com http://www.mdpi.com/journal/humanities Humanities 2016, 5, 49 2 of 9 American Humboldt literature is the aforementioned visit to Philadelphia and Washington, D.C. in the late spring of 1804. Recently, writers in the United States have interpreted this short stay not merely as a cornerstone of Humboldt’s influence on American culture during the nineteenth century, but also as a defining moment in the Prussian baron’s life and intellectual career. Although Humboldt’s visit and his connection to the Founding Fathers certainly did not damage his notoriety in the United States during the course of the nineteenth century, it is problematic to overemphasize the relevance of these encounters. Indeed, the connections and correspondence Humboldt initiated with numerous American scientists and artists in Paris and Berlin after 1804 were more important in terms of his impact on American science and exploration. Contrary to the representations in many current accounts, the most probable source of the respect and popularity Humboldt enjoyed in the United States came from the translation and publication of the first several volumes of his magnum opus, Kosmos. This work was an international sensation, and within the United States its impact was felt and celebrated by the likes of Ralph Waldo Emerson, Walt Whitman, Henry David Thoreau, and Edgar Allan Poe. Why, then, does this brief and marginally relevant chapter in a life otherwise overflowing with acquaintances and accolades take such a central role in America’s modern understanding and representation of Alexander von Humboldt? This investigation will demonstrate the ways in which Humboldt and his visit to the United States are currently presented to American audiences, as well as analyze the transcultural and mnemonic processes involved in the reintroduction of Alexander von Humboldt to American cultural memory. 2. Framing Humboldt’s Visit One need not look far to find the narrative centrality of Humboldt’s visit in contemporary American texts. Humboldt’s presence on the eastern seaboard and his subsequent relationship with the Founding Fathers represent the starting point, the turning point, or the conclusion of American accounts of his life and works. Aaron Sachs, the author of The Humboldt Current: Nineteenth-Century Exploration and the Roots of American Environmentalism, begins his work with the following harrowing and adventurous account: “It would have been easier to sail straight back to Europe. Politics and weather both favored the conservative course: to make the detour from Havana to Philadelphia, his ship would be forced to brave a British naval blockade and risk a dangerous stretch of water at the beginning of hurricane season” ([3], p. 1). Here, Humboldt’s visit to the United States serves as the introduction to Humboldt and his biography. Only later does the reader learn in full detail from Sachs about Humboldt’s background and accomplishments. The explorer’s scientific influence and contributions to American environmentalism—Sach’s central themes—initially assume a secondary role to the establishment of Humboldt’s true credentials: his connection to the founders, and thereby to the founding, of the new republic. This association bestows a level of authenticity and indigeneity to the influence Humboldt exercised on the imagination and training of early American explorers and scientists. Humboldt impacted the American intellectual tradition not only through books and articles as a distant European scholar; rather by highlighting and prioritizing the dangerous passage from Havana to Philadelphia and the subsequent stay in the United States, Humboldt’s story becomes, in part, an American story. Laura Dassow Walls, author of Passage to Cosmos: Alexander von Humboldt and the Shaping of America, employs Humboldt’s visit to Philadelphia and Washington, D.C. as a turning point in the narrative of Humboldt’s biography, as well as in her own investigation. Although Walls’ account of Humboldt’s life does not begin with his time in Philadelphia and Washington, D.C., these events are afforded special attention and are represented in a way reminiscent of Sach’s narrative. As seen in the following selection, Walls frames Humboldt’s decision to brave the Bahama Strait in familiarly courageous and daring terms: “Beyond the ‘moral obligation’ he felt to see the world’s lone functioning republic, there was every reason to avoid the detour. Humboldt was desperate to get himself, his friends, and his collections safely home to Paris. [...] Heading north risked losing everything they had with them to the British blockades of U.S. ports—assuming his ship was spared by the Humanities 2016, 5, 49 3 of 9 notorious Atlantic storms” ([2], p. 99). This dramatic account of Humboldt’s fateful decision to visit the United States initiates the second half of Walls' analysis, in which she begins to shift her focus away from Humboldt’s biography and onto his influence on nineteenth-century American literary culture. Although Humboldt’s fame in English-speaking North America would truly blossom with the first translations of Kosmos in 1845, Walls, among others, claims that the seeds had already been planted in the late spring of 1804. Gerard Helferich, in his work Humboldt’s Cosmos: Alexander von Humboldt and the Latin American Journey that Changed the Way We See the World, utilizes Humboldt’s brief stopover in the United States to frame the remainder of the explorer’s biographical narrative after having completed his American travels. The twelfth and final chapter of Helferich’s book bears the title of “Washington, Paris, and Berlin” [4]. This condensation of the final two-thirds of Humboldt’s life is indeed noteworthy, as it seemingly gives his time spent in Washington equal weight to his years spent living and working in Paris (1807–1827) and in Berlin (1827–1859). It should, of course, be noted that the biographical narrative crafted by Helferich focuses on Humboldt’s experiences in South and Central America, and therefore leaves little space for details regarding his life prior to and following the years 1799–1804. Considering, however, the fact that the vast majority of Humboldt’s scientific engagement and literary activity took place following his return to Europe, Helferich’s choice is truly remarkable. It suggests that visiting the United States and encountering Thomas Jefferson profoundly affected Humboldt and his legacy in a way equal to the composition of Kosmos, the Russian Expedition of 1829, or participation in the nineteenth-century scientific discourses centered in Paris. These accounts make it clear that visiting the United States was no mere fancy for Humboldt on his return journey; indeed, American authors go to great lengths to suggest that some kind of imperative was at work, compelling Humboldt to look upon this new republic with his own eyes, and meet the men and women who brought it about. Perhaps the most interesting use of Humboldt’s visit to frame a biographical narrative is employed by David McCullough in his essay on Humboldt entitled “Journey to the Top of the World.” McCullough, like Sachs, begins his account with Humboldt’s arrival in the United States in May of 1804; unlike Sachs, however, McCullough does not reveal Humboldt’s identity until the reader has been introduced to a well-known cast of American characters. All the reader knows of the “aristocratic young German” on the first page is that he had “come to pay his respects to the president of the new republic, Thomas Jefferson, a fellow ‘friend of science,’ and to tell him something of his recent journeys through South and Central America. For the next several weeks he did little else but talk, while Jefferson, on their walks about the White House grounds; or James Madison, the secretary of state; or the clever Mrs. Madison; or Albert Gallatin, the secretary of the treasury; or those who came to dine in with the president or to do business with him, listened in awe” ([5], p. 3). Only after the reader is securely ensconced in the thoroughly American context does McCullough reveal on the second page that “The young man’s name was Humboldt, Alexander von Humboldt—Friedrich Wilhelm Karl Heinrich Alexander von Humboldt—or Baron von Humboldt, as he was commonly addressed” ([5], p. 4). Although not even lasting six weeks, Humboldt’s presence in the newly established United States and his subsequent relationship with the Founding Fathers constitute an axis around which current American historical narratives revolve. 3. Humboldt and the Founding Fathers Recent American accounts associate Humboldt’s imperative to visit the United States with his desire to meet and consult with one particular Founding Father. As Joyce Appleby succinctly puts it in her volume Shores of Knowledge: New World Discoveries and the Scientific Imagination: “The purpose of this final leg of their voyage was to meet the president, Thomas Jefferson [...]” ([6], p. 224). Sachs echoes Appleby’s assertion in more detail: “If any particular person in the young Republic could have quieted Humboldt’s wanderlust for a more prolonged period, it would probably have been Thomas Jefferson himself. President not only of the nation, but also of its foremost Philosophical Society, Jefferson seems to have been the real object of Humboldt’s visit to the United States” ([3], p. 3). Humanities 2016, 5, 49 4 of 9 Humboldt had introduced himself to Jefferson in a letter, expressing his interest in discussing some of his paleontological finds from the Andes with the president. He soon found in Jefferson a gracious and intellectually equal host. As David McCullough states: “But there they were in Washington for several days, two of the most remarkable men of their time, fellow spirits if ever there were, talking, talking endlessly, intensely, their conversation having quickly ranged far from fossil teeth” ([5], p. 4). The representation of Jefferson in many of these texts appears as a personification of the new nation itself, an embodiment of its growth, curiosity, and potential. And in accordance, Humboldt’s correspondence with Jefferson has come to symbolize in many cases Humboldt’s continued interest in and preoccupation with the United States. As Helferich explains: “The two men would correspond for many years, and Jefferson’s high regard for Humboldt is obvious in his letters. [...] The friendship, rooted in their shared political philosophy and common love of science, would endure for more than twenty years, until Jefferson’s death in 1826” ([4], p. 299). As will later be argued, however, this epistolary connection proves to be tenuous at best. Jefferson is not the only Founding Father with ties to Humboldt, a fact that is continually underlined in the American investigations of the last 25 years. The best example of this connection between Humboldt and the revolutionary generation is provided by Walls in Passage to Cosmos. Like McCullough and Sachs, Walls mentions in detail Humboldt’s relationship with James and Dolley Madison. Unlike her counterparts, though, Walls goes on to discuss Humboldt’s consultations with other, lesser-known Founding Fathers, such as Dr. Benjamin Rush: “Over several visits with the famous physician Benjamin Rush—the obstinate and passionate reformer who had ridden to the First Continental Convention with John Adams and signed the Declaration of Independence next to Benjamin Franklin—Humboldt shared his speculations over the moral influence of New World gold and silver” ([2], p. 105). A textual connection emerges among Adams, Franklin, and the signing of the Declaration of Independence through Rush and his interactions with Humboldt. Walls again emphasizes this connection to Franklin when she notes Humboldt’s activities in Philadelphia: “The members of the American Philosophical Society, the premier learned society of the United States (founded by Benjamin Franklin in 1743), adopted Humboldt as one of their own, voting him to full membership at their next meeting. [...] It was probably in the fine new building of the Library Company of Philadelphia (founded by Franklin in 1731) that Humboldt shouted for joy when he read the announcement that his irreplaceable manuscripts had arrived safely home” ([2], p. 101). Here the reader is presented with Humboldt’s connection to Franklin expressed either in his membership in an organization, or in a joyous, yet merely probable, event. Some of these connections are tenuous at best, but perhaps the most interesting is the way in which Walls creates a textual connection between Humboldt and George Washington: “One day the party set off for Mount Vernon, where the visitors drank in the view while [Charles Wilson] Peale mourned for the good old days when he sat and drank with George Washington. Peale introduced Humboldt to Billy Lee, the last of Washington’s slaves, who had been granted freedom and an annuity in his will” ([2], pp. 102–3). In this passage, Walls not only connects Humboldt to the central figure among the Founding Fathers, she also connects him to the most problematic and divisive element of their legacy. The establishment of such a link to the Founding Fathers and the complexities of American slavery is remarkable, to be sure, as Humboldt was a lifelong abolitionist and an ardent opponent of the slave trade in the Americas. 4. The Constitution of Convention Perhaps the most intriguing elevation of Humboldt’s visit to the United States and his relationship with Thomas Jefferson comes in the form of two recent books written by European authors for American audiences. The first volume, Humboldt and Jefferson: A Transatlantic Friendship of the Enlightenment by Sandra Rebok, a European scholar working out of the Spanish National Research Council in Madrid, appeared in 2014, and fits neatly into the mold of American Humboldt literature. In Rebok’s account, the reader again finds Humboldt’s imperative to visit the United States: “From Cuba they initially intended to return to Europe and thus conclude their expedition, but instead they took the Spanish Humanities 2016, 5, 49 5 of 9 ship Concepción to Philadelphia and added five weeks in the United States to their journey. As we will see, this unplanned visit would assume a special importance in Humboldt’s life” ([1], p. 11). The special importance alluded to by Rebok takes the form of Humboldt’s subsequent friendship and correspondence with Jefferson. Rebok identifies this relationship as being of extreme importance to both men, as well as being an exemplar of enlightened, transatlantic discourse in a cosmopolitan age. According to Rebok, Humboldt’s experience in the United States and his connection to its founders was indeed formative: “He had met the Founding Fathers and architects of the first independent nation on the American continent, and he had seen for himself the functioning of the first republican institutions in the New World. This was the realization of ideals he passionately embraced” ([1], p. 31). Although Rebok’s text is irreplaceable as perhaps the most detailed and thoroughly researched account of Humboldt’s visit to Philadelphia and Washington, D.C., it contains information that undermines the supposedly strong epistolary connection between Humboldt and Jefferson celebrated in the title, as well as the overall importance of Humboldt’s detour to the United States. Rebok notes that Humboldt was perhaps one of the most prolific letter writers of his day, penning an estimated fifty thousand letters in his lifetime. Jefferson, although not nearly reaching Humboldt’s total, still drafted some nineteen thousand letters. The number of extant letters written by the two men to one another, however, totals a mere fourteen: eight letters from Humboldt to Jefferson, and six letters from Jefferson to Humboldt ([1], pp. 53, 54). This sum certainly bespeaks neither a close and enduring friendship nor a passionate connection to an idealized state; rather it seems much more to be a sign of general good will and respectful interest on the part of both men. It is telling, for instance, that many of the succinct letters were written when the two correspondents sent, received, or requested each other’s publications as a gift. Even a brief correspondence and the polite exchange of written materials can, to be sure, have a profound impact on a person’s life or an intellectual environment, but there simply is no evidence in the extant textual record to suggest that such was the case between Humboldt and Jefferson. In the end, Rebok’s focus seems to be at times misplaced and her study, although thoroughly researched, faces many of the same interpretational issues experienced by her American counterparts. The second work on Humboldt by a European author for an American audience is Andrea Wulf’s The Invention of Nature: Alexander von Humboldt’s New World, published in 2015. In this—the most recent and best-selling work on Humboldt to appear in the United States over the last several decades—all of the previously mentioned American Humboldt conventions can be found. Echoing the suspenseful depictions of the stormy passage from Havana to Philadelphia crafted by Walls and Sachs, Wulf provides the following riveting account: It was as if the sea were about to swallow them. Huge waves rolled on to the deck and down the stairway into the belly of the ship. Humboldt’s forty trunks were in constant danger of flooding. They had sailed through a hurricane and for six long days the winds would not stop, pounding the vessel with such force that they could not sleep or even think. The cook lost his pots and pans when the water came gushing in, and was swimming rather than standing in his galley. No food could be cooked and sharks circled the boat. The captain’s cabin, at the ship’s stern, was flooded so high that they had to swim through it, and even the most seasoned sailors were tossed across the deck like ninepins. Fearing for their lives, the sailors insisted on more brandy rations, intending, they said, to drown drunk. Each wave that rolled towards them seemed like a huge rock face. Humboldt thought that he had never been closer to death ([7], p. 94). And all of this so that Humboldt could see with his own eyes the new country that supposedly embodied his most heartfelt political and philosophical beliefs, as well as “meet Thomas Jefferson, the third President of the United States. For five long years, Humboldt had seen nature at its best—lush, magnificent and awe-inspiring—and now he wanted to see civilization in all its glory, a society built as a republic on the principles of liberty” ([7], p. 95). Wulf also reminds the reader that it is not only Jefferson with whom Humboldt made a connection while in Philadelphia and Washington, D.C. Madison and Gallatin are also featured prominently in the narrative, along with other luminaries of Humanities 2016, 5, 49 6 of 9 the early republic. Most notably, Wulf employs a familiar literary tactic, which allows Humboldt to forge associations with Founding Fathers in absentia. In a scene reminiscent of Walls’ account, Wulf describes how “Humboldt travelled to Mount Vernon, George Washington’s estate, some fifteen miles south of the capital. Though Washington had died four and a half years previously, Mount Vernon was now a popular tourist destination and Humboldt wanted to see the home of the revolutionary hero” ([7], p. 101). Another way in which Wulf recapitulates American Humboldt literary convention is in her representation of the Jefferson-Humboldt correspondence. In the twelfth chapter of The Invention of Nature, “Revolutions and Nature: Simón Bolívar and Humboldt,” Wulf presents the correspondence between Humboldt and Jefferson as a constant back and forth, in which the finer points of the Latin American independence movements were discussed in detail. With no further point of reference provided by Wulf, the Humboldt-Jefferson correspondence appears to be the primary source material for the political debates of the age. This implicit characterization is unfortunate, as the Latin American struggles for independence were only explicitly thematized in four letters, and often in passing. In Wulf’s narrative, however, this was a passionate and important exchange, in which “the former American president, Thomas Jefferson, bombarded Humboldt with questions [...]” ([7], p. 148). In truth, a handful of questions spread out over a small number of short letters hardly constitutes a bombardment. As previously noted, the exchange of each other’s written works was the primary purpose of the Humboldt-Jefferson correspondence. Here again, an otherwise thoroughly researched and responsibly constructed narrative of Humboldt’s life and work overemphasizes a relatively minor event and the significance of a handful of encounters. 5. The Transcultural Synthesis of Memory Why is it then that so much recent scholarship and popular writing published in the United States inflates the significance of Humboldt’s visit to Philadelphia and Washington, D.C.? Although one might easily make charges of Americentrism or intellectual imperialism, processes of cultural memory and cultural integration are actually at work. For example, Sachs writes somewhat wistfully that: “It is tempting to wonder what Humboldt might have contributed to American politics had he moved to Washington and become an advisor to presidents instead of kings” ([3], p. 104). This statement does not advocate the explicit appropriation or annexation of Humboldt into American culture; rather it expresses much more a desire to share in Humboldt’s cultural and scientific legacy. Instead of appropriation, the talk should be of incorporation. This process of incorporation can be at times a bit cumbersome and problematic, as evidenced by the exaggerated accounts in the selections above; but it is also the process by which a culture’s memory adapts and reconfigures itself, so as to include a new element. In the field of cultural memory studies, an element such as Alexander von Humboldt is best identified as a memory site. This terminology should not be understood as referring to a specific site of historical action; rather memory sites can take any number of forms, including, but not limited to, places, people, events, periods, and ideas. This distinction is essential, as cultural memory studies do not investigate actual past events per se; rather the investigation focuses on how actors in the present create representations and knowledge of the past and to what purpose. Although cultural memory “operiert [...] in beiden Richtungen: zurück und nach vorne,” and “rekonstruiert nicht nur die Vergangenheit, es organisiert auch die Erfahrung der Gegenwart und Zukunft” ([8], p. 42), this is a concept that functions exclusively in the present. In other words, the remembering individual, and thereby the culture to which it belongs, is always present and active, while the event being remembered “is of the past and thus absent” ([9], p. 4). In considering cultural memory as a process of the present, it is important to keep in mind the distinction between history and the past. History is the product of the collection and analysis of textual records of every kind, with the aim of reconstructing a realistic and accurate representation of things that have taken place. The past is also “eine kulturelle Schöpfung” ([8], p. 48), but it is not the locus of thoughtful scholarly reflection as history is thought to be; rather the past serves as a necessary, Humanities 2016, 5, 49 7 of 9 cognitive point of reference and satisfies “das kollektive Bedürfnis nach Sinnstiftung” ([10], p. 13). The past, unlike the material collections and institutions of history, “ensteht überhaupt erst dadurch, daß man sich auf sie bezieht” ([8], p. 31). In other words, the past, along with the memory sites into which the past is divided, serves as a means of orientation that guides cultural actors in the present. If cultural memory is differentiated thus from history, the Age of Discovery or Charlemagne are as much points of reference as the Alamo or Auschwitz; and they therefore constitute memory sites “nicht dank ihrer materiellen Gegenständlichkeit, sondern wegen ihrer symbolischen Funktion. Es handelt sich um langlebige, Generationen überdauernde Kristallisationspunkte kollektiver Erinnerung und Identität, die in gesellschaftliche, kulturelle und politische Üblichkeiten eingebunden sind und die sich in dem Maße verändern, in dem sich die Weise ihrer Wahrnehmung, Aneignung, Anwendung und Übertragung verändert” ([10], p. 18). And these sites, much like the cultural memory they constitute, are contextually specific. Alexander von Humboldt memory sites exist in numerous cultures, but each Humboldt memory site interacts with each culture in a specific manner. The German Humboldt, for instance differs from the Venezuelan Humboldt, and each fulfills a different role in the respective cultures. What then are the ways in which cultural memory functions? How is it that some things are remembered and celebrated while others are not? These questions get to the very heart of the representation and use of Alexander von Humboldt in recent American texts, as they highlight the role of forgetting in the processes of cultural memory. In addition to the aforementioned themes and conventions that pervade contemporary American Humboldt literature, Humboldt’s absence from twentieth and twenty-first-century American culture forms a cornerstone of almost every Humboldt narrative published in the United States. As Sachs notes following his depiction of Humboldt’s rough passage from the Caribbean to the Delaware River: “As far as the twenty-first century memory of Alexander von Humboldt is concerned, he may as well have gone down with his ship: many people have never even heard of him” ([3], p. 2). Helferich concurs with Sachs, in that “[a]lthough many North Americans have a vague sense of Humboldt’s name [...] most would be hard pressed to give particulars” ([4], p. xx). The name might seem familiar to many Americans, considering the number of places and natural phenomena that have been named after Humboldt; but even this, as Appleby concludes, does not protect against cultural amnesia: “What astounds today is how little Humboldt is remembered. [...] Few great men have had their reputations fade so quickly, just leaving his name on a bay, peak, lake, current, sinkhole, penguin, lily, orchid, and oak whose namesake few remember” ([6], p. 229). This is truly astounding to McCullough, who reflects on the fact that Humboldt’s “was a journey that would capture the imagination of the age, but that has been strangely forgotten in our own time. It is doubtful that one educated American in ten today could say who exactly Humboldt was or what he did, not even, possibly, in Humboldt, Iowa, or Humboldt, Kansas” ([5], p. 5). Some authors, such as Walls, do not merely lament the level of American ignorance regarding Humboldt. Indeed, she sees it as a deficiency in America’s understanding of its own history that is in desperate need of correction: “That U.S. American literary and cultural studies have remained oblivious to Alexander von Humboldt is a scandal exactly equivalent to analyzing Romanticism without Goethe, naturalism without Darwin, modernism in ignorance of Einstein, or postmodernism without Heisenberg” ([2], p. x). American authors not only bemoan this absence, it serves as the stated raison d’etre for their work. The reintroduction of Humboldt to American culture and the recovery of Humboldt’s “environmental thinking” will allow for a host of progressive cultural advances, including “a global debate over capitalism and imperial power” ([2], p. 9). Wulf alone slightly breaks with convention and reminds the American reader that not the entire world has forgotten Humboldt in the same way: “Though today almost forgotten outside of academia—at least in the English-speaking world—Alexander von Humboldt’s ideas still shape our thinking. And while his books collect dust in libraries, his name lingers everywhere” ([7], p. 7). Fittingly enough, these images of dusty libraries and tomes of neglected toponyms allude to Aleida Assmann’s groundbreaking work on the role of forgetting in the processes of cultural Humanities 2016, 5, 49 8 of 9 memory. Assmann has identified two types of memory that shape a culture’s understanding and representation of itself, and that are constantly engaged in dynamic interaction with one another. There is the active, or functional, memory of a culture, which is comprised of the memory sites being synthesized and utilized by a culture on a constant basis; and the stored, or saved memory of a culture. The functional memory of a culture can be thought of as a kind of canon that is continually invoked by cultural actors as a means of orientation and reference. No memory site in the functional memory of a culture may be assured of continued thematization, however, “[d]enn Kanonisierung bedeutet obendrein auch die transhistorische Selbstverpflichtung zu wiederholter Lektüre und Deutung. So bleiben die Bestände des Funktionsgedächtnisses trotz der Bewegung beschleunigter Innovation auf den Lehrplänen der Bildungsinstitutionen, auf den Spielplänen der Theater, in den Sälen der Museen, den Aufführungen der Konzerthallen und Programmen der Verlage. Was einen Platz im Funktionsgedächtnis einer Gesellschaft hat, hat Anspruch auf immer neue Aufführung, Ausstellung, Lektüre, Deutung, Auseinandersetzung” ([11], p. 56). In contrast, the archived memory extant within a culture should be understood much more as “a storehouse for cultural relicts,” in which memories “are not unmediated; they have only lost their immediate addressees; they are de-contextualized and disconnected from their former frames which had authorized them or determined their meaning” ([12], p. 99). The contents of a culture’s stored memory have not lost any of their productive power; rather their creative energy has gone from kinetic to potential. To be sure, there is a constant back and forth between a culture’s stored and functional memory; and this continual deactivation and reactivation “entsteht dadurch, dass die Grenze zwischen Funktions—und Speichergedächtnis nicht hermetisch ist, sondern in beiden Richtungen überschritten werden kann. Aus dem vom Willen und Bewusstsein ausgeleuchteten ‘aktiven’ Funktionsgedächtnis fallen beständig Elemente ins Archiv zurück, die an Interesse verlieren; aus dem ‘passiven’ Speichergedächtnis können neue Entdeckungen ins Funktionsgedächtnis heraufgeholt werden.” ([11], p. 57). The dynamic relationship between the two forms of cultural memory provides cultural actors with an almost unlimited set of memory sites with which to work. In turn, cultural actors select, activate, and modify these memory sites based on their current needs and aspirations. Taking all of this into consideration, the textual representations of Humboldt in the United States can be understood as an appeal to the reading public to reincorporate the Humboldt memory site into the functional memory of American culture. Time and again, these American and European authors decry Humboldt’s absence as a loss, and advocate for him and his place in science to be venerated much as they were in the nineteenth century. This advocacy lays bare many of the ways in which cultural memory functions, and provides a fascinating look into the constitution of memory sites in a contemporary context. Beyond even this utility, however, the Humboldt memory site provides unprecedented insight into the potential of transcultural memory and transcultural influences on cultural memory. This investigation contends that the confluence of Humboldt representation in the literary works of American and European authors indicates the initiation of a transcultural memory site. The depictions of Humboldt in North America and Europe, and more importantly, the cultural motivations and aspirations behind those depictions, have aligned to such an extent that a transcultural space has been created in which multiple cultures can communicate about pressing needs and concerns while drawing on common points of reference. Rebok’s Humboldt and Jefferson and Wulf’s The Invention of Nature demonstrate this transcultural coordination most clearly, as both exemplify the ease with which textual representations of Humboldt, and the memory sites they constitute, flow back and forth from European and North American cultural discourses. Most certainly, the litmus test of any element within cultural memory is its importance and relevance to the current conditions and needs of a given culture. Fittingly, the majority of recent Humboldt texts published in the United States and Europe present Humboldt either as a climate change activist avant-la-lettre, or an embodiment of Enlightenment ideals and their potential. By connecting Humboldt as securely as possible to the pantheon of the Founding Fathers and the Olympus of the early republic, these contemporary authors elevate his relevance in a way that might affect the Humanities 2016, 5, 49 9 of 9 reaction of current audiences on both sides of the Atlantic to the issues often associated with him, be it global warming or enlightened discourse. The texts investigated here demonstrate an effort, whether conscious or subconscious, coordinated or uncoordinated, toward reincorporating Humboldt back into America’s active cultural memory. As Andrea Wulf states in the epilogue of The Invention of Nature, “now is the time for us and for the environmental movement to reclaim Alexander von Humboldt as our hero” ([7], p. 337). Conflicts of Interest: The author declares no conflict of interest. References 1. Rebok, Sandra. Humboldt and Jefferson: A Transatlantic Friendship of the Enlightenment. Charlottesville: University of Virginia Press, 2014. 2. Walls, Laura Dassow. The Passage to Cosmos: Alexander von Humboldt and the Shaping of America. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2009. 3. Sachs, Aaron. The Humboldt Current: Nineteenth-Century Exploration and the Roots of American Environmentalism. New York: Penguin Books, 2007. 4. Helferich, Gerard. Humboldt’s Cosmos: Alexander von Humboldt and the Latin American Journey that Changed the Way We See the World. New York: Gotham Books, 2004. 5. McCullough, David. “Journey to the Top of the World.” In Brave Companions: Portraits in History. New York: Simon and Schuster, 1992, pp. 3–19. 6. Appleby, Joyce. Shores of Knowledge: New World Discoveries and the Scientific Imagination. New York: W.W. Norton & Company, 2013. 7. Wulf, Andrea. The Invention of Nature: Alexander von Humboldt’s New World. New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 2015. 8. Assmann, Jan. Das kulturelle Gedächtnis: Schrift, Erinnerung und politische Identität in frühen Hochkulturen. München: C.H. Beck, 2007. 9. Huyssen, Andreas. Present Pasts: Urban Palimpsests and the Politics of Memory. Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2003. 10. François, Etienne, and Hagen Schulze. “Einleitung.” In Deutsche Erinnerungsorte. Edited by Etienne François and Hagen Schulze. München: Verlag C.H. Beck, 2001, vol. 3, pp. 9–24. 11. Assmann, Aleida. Der lange Schatten der Vergangenheit: Erinnerungskutlur und Geschichtspolitik. München: C.H. Beck, 2006. 12. Assmann, Aleida. “Canon and Archive.” In A Companion to Cultural Memory Studies. Edited by Astrid Erll and Ansgar Nünning. Berlin: De Gruyter, 2010, pp. 97–108. © 2016 by the author; licensee MDPI, Basel, Switzerland. This article is an open access article distributed under the terms and conditions of the Creative Commons Attribution (CC-BY) license (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/). http://creativecommons.org/ http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/ Humboldt’s Arrival in the United States Framing Humboldt’s Visit Humboldt and the Founding Fathers The Constitution of Convention The Transcultural Synthesis of Memory work_4aonqik7qrdfhdhiagta73bi6q ---- ATTITUDES AND SOCIAL COGNITION Windows Into Nothingness: Terror Management, Meaninglessness, and Negative Reactions to Modern Art Mark J. Landau and Jeff Greenberg University of Arizona Sheldon Solomon Skidmore College Tom Pyszczynski University of Colorado at Colorado Springs Andy Martens University of Arizona Why do people dislike art that they find meaningless? According to terror management theory, maintaining a basic meaningful view of reality is a key prerequisite for managing concerns about mortality. Therefore, mortality salience should decrease liking for apparently meaningless art, particu- larly among those predisposed to unambiguous knowledge. Accordingly, mortality salience diminished affection for modern art in Study 1, and this effect was shown in Study 2 to be specific to individuals with a high personal need for structure (PNS). In Studies 3 and 4, mortality salient high-PNS participants disliked modern art unless it was imbued with meaning, either by means of a title or a personal frame of reference induction. Discussion focused on the roles of meaninglessness, PNS, and art in terror management. Keywords: terror management, meaning, art, aesthetic judgments, need for structure When in doubt there is always form for us to go on with. Anyone who has achieved the least form to be sure of it, is lost to the larger excruciations. —Robert Frost, Robert Frost on Writing Few human endeavors carry the social significance of art. His- torians, archeologists, and anthropologists often look to the art of remote civilizations and eras to document social, cultural, and even cognitive developments. The creation and enjoyment of art are social acts of considerable importance to people. Indeed, in every known society past and present, people collectively create and consume paintings, music, dance, stories, and other art forms as a means to express and experience feelings and ideas, unify groups, indicate status, instruct, amuse, and inspire. Of equal social sig- nificance, art also has the power to incite disgust and outrage, and efforts to eradicate it, such as Savonarola’s “bonfire of the vani- ties” in 15th-century Florence and the more recent outrage over Robert Mapplethorpe’s photography. Such negative reactions of- ten arise in response to art that violates traditional values or otherwise opposes the prevailing worldview.1 Of present interest, however, is the common tendency to dislike art not because it contains specific objectionable content, but because it appears to be devoid of any meaning. The present article examines reactions to art, particularly modern art, as a means to explore the more general psychological threat of meaninglessness from the perspec- tive of terror management theory (TMT). Specifically, we report four studies that investigate whether mortality concerns and indi- vidual differences in personal need for structure (PNS) contribute to negative reactions to seemingly meaningless works of modern art. A Case in Meaninglessness: The Popular Distaste for Modern Art Theorists who focus on the psychological determinants of aes- thetic preferences commonly observe that people do not generally appreciate art they consider meaningless (e.g., Dissanayake, 1988; Donald, 1991; Humphrey, 1999; Lewis-Williams, 2002: Ram- 1 Art that exemplifies the dominant worldview can also be despised, as was the case during the French revolution. Mark J. Landau, Jeff Greenberg, and Andy Martens, Department of Psychology, University of Arizona; Sheldon Solomon, Department of Psychology, Skidmore College; Tom Pyszczynski, Department of Psychol- ogy, University of Colorado at Colorado Springs. Andy Martens is now at the Department of Psychology, University of Canterbury, Christchurch, New Zealand. Images of the paintings used in the present studies are available on request. The research was supported by National Science Foundation Grants BCS-0241371 and BCS-0242232. We thank Dena Norris, Pegah Afkary, and Daniel Sullivan for their help in data collection and analysis. We thank Louis Cicotello for help in selecting paintings. Correspondence concerning this article should be addressed to Mark J. Landau, University of Arizona, Psychology Department, P.O. Box 210068, Tucson, AZ 85721-0068. E-mail: mjlandau@email.arizona.edu Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 2006, Vol. 90, No. 6, 879 – 892 Copyright 2006 by the American Psychological Association 0022-3514/06/$12.00 DOI: 10.1037/0022-3514.90.6.879 879 achandran & Hirstein, 1999; Rank, 1936/1968). Although art afi- cionados often derive meaning from their prior knowledge and experience, naive observers tend to rely solely on the artwork’s representational and expressive content: What is this a picture or sculpture of? What emotional qualities are clearly represented in this music or dance? What is the plot of this film or play? (see Cupchik & Gebotys, 1988; Neperud, 1988; Peel, 1944; Winston & Cupchik, 1992.) Of course, many art styles (e.g., impressionism) deviate consid- erably from the naturalistic imitation of realistic forms in the external world. However, modern abstract art is unique in its explicit abandonment of any representational intentions whatso- ever. For example, over the course of his development as a painter, Wassily Kandinsky (1866 –1944) came to eschew representational or “imitative” form in favor of increasing abstraction. In account- ing for the broad unpopularity of such modern art, theorists such as Ortega y Gasset (1972) and C. Greenberg (1936/1961) noted that modern art alienates the average person by defying prepackaged meaning and requiring special sensibilities to decode, without which the naive viewer is “lost in a chaos of sounds and rhythms, colours and lines, without rhyme or reason” (Bourdieu, 1984, p. 2). Empirical studies of art appreciation are consistent with the notion that perceived meaninglessness significantly detracts from aesthetic enjoyment. Superficial content accounts for more of the variance in untrained viewers’ aesthetic preferences than other sensory properties of the artwork (Martindale, 1988), and evalua- tions become less favorable as this content becomes more impov- erished (Baltissen & Ostermann, 1998; Cupchik & Gebotys, 1988; Kettlewell, Lipscomb, Evans, & Rosston, 1990; Limbert & Pol- zella, 1998). What underlies this aversion to perceived meaning- lessness? Although there are undoubtedly a number of contributing factors, we believe that TMT offers one particularly provocative answer to this question. TMT, Nonspecific Structure, and PNS TMT (J. Greenberg, Pyszczynski, & Solomon, 1986; Solomon, Greenberg, & Pyszczynski, 2004) addresses the motivational un- derpinnings of people’s need to perceive meaning in the world. TMT posits that humans, like all life forms, are biologically oriented toward continued survival but are uniquely aware that their lives will inevitably end. This knowledge creates the potential for severe anxiety in the absence of psychological mechanisms designed to ward off thoughts of death. According to TMT, people manage mortality concerns through investment in an individual- ized version of a cultural meaning system coupled with the sus- tained conviction of personal worth and significance. Empirical support for TMT has been obtained primarily through tests of the mortality salience hypothesis: To the extent that mean- ing and personal value serve to avert mortality concerns, then heightening the salience of mortality should intensify reliance on and defense of psychological structures that sustain a sense that one is a significant being in a meaningful world. This intensified defense is reflected by contempt for anyone or anything that threatens to compromise these structures. Wide-ranging experi- ments support variants of this general hypothesis (for reviews of this research, see J. Greenberg, Solomon, & Pyszczynski, 1997; Pyszczynski, Solomon, & Greenberg, 2003). For example, mor- tality salience leads to polarized attitudes toward those who uphold or violate cultural values and increased discomfort when behaving in ways that violate cultural standards. Furthermore, mortality salience effects have been obtained using diverse operationaliza- tions of mortality salience, including subliminal priming and prox- imity to a funeral home. This body of research has also demon- strated that these effects are specific to thoughts of mortality and not elicited in response to thoughts of other aversive events. Moreover, many studies have shown that mortality salience effects are mediated not by mood, affect, or arousal but rather by the potential for anxiety signaled by the heightened accessibility of death-related thought (J. Greenberg et al., 2003). TMT research focuses primarily on how mortality salience affects reactions to people, objects, or ideas that bolster or threaten specific aspects of one’s belief systems. More recent research, however, has discovered that mortality salience also heightens concern with more global or nonspecific properties of belief sys- tems, such as simplicity and consistency (see Dechesne, Janssen, & van Knippenberg, 2000; Landau, Johns, et al., 2004; Schimel et al., 1999). Landau, Johns, et al. (2004), for example, found that mortality salience leads people to prefer simple, consistent, and balanced interpretations of others and social events. This research has also revealed that mortality salience heightens concern with nonspecific structure primarily among individuals chronically disposed to clear, simple, and unambiguous knowl- edge, as assessed by PNS (Thompson, Naccarato, Parker, & Mos- kowitz, 2001). For example, high- but not low-PNS individuals responded to mortality primes with reduced liking for a behavior- ally inconsistent, and thus dispositionally ambiguous, target (Landau, Johns, et al., 2004). From a TMT perspective, people invest in different sources of meaning and personal value to cope with death, and individual differences in PNS are interpreted as variations in how central perceiving and imposing structure are to one’s protective worldview: Whereas high-PNS individuals may find more meaning in order, simplicity, and familiarity, low-PNS individuals may derive meaning from spontaneity, mystery, and open-mindedness. These findings demonstrate that seeking basic structure and order in the world serves in part to manage mortality concerns, and that PNS is an important moderator of the effects of mortality salience on various structuring tendencies. However, no prior empirical attention has been given to an equally fundamental means of making sense of the world, namely, locating basic, nonspecific meaning (i.e., discerning recognizable forms, patterns, and generally mapping one’s perceptual experience with existing knowledge structures). Consistent with TMT, various thinkers have noted the importance of maintaining coherent meaning in managing existential concerns (e.g., Becker, 1971, 1973; Dis- sanayake, 1988; Frankl, 1963; Rank, 1936/1968). However, we know of no experimental attempts to assess whether increasing the salience of death heightens concern with maintaining basic mean- ing; the present research aimed to fill this gap by examining how aesthetic preferences for seemingly meaningful and meaningless art are influenced by intimations of mortality. Death, Meaning, and Aesthetic Preferences How can a TMT perspective on meaning inform our understand- ing of people’s distaste for certain artworks? We believe that art can threaten protective meaning in two ways. First, art with rec- ognizable content could be perceived as irreverent, cynical, belit- tling, provocatively hostile, or otherwise insulting to specific as- 880 LANDAU ET AL. pects of the worldview through allegedly lewd, blasphemous, or incongruent creations (e.g., Marcel Duchamp’s Fountain, actually a porcelain urinal, or Andres Serrano’s Piss Christ, a photograph of a crucifix submerged in urine). Indeed, there are numerous examples of outrage over such works, such as the 1990 contro- versy over the funding of the National Endowment for the Arts to allegedly obscene, sacrilegious, or homoerotic art. In these cases, the offensive art is readily interpretable within the individual’s existing meaning structures but clearly opposes them, and here the popular negative response reflects the well-documented need to defend specific aspects of the anxiety-buffering worldview in the face of overt threats to it (e.g., J. Greenberg et al., 1990; J. Greenberg, Simon, Porteus, Pyszczynski, & Solomon, 1995). Second, and more germane to the present research, art may also undermine meaning when it does not appear to possess any rec- ognizable form or content and thereby stretches the latitude of culturally derived or personally relevant concepts to the point that the observer has no vocabulary or perceptual resources to mean- ingfully interpret it. We view apprehending an artwork as compa- rable to apprehending everyday experiences (e.g., Arnheim, 1969; Cupchik, 1992; Neperud, 1988) in that they both entail seeking a coherent and stable meaning vis-à-vis the countless associations derived from the individual’s culturally mediated history and purely personal experiences. Consequently, modern art, which appears to many as irregular mosaics of pointless shapes and meaningless splatters, may be disliked because of an existential concern with maintaining meaning. To assess this idea, the current research examined the role of mortality concerns in aversion to these windows into “no-thing-ness.” In our first study, we tested the simple hypothesis that mortality salience reduces liking for abstract art. We then considered the possible moderating role of individual differences in PNS on aesthetic preferences in response to subtle reminders of death. As discussed earlier, Landau, Johns, et al. (2004) found that mortality salient high-PNS people reacted negatively to dispositionally in- consistent individuals and imbalanced social relations, suggesting that high-PNS individuals may be particularly invested in conven- tional sources of aesthetic structure and meaning. Consistent with this notion, PNS is negatively associated with openness to expe- rience (Landau, Johns, et al., 2004; Neuberg & Newsom, 1993; Thompson et al., 2001), which is robustly associated with general interest in novel aesthetic experiences (Costa & McCrae, 1994; McCrae, 1994) and appreciation of abstract art (Rawlings, 2000). Accordingly, we designed Studies 2, 3, and 4 to test the prediction that only relatively high-PNS individuals would devalue seem- ingly meaningless modern art under conditions of mortality sa- lience. In addition, Studies 3 and 4 assessed whether a title or frame of reference that imbues an abstract painting with meaning would attenuate the mortality salience–induced devaluation of such art. Study 1 On the basis of TMT, we propose that modern art is often disliked because it lacks appreciable meaning and is thus incom- patible with the underlying terror management motive to maintain a meaningful conception of reality. Evaluations of modern art, therefore, should be especially negative after mortality salience. To test this hypothesis, we simply manipulated mortality salience and then asked participants to evaluate two modern paintings. Method Participants Twenty-five introductory psychology students (16 women and 9 men) participated for partial course credit. Materials and Procedure The study was conducted in groups that varied in size from 4 to 8 participants and was described as an investigation of the relationship between personality attributes and impressions of art. Participants were randomly assigned a packet and instructed to work through it at their own pace. The packets were identical in content except for the mortality salience manipulation and the order of the artworks. Participants inserted their completed packets into envelopes and dropped them into a box; they were then debriefed. Mortality salience manipulation and delay. The mortality salience manipulation followed the two personality fillers included to sustain the cover story. The mortality salience treatment (Rosenblatt, Greenberg, So- lomon, Pyszczynski, & Lyon, 1989) consisted of two open-ended ques- tions: “Please briefly describe the emotions that the thought of your own death arouses in you” and “Jot down, as specifically as you can, what you think will happen to you physically as you die and once you are physically dead.” To control for the possibility that the effect of this induction is merely a generalized reaction to reminders of any aversive experience, participants in the control condition were given parallel questions with respect to an important upcoming exam. The next questionnaire was the Positive and Negative Affect Schedule—Expanded Form (PANAS-X; Watson & Clark, 1991) self-report mood scale. This scale was included to determine whether the mortality salience treatment engendered affect.2 Delay and distraction were then created by having participants read a mundane, affectively neutral descriptive passage from “The Growing Stone” by Albert Camus because previous research (e.g., J. Greenberg, Pyszczynski, Solomon, Simon, & Breus, 1994) has shown that mortality salience effects are more robust after a delay. Art impressions. Participants were then instructed to look at two un- titled pictures of modern art: Wyndham Lewis’s Workshop and Patrick Caulfield’s After Lunch (counterbalanced for order). Workshop is highly abstract, depicting superimposed lines and blocklike shapes. After Lunch has some representational qualities; however, the recognizable elements in the piece do not cohere in any obvious fashion. In debriefings, participants reported that they did not perceive either piece as remotely meaningful. Following each picture, participants were asked, “How attractive do you find this picture?,” and responded on a 9-point scale (1 � not at all; 5 � somewhat; 9 � extremely). Results and Discussion In this and all the studies reported here, none of the participants were familiar with any of the artworks, and no effects were found for gender or order. Thus, these variables were excluded from 2 The PANAS-X (Watson & Clark, 1991) contains 13 subscales: Posi- tive Affect, Negative Affect, Guilt, Fear, Shyness, Happiness, Hostility, Self-Assurance, Sadness, Serenity, Surprise, Attentiveness, and Fatigue. The PANAS-X thus allowed us to assess the possibility of affective consequences of the mortality salience inductions. For all four studies reported here, we performed multivariate ANOVAs and ANOVAs on the various subscales of the PANAS-X and ANOVAs on the aggregate posi- tive and negative affect scores using our primary predictors. Consistent with previous TMT research, these analyses revealed no effects. We also conducted analyses of covariance with the affect subscales scores (includ- ing Positive and Negative Affect) as covariates and our primary predicted effects remained significant. 881DEATH, MEANINGLESSNESS, AND ART subsequent analyses. A preliminary analysis also found no effect of piece; therefore, the attractiveness ratings for both pictures were averaged to form a composite. A t test comparing mortality sa- lience and control prime conditions found that participants in the mortality salience condition found the art less attractive (M � 3.9, SD � 1.64) than those in the exam salience condition (M � 5.8, SD � 1.70), t(23) � 2.99, p � .008. These results confirm our hypothesis that modern art would be evaluated less favorably after mortality salience. This finding provides initial support for the claim that the popular distaste for modern art lies at least in part in its threat to the terror-assuaging capacity to perceive objects in the world as meaningful. However, because we only assessed evaluations of modern art in Study 1, mortality salience may have reduced regard for any art, not only modern. Consequently, the next two studies used both representa- tional and abstract art to assess the merits of this alternative explanation. The following three studies were also designed to investigate the role of PNS in aesthetic preferences. Study 2 On the basis of the foregoing analysis, we expected that indi- vidual differences in PNS would moderate the effect of mortality salience, such that mortality salient high-PNS participants would rate modern art especially negatively. Low-PNS people, in con- trast, are less reliant on conventional structure, so we did not expect mortality salience to affect their judgments of modern art. Study 2 was also designed to determine whether it is specifically the seeming lack of meaning of modern artwork, and not other aspects of art, that influence judgments after mortality salience. We thus had participants evaluate artworks representing three other genres in addition to modern: (a) paintings that depict Chris- tian themes; (b) paintings that depict non-Western iconography (in a nonthreatening way) in order to distinguish the threat of mean- inglessness from that of meaning representing nondominant world- views; and (c) landscape paintings with an impressionistic style to distinguish meaninglessness from stylistic departures from real- ism. Mortality salient high-PNS participants were expected to rate only the modern pieces negatively. We also wondered whether broadly worldview-consistent art (in this case, art with Christian themes) would be appreciated more after mortality salience. Al- though not critical for our central claims, this hypothesis is con- sistent with prior demonstrations of increased regard for culturally sacred objects after mortality salience (J. Greenberg et al., 1995). We also entertained the possibility that mortality salience would reduce liking for the non-Western iconography paintings. How- ever, because they involve images (the Buddha and Native Amer- ican symbols) that are familiar and not inherently contradictory to mainstream American culture, we did not expect such an effect. To test these hypotheses, we measured PNS, manipulated mortality salience, and then obtained rankings of a series of paintings. Method Participants Sixty-two introductory psychology students (37 women and 25 men) participated for extra credit. Materials and Procedure Participants were recruited to take part in two ostensibly separate ex- periments described as studies of personality characteristics and art atti- tudes. In cubicles, participants were randomly assigned a packet for each study; they differed only in the mortality salience manipulation and order of art prints (one of two random orders). Participants completed the packets and were debriefed. The packets began with two filler questionnaires followed by Thompson et al.’s (2001) 12-item PNS Scale to measure individual differences in preference for order, certainty, and definite knowledge. Participants were asked to indicate their agreement with each of 12 statements (e.g., “I don’t like situations that are uncertain”) on a 6-point scale (1 � strongly agree, 6 � strongly disagree). Mortality salience was then manipulated as in Study 1, but dental pain was used as the aversive control topic. The PANAS-X and a neutral word-search puzzle served as the delay. Partici- pants were then instructed to look at eight untitled and not well-known paintings representing four genres: a Rothko and a Miro (modern), The Crucifixion by Dürer and Madonna and Child by Filippo Lippi (Christian), a Dutch landscape by Jacob Van Ruisdael and a French landscape by Corot (landscape), and an anonymous Hopi sand painting and a depiction of Buddha (non-Western). Participants were instructed to rank order the pieces from 1 (liked the most) to 8 (liked the least). Results and Discussion Comparisons of the rankings between the two paintings within each genre revealed no significant differences and were, therefore, averaged to form composite rankings for each genre (composite rankings ranged from 1.5–7.5; high scores indicated less relative preference). Dependent t tests showed that modern art was ranked the lowest of the four genres, significantly lower than Christian and landscape paintings, both ts(61) � 5.84, ps � .001, and marginally lower than non-Western paintings, t(61) � 1.81, p � .07. We then formed high- and low-PNS groups by means of median split (e.g., Moskowitz, 1993; Neuberg & Newsom, 1993) and submitted the ranking scores to a 2 (priming condition: mor- tality vs. dental pain; between-subjects) � 2 (high PNS vs. low PNS; between-subjects) � 4 (art genre; within-subject) mixed analysis of variance (ANOVA). Results revealed a significant three-way interaction, F(3, 123) � 2.80, p � .04. We then con- ducted a series of 2 (mortality vs. dental pain) � 2 (high PNS vs. low PNS) ANOVAs on the rankings for each art genre.3 For modern art rankings, a significant PNS main effect revealed that high-PNS participants liked modern art less (M � 5.8, SD � 1.46) than low-PNS participants (M � 5.0, SD � 1.48), F(1, 58) � 4.87, p � .03. This was qualified by a significant Mortality Salience � PNS interaction, F(1, 58) � 5.02, p � .03. The pattern of means (Table 1) indicates that for low-PNS participants mortality salience did not alter preferences for modern art, F(1, 58) � 1.30, p � .27. Those high in PNS, however, exhibited a decreased liking, as indicated by higher rankings, when primed with death compared with pain, F(1, 58) � 3.97, p � .05. Also, high- and low-PNS individuals exhibited similar liking for modern art in the dental pain condition, but their scores differed significantly in the mor- tality salience condition, F(1, 58) � 10.64, p � .002. The same ANOVAs on evaluations for the other genres revealed no signif- icant effects (all Fs � 1.40, ps � .24; means in Table 1). These results confirm our hypothesis that high-PNS participants in the mortality salience condition would express especially neg- 3 For Studies 2, 3, and 4, we also tested our primary predictions using regression analyses that treat PNS as a continuous variable. These analyses resulted in the same significant pattern of effects as reported in the primary ANOVAs. The results of the ANOVAs are presented for simplicity of presentation. 882 LANDAU ET AL. ative ratings specifically of nonrepresentational modern artworks. These results suggest that aesthetic stimuli that are, to the un- trained eye, essentially devoid of meaningful content are often disliked because they undermine the meaningful structures that normally contribute to the management of mortality concerns. In addition, PNS is an important factor in susceptibility to this threat of meaninglessness. We did not find main effects or interactions for any of the individual genres besides modern, suggesting that meanings of various types are sufficient to diffuse the potential for the nonspecific threat of meaninglessness. Study 3 The results of Studies 1 and 2 supported the idea that the terror management threat posed by apparent meaninglessness plays a role in distaste for modern art, particularly among those high in PNS. Studies 3 and 4 explore a further implication of this analysis, namely, that imbuing modern art with meaning will attenuate mortality-induced negative evaluations. This would show that these effects of mortality salience are a response to meaningless- ness in art rather than a response to any art identified as modern, a category of art many people view as elitist and pretentious (see, e.g., Halle, 1993). One way to impute meaning to an abstract artwork is through a title. Titles can serve as explanatory captions that aid interpretation by directing perception to salient content or intended meanings. For example, Russell and Milne (1997) found that adding titles to modern art increased the rated meaningfulness of the works, and Oatley and Yuill (1985) found that participants were more likely to interpret the movements of geometric shapes across a computer screen as reflecting meaningful intention if the film had been given a title. If naive perceivers are searching for some framework with which to structure their aesthetic experience, then a title can reduce the threat of meaninglessness otherwise posed by modern art. Therefore, we predicted that high-PNS participants would dislike a seemingly meaningless modern artwork after mortality salience, but that this effect would be eliminated if the piece was accom- panied by a meaning-laden title. To determine whether this effect of titles has to do with imbuing meaning rather than something else about providing a title, we also had participants evaluate an artwork that was identifiable as mod- ern art but that featured readily identifiable meaningful content (e.g., Georgia O’Keefe flower paintings). Although classified as modern art, from a TMT perspective such an artwork should not pose a threat of meaninglessness. Therefore, liking for such a piece should not be affected by mortality salience, PNS, or the presence of a title. We thus had participants rate a modern artwork with easily identifiable meaning as well as one that seemed meaningless. In short, we hypothesized that mortality salient high-PNS par- ticipants would dislike a seemingly meaningless artwork but not one with minimally identifiable content, and that this effect would be eliminated if the piece was given a meaningful title. The title manipulation was not expected to affect evaluations of the con- tentful modern work because it posed no threat to meaning. Sup- port for this predicted pattern would indicate that the interactive effect of PNS and mortality salience is not in response to any pieces that are viewed as modern art but only art lacking in apparent meaning. Method Participants Ninety-five introductory psychology students (65 women and 30 men) participated in partial fulfillment of a class requirement. Materials and Procedure Participants were told the experiment concerned how personality factors relate to art preferences and that they would complete a packet of person- ality questionnaires and evaluate some artworks. The packets differed only in the mortality salience manipulation, the order of the artworks, and which of the two artworks had a meaningful title. After completing the packets, participants were debriefed. The packet began with Thompson et al.’s (2001) PNS scale followed by the same mortality salience manipulation, PANAS-X, and word-search puzzle used in Study 2. Participants were then instructed to examine two pieces of modern art: Jackson Pollock’s Guardians of the Secret and Constantin Brancusi’s The Beginning of the World. The Pollock piece (Figure 1), which served as our seemingly meaningless modern artwork, features a blue canvas with a white box in the middle flanked by vaguely depicted pillars and splotches of paint over the entire surface. The Brancusi piece is a photograph of a large egg-shaped rock on a wooden floor. The Brancusi piece is easily recognizable as an egg or a rock, so it served as our meaningful modern artwork.4 For half of the participants, Guardians of the Secret was presented with its title in bold letters underneath, whereas Beginning of the World was simply labeled #12. For the other participants, Beginning of the World was accompanied by its title, whereas Guardians was labeled #12. By adding the title to Guardians of the Secret, the white box in the middle becomes salient as “the secret” and the forms on each 4 A pilot investigation supported our assumption that participants readily perceived meaning in the Brancusi piece but not the Pollock piece. Details are available on request. Table 1 Mean Rankings for Genres of Art as a Function of Personal Need for Structure (PNS) and Mortality Salience in Study 2 Priming condition High PNS Low PNS M SD M SD Modern Mortality salience 6.5 1.04 4.8 1.41 Dental pain 5.3 1.61 5.4 1.62 Christian Mortality salience 3.3 1.59 4.0 1.33 Dental pain 3.3 1.27 3.4 1.03 Landscape Mortality salience 2.9 1.54 3.2 1.56 Dental pain 3.3 1.16 3.6 1.93 Non-Western Mortality salience 5.4 1.05 5.2 1.13 Dental pain 5.2 1.21 5.7 1.70 Note. Higher scores indicate lower relative appreciation. Scale ratings ranged from 1 to 8. 883DEATH, MEANINGLESSNESS, AND ART side appear as “the guardians”; in this way, the title sets a mysterious tone for the artwork and provides some insight into the artist’s intention. After each print were three art evaluation questions: “How much do you like this artwork?” “How much does this particular piece appeal to you at a gut level?” “Relative to other art you’ve seen, how interested would you be in checking out more art like this?” Responses were made on 9-point scales (1 � not at all, 9 � very much). Results and Discussion Art Impressions Because the three art evaluation questions demonstrated good re- liability for both pieces (�s � .92, .96), they were averaged to yield composite liking scores for each piece (actual composite scores ranged from 1–9 for the Pollock piece and 1– 8.33 for the Brancusi piece). We formed high- and low-PNS groups by means of median split and submitted the composite liking scores to a 2 (priming condition: mortality vs. dental pain; between-subjects) � 2 (high PNS vs. low PNS; between-subjects) � 2 (title vs. no title; between- subjects) � 2 (piece: Guardians of the Secret vs. Beginning of the World; within-subject) mixed ANOVA. The predicted four-way in- teraction was nonsignificant, F(1, 83) � 3.21, p � .08, �partial 2 � .03. However, this is an overly conservative test because we did not expect an opposite pattern among low-PNS participants. Therefore, we pro- ceeded to break down the interaction by examining the Mortality Salience � Title � Piece (within-subject) interaction separately within high- and low-PNS groups.5 The ANOVA revealed the pre- dicted three-way interaction within the high-PNS group, F(1, 42) � 4.17, p � .05, but not the low-PNS group, F(1, 45) � 1, p � .90. To interpret the pattern within the high-PNS group, we then analyzed liking scores for each piece. Guardians of the Secret. Within the high-PNS group, we performed a 2 (mortality vs. dental pain) � 2 (titled vs. untitled) ANOVA on ratings of Guardians of the Secret. A main effect for title revealed more liking for the titled work, F(1, 42) � 14.09, p � .001, which was qualified by the predicted interaction, F(1, 42) � 5.61, p � .02 (Table 2). Pairwise comparisons revealed that, as in Study 2, mortality salient high-PNS participants liked the untitled piece less than high-PNS participants in the dental pain condition, F(1, 42) � 5, 22, p � .03. Furthermore, mortality salient high-PNS participants who viewed the untitled piece liked it less than those 5 On the basis of our conceptualization of high-PNS individuals, we believed that this was the most appropriate way to interpret the four-way interaction. An alternative method is to examine the interaction among PNS, title, and piece (within) separately within mortality salience and dental pain conditions. The results of this analysis revealed the predicted three-way interaction within mortality salience, F(1, 44) � 5.00, p � .03, but not the dental pain condition (F � 1, p � .9). Furthermore, the PNS � Title interaction within the mortality salience and Guardians of the Secret conditions was significant; the pattern of means indicated that high-PNS participants who evaluated the untitled piece rated it less favorably than low-PNS participants who rated the untitled piece and high-PNS partici- pants who rated the titled piece. Figure 1. Jackson Pollock’s Guardians of the Secret used in Study 3. Reproduced with permission. © 2005 The Pollock-Krasner Foundation/Artists Rights Society (ARS), New York. 884 LANDAU ET AL. who viewed the titled piece, F(1, 42) � 10.10, p � .01. Viewed differently, there was no hint that mortality salient high-PNS participants derogated the abstract artwork when it was given a meaningful title. No other comparisons attained significance (all Fs � 1.90, ps � .2). Beginning of the World. The same analyses performed on evaluations of Beginning of the World revealed no effects of mortality salience, title, or their interaction (Fs � 1, ps � .4; see Table 2). It is unlikely that these null results are due to a floor effect given that the means in all conditions were about 3— one third of the scale—and could certainly have been lower. As in Study 2, high-PNS participants responded to mortality salience with especially negative evaluations of modern, seem- ingly meaningless art. However, this effect was eliminated when the same piece was given a meaningful title. Also, the mortality- induced distaste for untitled modern art was specific to a visually chaotic, meaningless piece; mortality salient high-PNS participants did not derogate an artwork labeled as modern art but that con- veyed readily identifiable content. This suggests that for those chronically disposed to structure their environments in clear and orderly ways, modern art is often disturbing because its perceived meaninglessness conflicts with their need for simple meaning, a need that serves a terror management function; if the piece is imbued with or conveys apparent meaning, this mortality-induced distaste is eliminated. Study 4 The results of Study 3 demonstrate that adding a title to a meaningless artwork eliminated the mortality-induced distaste among high-PNS participants. In Study 4 we were interested in replicating this effect with different artworks and a different means of lending art meaning. In addition to explanatory texts, a powerful method of lending meaning and organization to a stimulus is to relate it to personal experience (e.g., Tulving, 1962). In this way, even untrained viewers who lack a technical vocabulary can draw on personal experiences to provide a personal frame of reference within which to interpret novel aesthetic stimuli. Indeed, those who appreciate modern art often relate to pieces as expressions of personal feelings rather than as representations of objects in the world (Kandinsky, 1977; Meier, 1942). Because it is the visual disorder of these pieces that renders them meaningless, we ex- pected that high-PNS individuals who vividly imagined them- selves in an unfamiliar, disordered situation, as opposed to a familiar and structured situation, would subsequently have a per- sonal frame of reference to make sense of a seemingly chaotic artwork, and that this would attenuate the mortality-induced aver- sion toward that work. To assess this possibility, we followed a mortality salience manipulation with a vivid imagery task designed to activate in half the participants a personal frame of reference that would render a disordered artwork more meaningful. The results of Study 3 also show that mortality salient high-PNS participants did not derogate a modern artwork that conveyed recognizable content. In the current study, we were interested in whether conventional visual structure would also alleviate the aversion to modern abstract art. It is notable that not all uses of abstraction entail visually chaotic conglomerations of dissonant forms and colors. Geometric patterns have marked the course of art from prehistoric times onward (Dissanayake, 1988; Gombrich, 1984). Indeed, people seem quite comfortable with the geometric abstractions of neckties and carpets. Within the world of modern art, abstraction was central to the Minimalist movement, which sought to strip painting down to its fundamental features by arranging simple, flat shapes, right angles, and primary colors into austere compositions with a universally comprehensible frame of reference. A central Minimalist painter was Joseph Albers, whose paintings contain no representational content but were composed in accordance with aesthetic principles of clarity, symmetry, and order; we did not expect such a piece to be disliked by mortality salient high-PNS participants. In short, we hypothesized that mortality salient high-PNS par- ticipants would dislike a visually chaotic piece but not one with structured visual order, and that this effect would be eliminated if participants had earlier imagined a personal experience with chaos and disorder. Method Participants Ninety-two introductory psychology students (38 men and 54 women) participated in fulfillment of a course requirement. Materials and Procedure Participants were recruited to take part in two separate experiments described as studies of personality characteristics and perceptions of paint- ings. After entering cubicles, they were administered a personality packet, which differed only in the mortality salience and personal frame of refer- ence manipulations. As in Studies 2 and 3, Thompson et al.’s (2001) PNS Scale was included after two filler personality questionnaires. Mortality salience was manip- ulated as in the previous studies, except that the aversive control topic was the experience of social exclusion. Participants then completed a personal experience prime presented as an exercise in personal imagery. The in- structions were as follows: “How people imagine themselves in certain situations can tell us a lot about their personality. We’d like you to imagine being in the situation described below. As you’re reading the description, try to picture vividly in your head the situation described.” Participants in the frame of reference (chaos) condition were asked to imagine being in a strange city where the people speak an unfamiliar Table 2 Mean Liking for Meaningless and Meaningful Art as a Function of Mortality Salience, Personal Need for Structure (PNS), and Title in Study 3 Priming condition High PNS Low PNS Titled Untitled Titled Untitled M SD M SD M SD M SD Meaningless art: Guardians of the Secret Mortality salience 6.1 2.31 3.2 1.63 4.8 2.38 5.4 2.68 Dental pain 5.9 1.63 5.0 2.32 5.7 1.96 5.2 2.48 Meaningful art: Beginning of the World Mortality salience 3.2 2.13 2.5 1.78 3.0 2.43 2.6 1.55 Dental pain 2.9 2.33 2.6 1.57 3.6 2.25 3.0 2.09 Note. Higher scores indicate higher liking. Scale ratings ranged from 1 to 9. 885DEATH, MEANINGLESSNESS, AND ART language and the people and the place appear nonsensical. Those in the no frame of reference (order) condition were asked to imagine being in a familiar city that seems like home and where everything about the people and the place makes sense. Participants then read the following instruc- tions: “Now that you’ve imagined yourself in this situation, we’d like you to write in the space below how you might feel in this situation. What kinds of thoughts would go through your head? How would you feel? Do your best to describe how you would feel in this situation.” These instructions were followed by eight double-spaced lines. Participants answered two manipulation check questions: “How confused would you be in a place like this?” “How easy would it be for you to understand this place and its people?” Responses were made on 7-point scales (1 � not at all, 7 � very much). A pilot study found that this frame of reference induction did increase the perceived meaningfulness of the visually chaotic painting used in the present study.6 The PANAS-X followed the personal frame of reference prime. After completing the personality packet and placing it in a box, partic- ipants were instructed to turn on the monitor in front of them and follow the instructions on the screen. Using MediaLab software (Jarvis, 2004), we instructed participants to examine two modern paintings (in counterbal- anced order): Kandinsky’s Composition VI and Albers’s Homage to the Square. The Kandinsky piece (Figure 2) is a chaotic collection of incon- gruent, colliding forms and colors. The Albers piece is a highly structured arrangement of three nested and linearly structured squares painted in a single color scheme. For each painting, participants responded to three questions on 7-point scales (1 � not at all, 7 � very much): “How much do you like this artwork?” “How much does this particular piece appeal to you at a gut level?” “Relative to other art you’ve seen, how interested would you be in checking out more art like this?” Results and Discussion Personal Frame of Reference Manipulation Check Participants who imagined a chaotic experience imagined feel- ing more confused (M � 6.1, SD � 1.26) than those who imagined an ordered experience (M � 3.4, SD � 2.1), F(1, 90) � 53.10, p � .001. Chaos-primed participants also imagined being less able to understand the experience (M � 3.2, SD � 1.61) than order- primed participants (M � 5.3, SD � 1.51), F(1, 90) � 39.45, p � .001. These results suggest that the frame of reference prime successfully activated feelings of chaos or order. Art Impressions The three art evaluation questions had a high degree of internal consistency (�s for both pieces � .91), so we analyzed their average (actual composite scores ranged from 1–7 for the Kand- insky piece and 1– 6.7 for the Albers piece). These scores were submitted to a 2 (priming manipulation: mortality vs. social ex- clusion; between-subjects) � 2 (high PNS vs. low PNS; between- subjects) � 2 (frame of reference prime: chaos vs. order; between- subjects) � 2 (piece: Composition VI vs. Homage to the Square; within-subject) mixed ANOVA. Supporting the idea that the Kan- dinsky but not the Albers piece threatens meaning, we obtained a marginal Mortality Salience � Piece interaction, F(1, 84) � 2.62, p � .10, such that a preference for the Kandinsky over the Albers piece in the exclusion salience condition was eliminated in the mortality salience condition. We also obtained a PNS � Piece interaction, F(1, 84) � 4.58, p � .04, such that low-PNS partici- pants liked the Kandinsky piece more than the Albers piece, but this preference was reversed for high-PNS participants. More important, the significant four-way interaction emerged, F(1, 84) � 4.24, p � .04. To interpret this interaction, we performed separate ANOVAs for each piece. 6 Specifically, we had 19 participants from the same pool as in Study 4 complete either the chaos or order prime and then rate the Kandinsky piece on three questions—“How meaningful is this painting to you?” “How well can you relate to this painting?” “To what extent do you think this painting expresses something?”—which were averaged to form a meaningfulness composite (� � .85). Participants in the chaos prime condition rated the chaotic artwork as more meaningful (M � 6.1) than those in the order prime condition (M � 4.4), t(17) � 2.15, p � .04. Figure 2. Wassily Kandinsky’s Composition VI used in Study 4. Reproduced with permission. © 2005 Artists Rights Society (ARS), New York/ADAGP, Paris. 886 LANDAU ET AL. Composition VI A Mortality Salience � PNS � Frame of Reference ANOVA for the Kandinsky ratings revealed only a significant three-way interaction, F(1, 84) � 4.53, p � .04. In support of our hypothesis, the pattern of means presented in Table 3 and pairwise compari- sons revealed that mortality salient high-PNS participants who were asked to think about order liked the visually chaotic piece significantly less than exclusion salient high-PNS participants who thought about order, F(1, 84) � 7.45, p � .008, and mortality salient low-PNS participants who thought about order, F(1, 84) � 5.93, p � .02. Furthermore, mortality salient, order-primed, high- PNS participants liked the visually chaotic piece less than mortal- ity salient high-PNS participants who imagined a personal encoun- ter with chaos, F(1, 84) � 4.32, p � .04. This pattern of results demonstrates that mortality salient high-PNS participants did not derogate the visually chaotic piece if they had previously imagined a chaotic experience. Homage to the Square The same analysis performed on perceptions of the visually structured piece revealed only a main effect for PNS, such that high-PNS participants liked the piece more (M � 3.3, SD � 1.56) than low-PNS participants (M � 2.6, SD � 1.40), F(1, 84) � 4.03, p � .05 (all other Fs � 1.40, ps � .3; see Table 3). These results confirm our hypothesis that mortality salient high- PNS participants would dislike a chaotic, fragmented modern artwork, but that this effect would be eliminated if, before viewing it, they vividly imagined a personal experience that provided a personal frame of reference relevant to the piece. Furthermore, this effect was specific to a visually chaotic piece; high-PNS partici- pants actually liked a highly structured piece more than low-PNS participants, but these evaluations were not affected by mortality salience, frame of reference manipulation, or their interaction. Taken together with the results of Study 3, these results indicate that those prone to simple structure dislike seemingly meaningless art when mortality concerns are made salient. When a meaningless artwork is imbued with meaning, either through the use of a descriptive title (Study 3) or a personally relevant experience that meaningfully relates to the piece (Study 4), the mortality-induced aversion is eliminated. The results of Studies 3 and 4 allow us to rule out the explana- tion that the simple recognition of the pieces as modern art ac- counts for the observed reactions. For one, this explanation could not easily account for the effects of title or frame of reference manipulations. Also, although evaluations for modern artworks with recognizable content (Study 3) or a highly structured com- position (Study 4) were not favorable overall, they were not affected by mortality salience or its interaction with PNS. These findings also undermine another alternative: that mortality salience simply increases preexisting aesthetic preferences among high- and low-PNS individuals. General Discussion By examining the aesthetic preferences of untrained viewers, four studies tested predictions derived from TMT concerning the psychological threat of meaninglessness: the inability to under- stand or experience one kind of thing in terms of another. Accord- ing to TMT, meaninglessness is threatening because maintaining a basic comprehension of the world is a critical component of how people imbue life with death-transcending meaning and signifi- cance. Increasing the salience of mortality should, therefore, en- gender negative evaluations of artworks that are seemingly devoid of meaning, particularly for those chronically invested in simple, unambiguous knowledge, and this effect should be eliminated when these artworks are imbued with meaning. Our results provide strong support for these predictions. Study 1 showed that mortality salience diminished affection for modern artworks. Study 2 showed that this effect was moderated by individual differences in PNS; mortality primes decreased liking for meaningless, but not meaningful, artworks among high-PNS participants. This effect was replicated in Study 3, and it was also shown that mortality salience did not affect high-PNS participants’ evaluations of a modern artwork that had been imbued with meaning through an explanatory title. Study 4 explored another common way of im- buing art with meaning—relating it to personal experience—and found that mortality salient high-PNS participants derogated a visually chaotic artwork unless they had been previously primed with an experiential basis for interpreting the artwork. Studies 3 and 4 also showed that mortality salient high-PNS participants were not reacting to anything specifically objectionable about the category of modern art per se; evaluations of pieces presented as modern art but featuring readily identifiable meaning or a high degree of visual structure were not affected by mortality salience, title, or personal frame of reference manipulations or their inter- action with PNS. Considering an Alternative Explanation Although our findings converge on the idea that mortality sa- lient high-PNS participants are reacting negatively to the apparent meaninglessness of the artworks, one possible alternative expla- nation is that mortality primes increased the accessibility of death- related themes, leading meaning-seeking high-PNS participants to perceive more disturbing death-related imagery in the ambiguous, Table 3 Mean Liking for Visually Chaotic and Visually Structured Art as a Function of Mortality Salience, Personal Need for Structure (PNS), and Personal Frame of Reference in Study 4 Priming condition High PNS Low PNS Frame No frame Frame No frame M SD M SD M SD M SD Visually chaotic art: Composition VI Mortality salience 4.3 2.00 2.9 1.52 3.9 1.68 4.8 1.79 Social exclusion 3.8 1.77 5.0 1.50 4.2 1.51 4.6 1.44 Visually structured art: Homage to the Square Mortality salience 3.3 1.68 3.2 1.25 2.6 1.73 3.3 1.37 Social exclusion 3.8 1.69 2.6 1.56 2.0 1.29 2.4 1.18 Note. Higher scores indicate higher liking. Scale ratings ranged from 1 to 7. 887DEATH, MEANINGLESSNESS, AND ART abstract works.7 We believe this alternative is unlikely because the abstract pieces used (e.g., the Pollock depicted in Figure 1 and a Rothko consisting of splotchy patches of bright color) do not seem to lend themselves at all to death-related themes, whereas the crucifix painting used in Study 2 does. To further examine this alternative, we ran a supplementary study in which, after a measure of PNS, the mortality salience treatment and a delay, 40 participants from the same pool of participants as Studies 3 and 4 were shown the Pollock from Study 3 (see Figure 1), the Kandinsky from Study 4 (see Figure 2), and The Crucifixion and Dutch landscape paintings from Study 2 (in one of two random orders, all without titles) each for 2 min and asked to write a paragraph offering any interpretations or ideas brought to mind by each painting. We then had two raters who were unaware of our purpose count death-related words in each paragraph. The two raters were in high agreement in their counts (r � .93). If mortality salience led high-PNS people to perceive death-related themes in the abstract paintings, we should find an interaction between PNS and painting on number of death-related words. However, a 2 (high PNS vs. low PNS; between-subjects) � 4 (painting; within-subject) mixed ANOVA yielded only a main effect of painting, indicating that the paragraphs about The Cru- cifixion painting contained significantly more death-related words than the paragraphs about the landscape, t(39) � 2.98, p � .005, and Kandinsky paintings, t(39) � 2.63, p � .01. No other com- parisons approached significance. The mean for the two abstract paintings was .10, suggesting very little perception of death-related themes. Furthermore, if high-PNS people were prone to perceive death-related themes in the abstract paintings, we would expect positive correlations between PNS and number of death-related words in response to those paintings. In fact, for the Pollock, there was no correlation (r � .03, ns) and for the Kandinsky, the correlation was actually negative (r � �.32, p � .05). Mortality Salience, Structure, and Meaning Terror management research has found that people deal with the problem of death using a variety of defenses, including defense of specific aspects of their cultural worldview, investment in roman- tic relationships, increased self-esteem striving, and denial of the corporeal aspects of the self (for review, see Solomon et al., 2004). Research (Landau, Johns, et al., 2004; Schimel et al., 1999) has assessed another mode of defense that figures centrally in the earliest theoretical articulations of TMT: the organization of in- formation in basic, nonspecific ways to maintain a clear and consistent conception of the world, and the consequent devaluing of anything that threatens to undermine those epistemic goals. These earlier studies demonstrated a preference for intrapersonal and interpersonal consistency and for beliefs in a just and benev- olent world. However, TMT posits that people need a worldview that is not only orderly but that imbues reality with meaning as well. A lack of consistency or just outcomes does not necessarily imply a lack of meaning. Imbalanced social relations or a person who vacillates between extraversion and introversion can still be viewed as meaningful. The present studies, in contrast, directly examine the central issue of meaning and the role of mortality concerns in instigating at least those invested in simple structure to derogate stimuli that do not seem meaningful. These results may also help explain the historically prevalent tendency for some people to dismiss and condemn art that they consider meaningless. Moreover, these findings have considerable implications for social issues: Although interpersonal and inter- group enmity often stem from specific points of contention, there may also be cases in which people devalue and dismiss others simply because their beliefs, appearance, or actions appear non- sensical. Of course, further research is needed to examine the role of mortality concerns in reactions to other stimuli that seem to lack meaning. Which Is the Basic Threat: Mortality or Meaninglessness? This is surely a very thorny question. The original formulation of TMT posits that knowledge of mortality is the ultimate psycho- logical threat because it conflicts with a variety of biological systems designed to keep the individual alive. From this perspec- tive, people need to view life as meaningful to help deny the possibility that death is the absolute end of one’s existence. There- fore, reminders of mortality heighten the need to protect and bolster psychological structures that help people sustain the sense that life is meaningful. An alternative interpretation of the effects of mortality salience might be based on the idea that meaninglessness is the ultimate threat. The knowledge of mortality is a severe threat to believing that life is meaningful, and so reminders of mortality increase people’s need to protect and bolster psychological structures that help people sustain the sense that life is meaningful. If this latter view were correct, it might not change much about TMT or its implications. Mortality is probably the most severe threat to be- lieving that life is meaningful: Not only will every individual die, but so will all whom one cares about and, as science suggests, so eventually will our entire species. All humans carry this threaten- ing knowledge—that death is the only inevitability—with them throughout their lives and must defend against it. It may be that this conceptual issue—whether the need for meaning is caused by the need to deny death as absolute annihi- lation or the need to deny death as absolute annihilation is caused by the need for meaning—is not fully resolvable. However, we believe that at this point there are conceptual and empirical reasons to favor the original terror management position. First, we believe that TMT is far more comprehensive than any meaning-based theories of which we are aware. TMT was originally formulated to help explain the human need for meaning. Indeed, Ernest Becker’s (1971) first book, which provided much of the conceptual basis of TMT, was titled The Birth and Death of Meaning. TMT views the knowledge of death as the ultimate psychological threat because it conflicts with our biological predispositions toward continued existence. A meaningful worldview in which one can feel signif- icant and enduring provides a basis for denying that death is the end of existence. Viewing meaninglessness as the ultimate threat would require a theory that explains why meaning is so funda- mentally important, independent of its role in quelling concerns about death. In addition, an analysis focused on meaning as the fundamental concern would have to explain why people do not seem to want just any version of meaning. Beliefs in an immortal soul and afterlife have been central to the vast majority of known cultures, and all worldviews seem to provide not just meaning but meaning 7 We thank an anonymous reviewer for pointing this out. 888 LANDAU ET AL. that is geared toward a benign conception of reality in which one can feel protected, significant, and enduring. Thus, meaning sys- tems are geared toward not just any meaning, but meaning that supports the possibility of either literal or symbolic death transcen- dence to those of value within the context of their stability, order, and meaning providing worldviews. Would people prefer to live forever knowing that life has no larger meaning beyond the pleasures and joys of the arts, food, sex, sports, and so forth or to live as mortals in life with a certain deep meaning (e.g., providing a service to a deity before being abso- lutely annihilated at death)? We suspect immortality would be the popular choice, but such conscious decisions would not provide definitive empirical evidence, particularly because neither option is all that plausible to many people. There is, however, other evidence that bears fairly directly on the death versus meaninglessness issue. As previously noted, the specific content of worldviews past and present supports the orig- inal TMT position. In addition, there is experimental evidence that we believe supports the original TMT view. First, Baldwin and Wesley (1996) directly compared a mortality salience treatment and a meaninglessness salience treatment and found that the mean- inglessness salience treatment did not reproduce the mortality salience effect. Similarly, other control conditions that might im- ply meaninglessness, such as thoughts of paralysis, pain, and social exclusion, have failed to reproduce mortality salience effects (see Solomon et al., 2004).8 Research on death thought accessibility also supports the spe- cific role of death-related thoughts in mortality salience effects. Studies show that threats to meaning, such as a threat to the belief in a just world (Landau, Johns, et al., 2004), threats to personal significance such as reminders of one’s animality (Goldenberg, Pyszczynski, McCoy, Greenberg, & Solomon, 1999), and threats to a romantic relationship (Mikulincer, Florian, & Hirschberger, 2003), increase death thought accessibility. Additional research using subliminal death primes shows that increased death thought accessibility, even in the absence of conscious contemplation of death, leads to increased accessibility of worldview-related con- structs and increased worldview defense (Arndt, Greenberg, & Cook, 2002; Arndt, Greenberg, Pyszczynski, & Solomon, 1997). Studies also show that increased defense of the worldview reduces death thought accessibility to baseline levels (e.g., Arndt, Green- berg, Solomon, Pyszczynski, & Simon, 1997), and that worldview defense is motivated by the potential to experience anxiety aroused by thoughts of death (J. Greenberg et al., 2003). Finally, as TMT predicts, many mortality salience effects involve increased self- esteem striving and defense rather than meaning bolstering. For example, mortality salience increases displays of physical strength (Peters, Greenberg, Williams, & Schneider, 2005) and driving skills (Taubman Ben-Ari, Florian, & Mikulincer, 1999) among those who base their self-worth partly on those dimensions and increased distancing from in-group identifications when the in- group is framed negatively (Arndt, Greenberg, Schimel, Pyszczyn- ski, & Solomon, 2002). These findings support the original TMT formulation because one’s personal accomplishments do not make the world more meaningful; rather, they protect and enhance one’s value within a world of meaning. In view of these conceptual arguments and empirical studies, we believe the case for the primacy of the threat of mortality is strong. Nevertheless, there is certainly a need for more research on various existential threats such as death, alienation, uncertainty, freedom, and meaninglessness, how people cope with them, and how they relate to each other (see J. Greenberg, Koole, & Pyszczynski, 2004, for current research programs on such topics). The Role of PNS The current studies, along with other TMT research, suggests that PNS is an important moderator of a number of mortality salience effects related to meaning and structure, including aver- sion to behaviorally inconsistent others (Landau, Johns, et al., 2004), striving for self-concept coherence (Landau, Greenberg, Solomon, Martens, & Pyszczynski, 2004), rigid adherence to clear group boundaries (Dechesne et al., 2000), and preference for stereotype-consistent others (Schimel et al., 1999). Further re- search is needed to assess whether PNS moderates other defensive inclinations in response to mortality salience as well. These studies also raise interesting questions about how low- PNS individuals respond to mortality salience. The present find- ings suggest that low-PNS people are more open to stimuli that challenge simple structure and may thus characterize the type of person willing and able to develop meaningful views of initially meaningless stimuli such as nonrepresentational art. This may be because, as prior theorizing and research (Kruglanski, 1989; Thompson et al., 2001) suggest, low-PNS individuals are better able to suspend epistemic judgment, assimilate the exceptional and unusual into their existing knowledge structures, and accommo- date those structures in light of new experiences. Given our analysis, one might also wonder why high-PNS participants did not respond to mortality salience with an increased liking for meaningful art. We suggest that people are generally fully embedded in an everyday world of meaning and significance, owing to the seemingly immediate and effortless ability to per- ceive and infer meaningful objects and relations in an integrated perceptual unity; therefore, people are rarely aware of meaning as a problem to be solved. We thus would not expect the perception of basic meaning (e.g., perceiving an egg) to elicit a positive response. Rather, losing touch with basic meaning seems more subjectively potent. In addition, art preferences are highly idiosyn- cratic, and the artworks used were unfamiliar to the participants. Although we might expect someone with a strong affinity toward Kandinsky’s paintings, for example, to like them more after mor- tality salience, our studies had diverse participants evaluating unfamiliar works, so we did not expect that the mere identification of some culturally familiar objects or visual structure would nec- essarily increase aesthetic enjoyment. 8 Some studies have found that salience of uncertainty produces effects similar to mortality salience (McGregor, Zanna, Holmes, & Spencer, 2001; van den Bos, 2001). However, other more recent studies have found quite different effects for mortality and uncertainty salience (Friedman & Arndt, 2005; Landau, Johns, et al., 2004; Martens, Greenberg, Schimel, & Landau, 2004; Routledge, Arndt, & Goldenberg, 2004). Perhaps mortality sometimes arouses uncertainty concerns, sometimes thoughts of uncer- tainty arouse death-related thoughts (Chaudary, Tison, & Solomon, 2002), or these threats simply have similar effects on some variables but not others. It is also uncertain whether uncertainty primarily relates to issues of meaning, self-worth, or anxiety. 889DEATH, MEANINGLESSNESS, AND ART Toward a Broader Conception of Artistic Meaning and Terror Management We fly to beauty from the terrors of finite nature. —Ralph Waldo Emerson, Ralph Waldo Emerson: Journals and Miscellaneous Notebooks In virtually every known culture, art has served a critical meaning-lending function, so it would be useful to consider briefly the broader significance of art in terror management. An artwork’s departure from convincing lifelike renderings is often intended to encourage the viewer to consider possibilities of human experience beyond their own or apprehend the world in a way that lies beyond their existing knowledge (Breton, 1924/1969; Gombrich, 1984; Kandinsky, 1977). However, if art violates the minimal condition of meaningfulness, these loftier engagements with art, however central to a full understanding of the aesthetic response, may be undermined, at least for some people. We believe that this insight into aesthetic judgment can provide a window into why people are so rigidly reluctant to suspend their preconceptions in other do- mains as well. Additionally, art can serve terror management in a variety of ways (see Dissanayake, 1988, for a broader, more thorough treat- ment of the nature and function of art). At the most basic level, representational art immortalizes the ephemeral; it fixes something outside of the flow of time, transforming a transient object or moment into a thing more permanent. Although the bison depicted in cave art, King Tut, and the Mona Lisa all died long ago, their images remain with us to this day. As John Keats phrased it in his classic poem “Ode on a Grecian Urn,” Fair youth, beneath the trees, thou canst not leave Thy song, nor ever can those trees be bare; Bold Lover, never, never canst thou kiss, Though winning near the goal—yet, do not grieve; She cannot fade, though thou hast not thy bliss, For ever wilt thou love, and she be fair! (Keats, 1820/1991, p. 37) Beyond immortalizing the objects and moments depicted, art can also serve to immortalize the artist. Poets, novelists, compos- ers, and painters constitute a large percentage of the few humans who are remembered centuries after their deaths. Indeed, we suggest that many living humans hold out the secret hope that they will live on somehow through their creative efforts. In addition to their value for the objects depicted and the artists themselves, artistic symbols are often imbued with arcane meaning that can lend tangible form to, and thereby enhance the apparent veridical- ity of, collectively held constructs that have no material existence (e.g., Zen gardens and Gothic cathedrals both serve as allegories intimately tied to local belief systems). Art has also been useful for maintaining an illusion of control and protection by reifying and personifying supernatural agents and, furthermore, by providing a vehicle by which people can appeal to them to ensure safety and prosperity (e.g., rain dances). Finally, art can also powerfully convey symbolic constructs such as love that elevate our essen- tially corporeal affectations (e.g., sex) to supernatural significance. 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Received June 21, 2004 Revision received May 16, 2005 Accepted June 3, 2005 � 892 LANDAU ET AL. work_4ekexnvvbfbe3db2x47qxrzdne ---- On Replacing Peer Review with Legal Challenge in Scientific Research: An Opinion PMlip J. Held Friedrich K Port, Robert A. Wolfe, Nathan W. Levin, and Marc N Turenne U W e r s H y of Michlgon Schools of Medicine and Public Health Ann Arbor, Michigan (PJH, FV, RAW, MNT) and Beth kad Medlcal Center, New York New York (NW) We appreciate the invitation from the editor of Seminars in Dialysis to express our opinions about a topic that is very acute in our personal and pro- fessional lives. In March 1993, Minntech Corpora- tion, which sells Renalina, filed a lawsuit in the United States District Court for the District of Maryland against the five authors of this editorial (plus one other person). Minntech is seeking over one million dollars in damages from us as individu- a l s based on our reports of scientific research find- ings. The suit claims damages to Minntech because our research had suggested an association of mortality nsks with the use of certain reuse agents, including Re&*, in conventional dialyzers in freestanding di- alysis units. Minntech subsequently publicized many of its allegations in letters to various journals ( 1 4 ) . Until now, in our pursuit of scientific objectivity, we have abstained from publishing any written re- sponse to what we view as an unfounded legal suit. Our primary goal to date has been to publish the scientific results through the peer review process and to let the renal community judge the merit of this research. In fact, at the time of this writing the scientific research paper in question has been ac- cepted and is in press at the American Journal of Kidney Diseases ( 5 ) . Minntech’s decision to pursue litigation has been a subject of comment in this and other journals. A recent editorial by C. M. Kjellstrand in a previous issue of this journal (6) describes some of Minn- tech’s allegations. Other publications have ap- plauded the right for a legal challenge to scientific research (7) or have provided possible mechanisms and discussion explaining the associations that we reported (8-10). These publications follow other re- lated research (1 1-15). Although we are in agreement with much of Dr. Kjellstrand’s editorial, there are two assumptions in Dr. Kjellstrand’s editorial that require clarification and correction. Furthermore, we believe that the largely unilateral publicity and the assertions by Minntech should not go unanswered. Dr. KJellstrand Suggests that the Research May Have Been Presented T o o H a s t i l y Quite the contrary is the case. At the time of our discussions with representatives of several Federal AddresJ conespondence to: Philip J. Held PhD. Univenity of hAichicpn. 315 West Huron--sUlte 240, Ann Arbor. MI 48103. Seminan in Dh&i.GVd 7. No 2 p l a r a ) 1994 pp 98-102 agencies, the research process regarding reuse ger- micides and patient outcomes had been underway for more than a year. The results of a pilot study had been reviewed by the Scientific Advisory Com- mittee of the USRDS in June and September of 1592. The national study that was the focus of dis- cussions and review with federal health agencies (our present study) followed up this earlier re- search, and analytical work had been intensely pur- sued for at least five months. After discussing and reviewing our findings with federal health officials, we were directed by the Health Care Financing Administration (HCFA, the funding agency) to meet with representatives from HCFA, the Centers for Disease Control and Pre- vention (CDC) and the Food and Drug Administra- tion (FDA). To further discuss these results, we presented these findings to epidemiologists, statis- ticians, and other representatives of these agencies at several meetings in September 1992. Throughout this process, we were instructed by the sponsors of the research (HCFA) that the results were to be considered confidential. After these meetings, the FDA concluded that it was appropriate to schedule an invited session on October 8, 1992. At the FDA’s request, the authors presented their research find- ings at that meeting. The findings were also pre- sented to the dialysis community at the Annual Meeting of the American Society of Nephrology (ASN) in November 1592. In short, the study was thorough and precise, with careful and deliberate attention to detail. The authors communicated with Minntech repre- sentatives on numerous occasions in October and November 1992 and also met with several Minntech executives. During this period, the authors ex- plained their analytical methods and results to Minntech, provided statistical output to Minntech, and considered Minntech’s disagreements with the research. As part of a prepublication review pro- cess, a draft version of the study manuscript was sent in February 1993 for comment to federal of% cials who had been involved in the previous review process. A copy was also sent to Minntech and, as is normal in the scientific process, copies were also sent to a few knowledgeable researchers in the renal community for review. Minntech did not provide comments on the draft and instead proceeded with a lawsuit. In the course of studying and reporting data with potentially significant public health implications, we have proceeded in a careful, responsible, and 98 ON REPLACING PEER 99 ethical manner. Suppressing, delaying, or otherwise withholding these findings from federal agencies or the dialysis community would have been wholly in- consistent with our obligations as researchers and with the interests of patients and dialysis providers. In our opinion, stopping or delaying publication of this paper and chilling open discussion of these find- ings have been major objectives of Minntech’s law- suit against the six authors. Dr. Kjellstrands Editorial Addressed Minntech’s Asserted Inability to Gain Access to the Underlying Data Used in our Analyses We agree with the principle that data upon which public health findings are based should be available for evaluation and assessment by the medical com- munity. At the same time, because much of these data involves medical information about identified patients, there is an obvious need for appropriate safeguards to protect the privacy of these patients. We have at all times willingly cooperated with both Minntech and federal health agencies in reconciling these interests. All researchers who work with patient data of the kind used in this research must, according to federal law (the Privacy Act, 5 U.S.C. Section 552 a [il 131, sign a confidentiality agreement not to release the data. The authors were therefore bound by federal law to keep the data confidential and not release them (Minntech was informed of this before it filed its lawsuit). Since the authors support the right of all researchers to carry out their own analysis of these data files, the authors met with representa- tives from Minntech and the Federal government in November 1992 to explain exactly how to go about gaining access to the data through submission of a research protocol. At Minntech’s request, the authors referred Minntech to a research firm that had had prior ac- cess to the federal data and could assist Minntech in obtaining and evaluating the data using the research protocol route that is open to all researchers. Minntech engaged this firm and notified its clients, the government, and the renal community that this firm, using the federal data, would be conducting its own analysis of the questions raised by our paper. Shortly thereafter, however, Minntech decided not to have this firm proceed with its plan to submit a research protocol, obtain the data, and conduct sta- tistical research. We do not h o w the basis for Minntech’s decision. We have seen no evidence that Minntech notified its clients or the renal com- munity of its change in plans. Minntech instead chose to pursue litigation against the United States (in addition to its separate litigation against the authors), seeking the underly- ing medical data under the Freedom of Information Act. For present purposes, we need not speculate on the merits of that case or on Minntech’s motives for pursuing litigation rather than following the more conventional research process for obtaining access to these data. It is clear, however, that we have in no way concealed the data used in our anal- yses from Minntech, and any suggestion to that ef- fect is untrue. To the contrary, we made substantial efforts to help Minntech understand our research, gain access to the underlying data, and engage in independent analysis. Minntech Has Incorrectly implied That There Was a Conflict of Interest and the Research Was Biased Against Minntech Minntech has also attempted to discredit the re- search findings by attacking the messengers. Minntech’s implication that any of the six research- ers was biased or had a conflict of interest is not supported by the facts. (Notably, while Minntech was asserting this conflict of interest, Minntech it- self repeatedly relied on research findings and pre- sentations by Alan Collins, MD, often without any mention of the fact that Dr. Collins had been a paid consultant for Minntech.) The study initially presented at the FDA and ASN meetings was for patients treated in freestand- ing units which used predominantly conventional dialyzers. This subpopulation of the total U.S. di- alysis population was chosen before any analyses were done for two reasons: (i) since the database had limited information on comorbidities (age, race, gender, cause of renal failure), patients in freestand- ing units were chosen as a more stable and more homogeneous population than if patients treated in hospital units had been included; and (ii) since high- flux dialyzers are rarely used without reprocessing, we considered it difficult to find an adequate control group of units employing only single use. Thus our design was rational, consistent with previous re- search designs, and not driven by bias or selection of the most striking results. Subsequent analyses of other patient groups, including patients in hospital- based dialysis units and patients in units using high- flux dialyzers, are also reported in the final publi- cation ( 5 ) . Regarding the authors and alleged conflicts of in- terest stemming from financial and other economic forces related to the issue of dialyzer reuse and Minntech, let us clearly state the facts. First, from the outset of this research, the authors never had a predisposition against dialy zer reuse. To the contrary, several of the authors had previ- ously published findings supportive of reuse ( 1 6 17). (Notably, Mmtech has cited some of these pro-reuse findings in its product literature; appar- ently these favorable findings were not considered the product of bias). Indeed, after our research was presented to the government and the ASN, and prior to the filing of the lawsuit, Dr. Levin wrote an editorial in this journal that was supportive of reuse and urged that our findings be interpreted cau- tiously (18). Dr. Levin’s editorial cautioned (as we have in all presentations of these research findings) that the associations found in our analysis should not be interpreted as showing a causal relationship between Rendin@ reuse and mortality. 100 Held et at Second, our dialysis reuse research has been funded exclusively by agencies of the United States Government. No corporation or other private orga- nization had any involvement in the research, with the exception of our request for comments from Minntech and another company that currently sells a glutaraldehyde-based germicide.’ Finally, as to other activities of the authors, Drs. Held, Port, and Levin have spoken at professional meetings sponsored by manufacturers of dialysis products for which they received a speaker’s hon- orarium and travel expenses. In the case of Drs. Held and Port, the sponsor was the Baxter Health Care Corporation; for Dr. Levin the sponsor was Fresenius USA, Inc. Baxter has provided research support to the University of Michigan, Dr. Port’s professional base; Fresenius AG, a German corpo- ration, has provided research support to Beth Israel Medical Center, the professional base of Dr. Levin. Neither this research support nor the speaking en- gagements had anything to do with dialyzer reuse activities. In addition, Dr. Wolfe has consulted with National Medical Care, Inc., on issues undated to dialyzer reuse. Beth Israel Medical Center has been involved in the development of dialyzer heat steril- ization, a method for the reprocessing of dialyzers. This research has been conducted at no financial advantage to Dr. Levin. N o research support has been paid to Dr. Levin or to Beth Israel Medical Center for dialyzer reprocessing research. Dr. Levin has not received consultant fees or any direct or indirect payment from Fresenius AG or Frese- nius USA, Inc. Dr, Levin owns less than YIO of 1% of the outstanding common stock of Fresenius USA, Inc., the shares of which are publicly traded. None of the authors have ever owned Minntech stock or had options to buy or sell Minntech stock. In reporting these facts, we go far beyond the disclosure that is required in even the most demand- ing research journals. (As noted above, we also go far beyond Minntech’s treatment of its direct finan- cial relationship with various physicians.) We do so because it is essential that our scientific findings be evaluated on their merits-not on the basis of un- founded rumor or personal attacks on the authors. The reality is that we were motivated to carry out and report this research solely by our interest in scientific research and in arriving at the correct sci- ence regarding the relative effectiveness of dflerent end-stage renal disease therapies. Even a strong b i a ~ could not have m&ed the epidemiologic and statistical analysis of over 60,OOO patient years of experience or the results of the study. The conclu- sions we reached from these data reflect our best professional judgment, and our analysis and conclu- sions have been extensively reviewed by profes- sional peers in the renal community as well as pro- fessional and governmental organizations. In presenting these findings in oral presentations and a forthcoming paper, we have been candid and forthright about the limitations of epidemiological studies, including this one. We repeatedly made considerable effort to emphasize that no causal link between use of a germicide and mortality risk could be inferred from these studies. We emphasized from the beginning that the variation in outcomes from unit to unit was large and that there were some dialysis units using all gemkides, including Rena- line, that had low mortaIity compared with the av- erage of units not reusing. In short, however much Minntech may dislike or disagree with our conclusions, we find its public effort to discredit these findings by attacking the authors to be without justification. It is irresponsi- ble and totally unfounded for Minntech to assert in a lawsuit and in letters to journals--as it has-that these researchers knowingly produced and dissem- inated false research. Germicide Efficacy Versus Effectiveness One of the points we have made repeatedly is that our associations cannot distinguish between the ef- fects of the germicide used in reprocessing and the manner in which the germicide is used. The latter might be called the “user factor.” Our research fo- cused on the “effectiveness” of reuse, which in- cludes both the “efficacy” of the product and the manner in which the product is used (user factor) in nonselected U.S. centers. Minntech has frequently made the claim that, if used as directed, RenalinQ is safe. Implicit in this claim is that Minntech is talking about “efficacy,” i n contrast to our focus on “effectiveness,” which includes “efficacy” as well as the “user factor.” Indeed, we have fnquently pointed out that our results may not have been caused by the germicide itself, but instead may be explained by the manner in which it is used. Even if a n t e c h is correct about the efficacy of R&u&n*, the statistical asso- ciations we have reported would still point to sub- stantial public health problems that may be present because of misuse of the product. Clearly the FDA policy response suspected a user problem since it focused on the methods of proper use of R e d i n @ . One of the major reasons for presenting and pub- lishing the results of studies such as ours is to allow the scientific community to examine the evidence and consider what mechanisms might be responsi- ble for the observed association. To bring up an analogy, if use of an efficacious drug were associ- ated with an increase in mortality in a substantial subgroup of patients it would certainly call for in- tense scrutiny. Failure to report such a finding would be considered unethical. It was in this spirit that these results were discussed and reviewed by the authors with the HCFA, the CDC, the FDA, and the renal community. Should such reports be suppressed for fear of lawsuits? In this regard, Dr. ON REPLACING PEER 101 Kjellstrand’s editorial makes a very good point that the current litigation will only slow down the pro- cess of finding the truth in this matter. What Are the Lessons of this Experience for Research? We did not invite or welcome the litigation from Minntech. At the direction of federal sponsors and a scientific advisory committee, we diligently en- gaged in research addressing a significant public health issue and reported the findings accurately and responsibly to federal health agencies and the dialysis community. Minntech’s decision to resort to litigation in which it seeks more than one million dollars in al- leged damages from the investigators has diverted too much energy and money from research and has inserted fear of litigation into the scientific process. The defendants’ legal costs have been very substan- tial over the last year, even before entering the de- position phase. Trial is not likely until late 1994. One can only speculate what the ultimate expense of this litigation will be. We have been fortunate to have support from our institutions, which have not flinched at this challenge to the research process. What would have happened if we had not been so fortunate? What would happen to other researchers not as well supported by their institutions? And more importantly, what does the precedent of this lawsuit mean for the research process? At least one other research group has federal support to examine dialyzer reuse. Try to imagine the climate they face as they prepare to report their findings. Dr. Kjell- strand’s editorial provided a good summary of what this lawsuit means for the research process. There are at least two qualities of the legal system that are very detrimental to the research process. First, resolving legal disputes is costly and ex- tremely time-consuming; second, the legal system is not an efficient machine to find truth in complex scientific matters. The fact that our institutions have agreed to pay for legal fees so far does not make this litigation “free” to society. Just as the cost of medical mal- practice is passed on in higher prices to consumers and taxpayers, the cost of litigation in research will be passed on to others. This country does not need to have a substantial new cost burden in our current health care system. Just when our medical system is focusing on more studies of outcomes research such as our own project for the goal of a more efficient health care system, a new wrench is thrown into the works. Scientific issues will henceforth be threat- ened by the courts! What if errors are made in scientific research? As Dr. Kjellstrand noted, this will sometimes occur, but scientific processes exist to correct such errors. We suspect that this process is robust enough to deal with errors of many types, even those that could arise from conflicts of interest that are present in industry-sponsored research. One process is the manner in which studies are repeated and reproduced as part of scientific in- quiry. We believe that Minntech has the right to the federal data under the same conditions with which we and all researchers have had t o comply. Minntech should be able to confirm or challenge our results. There are established processes for re- searchers who want to gain access to the data, pro- cesses that assure appropriate confidentiality. In- stead of relying on a research proposal, however, Minntech has resorted to much more heavy-handed attacks, which pose different threats to society. Sci- entists differ with each other often. To challenge published research, a scientist typically builds an- other experiment with other data, other methods, a n d o r other theoretical models. Over time, the er- rors of the past are bypassed, refuted, and replaced by more complete and accurate results. Our advice to Minntech before the litigation was to take the high road. This approach might have included making a public statement saying i t thought these six researchers were wrong and that Minntech was going to show them to be wrong. We further advised them that if their investigation found that there is something to these associations and that the problem lies with Minntech products or how they are used, Minntech as a reputable and respected company should have fixed matters. That advice still stands, but we now believe that Minntech should also repair some of the damage it has done to the scientific research process by reim- bursing the Urban Institute, the University of Mich- igan, and Beth Israel Hospital for legal expenses. The current message Minntech has given to the re- search community is that those who report adverse facts about experience with Minntech products may suffer legal expenses from litigation and unfounded accusations in the literature. Failure to reverse these actions and reimburse the expenses already incurred would stand as a signal to those who might naively believe that they could comment on their experience with Renalinm in a free exchange of facts. Our scientific advice to Minntech at the initial presentations was to test whether the reuse proce- dures with Renalina differed between units with high and low standardized mortality rates. We pro- posed that we identify dialysis units using RenalinB with the highest and lowest standardized mortality rates and blind Minntech to their grouping. On-site data collection and analysis had a very high proba- bility of determining whether the “user factors” may be an explanation for the observed differences in mortality. It was our belief that this study could have been completed in early 1993. To our knowl- edge, this advice was not followed and the study was never implemented. The data we used were for 198!3-1990. We hope that if the “user factor” was the cause of the ele- vated mortality that our study might have already led to improvements in practices. It appears that the FDA notice had that intent. 102 Held et at To those readers who have heard so much rumor and innuendo about the authors that they suspect that the authors must have done something to de- serve such litigation we offer the following analogy: “Henry, why are you here?” Ralph Waldo Emer- son is supposed to have asked Thoreau, who was in jail for refusing to pay war taxes. “Waldo, why are you not here?” Thoreau replied. The current litigation from Minntech must not and will not deter us and others from continuing to researcb dialysis-related issues and report scientific findings with potential public health implications. We do invite and welcome scientific questions and challenges. We clearly see a need for continued, quality research in this area to identify the reasons for the observed differences in mortality. Research findings are rarely an endpoint. Our studies provide new findings and answer some questions while rais- ing new questions which need to be addressed in future research for the pursuit of truth. We hope that the medical community wili demonstrate their defense of the scientific process through condem- nation of inappropriate litigation. We hope that Minntech will take tangible action to repair the damage that their litigation has done t o the scientific process and t o show their commitment to preserv- ing scientific inquiry. Note Added in Proof On February 15, 1994, very close to the time of writing of this editorial, Minntech filed a research protocol to obtain the data from the federal govern- ment. I. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. 12. 13. 14. IS. 16. References ANON: Minntefh files new lawsuit. Dial 7ransplant 22232. 1993 Neumann M E Minntcch sues authors of new report on dinlyzer re- use. Neph News Issues 7(5):8, 10; 1993 ANON: Scientists who blow the whistle on accepted medical treat- ments race a new eaemy-They m y become defendants in a lawsutt. Partners in Prevertioa Spring5, 1993 ANON: Minntech fiks lawsuit @nst “Renalin* Paper” authors. Contemp Dial Nephrof I4(6):13, 35; 1993 Held PJ. Wolfe RA, Gaylin DS. Port FK, Levin NW, Turcam MN: And- of the r s J o c i D t i of dialper MX practim and patient Wtcomcs. Am I Kidney Dis (In press) yieUstraod CM: The search for scientifi truth versus eorporatc in- tcruts. Semin Dial 6:2111-283,1993 Depalma J: Law and truth, or all chokes involve compromise. Neph News Issues 7:3&39, 1993 Desai S: Tbc pitfalls of sterilants in the dialysis unit. Neph News Issues 7(11):12. 31, 34-35; 1993 Ward R4: Reaction. Neph News Issues 734-3s. 1993 Millot CW: Re~etiw. Neph N e w s Issues 734. 36; 1993 Tokam JI, Alter MJ, Faveio MS. Moyer LA. Bland LA: National surveilknee of dialysis-associated disensn in t Q United States. ASAIO J 3%%6-97S. 1991 Flahcrty IP, Garcia-Houchins S. Chudy R. Amow PM: An outbreak of OlPmacpPcivt bacteremia traced to contamiaated O-rings in =pro- cessed d i a l y w . Ann Intern Med 1 1 9 1072-IQ78,1993 b l a n G , Reingold AL. Carson LA, Sikox VA. Woodky CL. Hayes PS, Hightower AW. McFarland L. Brown JW 111. Pctencn NJ. Favero MS, Good RC. B ~ o w n CV: infections with Myedwcterium rheloari in patients receiving dialysis and using r e p ~ ~ ~ c l s a f bemodi- alyzen. I Infect Dk 1SZ1013-1019, 1985 LMy PW. &ck-Saguc CM. BIand LA, Agmw SM. Arduino MI. Mmuth AN. Munay RA. Swcnson JM, Jarvis WR: MrcobPrtcrium rhelond infection among patients receiving high-nwr dialysis in a hernodialysis clinic in California. J Iderr DU 161:8S-W. 1990 United States General Accounting Office: Hospitd Sferiionts: Insuf- fk5ent FDA Regulation May Pose a Public Health Risk. GAO-HRD- 93-79. W a s k i t o n DC. 1993 Held PJ. h u t y MV, DiDmoDd LH: SuMval analysis of patients un- d e m i n n dialvsis. JAMA 257:MW. 1987 17. & x i a h f& the Aduanccmm of MniicPl instntnrentptioa: A A M I Recomnendrd Practice. Reuse of Hemodiaiyrers (AAMI ROH- 1986). Arlington, VA, 1993 (Nathan Lcvm was co-choinnan of the 18. Levin NW: D d y z c r reuse: A currently acceptable practice. Semin Dial689-90, 1993 canmittcc that produced *is report) work_4gm2sn7danbejeh2ucvzv2cdpe ---- Life is a journey EDITORIAL Open Access Life is a journey Henning Madry Siempre imaginé que el Paraíso sería algún tipo de biblioteca. I have always imagined that Paradise will be a kind of library. Jorge Luis Borges (1899 - 1986) The Journal of Experimental Orthopaedics was launched in late 2013 by the European Society of Sports Traumatology, Knee Surgery & Arthroscopy (ESSKA), serving to bridge the gap between orthopaedic basic sci- ence and clinical relevance. I was provided with the good fortune to envision and serve as the founding Editor-in- Chief of the Journal of Experimental Orthopaedics. Leading the Journal has been an extremely rewarding and memorable phase of my professional career. From early on, the vision of a new Journal was supported and mentored by creative leaders of the ESSKA, among which Lars Engebretsen, João Espregueira-Mendes, Romain Seil, Niek van Dijk, Matteo Denti, David Dejour, Jacques Menetrey and many others. The idea took on a real form on March 5th, 2011 in Salon 3 of the Villa Sarasin [home of the late Emile Édouard Sarasin (1843–1917), a swiss scien- tist] in Le Grand-Saconnex near Geneva in Switzerland at an ESSKA Board Meeting. There, it was decided to proceed with the launch of a new journal that would be the official basic science journal of ESSKA, complementing the more clinical Knee Surgery, Sports Traumatology, Arthroscopy (KSSTA) journal. The Journal of Experimental Orthopae- dics was designed as a unique biomedical journal with a surgical background, aiming to merge the rigor of basic sci- ence with the art of orthopaedic surgery (Madry, 2014). Our 100th article appeared in Pubmed on 4 September 2017, and at the time of this Editorial, nearly 190 articles have been published. Successfully attracting good quality manuscripts, often with the help of active ESSKA com- mittees, significantly promoted the journal’s reputation. The Journal of Experimental Orthopaedics guarantees a rigorous, objective, and timely peer review process. Editorial decisions are solely based on scientific integrity and merit, not profit or scientific fashion. Although an evolution of the journal is inevitable, these fundamental principles shall never change for the Journal of Experi- mental Orthopaedics to retain its stature. In a recent Clarivate analysis, the journal would be placed in the second quartile (Q2) and therefore in the upper half of journals for the category “Orthopaedics - Sci” category in Web of Science. The open access model allowed for a remarkable dissemination: for example a study on deter- mining bone tunnel sizes in anterior cruciate ligament reconstruction has been accessed about 34.500 times since its publication in June 2014 (Crespo et al., 2014). Moreover, the already classical review on the role of aggrecan in normal and osteoarthritic cartilage, written by the late Peter J. Roughley (1947–2018), is with 45 citations since its publication in July 2014 our most cited article ever (Roughley & Mort, 2014). Although the journey began nearly exactly 5 years ago, it seems like only yesterday when our first article was published on 26 June 2014 (Brinkman et al., 2014). The time has now come to hand over the responsibil- ity at the helm, as Ralph Waldo Emerson (1803–1882) famously quoted: “Life is a journey, not a destination.” It was not an easy decision for me to make a move to a newly introduced journal, and although I will be taking up a new assignment as Editor-in-Chief of Osteoarthritic and Cartilage Open, I will continue to support the Journal of Experimental Orthopaedics to the best of my ability. Please join me in welcoming Stefano Zaffagnini in his new capacity as Editor, and I am sure that Stefano with his superb clinical and scientific expertise brings excellent credentials that will continue to provide the dedication, enthusiasm, and creativity for the continued stewardship of the journal. At the same time, I would like to express my sincere appreciation to the ESSKA leadership who I thank for giving me the editorial responsibility to establish the Journal of Experimental Orthopaedics. I am very grateful for the support of our excellent Editorial Board and distinguished Board of Trustees, among which scientists serving as presidents of universities or international or- ganizations such as ESSKA, the ORS, and the ICRS, and to other Editors-in-Chief, among which Jón Karlsson © The Author(s). 2019 Open Access This article is distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International License (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/), which permits unrestricted use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided you give appropriate credit to the original author(s) and the source, provide a link to the Creative Commons license, and indicate if changes were made. Correspondence: henning.madry@uks.eu Lehrstuhl für Experimentelle Orthopädie und Arthroseforschung, Saarland University, Kirrberger Strasse, Building 37, 66421 Homburg/Saar, Germany Journal of Experimental Orthopaedics Madry Journal of Experimental Orthopaedics (2019) 6:34 https://doi.org/10.1186/s40634-019-0202-8 http://crossmark.crossref.org/dialog/?doi=10.1186/s40634-019-0202-8&domain=pdf http://orcid.org/0000-0002-8612-4842 http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/ mailto:henning.madry@uks.eu and Ejnar Eriksson of KSSTA, Bruce Reider of The American Journal of Sports Medicine, Farshid Guilak of the Journal of Biomechanics, Detlev Ganten of the Jour- nal of Molecular Medicine, and Rocky Tuan of Stem Cell Research & Therapy. I have highly enjoyed working very effectively with our Editorial Office in Luxembourg served by a tireless staff of dedicated professionals, and Gabriele Schröder in her position as Editorial Director at SpringerNature, and I would like to thank them for their constant effort. Finally yet importantly, I thank our authors, reviewers, and readers for ensuring the success of the Journal of Experimental Orthopaedics. I wish you all the best. Sincerely, Henning Madry Received: 31 May 2019 Accepted: 14 June 2019 References Brinkman JM, Hurschler C, Agneskirchner J, Lobenhoffer P, Castelein RM, van Heerwaarden RJ (2014) Biomechanical testing of distal femur osteotomy plate fixation techniques: the role of simulated physiological loading. J Exp Orthop. 1(1):1. https://doi.org/10.1186/s40634-014-0001-1 Crespo B, Aga C, WilsonKJ PSM, RF LP, Engebretsen L, Wijdicks CA (2014) Measurements of bone tunnel size in anterior cruciate ligament reconstruction: 2D versus 3D computed tomography model. J Exp Orthop 1: 2. https://doi.org/10.1186/s40634-014-0002-0 Madry H (2014) Translating orthopaedic basic science into clinical relevance. J Exp Orthop. 1(1):5. https://doi.org/10.1186/s40634-014-0005-x Roughley PJ, Mort JS (2014) The role of aggrecan in normal and osteoarthritic cartilage. J Exp Orthop 1:8. https://doi.org/10.1186/s40634-014-0008-7 Publisher’s Note Springer Nature remains neutral with regard to jurisdictional claims in published maps and institutional affiliations. Madry Journal of Experimental Orthopaedics (2019) 6:34 Page 2 of 2 https://doi.org/10.1186/s40634-014-0001-1 https://doi.org/10.1186/s40634-014-0002-0 https://doi.org/10.1186/s40634-014-0005-x https://doi.org/10.1186/s40634-014-0008-7 References Publisher’s Note work_4cxmoqq5ura5rj7exbjcsuz3ge ---- ©2019 Business Ethics Quarterly 29:2 (April 2019). ISSN 1052-150X DOI: 10.1017/beq.2018.26 pp. 241–268 Perfectionism and the Place of the Interior Life in Business: Toward an Ethics of Personal Growth Joshua S. Nunziato University of Colorado, Boulder Ronald Paul Hill American University ABSTRACT: Stanley Cavell’s moral perfectionism places the task of cultivating richer self-understanding and self-expression at the center of corporate life. We show how his approach reframes business as an opportunity for moral soul-craft, achieved through the articulation of increasingly reflective inner life in organizational culture. Instead of norming constraints on business activity, perfectionism opens new possibilities for conducting commercial exchange as a form of conversation, leading to personal growth. This approach guides executives in designing businesses that foster genius and channel creativity, while giving all stakeholders a meaningful voice within a culture of trust. We first give an account of Cavellian perfectionism. Then, we explain how this underrepresented strand of moral reflection challenges and enriches, but does not supplant, prevailing ethical theories—including other versions of perfectionism. We then demonstrate the salience of Cavellian perfec- tionism to business ethics through examples from marketing, human resources, and executive organizational design and development. KEY WORDS: culture, development, exchange, inner life, values, Stanley Cavell I never change, I simply become more myself. Joyce Carol Oates, Solstice1 Many people are seeking greater latitude for creativity, ingenuity, self-expression, and even spirituality at work today. But business ethics currently lacks a thick account of what role such dimensions of life should have in business. Our offer- ing here is a first step toward giving such an account, and it follows the advice of Hsieh (2017, 293) who advocates a movement back to fundamentals that includes returning to “basic principles of ordinary morality … for specifying the responsi- bilities of business managers.” He goes on to describe this perspective as to do no harm, a laudable dictate that may have its basis in avoiding what may be wrong versus striving for what is good. This self-described “minimalist” approach should be widely acceptable and avoid controversies associated with more “specialized” ethical theories. Yet, the best paths forward for business ethics scholarship should https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms. https://doi.org/10.1017/beq.2018.26 Downloaded from https://www.cambridge.org/core. Carnegie Mellon University, on 06 Apr 2021 at 00:59:18, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of use, available at https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms https://doi.org/10.1017/beq.2018.26 https://www.cambridge.org/core Business Ethics Quarterly242 also include “alternative theoretical paradigms” that can be more “radical” and “upend conventional theoretical wisdom” (Arnold 2016, x). In what follows, we present a novel ethical perspective described as Cavellian perfectionism. It offers a new vantage point on forming business cultures and setting organizational strategies that invite the articulation of inner life through commer- cial exchanges. The article has four main parts. In the first, we introduce Cavellian perfectionism and explain why it focuses on the expression of inner life through exchange. In the second, we juxtapose Cavell’s thinking with other approaches to perfectionism—and other theories of the moral life. In the third, we explore why Cavell’s vision of ethical development matters for organizational culture. In the final section, we consider how Cavellian perfectionism would reorient management thinking and practice, especially in marketing, human resources, and executive organizational design and development. CAVELLIAN PERFECTIONISM: AN INTRODUCTION We take our lead from the Harvard philosopher Stanley Cavell (1990), who takes his orientation from multiple sources—especially Emerson, Thoreau, Wittgenstein, and Heidegger (Cavell 1990, 2; 2004, 12-3).2 All of these thinkers grapple with the question of how personal convictions should express themselves collectively as culture—an underrepresented dimension of normative reflection generally, and business ethics specifically. Tellingly, the thinkers that most influenced Cavell are not those typically cited as canonical exponents of perfectionism: e.g., Aristotle, Aquinas, Spinoza, Hegel, Marx, and Nietzsche (Bradford 2017, 344; Hurka 1993, 3). In contrast with Cavell’s approach, neo-Aristotelian perfectionism is a theory that accentuates the importance of rationality, character, and habit in achieving the consummate development of human nature, which this theory treats as the goal of ethical life. One version of neo-Aristotelian perfectionism is virtue ethics, a normative theory that has been widely discussed in the business ethics literature (Audi 2012; Jackson 2012; Koehn 1998; McCracken and Shaw 1995; Moore 2005a, 2005b, 2008; Solomon 1992, 1993, 2003; Weaver 2006). However, such discussions focus on something external: namely, excellent human practice in business. What is inside of agents matters morally only to the extent that it shapes their proclivity to act well outwardly by expressing some particular dimension of their character. (Virtue ethicists see the shaping of inner life as the social formation of the potential for human excellence through habitual action and reflection.) On the other hand, Cavellian perfectionism is an ethics of interiority. We define it as a domain of moral reflection that cultivates an increasingly articulate and circumspect manifes- tation of one’s inner life through exchange with others who are correlatively engaged in the same process of self-transformation.3 Inner life here is more than the reflective potential for specific kinds of action, revealing particular dimensions of who one is. It is what gets cultivated through actions geared toward seeking a good that has not been codified into discrete modes of excellence (i.e., virtues). Thus, all of the insights that follow are guided by one idea: business is an opportunity for moral soulcraft, achieved through the articulation of inner life in organizational culture. https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms. https://doi.org/10.1017/beq.2018.26 Downloaded from https://www.cambridge.org/core. Carnegie Mellon University, on 06 Apr 2021 at 00:59:18, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of use, available at https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms https://doi.org/10.1017/beq.2018.26 https://www.cambridge.org/core Perfectionism and the Place of the Interior Life in Business 243 Although Cavellian perfectionism eschews a priori criteria for moral action, it embraces the responsibility of personal cultivation and places that task at the center of the moral life.4 Cultures can be—and often are—generated accidentally. This is true both inside and outside of business. And what cultures say about those who represent them is often given scant attention. Perfectionism as we understand it cultivates people and organizations by attending intensely to what they say about themselves through what they do—and then acknowledging what is said with a fidelity that invites further growth. In the final section of this article, we draw atten- tion to specific organizational forms that this discipline of cultivation might take. Cavellian perfectionism courts a specific style of moral imagination. Our approach resonates, then, in certain respects, with the work on moral imagination by Werhane (1998, 1999, 2002, 2006) in that it also bridges the (apparent) gap between extant theories in business ethics and their lived expression, attuning the imagination to new possibilities. However, for Cavell, imagination is not a moral good in and of itself. Instead, its value is to enable acknowledgment of one’s standing in relation- ship to others—and theirs in relationship to oneself. In the second section of this article, we provide a literature review contrasting Cavellian perfectionism to other versions of perfectionism, which tend to be more aligned with a business ethics of personal virtue and organizational flourishing. In that section, we also situate Cavellian perfectionism vis-a-vis prevailing normative theories. But, before getting there, it is important to have a clearer grasp of what Cavell means by perfectionism. His perfectionism begins with the self and focuses on radical insight. It is about seeing ourselves as we truly are, not as we sometimes wish or imagine or hope or dread that we might be (Thoreau 2006)— and adjusting our work and our relation- ships accordingly. Thus, Cavell remarks: Any theory must, I suppose, regard the moral creature as one that demands and recog- nizes the intelligibility of others to himself or herself, and of himself or herself to others; so moral conduct can be said to be based on reason, and philosophers will sometimes gloss this as the idea that moral conduct is subject to questions whose answers take the form of giving reasons. Moral Perfectionism’s contribution to thinking about the moral necessity of making oneself intelligible (one’s actions, one’s sufferings, one’s position) is, I think it can be said, its emphasis before all on becoming intelligible to oneself (Cavell 1990, xxxi).5 At first glance, the priority of self-knowledge here can seem narcissistic. Indeed, it may raise the question about whether this approach offers an ethics at all—or whether it is simply an antinomian apologia for the unbridled life of the mind.6 However, such appearances are deceptive. Cavellian Perfectionism is not an individualistic ethics—either in its orientation or its ultimate goals. Rather, the self-understanding offered by this ethics is too multidimensional—too implicated, from the beginning, in the lives of other selves and their efforts at self-expression—to lend support to intellectual navel gazing. This is why Cavell defines perfectionism as “something like a dimension or tradition of the moral life that spans the course of Western thought and concerns what used to be called the state of one’s soul, a dimension that places tremendous burdens on personal relationships and on the possibility or necessity https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms. https://doi.org/10.1017/beq.2018.26 Downloaded from https://www.cambridge.org/core. Carnegie Mellon University, on 06 Apr 2021 at 00:59:18, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of use, available at https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms https://doi.org/10.1017/beq.2018.26 https://www.cambridge.org/core Business Ethics Quarterly244 of the transforming of oneself and of one’s society” (1990, 2). When people dare to speak of the soul at all today, they typically mean a zone of ineffable privacy, inaccessible to society, business, or politics. But, when Cavell speaks of the state of one’s soul, he means something that brings humans into society and requires them to take responsibility for the specific shape of the larger community in which they find themselves (2004). Organizational cultivation in business expresses a particular kind of society for which, and to which, the inner life of the human being is responsible. And that specific society can help make our lives—personally and collectively—more articulate.7 What Cavell means when he insists that perfectionism begins with the self and its efforts at understanding and expression is that perfectionism teaches us to know ourselves in and through a deeper appreciation of the ways we become intelligi- ble through one another. Thus, in a crucial passage for understanding his ethics, Cavell remarks: “What we forgot, when we deified reason, was not that reason is incompatible with feeling, but that knowledge requires acknowledgment” (Cavell 2015, 319). Understanding who we are is not simply a matter of knowing ourselves. It is a matter of acknowledging who we are in relationship to those who teach us to know ourselves. For Cavell, we only begin to reveal ourselves as we truly are when we recognize the ways in which our lives speak for and with each other. We stand for one another. We represent each other: “To speak for oneself politically is to speak for the others with whom you consent to association, and it is to consent to be spoken for by them—not as a parent speaks for you, i.e., instead of you, but as someone in mutuality speaks for you, i.e., speaks your mind” (Cavell 1999, 27). And by “speak[ing]...politically,” Cavell means something much more expansive than what we normally mean by ‘talking politics.’ For him, speaking politically is not just an instance of speaking one’s mind. It is inseparable from expressing oneself, since we find our very selves—from the beginning—always in conversation with others. Politics, in this broader sense, is about more than the shape of the nation- state or its ends. Rather, it is simply about negotiating our place in our society. So, the promise of communal speech which articulates the inner life of each self who belongs to a given organization—a society writ small—is central to perfectionism. Thus, Cavell adds: We do not know in advance what the content of our mutual acceptance is, how far we may be in agreement. I do not know in advance how deep my agreement with myself is, how far responsibility for the language may run. But if I am to have my own voice in it, I must be speaking for others and allow others to speak for me. The alternative to speaking for myself representatively (for someone else’s consent) is not: speaking for myself privately. The alternative is having nothing to say, being voiceless, not even mute (Cavell 1999, 28). The very condition for being able to articulate one’s inner life intelligently and intel- ligibly is exchange with others. Cavell often calls this conversation.8 But, especially in the context of business ethics, it is helpful to remember that conversation is more than just oral or written word-transmission. The term exchange reminds us that buy- ing, selling, working, creating, and managing can all be conversational: actions that https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms. https://doi.org/10.1017/beq.2018.26 Downloaded from https://www.cambridge.org/core. Carnegie Mellon University, on 06 Apr 2021 at 00:59:18, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of use, available at https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms https://doi.org/10.1017/beq.2018.26 https://www.cambridge.org/core Perfectionism and the Place of the Interior Life in Business 245 open and maintain a conversation with others about who we are and what we care about. Such exchange borrows and lends the means that it uses freely and socially. When acknowledged, the conversations of business exchange lead to far-reaching ethical responsibilities. But the scope and content of these responsibilities may not be established in advance of the actual venture of exchange, which aims to deepen our mutual intelligibility and power of expression. It is no accident that privacy and Wittgenstein’s puzzles about private language haunt the background of the long quote from Cavell just cited. Cavell reads Wittgenstein as affording the insight (which can be acknowledged or refused) that the articulation of our intelligibility is irreducibly social because it happens through language and because language is irreducibly social (see 1999, part 4). Thus, Cavell comments: “In Emerson, as in Wittgenstein’s Investigations, I encounter the social in my every utterance and in each silence” (2004, 4). When this insight gets denied it leads to skepticism. We turn in on ourselves in solipsistic narcissism. Skepticism is an ethical—not just an epistemological—posture. When the collective ownership of my means of expression (and everyone else’s) gets acknowledged, that recogni- tion allows us to express and see ourselves through the voices and the insights of others. (And conversely.) When we speak another’s mind, we reveal the inner life of that person. And that life can never be responsibly assimilated to one’s own. Therefore, the ways in which we speak for one another will always be fraught with irreducible mystery. To acknowledge this mystery, Cavell sometimes has recourse to the language of the soul: “Take the phrase ‘have a soul’ as a mythological way of saying that I am spirit. If the body individuates flesh and spirit, singles me out, what does the soul do? It binds me to others” (1999, 411). When we voice our inner lives on behalf of one another, we give expression to something that links us together. But this very linkage also establishes a distance. I can only speak another’s mind if I acknowledge that I cannot arrogate her inner life to mine. So, paradoxically, our souls have a social obligation to bear witness to each other’s solitude. (Call this the responsibility of making another’s inner life more intelligible.) We come to know and express our inner selves through others—and not otherwise. As Cavell observes: “Being human is aspiring to being human. Since it is not aspiring to being the only human, it is an aspiration on behalf of others as well. Then we might say that being human is aspiring to being seen as human” (1999, 399). All the ethical impetus of Cavellian perfectionism stems from this observation. We come to know ourselves only by acknowledging others. To become fully human requires that we confer the recognition of humanity upon others—even as we seek it for ourselves. Conversely, failing to recognize other humans as sharing one’s aspiration for recognition as human is—itself—a betrayal of our humanity. So shaping business cultures to afford recognition is not a distraction from perfectionism’s task of knowing and expressing the self. It is the heart of that task. To summarize: perfectionism is focused on the social self-expression of the inte- rior life. Interiority is that dimension of human experience some philosophers have called “the state of one’s soul” (Cavell 1990, 2). In distinction from other facets of experience, the interior life is manifested by one who has it and recognized https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms. https://doi.org/10.1017/beq.2018.26 Downloaded from https://www.cambridge.org/core. Carnegie Mellon University, on 06 Apr 2021 at 00:59:18, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of use, available at https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms https://doi.org/10.1017/beq.2018.26 https://www.cambridge.org/core Business Ethics Quarterly246 (or ignored or denied or overlooked) by those to whom it is expressed. Interior life always invites conversation. Sometimes it requires it. The body—in its biological and social forms (e.g., corporations)—is the organ for communicating inner life. The interior life communicated through the body includes (but is not exhausted by) one’s desires, hopes, dreams, affects, thoughts, illusions, convictions, expectations, prayers, intentions, prejudices, wishes, hesitations, allegiances, aversions, loves, and values. The interior life links humans together while also leaving each of them alone: committed to communicating something socially that is never simply available to others—or to oneself—as a fact for observation.9 Cavellian perfectionism—like the approaches taken to moral imagination more generally by other scholars (see Caldwell and Moberg 2007; Moberg and Seabright 2000)—complements ethical frameworks like deontology or consequentialism but does not present a competing alternative. The moral imagination instilled by per- fectionism is not a conceptual framework that aspires to justify particular decisions while ruling out others on the basis of a priori criteria (2004, 2). Instead, it is a hermeneutical discipline. It gives us richer ways of interpreting–from the messy middle of human life–the criteria for evaluating what we say through what we do (Cavell 1999, 34). And that insight offers grounded yet sophisticated guidance to contemporary business people who are seeking new ways of forming organizational cultures that give better voice to the inner lives of those who comprise them. VARIETIES OF PERFECTIONISM AND OTHER APPROACHES TO THE MORAL LIFE Others have explored constructs labeled perfectionism, but often with very different descriptions and purposes. In the section that follows, we briefly contrast Cavellian ethics with four contemporary versions of perfectionism, then situate his thinking relative to other major ethical theories. For theoretical ethicists, the term perfec- tionism typically fits most comfortably within the ambit of a eudaimonistic virtue ethics: a style of moral reasoning focused on forming persons for living the good life, instead of on action and desirable outcomes (consequentialism) or duty and right will (deontology). Aristotle is typically credited with originating virtue ethics (Aristotle 2014). Thomas Aquinas revived it during the thirteenth century as part of the western rediscovery of the Aristotelian corpus (Aquinas 1947). And it has benefited from a resurgent interest in contemporary scholarship (e.g., MacIntyre 2007; Foot 2010; Bloomfield 2014). The most careful and comprehensive study of perfectionism in recent decades defends a neo-Aristotelian version of the theory, which echoes central tenets of virtue ethics (Hurka 1993). According to Hurka, all versions of perfectionism “share the foundational idea that what is good, ultimately, is the development of human nature” (1993, 3; cf. Kraut 2007, Den Uyl and Rasmussen 2016). Though this is a controver- sial claim, it highlights two key ideas that perfectionism often (if not always) shares with virtue ethics: first, humans have a nature; and, second, this nature is one we have a responsibility to nurture. Beyond this, Hurka’s distinctive perfectionism also fol- lows Aristotle into specifics, where he finds rationality at the center of human nature. https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms. https://doi.org/10.1017/beq.2018.26 Downloaded from https://www.cambridge.org/core. Carnegie Mellon University, on 06 Apr 2021 at 00:59:18, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of use, available at https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms https://doi.org/10.1017/beq.2018.26 https://www.cambridge.org/core Perfectionism and the Place of the Interior Life in Business 247 Even where Hurka diverges most markedly from virtue ethics (finding Aristotle’s account of virtue indefensibly moralistic [1993, 19-20]), he recovers moral respon- sibility through an “agent-neutral” obligation to maximize the opportunities for every member of the human community to act as reflectively as possible: “Our ultimate moral goal … is the greatest development of human nature by all humans everywhere” (1993, 55; cf., 62-3). Arguably, this perspective simply radicalizes the traditional Aristotelian virtue of justice (conditioned by magnanimity and the courage to let go of any inclination to privilege one’s own development over others’), and then identifies these as the source of ethical responsibility toward one’s neighbors. Since for Aristotle, justice implicitly contains all the other virtues insofar as they guide our conduct toward others (2014, 1129), the effect of Hurka’s proposal (if not its rationale) remains close to Aristotelian virtue ethics. Overall, the ideal of seeking to perfect human nature through the development of rationality lends a conceptual focus and clarity to Hurka’s framework that most approaches to virtue ethics tend to eschew in favor of close attention to the contingen- cies of place, habit, and specific moral communities. Nevertheless, given its pervasive indebtedness to Aristotle, Hurka’s account comports with virtue ethics on many of the points that matter most. By way of contrast, Cavell will draw on Emerson and others to give a markedly different perfectionism: one much less at home with the imagination and idiom of virtue ethics. The point of perfectionism as Cavell sees it is not the perfection of our nature (see Norris 2017, 215). (That is the thinking of Aristotle, Aquinas, and Hurka, but not really Thoreau, Emerson, or Wittgenstein.) Nor is Cavellian perfectionism about balancing different possibilities of human attainment against one another to achieve a more holistic, well-rounded version of the self (Kauppinen 2009). Instead, it is about transcending whatever we might consider our ’nature’ in the direction of increasingly articulate, self-transcendent exchange—or conversation—that always leaves our ’nature’ open and undefined at both its heights and depths. Indeed, Cavell will provocatively define the human as “the unnatural animal” (2010, 547). Elsewhere, writing about Thoreau, Cavell comments: “Our nature is to be overcome…. It is through nature that nature is to be overcome” (1992, 43-4). He thereby focuses not on the optimization of some quality or characteristic of a given human nature, but rather on the increasingly lucid realization of indefinite, fragmentary human lives that are always in the process of achieving better self-expression through their exchanges. In The Perfectionist Turn: From Metanorms to Metaethics (2016), Douglas J. Den Uyl and Douglas B. Rasmussen present a sophisticated version of perfectionism as a eudaimonistic virtue theory in tandem with a liberal politics. Den Uyl and Rasmussen frame their ethics by distinguishing between a “template of respect” (e.g., deontology and consequentialism) and a “template of responsibility” (2016, 2-10). Their neo- Aristotelian perfectionism is an example of the latter. They see “mak[ing] a life for oneself” as its central goal (Den Uyl and Rasmussen 2016, 7). Unlike Hurka (but like Aristotle), they emphasize the role of virtue in forming each human person—in her specific singularity—for the responsibility of practical wisdom: something they equate with flourishing (2016, 33, 38-40, 54-61). At first glance, Cavell’s perfectionism seems consonant with Den Uyl and Rasmussen’s ethic of responsibility. However, Cavell’s https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms. https://doi.org/10.1017/beq.2018.26 Downloaded from https://www.cambridge.org/core. Carnegie Mellon University, on 06 Apr 2021 at 00:59:18, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of use, available at https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms https://doi.org/10.1017/beq.2018.26 https://www.cambridge.org/core Business Ethics Quarterly248 approach does not fit neatly into either of their (supposedly) “fundamental, alternative frameworks” (2016, 2). According to Den Uyl and Rasmussen, if one locates “the fundamental wellspring for ethical action and judgment” in the other (including oneself regarded as other), one endorses an ethic of respect. If one finds this “well- spring” in the self, one endorses an ethic of responsibility (2016, 2-8). For Cavell, our moral responsibility for self-development is the challenge of respecting others by acknowledging their potentially unlimited capability to reveal one’s true self to oneself. For Cavell, if there is any such thing as a “fundamental wellspring” of the moral life it is simply the give and take of human conversation: an exchange that precedes us and forms us by inviting us to contribute something singular ourselves. Richard Kraut gives a third version of neo-Aristotelian perfectionism (which, for mostly rhetorical reasons, he prefers to call “developmentalism”).10 Kraut’s theory (in contrast with Hurka’s) is focused less on rationality and more on holistic well being as a criterion for human development. Nevertheless, like Hurka and Den Uyl and Rasmussen, Kraut acknowledges his theory’s considerable conceptual indebt- edness to Aristotelian eudaimonism (2007, 137-8 nt. 8). He thus represents the perfectionist dimension of a larger wave of scholarly interest in ways of achieving holistic well being. For example, Martin Seligman’s landmark Flourish (2012), though primarily a contribution to the field of positive psychology, has had resonance far beyond that discipline and into organizational ethics (Bright, Winn, and Kanov 2014). It has inspired work devoted to supporting positive emotions, engagement, and relationships that lead to greater life satisfaction and achievement (Cameron 2011; Sekerka, Comer, and Godwin 2014). As with our interpretation of Cavell’s perfectionism, a business ethics of flour- ishing seeks to ensure that work and its environment are conducive to personal development and advancement (Vogt 2005). To this end, the workplace must take into consideration the whole individual and how that person is shaped by the orga- nization and its actors over time (Guillen, Ferrero, and Hoffman 2015). Because human flourishing has multiple objectives, these naturally resonate with functions and goals of businesses: for example (and perhaps most importantly) increased productivity. Another possibility for synergy between personal and organizational development is a focus on growing capabilities as described by Amartya Sen, manifested as skill building that serves the dual purposes of advancing personhood through spiritual development (see Guillen, Ferrero, and Hoffman 2015; Arjoon, Turriago-Hoyos, and Thoene 2018). Yet another is to seek flourishing through firm loyalty (Mele 2001; Elegido 2013). While important and worthy objectives, our perfectionism is wary of the risk of instrumentalizing interiority by turning it into a means of achieving extrinsic orga- nizational goals—or even, simply, external professional goals for the employee— which do not arise from the cultivation of the inner life for and by the members of the organization. Flourishing may follow from the pursuit of cultivation, and cultivation may reshape our expectations about the form that flourishing will take. But for a Cavellian approach—as also for other forms of perfectionism (Wall 2017; Hurka 1993)— flourishing is not the aim of the moral life.11 Sometimes, the ‘perfect’ development of a person or an organization looks like learning how to decline https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms. https://doi.org/10.1017/beq.2018.26 Downloaded from https://www.cambridge.org/core. Carnegie Mellon University, on 06 Apr 2021 at 00:59:18, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of use, available at https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms https://doi.org/10.1017/beq.2018.26 https://www.cambridge.org/core Perfectionism and the Place of the Interior Life in Business 249 or die well: that is, with a grace that manifests one’s true self even in the process of eclipse (Cavell 2010, 540-8). The good life is not simply its flowering, as Kraut and others have supposed.12 Cultivation, as Thoreau knew well, is not merely an occupation for springtime and summer. Fall and winter, too, have their own devel- opment and perfection (cf. Walls 2017, 492-8). A fourth version of perfectionism is provided by Yeoman (2014), who examines a “liberal perfectionist framework” to justify a political imperative that facilitates more meaningful work for employees (also see Seglow and Yeoman 2010 for a different perspective on the same argument).13 According to Yeoman, this imperative has remained heretofore unacknowledged because it has seemed to arise only indirectly as a contingent desire of the labor marketplace, not directly as a human need that politics must serve in order to foster the conditions of democratic society. To that end, she frames meaningfulness as something like a workers’ right, which confers a correlative duty upon the state to maintain that right. Yeoman claims that what the state has an obligation to empower is personal transformation in the workplace—the kind of change supported by a perfectionist ethic. The goal of such an approach— the transformation of workplace cultures to make them more conducive to personal self-articulation—is congruent with that of our own. However, the ethical imperative taken to motivate that change differs from the one we offer here. Where Yeoman aims to justify political action ethically in order to change business culture from ‘above,’ we challenge those within business organizations to recognize a heretofore unacknowledged dimension of their responsibility toward themselves and those around them—and then to foster change accordingly from within. Perhaps precisely because of its asymmetrical relationship to other traditions, the significance of perfectionism has been underappreciated in ethical discourse—including applied ethics. Perfectionism is a dimension of ethical thinking that challenges pre- vailing paradigms (e.g., Kantian, Rawlsian, consequentialist, eudaimonistic)—but not by seeking to supplant them. Perfectionism offers something different: guidance for the moral formation of people and organizations. It does not give a priori criteria for resolving moral quandaries correctly.14 Nor does it justify the goodness of par- ticular actions by deploying an a posteriori evaluative rubric. It affords relief from the relentless privilege often accorded to judgment in ethics. As presently framed, many ethical theories—including those most influential within business ethics—tend to include a focus on “restraining the bad” (Cavell 1990, 18). Thus, they emphasize rules, obligations, limitations, responsibilities, criteria for judgment, and case studies of bad behavior. Perfectionism, in contrast, focuses on “releasing the good” (Cavell 1990, 18). Thus, it tends to emphasize opportunity, receptivity, creativity, inspiration, self-understanding, and case studies of transformative acknowledgment. While it is true that consequentialism shares with perfectionism a commitment to realizing what is good, consequentialism focuses on engineering the good rather than releasing it. Where consequentialism starts with a public criterion of what is good for the purpose of prescribing decisions and designing systems to maximally satisfy that standard, perfectionism makes space for discov- ering and expressing what is good through a conversation between people’s public and private concerns. Thus, perfectionism leads to an ethical responsibility—but https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms. https://doi.org/10.1017/beq.2018.26 Downloaded from https://www.cambridge.org/core. Carnegie Mellon University, on 06 Apr 2021 at 00:59:18, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of use, available at https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms https://doi.org/10.1017/beq.2018.26 https://www.cambridge.org/core Business Ethics Quarterly250 not one that provides a decision matrix. It is a prior, more basic commitment. Thus, Cavell refers to his perfectionism as “a register of the moral life that precedes, or intervenes in, the specification of moral theories which define the particular bases of moral judgments of particular acts or projects or characters as right or wrong, good or bad” (2004, 2). Perfectionism cultivates an ethos instead of legislating an effort. The point at which perfectionism challenges other ethical theories is not by undermining their claims to accuracy or illumination. Instead, it questions their claims (whether tacit or explicit) to comprehensiveness.15 All the major strands of ethical theory tend to overlook the moral significance of interior life seeking greater intelligibility through social exchanges with others. Therefore, they have also failed to offer a thick account of the place of the inner life in business. Our recovery of perfectionism seeks to address this lacuna. Although it falls well beyond the scope of this article to identify all the blind spots in conventional ethical theories that stem from neglecting the ethical relevance of intelligible self-development, in what follows we give one example germane to business ethics and then consider how Cavellian perfectionism approaches that example differently than four different mainstream ethical theories would. A manager thinking in consequentialist terms about the management decision of when to initiate a new product line might judge that this action would be ill-advised presently because of the pain it could cause other human beings (say, personnel within a division of the company whose weekly work hours would be doubled from 45 to 90 by the new initiative)—relative to other courses of action that would be nearly as effective, while causing significantly less distress (say, waiting six months to hire enough new personnel to launch the new product without significantly increasing the burden on existing employees). However, a manager cultivating a perfectionist mindset would also be likely to consider dimensions of the situation overlooked by consequentialists.16 For example, what does the specific suffering (and its mitigation) communicate about the particular people who are suffering? And how do those possibilities condition the sufferer’s relationship to the decision maker and the community they share, with its specific norms, values, and character? Is the suffering implicit in this project likely to result in the self-development of people involved—and will it be recognized by them as such—irrespective of the success of the product launch? Or is the value of the project wholly predicated on the prospect of a successful outcome—with the suffering of those who achieve it simply to be ‘offset’ by the expected extrinsic gains for themselves or others in the end? In some cases, a more painful course of action—one that increases suffering for those who would execute it without offsetting gains elsewhere—might not be the unethical one. In other cases, it might be. Much depends for the perfectionist manager on how the suffering is interpreted and what it achieves for the cultivation of people involved: what the suffering means in the nexus of relationships that make up the company’s culture. Thus, more is necessary for a moral timbre of life than data about pain or happiness correlated to a variable range of possible actions and predicted outcomes. The perfectionist would point out that a consequentialist anal- ysis of this situation is useful—but incomplete. Missing is an acknowledgement of the people who suffer and the particular texture of the relationships they have with https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms. https://doi.org/10.1017/beq.2018.26 Downloaded from https://www.cambridge.org/core. Carnegie Mellon University, on 06 Apr 2021 at 00:59:18, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of use, available at https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms https://doi.org/10.1017/beq.2018.26 https://www.cambridge.org/core Perfectionism and the Place of the Interior Life in Business 251 one another and with management. Do I treat someone as a helpless victim? Or a dispensable employee? Or a courageous colleague? Or a stubborn, but essential, member of my organization? Each of these responses will alter the moral quality of my response to the suffering involved in their work—and the potential happiness to be achieved by it. For the consequentialist, inner life is finally irrelevant for allocating quantitative goods whose maximally efficient distribution is the goal of ethics. But, for the perfectionist, any judgment about an action’s economic utility must also consider its contribution to the mental, emotional, and spiritual self-understanding of those related by it. Similar considerations would apply to a manager following a Kantian ethic. Such an executive, faced with the decision outlined above, might consider whether initiating the new product line would be consistent with the ethical goal of treating all people as ends, and not just as means (Kant 1999, 4:428-9). But a perfectionist might add that it is possible to respect one’s staff while still failing to fully acknowledge what others have to teach us about ourselves. And that might be a moral failure. Cavell suggests: “Emerson’s most explicit reversal of Kant lies in his picturing the intellectual hemisphere of knowledge as passive or receptive and the intuitive or instinctual hemisphere as active or spontaneous” (1981, 129). If even our self-knowledge is received, it might be possible to respect another person as an end without acknowledging that one is getting a clearer understanding of who one is from that person—and offering something similar in exchange. Do my decisions as a manager help my employees understand who they are more fully? Do they put me in a position to learn more about who I am as a leader from those I lead? Will the effort of initiating the new product line facilitate a deeper understanding of myself through my employees—and conversely? Such questions are instructed by a Kantian morality of respect—but they also move beyond it. Yet again, consider the situation from the perspective of a manager who thinks like a virtue ethicist. Such a person might consider whether existing personnel would be prepared to meet the new challenge by practicing human excellence in ways that habitually instill a tendency to act well in the future when confronted with analogous situations—while also cultivating a spirit of friendship and camaraderie that promotes such habituation. More specifically, would launching the new product be likely to develop traits like courage and fortitude through collective ‘resistance training’ in order to build new ‘moral fiber’? (Aristotle 2014) Or would it instead represent a crushing burden, more likely to cause burn-out, frustration, resignation, or even despair among employees because the situation affords no practicable way forward that allows them to develop their character through habitual effort directed toward a happy medium between vicious extremes? Likewise, the manager might consider what a prudent, just person in her position would be likely to ask of employees in a similar situation—and which decision would be most likely to cause her to grow into the capabilities of such a person (see Beabout 2012). A manager shaped by Cavellian perfectionism, on the other hand, would attend to different questions. She might ask: will this new project give my people the chance to become more reflective about their standing with others by challenging them to organize and collaborate with imagination and creativity? Will they be helping our customers to do the same? https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms. https://doi.org/10.1017/beq.2018.26 Downloaded from https://www.cambridge.org/core. Carnegie Mellon University, on 06 Apr 2021 at 00:59:18, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of use, available at https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms https://doi.org/10.1017/beq.2018.26 https://www.cambridge.org/core Business Ethics Quarterly252 Or will the new demands simply force employees to entrench themselves deeper in unreflective habits of work—since there are no feasible alternatives for achieving newly-ambitious goals? For the perfectionist, what is inside matters: specifically, what is revealed about one’s own interiority and that of others through (say) start- ing a new product line. For the virtue ethicist, inner life simply matters because it represents the potential (or character or tendency or trait) to act well by producing future actions that are better than others. But for the Cavellian perfectionist, inner life is more than a set of different potentials (or virtues) that can express a facet of the human person. Rather, inner life is the potential for expression: the condition for expressing who any of us is, in part or whole. It is the possibility of articulating oneself to others while keeping what one expresses to oneself as oneself. It is this condition—the possibility of holding a conversation, through business exchanges, as an articulate, intelligible self—that perfectionism fosters. Finally, take the same example from a Rawlsian perspective. Imagine that the new product line is designed to address the needs of a growing, but previously under- served, marginal consumer group. A Rawlsian manager might consider whether the extra stress on staff would be fair if the new line is enabling the business to contribute to a more just distribution in society: one whose inequalities minimally disadvantage those who are least well off, in keeping with the norms that would be considered most equitable from behind the veil of ignorance (Rawls 1999, 11-3). Here, too, a perfectionist account would introduce further considerations. From a Rawlsian perspective, it is possible to achieve—and to judge oneself to have achieved—a “rational plan” for one’s life that places no further ethical demands upon one’s capacity for growth (1999, 370). But Cavell takes issue with “Rawls’s claim that a rational plan of life is one that can be lived ‘above reproach.’” Cavell comments: “It is this claim, above all I think, that my understanding of Emersonian Perfectionism contests” (1990, xxiv). Instead, Cavell suggests, remaining endlessly open to new ways of becoming a more just society—and acknowledging one’s potentially unlimited implication in a somewhat unjust society—is a discipline of interiority essential for living justly (Cavell 1990, xxii-xxxviii). Thus, whatever determination the manager makes about the new product line, it ought not to support a posture of collective self-congratulation or complacency—as if the manager and her organization has done their part and can now focus on other things. The journey toward justice is exactly as open-ended as the process of growing in personal and corporate self-expression and self-understanding. Perfectionism profiles a specific path for giving voice to the human spirit. It envisions human beings as always underway to a life under constant reconsideration. Insofar as established theories offer illumination along that path, perfectionism embraces their insights. However, to the extent that such theories obstruct the self’s fruitful acknowledgment of its provisionality—and the provisionality of its self-understanding—perfectionism maintains a standing challenge to reconsider one’s established habits of ethical thought. And it does so by drawing attention to the claims made on and by the inner life as that life is manifested through relationships with other human beings.17 Therefore, perfectionism reserves a special place for friendship on the journey of human growth, precisely because of the inner transformation that friendship fosters.18 https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms. https://doi.org/10.1017/beq.2018.26 Downloaded from https://www.cambridge.org/core. Carnegie Mellon University, on 06 Apr 2021 at 00:59:18, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of use, available at https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms https://doi.org/10.1017/beq.2018.26 https://www.cambridge.org/core Perfectionism and the Place of the Interior Life in Business 253 There is a difference between manifesting the good of self-development and accounting for it in terms of something else. Cavell is focused on the former, not the latter. And he sees manifestation as a function of cultivation through friendship. In this respect, he diverges from a thinker like Gwen Bradford (2017), who seeks a rational foundation for perfectionism’s good (and calls this “the deep question”) but remains dissatisfied with all prospective candidates. Perfectionism is not motivated by the perplexity of a conventional moral dilemma: a situation in which multiple alternatives are presented and an agent must decide which one represents the “right” or “best” option. Instead, the problem that moti- vates perfectionism is the experience of being existentially dislocated (Cavell 1990, 2004). This sense of disorientation and displacement is evident in the contempo- rary difficulty that managers, scholars, and employees have in articulating fruitful ways for interiority to be manifested in business. Often, people do not know why business—what they spend most of their time doing—matters for the most intimate dimension of themselves. Many people rationalize this disconnection by observing that they must work to survive and that they must survive to nourish the specific kind of life they desire for themselves. But such an account avoids the question by refusing to articulate how making a living expresses the life we desire to live—or fails to do so.19 Importantly, perfectionism clarifies the place of the interior life in business. And, although this clarity is much needed, prevailing approaches to business ethics have failed to offer it. THE ORGANIZATIONAL IMPORTANCE OF INTERIORITY Stanley Cavell (1990) takes Ralph Waldo Emerson as a canonical exponent of perfectionism. This Emersonian ethics starts in the intimate depths of the human interior—beginning with an attitude that Emerson calls “self-reliance” (Emerson 1960, 147–49). But it ends in the ways we design our social spaces and configure our business relationships (Cavell 1990). Thoreau calls this “get[ting] our living together” (Thoreau 2006, 76). Accordingly, having supportive leaders who seek deeper self-understanding and personal transformation through their work is a key tenet of this business ethics. This support will often take the shape of education, coaching, and consulting that empowers leaders to express their highest values, their deepest aspirations, and their biggest dreams through the organizational design and culture they create. Although the specific values, aspirations, and dreams of each person are unique—and will be uniquely expressed in any given organization—the social mandate of perfectionism is to foster corporate cultures that encourage everyone in the organization to undertake their own journey of deeper self-understanding and personal transformation through their work. The unique responsibility of executives involves expressing their own values, aspirations, and dreams by offering a business ecosystem in which other stakeholders can fully manifest theirs. For perfectionism, the biggest obstacle to “releasing the good” is not circum- stances, other people, or the law. Rather, it is the self. The self gets in the way by failing to understand itself and by refusing to remain open to the possibility of its—and society’s—transformation. One name for this obstruction is “despair” https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms. https://doi.org/10.1017/beq.2018.26 Downloaded from https://www.cambridge.org/core. Carnegie Mellon University, on 06 Apr 2021 at 00:59:18, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of use, available at https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms https://doi.org/10.1017/beq.2018.26 https://www.cambridge.org/core Business Ethics Quarterly254 (Cavell 1990, 18). Thoreau called it “quiet desperation,” and Emerson called it “melancholy” (Thoreau 2006, 7; Emerson 1960, 261). It is manifested through thoughtless conformity, ignorance, dispiritedness, and unoriginality. Perfectionism responds to such despair by providing a compelling alternative. Cavell remarks: “Emersonian Perfectionism can be taken as the paradoxical task of secularizing the question of the profit in gaining the whole world and losing one’s soul” (Cavell 1990, 26; cf., 18). By challenging people to face up to this question, perfectionism responds to the calculus of despair. The great business crises of our time have more to do than is often recognized with a failure of perfectionist aspirations toward self-development in the context of workplaces that foster too much conformity, narrow thinking, “playing it safe,” and the investment of the self’s purposes in predefined social roles and expectations. The problem is often not that people do not know what the right thing is. The problem is that they are in a corporate culture that makes resistance to bad decisions seem futile or irrelevant. (Many cases could be adduced, but the scandal at Wells Fargo involving ‘forced’ new accounts is just one recent example.) A symptom of this underlying malaise is the temptation among some business workers to treat compliance as a sufficient criterion for ethical conduct. Such an attitude is reflected in the mentality that something’s legality is an adequate proxy for its permissibility. But instead of focusing on compliance, perfectionist leaders will promote workplaces that reward a pluralistic spiritual originality by granting people safe space to distinctively understand and express their deepest concerns. They will not create organizations that privilege survival over meaning-making. Sometimes, the interior significance of our lives—individually and collectively—is more important than the fact that they continue. Perfectionist leaders will recognize this perspective and promote corporate cultures that recognize it as well.20 Perfectionism takes the shape of a quest or journey with a clear direction but no endpoint (Cavell 2004, 3). Cavell remarks: “Emersonian Perfectionism does not imply perfectibility—nothing in Emerson is more constant than his scorn of the idea that any given state of what he calls the self is the last” (Cavell 1990, 3). The challenge of perfectionism is to be always moving from what Cavell (following Emerson) refers to as one’s “attained self” to one’s “unattained but attainable self” (Cavell 1990, 12). It is not as if the “attained self” is who one really is and the “unattained but attainable self” is who one might eventually become. Rather, both are aspects of the self, which is always in transition between different pos- sible versions. Once you have attained a new, richer self (and, with it, a deeper self-understanding) you will be able to recognize yet another “unattained but attainable self.” Thus, there is no finish line to spiritual growth, but the quest itself is the process of perfection.21 Business leaders can undertake that quest by making organizations that socially express a readiness to bring into the world most clearly and fruitfully what its members have at heart to create. (Such organizations are precisely what their founders had at heart to create.) The result are companies—as well as workers—that are constantly in the process of transit from their “attained” selves to “unattained but attainable” possibilities. https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms. https://doi.org/10.1017/beq.2018.26 Downloaded from https://www.cambridge.org/core. Carnegie Mellon University, on 06 Apr 2021 at 00:59:18, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of use, available at https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms https://doi.org/10.1017/beq.2018.26 https://www.cambridge.org/core Perfectionism and the Place of the Interior Life in Business 255 No one else can tell someone how to attain her “unattained but attainable self.” (If someone else could, it would not be her self that that person was attaining. It would be someone else’s ideal.) But the process of achieving “self-reliance” (Emerson 1960, 149; Cavell 1990, 36) will require tapping into what Emerson calls one’s “genius”: the intimate source of inspiration, verve, and creativity that we all have—but only a few convincingly express for others to see and appreciate. Cavell calls Emersonian genius “the capacity for self-reliance” (Cavell 1990, 26). If one had a stable, fixed self-understanding, self-reliance would be straightforward: it would look like bootstrapping. It would focus on the discipline of doing everything for oneself and depending on no one else for anything. Such an attitude often comes across as austere and impressive—but also cold, hard, and elitist (Cavell 1990). Such a disposition, however, is not what Emerson meant by self-reliance. His portrait of the self (and his own self-understanding) is too dynamic—transfixed by the process of evolution and growth—to allow for self-reliance to ossify into arrogant indifference or narcissistic overconfidence. Instead, self-reliance is about a willing readiness that allows some previously unexpressed goodness and creative power to come to fuller expression in and as one’s self. Indeed, Andrew Norris argues: “Self-reliance, as Cavell has it, is itself the exercise not of power but of reception” (2017, 212). This idea is why Cavell claims: “Responsibility remains a task of responsiveness. I shall in effect be saying that the moral perfectionism I am most interested in exemplifies and studies this responsiveness” (Cavell 1990, 25). Although no one can achieve one’s higher self in one’s place (or tell anyone else how), people can support one another in the process of increasing self-insight and inner fruitfulness. Emerson (1960, 104) observes, “Truly speaking, it is not instruction, but provocation, that I can receive from another soul.”22 That task of offering fruitful provocation to one another on the journey of personal growth is the touchstone of a perfectionist business ethics. Indeed, founders, executives, and other business leaders manifest their genius by fostering organizational spaces most conducive for others to manifest their geniuses through fulfilling missions of organizations to which they belong. Perfectionist leaders create organizations that empower participants to express the offerings, gifts, talents, and insights that are uniquely theirs to bring into the world. Such leaders will not treat employees or other stakeholders simply as interchangeable capital: productive resources from which value can be extracted without attending to what each person reveals about herself in and through her work. Instead, perfectionist leaders treat other people as capable, even desirous, of offering unexpected, seren- dipitous, and inspired value to the firm. Perfectionism thus shares with stakeholder theory a commitment to articulating a rich account of the firm’s social ecology, which is calculated to influence the way that value is produced and distributed (Freeman 1994; Agle et al. 2008; Freeman et al. 2010). Concretely, this requires organizational designs that allow for much greater flex- ibility in the roles that people serve in their organizations and how they fulfill those roles. Enhanced personal flexibility will afford employees greater visibility as to the direct impact their work is having on themselves and the larger world. And it will offer them more control over and contact with the nexus of inputs, decisions, and outputs that make the goods they produce or services they offer meaningful https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms. https://doi.org/10.1017/beq.2018.26 Downloaded from https://www.cambridge.org/core. Carnegie Mellon University, on 06 Apr 2021 at 00:59:18, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of use, available at https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms https://doi.org/10.1017/beq.2018.26 https://www.cambridge.org/core Business Ethics Quarterly256 and worthwhile to all. The overall goal of greater ‘touch’ is a more dynamic match between the needs of the organization and employees’ strengths and potential. Friendships are crucial for the perfectionist because they exemplify possibilities of human excellence that are not one’s own—but that might become one’s own. A friend need not be someone you like, try to get along with, or for whom you have a special affinity. Rather, a perfectionist friend is a “beautiful enemy” (Emerson 1909, 67): beautiful because she shows you some excellence that you have not seen in yourself and an enemy precisely because she reveals something that you are not (yet) (Dula 2011). Such a revelation can result in jealousy and envy. Or it can result in appreciation, admiration, and personal growth. When the latter happens, the friendship is fruitful. In business, a perfectionist ethics suggests that we need more such friendships within organizations, across roles in organizations, and with external stakeholders (including suppliers, customers, and shareholders). But, this does not mean that people just need to “like one another more” or “learn how to play nice” or force an affinity where it is lacking. Instead, corporate cultures need spaces for organic, cross-functional, horizontal partnerships characterized by exemplary talent, trust, and reciprocal support. Leaders need to create safe spaces for treating colleagues as companions: people who cooperate in the making of a livelihood through the dynamic growth of mutual self-understanding (see Thoreau 2006). BUSINESS IMPLICATIONS OF PERFECTIONISM In what follows, we offer examples of differences that a perfectionist orientation can make for various business practices. (These examples are summarized in Table 1.) We present examples spanning three firm contexts: marketing, human resources, and executive organizational development and design. These are clearly not exhaustive but are meant to suggest avenues for reflection and additional study by managers. Marketing First, we look at marketing. When perfectionist marketers design new offerings, they do so by moving beyond simple targeting and differentiating strategies of: “What will people buy? And how can I efficiently deliver what they desire?” Instead, they consider the self-understanding of people on both sides of the exchange equation, those that make and those that buy such goods and services, recognizing their inherent tensions. For example, firms and their organizational actors often seek to extract as much as possible from consumers who seek value for money rendered (see Hill and Martin 2014). Perfectionist marketers, on the other hand, use interi- ority to more fully understand and articulate these tensions, seeking ways to serve interests of these parties so that all are acknowledged through the exchange. Such acknowledgment, in turn, leads to trust. And trust makes parties more receptive to insights about themselves that they have to gain and offer through their transac- tions. An ethical frame like social contract theory emphasizes long-term equity over short-term egoism (Watkins and Hill 2007). A perfectionist approach goes further https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms. https://doi.org/10.1017/beq.2018.26 Downloaded from https://www.cambridge.org/core. Carnegie Mellon University, on 06 Apr 2021 at 00:59:18, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of use, available at https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms https://doi.org/10.1017/beq.2018.26 https://www.cambridge.org/core Perfectionism and the Place of the Interior Life in Business 257 by suggesting that the “conversation of justice” (Cavell, 1990)—carried on through our business exchanges—is valuable because it teaches us to recognize ourselves for who we really are through our commercial partners. The moral imagination instilled by Cavellian perfectionism would also focus on what these marketer decisions reveal about people who make them in relationship to consumers and other stakeholders. Unlike consequentialist thinking, perfectionism would draw special attention to what outcomes of marketing actions convey symbol- ically about the larger nexus of human exchange relationships to which they belong. Such moral communications may manifest, or mask, intentions of managers charged with resolving complex situations by thinking outside ordinary organizational and functional constraints. They may say something about relationships both within and outside the organization. Sometimes, what they say is good. Sometimes, not so much. But attention and imagination are necessary to discern what is actually being said by such actions. Good intentions are not enough to ensure morally meaningful actions by marketers—unless they come to expression in their implementation. Another marketing consideration involves the rise of social media that is popularized in such widely read books as Alone Together: Why We Expect More from Technology and Less from Each Other and iGen: Why Today’s Super-Connected Kids Are Grow- ing Up Less Rebellious, More Tolerant, Less Happy–and Completely Unprepared for Adulthood—and What That Means for the Rest of Us, which point out the inverse Table 1: Summary of Perfectionism’s Business Implications for Three Key Divisions of a Typical Company Division: Marketing Human Resources Executive Team Relevant Function(s): Product Design Promotion Pricing Physical Distribution Crafting an Employee Value Proposition Compensating Hiring Organizational Design Culture Setting Impact of a Perfectionist Ethic: Design in ways that help people understand themselves better and express themselves more clearly. Promote thick modes of human connection through one’s brand. Price to empower the self-development of internal stakeholders, the corporation, and customers. Distribute in a way that fosters real conversation across a diverse customer base. Focus on intrinsic motivations in setting the employee value proposition by offering a uniquely hospitable ecosystem for creativity, self-expression, and personal and professional development. Compensate to acknowledge value added–and the person who added the value–not to offset agents for the disutility accrued by their work. Hire by considering a candidate’s capacity for self-awareness and personal growth, not simply that person’s perceived contribution to the firm’s human capital. Design organizations to afford all stakeholders the greatest opportunities for growth by bringing something new and meaningful into the world through their own genius. Set cultures that foster exchange as mutually self-enriching conversation–both within the organization and with stakeholders outside of it. https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms. https://doi.org/10.1017/beq.2018.26 Downloaded from https://www.cambridge.org/core. Carnegie Mellon University, on 06 Apr 2021 at 00:59:18, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of use, available at https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms https://doi.org/10.1017/beq.2018.26 https://www.cambridge.org/core Business Ethics Quarterly258 correlation between virtual ‘connectedness’ and personal well-being (Turkle 2017; Twenge 2006). Marketing managers, who are increasingly using social media and associated analytics, may choose to focus on data that registers active media users, time spent on various platforms, and other measures of product interest. However, perfectionist marketers at such companies would be more likely to absorb data about big-picture, long-term implications of how their marketing strategies and tactics positively and/or negatively impact customers’ lives across a number of dimensions. For example, perfectionism would challenge marketers to consider how their par- ticular products fit into and support the constellation of needs that determine the quality of life of consumers (Hill and Martin 2014)—but now with ‘quality of life’ understood in terms of the potential for deepened self-inquiry and self-expression that people have within their communities. Marketers could then identify new ways to support meaningful human connectedness through relationships with products and people across the larger marketplace. What is the right price for a product that has been designed by a perfectionist manager? Once again, considerations that come into play will supplement and enrich the typical economic calculus and accounting ratios. A perfectionist marketing exec- utive considers pricing strategies that can maximize availability of their products to the broader market of consumers whose lives can be positively impacted by usage (Hill and Martin 2014), while simultaneously returning value to the employees, managers, shareholders, and other stakeholders who conjointly created the product or are impacted by its development and selling. This is not a matter of attempting to hit abstract ‘fair prices.’ Nor it is a matter of a company seeking to maximize the total resources it extracts from its customer base. Instead, it is a question of dynamically adjusting the pricing of one’s offering to ensure that all who produce it are remunerated in ways that empower them to continue expressing their inner values and personal commitments through their participation in the conversation of business exchange. On the demand side, ideal pricing strategies reflect a commit- ment to fostering diverse brand communities that contribute to customers’ journey of self-development by helping them become more intelligible to themselves and others. Such pricing will reflect the benefit to the customer embedded in the firm’s ongoing ability to grow—while simultaneously promoting more widespread access to products that encourage thicker customer conversations. Finally, a perfectionist approach to distribution would focus on increasing access to new markets and customers—especially the overlooked and underserved. This is not corporate philanthropy operating under the guise of a beneficent market strategy. Rather, expanding the scope of distribution is desirable because it enlarges the nexus of exchanges—the potential for conversations—taking place between those within the firm and those outside of it. We often learn to know and express ourselves better through conversations with heretofore unfamiliar voices—and conversely. Thus, by bringing the members of an organization into richer, more diverse, and less predictable relationships with a larger set of customers, the firm opens new opportunities for self-expression and understanding—both inside and outside of the organization. This represents an oblique—yet powerful—avenue for businesses to achieve social impact through their core operations. For example, technology https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms. https://doi.org/10.1017/beq.2018.26 Downloaded from https://www.cambridge.org/core. Carnegie Mellon University, on 06 Apr 2021 at 00:59:18, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of use, available at https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms https://doi.org/10.1017/beq.2018.26 https://www.cambridge.org/core Perfectionism and the Place of the Interior Life in Business 259 has expanded distribution options beyond traditional retailers and shopping malls, but its reach tends to be concentrated on affluent communities, leaving behind the most vulnerable consumers in the marketplace. Acknowledging interiority should recognize who is and who is not engaged in the marketplace, seeking to increase the diversity of people served and boosting the trust across relevant stakeholders. Firms may have to include marketing tactics that are now increasingly obsolete in a digital age that suffers from media fragmentation and lower reach per media outlet. Human Resources Beyond the marketing function, a perfectionist ethic would also shape human resources departments in a number of very specific ways. Consider how a perfec- tionist HR manager might craft the firm’s employee value proposition. Generally, business managers have focused heavily on extrinsic motivation to hire and inspire employees to support their companies’ missions (see Bénabou and Tirole 2003 for a discussion of motivation). However, from a perfectionist perspective, the role of intrinsic motivation has been comparatively underappreciated. Yet rethinking HR with an emphasis on the cultivation and expression of inner life will lead to a focus on novel internal motivations to guide hiring and retention efforts while giving employees a line of sight to the link between their extrinsic compensation and the inherent value of their work. It will encourage managers to stop asking: “What compensation package is required to get this person to come here?” and to begin asking “What kind of culture, development opportunities, and organizational infrastructure do we need to have in place so that the promise of personal growth is an overwhelmingly attractive consideration to our best candidates?” Here personal growth would include the opportunity to know oneself more deeply as a person through one’s growing professional expertise. It would also include the chance to build trusting relationships of reciprocal instruction in the workplace, whether with coworkers, vendors, customers, clients, investors, or others. By way of example, one specific practice for creating such a culture over time is to include a series of frank, standardized questions during the hiring process that prompt honest conversation about the actual mission of the organization and how the candidate’s personal life purposes align—or do not—with that collective purpose. Ideally, such conversations would directly inform custom onboarding pro- cesses and targeted professional growth opportunities throughout each employee’s tenure. Such practices prompt employees to understand their own aims and values more clearly and expansively by being given the opportunity to express them in the context of a corporate matrix, where other aims and values are concurrently coming to expression. Implementing such a practice, however, will require HR managers to focus explicitly on the role that their firm might play in the self-development of their employees—while emphasizing this dimension of the company’s offering in their hiring and retention efforts. Marketing culture to attract people who will grow personally while growing the company and those around them requires much more attention than is typically given to the ways in which various roles specifically afford occasions for employees to understand and express their personal convictions, commitments, and even spirituality at work (see Weymes 2005). https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms. https://doi.org/10.1017/beq.2018.26 Downloaded from https://www.cambridge.org/core. Carnegie Mellon University, on 06 Apr 2021 at 00:59:18, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of use, available at https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms https://doi.org/10.1017/beq.2018.26 https://www.cambridge.org/core Business Ethics Quarterly260 This is not (simply) a question of entertaining or fun workplaces with foosball tables and free food. (Though these things can sometimes foster friendship in the workplace.) It is about affording opportunities for all employees to become better versions of them- selves because of their places in systems where they are valued. Even low-level jobs like cashier or line cook can provide ways for worker self-expression and deepening personal insight about one’s character, values, and motivations if surrounding business environments are both inviting and inclusive and there are clear avenues for growth and advancement to more sophisticated roles. Ways in which businesses promote such an ethos include emphasizing mentorship opportunities for employees (not just those recognized as rising stars) (Eby et al. 2008), providing access to development options, and making it easy to receive education on a variety of personal and professional fronts. Obviously, what someone gets out of working can be more than their pay and bene- fits (Thomas 2009)—but it also includes these perks. Perfectionist leaders believe that the primary role of compensation is offering acknowledgment for the value added to customers and other stakeholders by employees. From this perspective, compensation is a means of recognizing people by empowering them to provide for their own needs and desires just as, and because they, have helped provide for the needs and desires of others through their work. When workers feel that their compensation accurately reflects their contributions, that package harmonizes with a larger corporate context that supports employees as they articulate their inner lives on the job. Yet, when pay is perceived by employees to be inequitable, it will be viewed as a sign of disrespect and cause distrust. This message may undermine other managerial efforts to boost intrinsic employee motivation. Thus, if employees are going to be afforded work that enables them to realize their potential as human beings by providing something that helps others understand and express themselves, it is crucial that a recognition of that service be communicated to them through their compensation and other associated motivators. A perfectionist paradigm also has implications for hiring processes. Managers always seek individuals who have ability to do the job, but perfectionist leaders similarly desire that employees have the capacity for increasingly reflective inte- riority. One simple way of looking for this potentiality is examining paths taken over time by potential workers. Personal and professional journeys yield insights about the priority that candidates have placed on self-reflection and inner growth at work. Another possibility is to discuss candidates’ plans for development and the extent to which interiority and seeking ‘unattained but attainable selves’ with earlier employers are implicitly or explicitly described. Nonetheless, it is important not to use a yardstick that eliminates someone from contention simply because he or she has not previously been given opportunities for self-development. Thus, focus should be on discerning capacity—or readiness—for growth, along with the inner conviction that such growth matters, rather than requiring that specific stages of personal growth and self-insight already be achieved. Executive Organizational Development Finally, perfectionism would reorient organizational design and development around the goal of creating trusting and dynamic corporate cultures. A perfectionist https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms. https://doi.org/10.1017/beq.2018.26 Downloaded from https://www.cambridge.org/core. Carnegie Mellon University, on 06 Apr 2021 at 00:59:18, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of use, available at https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms https://doi.org/10.1017/beq.2018.26 https://www.cambridge.org/core Perfectionism and the Place of the Interior Life in Business 261 manager would be inclined to recognize that people best express their interior lives when they create spaces and occasions for others to best express theirs. Founders and executives can guide the internal architecture and ethos of their companies by designing organizations that forge links connecting internal and external stakeholders. Managers can empower employees to express what they have in their hearts in their work. The result should be novel offerings that enable mindful purchasing, deepen self-understanding, and increase chances for participating in a more engaged way in the ongoing development of firms. Such efforts will mean reconsidering the kinds of strategic goals that organizations set for themselves and the metrics used to evaluate their achievement. (For three possible directions that such a reframing might take see Savitz 2013; Roche et al. 2017; Harrison and Wicks 2013.) The most effective business leaders are mindful of the communities that they are creating, both inside and outside the company. They foster networks of employees, customers, and investors that amplify people’s authentic voices through their inter- actions for/with the company. Overall, then, a perfectionist manager’s role in an organization is seeing others as they are and enabling others to express their inner life through working (employees), purchasing (consumers), and investing (owners). Therefore, management becomes a contemplative exercise. It is a question of attend- ing to true needs and desires of other people and then creating an organization that meets those needs and desires in ways that elicit mindful attention and personal growth through the conversation of exchange. Individuals who are managed and served warrant the chance to become higher versions of themselves. The place of the interior life in business, therefore, is one that makes space for others to bring their convictions, values, and dreams into the world in a way that clarifies one’s own. Management moves from a focus on power to a concentration on empowering; sometimes, this will correspond to a shift from hierarchical structures to inclusive and flat organizational designs that allow for wider, more flexible self-expression by participants. All stakeholders should be acknowledged—and should recognize that they have been acknowledged—by their firms. Thus, perfectionism cultivates trust and transparency. CONCLUSION Our view is that perfectionism is a way to encourage personal development within an organizational context that complements other ethical frames rather than acting as a substitute for them. Theoretically, perfectionism raises the question of the comprehensiveness of ethical frames such as consequentialism, deontology, virtue ethics, and Rawlsian distributive justice. Practically, we are asking business leaders to establish corporate cultures that facilitate rather than impede self-understanding and transformation through personal efforts in a collective setting. The ongo- ing process of self-discovery should support the continuous development of the organization—and vice versa. From this vantage point, the journey of personal growth allows for corporate renewal, not mindless conformity; and it places respon- sibility for such correlative development on employees, managers, and directors. It also requires allocation of the necessary time and provision of safe spaces for https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms. https://doi.org/10.1017/beq.2018.26 Downloaded from https://www.cambridge.org/core. Carnegie Mellon University, on 06 Apr 2021 at 00:59:18, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of use, available at https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms https://doi.org/10.1017/beq.2018.26 https://www.cambridge.org/core Business Ethics Quarterly262 employees to consider and to express their deepest fears and most important values. In the end, company culture must be one of trust across organizational layers rather than perpetual concern that the venture will ultimately result in failure. Of course, perfectionism is not an end state but a journey that moves the attained self to unattained but possible selves on a continuous basis across a dynamic field, consistent with the opening words of Joyce Carol Oates. Perfectionist leadership does not view employees in narrow functional or capital terms but supports their development and what that development can yield for the firm. It also requires greater managerial understanding of employee abilities and needs as they evolve over time and space, making both the how and why of corporate life subject to continuous renewal. As the firm hierarchy becomes increasingly flat, perfectionist friends are better able to support and challenge each other to seek their highest levels of understanding and seek the unattained but attainable collective organizational self. ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS We dedicate this article to the memory of Stanley Cavell (1926-2018), who passed away shortly before this article went to press. We are grateful to Peter Dula (Eastern Mennonite University), Kelly Martin (Colorado State University), and Kirsten Martin (George Washington University) for reading and responding to an early draft of this article. The two anonymous referees for the journal offered substantive feedback that decidedly improved the final product: we appreciate their time and close attention. The editor also deserves our thanks for important insights across several revisions. NOTES 1. Joyce Carol Oates, Solstice (New York: Dutton, 1985), 114. 2. Only three articles have been published in Business Ethics Quarterly featuring one or more of these thinkers (Walton 1993; Solomon 1999; Duska 2014). Two of these articles have involved Heidegger, and one features Wittgenstein. The other two thinkers have never been featured. (For this purpose, an article is taken to “feature” a given thinker if that thinker’s name appears in the title or abstract.) This heuristic survey simply suggests that it is not only Cavell who has yet to receive serious treatment in the business ethics literature: it is also a related group of influential philosophers who are typically seen as falling outside the canon of normative ethics. One of Cavell’s achievements is to demonstrate the contributions of all four to ethical theory. Via Cavell, then, the present article implicitly brings these other thinkers to bear on business ethics. 3. Cavell’s perfectionism differs from other ‘isms’ in that it is not simply a theory about something else. Cavell enacts what he recommends in the process of recommending it. Specifically: by writing about perfectionism, Cavell is cultivating an increasingly articulate and circumspect manifestation of his own inner life through (virtual) exchange with his readers, as he invites them to enter into the same process of self-cultivation in all areas of their lives (including business). 4. Loacker and Muhr (2009) have drawn on Foucault, Butler, and Levinas to critique “moral codes” in business ethics. Their alternative to a priori criteria bears important family resemblances to the account we give here: it emphasizes the open-endedness of the ethical self and the moral centrality of responsiveness. (Indeed, Cavell himself has noted the affinity between his perfectionism and a Foucauldian “care of self” [Cavell 2010, 479]—a concept important to Loacker and Muhr.) However, there are also important differ- ences between our approach and theirs. Loacker and Muhr’s socially self-determining agent knows that some part of itself is unknowable—but does the best that it can by others anyway, knowing that even the best rules and guidelines will be inadequate to the task (2009, 272–3). In contrast, our Cavellian approach forgoes the claim to own its own blind-spots. Instead, it simply stays receptively poised—in the midst of quotidian business—to perennially new possibilities of cultivation. For Cavell, this means understanding https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms. https://doi.org/10.1017/beq.2018.26 Downloaded from https://www.cambridge.org/core. Carnegie Mellon University, on 06 Apr 2021 at 00:59:18, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of use, available at https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms https://doi.org/10.1017/beq.2018.26 https://www.cambridge.org/core Perfectionism and the Place of the Interior Life in Business 263 one’s inner life more deeply by staying attentive to the extraordinary truths about ourselves and others revealed in everyday conversation within the community through which each has the opportunity to know herself more fully. 5. Cavell does not elaborate here on why we should try to become intelligible to ourselves. However, one possible rationale is as follows: it is good to be intelligible to ourselves because, otherwise, we lack intelligence about ourselves. We do not know who we are. And, therefore, we do not know what is good for us. We are ignorant. And ignorance is doubly bad because, not only do we not know ourselves and what is good for us: we also do not know that we do not know ourselves and what is good for us. We are lost. If, at least, we knew that we were ignorant, we would (paradoxically) already have some self-knowledge. And we would discover then that we had never been entirely ignorant. Instead, we had always had some kind of self-knowledge. But perhaps we had not always been cultivating our receptivity to ever-more-lucid intelligibility. And that cultivation is the fundamental responsibility of perfectionism. Without it, we make compromises with ignorance. (For a seminal examination of the philosophical problem of ignorance, see Plato 1997.) 6. Cavell himself acknowledges these worries head-on: “From the perspective of these theories [i.e., consequentialism and deontology], Moral Perfectionism, seeming to found itself, let us say, on a concept of truth to oneself, may appear not to have arrived at the idea, or to disdain it, of other persons as counting in moral judgment with the same weight as oneself, hence to lack the concept of morality altogether” (1990, 2). 7. There is a rich literature in both business ethics and organizational studies on the importance of meaningful work and what businesses can do to promote it. (For a survey see Michaelson, Pratt, and Grant 2014.) Although there is a clear family resemblance between the aims of these approaches and goals of the present article, they are also importantly different. It is possible to feel good about one’s work without ever asking why. People may find their work to be full of meaning even though they fail to achieve deeper or more expressive self-understanding through it. One could, for example, have a medical career devoted to healing—and find great meaning in that career—without giving any consideration at all to what such work reveals about oneself or one’s relationships. Thus, without engaging one’s intelligence in self-reflection, meaningfulness may fail to become intelligible. 8. The role of conversation is especially prominent in Cavell’s work on the Hollywood comedies of remarriage (1981). In that work, following John Milton, Cavell explores the idea that marriage itself could be a “meet and happy conversation”—but with a twist: it is a human exchange that must always be rediscovered by the partners to it (1981, 87, 146). Most business relationships are far less intimate than a marriage. But even in business we talk of ‘partners’—and, especially between co-founders—we frequently compare the relationship to that of spouses. More broadly, however, Cavell suggests the possibility that even casual business exchanges might bear the significance and value of a lasting, insightful conversation. 9. Cavell’s approach to ordinary language philosophy is a constant interrogation of the interior life reflecting on its possibilities of articulation, reception, and refusal (Cavell 1999). The genealogy Cavell offers for his philosophy of interiority runs through Ludwig Wittgenstein back to Ralph Waldo Emerson and Henry David Thoreau (Cavell 1989; cf., Wittgenstein 2009; Thoreau 2006; Emerson 1960). We regard the contemplative life as the manifestation of a well-formed, self-aware, and fruitfully expressive interiority. 10. Kraut’s quibble with the term perfectionism is mostly, but not entirely, a rhetorical reservation. He also takes issue with some of the features of perfectionism that make it objectionable to Rawls: the imperative to maximize specific forms of human brilliance—and, by implication, the justification it provides for instrumentalizing human beings who are incapable of maximally expressing specific kinds of brilliance (2007, 136 nt. 4; 179-80, nt. 31). Cavell’s version of perfectionism is decidedly non-elitist (see nt. 14 below). His approach would suggest that Rawls and Kraut conflate cultivation with cultural accomplishment. 11. Hurka refuses to countenance any connection here on the grounds that perfectionist well-being is either an empty pleonasm (if well being is simply another name for self-development), or it is an oxymoron (conflating the subjective category ‘well being’ with the objective category ‘perfection’) (1993, 17-8, 194 n. 17). 12. Thus, Kraut claims: “The good of an artifact looks to the good of something beyond it. Not so for living things: in their case, what is good for S is the flourishing of S, or what leads to it…. For human beings, no less than other living things, it is always good to flourish; and if a human being is flourishing in all ways, both physical and psychological, he is doing very well indeed” (2007, 132-3). 13. For an examination of meaningful work from the perspective of MacIntyrian virtue ethics, see Beadle and Knight (2012). This approach emphasizes the importance of developing goods like skills, abilities, https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms. https://doi.org/10.1017/beq.2018.26 Downloaded from https://www.cambridge.org/core. Carnegie Mellon University, on 06 Apr 2021 at 00:59:18, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of use, available at https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms https://doi.org/10.1017/beq.2018.26 https://www.cambridge.org/core Business Ethics Quarterly264 and tempered judgment internal to specific worthwhile practices. For work that translates these ethical ide- as from conditions of production to those of consumption, see Garcia-Ruiz and Rodriguez-Lluesma (2014). 14. In the literature devoted to perfectionism and politics, there is extensive discussion about whether perfectionism is intrinsically elitist, as Rawls (for instance) has claimed (Rawls 1999, 286-8; Arneson 2000; Hurka 1993; Wall 2017; Den Uyl and Rasmussen 2016). The nagging question lurking behind the suspicion is this: what is a fair price for someone to pay for the personal development of someone else— especially in a value-pluralistic society where we may not even agree about what development is? But perhaps responding fruitfully to such a question will require criteria that are afforded only by particular, ongoing, open-ended exchanges with others—criteria that an abstract, a priori determination of what we owe each other could only prejudice. Cavell’s version of perfectionism is self-consciously democratic and non-elitist, as the opening lines of his principal work on the topic make clear (1990, 1). 15. Canonical formulations of traditional ethical theories have often been expressed in terms that stake a claim to comprehensiveness. Thus, in the Groundwork of the Metaphysics of Morals, Kant famously contends, “It is impossible to think of anything at all in the world, or indeed even beyond it, that could be considered good without limitation except a good will” (1999, 4:393; emphasis in original). Likewise, Mill avers in Utilitarianism, “The utilitarian doctrine is, that happiness is desirable, and the only thing desirable, as an end; all other things being only desirable as means to that end” (2017, 70). Perfectionism does not deny that happiness and good will are (or can be) morally relevant. But it keeps open the question of whether either one is really the only thing that is so. 16. Certain forms of perfectionism tend to take an objectivist bent. Like consequentialists, perfectionists insist on certain human goods that are good irrespective of the regard people have for them (Finnis 2011, 90). Such a view contrasts (for instance) with a deontological emphasis on the purity of intention as the criterion for right action. However, given its focus on passages from inner to outer and back again, Cavellian perfec- tionism is neither objectivist nor non-objectivist. The term fails to afford much illumination here. 17. Such tendencies may be taken to suggest an intellectual affinity between perfectionism and prag- matism. However, Cavell tends to downplay the similarities. For instance, he observes: “For my taste, pragmatism misses the depth of human restiveness, or say misses the daily, insistent split in the self that being human cannot, without harm to itself (beyond moments of ecstasy) escape, and so pragmatism’s encouragement for me, while essential, is limited” (2004, 5). Generally speaking, Cavellian perfection- ism shares with pragmatism an impulse to move beyond speculative ethical argumentation (whether in a neo- Kantian, consequentialist, or virtue frame). However, pragmatism is focused on what gets communicated socially. It pays little attention to who is communicating and how. But attending to these latter considera- tions requires that we account for what is communicated as a kind of revelation or manifestation: not simply as a social datum that drives empirically-assessable action. Seeing what we communicate as a disclosure of inner life exteriorized—but never commodified—allows us to treat communication as a conversation between people who are always together and, just so, always separate, distinct—even alone—but not isolated. 18. We are grateful to Peter Dula for encouraging us to foreground the crucial role that friendship plays in the work of personal growth—along with the critical edge that perfectionism maintains by declining to present an alternative to other ethical theories. 19. Thoreau draws this problematic to the reader’s attention in Walden, especially the first two chap- ters, which are tellingly entitled “Economy” and “Where I Lived, and What I Lived For.” 20. We see this recognition in Cavell’s provocative claim, “Bearing testimony and witnessing are functions of martyrdom. In Moral Perfectionism, as represented in Emerson and in Nietzsche, we are invit- ed to a position that is structurally one of martyrdom; not, however, in view of an idea of the divine but in aspiration to an idea of the human” (1990, 55–6). Cavell’s point is not that people—or businesses—have a mandate to self-abnegation. Rather, the point is that, for perfectionist leaders and the organizations they lead, the goal of survival is never absolute. There is something more important expressed through their lives than the bare fact of their lives. (Indeed, what would such lives amount to if they were simply devoted to their own mute perpetuation?) Devotion to bare survival tends to treat growth, sustainability, or some combination of the two as exhausting the significance of business. Perfectionists see things differently. When continuing to live would violate what one’s life expresses, a perfectionist will forego survival in favor of the witness of her life. (Socrates provides a paradigm case for the motivation behind such a decision.) Structurally, this condition means vulnerability to the possibility of martyrdom, at both the personal and collective levels. Therefore, witnessing the truth to the point of death will always remain an inherent possi- bility for a person or organization convinced that its life expresses something bigger than itself. https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms. https://doi.org/10.1017/beq.2018.26 Downloaded from https://www.cambridge.org/core. Carnegie Mellon University, on 06 Apr 2021 at 00:59:18, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of use, available at https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms https://doi.org/10.1017/beq.2018.26 https://www.cambridge.org/core Perfectionism and the Place of the Interior Life in Business 265 21. 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Carnegie Mellon University, on 06 Apr 2021 at 00:59:18, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of use, available at https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms https://doi.org/10.1017/beq.2018.26 https://www.cambridge.org/core work_4gvcxed3kraadfm53knj47u3ou ---- عنوان البحث Mahmoud Serwa Abd EL- Hamid Mahmoud (581) Occasional Papers Vol. 68: October (2019) ISSN 1110-2721 Self-Reliance in E. L. Doctorow's Ragtime Mahmoud Serwa Abd EL- Hamid Mahmoud Lecturer of English Literature in The Faculty of Arts New Valley University Abstract: Edgar Lawrence Doctorow is a famous American novelist. In Ragtime, Doctorow describes the lives of two females, Sarah and Evelyn Nesbit, who are very weak to the extent that they can not control their lives on a patriarchal society. Ralph Waldo Emerson's Self-Reliance theory will be applied to the novel. It incites man to be self-reliant and think of his personal development. This will be achieved when he believes that he can be a successful 'nonconformist,' one who rejects 'conformity,' individual. He must trust new ideas and make an intellectual revolution. In order to be a great self-reliant man, one must revolt against the world. As a result, he will be one of the world 'kings' that enjoy 'magnetism.' In Ragtime, both Nesbit and Sarah decide to follow Emerson's self-reliance. Both plan to be 'kings:' Nesbit plans to be a 'great proprietor;' Sarah plans to be 'noble.' Both plan to revolt against 'society' and become 'nonconformists.' Both face hard obstacles; 'a man is to carry himself in the presence of all oppositions.' The oppositions that Nesbit faces force her to undergo to class distinction and sexual violence; she could overcome both. The oppositions that Sarah faces force her to undergo to racial discrimination and gender oppression; she fail to overcome both. Nesbit victimized her self in order to take money from men; Sarah presents her life in her defense of her man: 'women kill themselves.' Feminism and postmodern issues appear in Ragtime. These issues show the American society's contradicted opposing nature. ----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- Key words: Feminism- postmodernism- Self-reliance-patriarchal society ----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- ص:لخم "يصف حياا انيايم مام موسيقى الراجتيميعتبر إدجار لورنس دكتورو روائ أمريكى مشهور. ففى قصة " اليسااا س سااار و إيفاايبم نيساابي . إم كااي ميهرااا نااعيف لطرجااة انااة ل يسااتهيف الساايهر بااى حيا اا فااى الطو إيررسوم باى مجترف رجولى السبهة. سيقوم الباحث بتهبيق "نظرية اإل تراد بى اليفس" لرالف و القصااة. و ااث اااظ اليظريااة النسااام بااى ال تراااد بااى نفسااة والتفكياار فااى هااور الش صااى. ويركاام قيق ذلك يطما يؤمم بأنة يركية ام يكوم "غير مرتثاي لع ارا " نااجوه وااو الشا ى الاظ يارف ر فكرياة. يجاب ام يقاوم بعراي "اإلمتثال لع را ." ويجب بية ام يثق بالفكار الجطيط ويقوم بعري ناو نااور نااط العااالم. ونتيجااة لااظلكه ساايكوم احااط "مبااوي" العااالم الااظيم يترتعااوم بالجاذبيااة. فيجااط انااة فااى "موسيقى الراجتيم" كي مم سار و إيفيبم نيسبي يقرر ام يتبف "اإل تراد بى اليفس" إليررساوم. فكاي م "مم اص اب المعي" و ساار هاط ام كاوم ميهرا ي هط ام يكوم "مبكاس" فييبس هط ام كو "ش ى نبيي." فكي ميهرا ي هط لبثور بى "الرجتراف" ويصابو "غيار مرتثاي لع ارا ." وكاي ميهراا يواجة صعوبات شطيط "فاإلنسام يواجة معوقاات." فيجاط ام الرعوقاات التاى واجاة نسابي جبرااا باى تاى ساتهيف البباب باى كبيهراا. ونجاط ام الرعوقاات التاى ال ضوع لبفروقات الهبقية والعيف الجيسى وال واجة ساار جبرااا باى ال ضاوع لبتفرقاة العيصارية والقهار الياو ى والتاى فشاي فاى التبباب بيهراا. ونجط ام نسبي جعي مم نفسها ن ية لكى تركم مم ال صول باى الراال مام الرجاال اماا ساار فيجاط (582) Occasional Papers Vol. 68: October (2019) ISSN 1110-2721 اس "اليسا يقاتبم انفساهم." يوجاط لبيسااوية وال طاناة الرتقطماة موناو ات انها طفف حيا ها دفا ا م رجبه فى "موسيقى الراجتيم." و بك الرونو ات ظهر طبيعة الرجترف المريكى الرتياقضة و الرتعارنة. The current study investigates Ralph Waldo Emerson's Self-Reliance theory as presented in The Complete Essays and Other Writings of Ralph Waldo Emerson with particular reference to E. L. Doctorow's Ragtime. Both Postmodernism and Feminism have some influences on the novel; will be analyzed. E. L. Doctorow is a famous American novelist. Ragtime was published in 1975. In Ragtime, Doctorow describes the lives of two females, Sarah and Evelyn Nesbit, who are very weak to the extent that they can not control their lives on a patriarchal society. Both suffer on the hands of men; however, decide to follow self-reliance in order to seek success and prosperity. Following self-reliance, both present sacrifices to men in order to attract and please them: both kill themselves. Self- reliance collides with their suffering on the hands of men and led to their sacrifices. The rationale behind this study is two-fold. Firstly, it is worthy to discover how Doctorow mixes history and fiction to present a story that reflects his views regarding the conditions of America in the beginning of the 20th century: "You will never have read anything like Ragtime before. Nothing quite like it has ever been written before." (Bloom- 75) His style of writing in mixing history and fiction to present his views is marvelous; it was rarely used before. Secondly, it is worthwhile to discover how females follow self-reliance in seeking prosperity. Ragtime is considered a postmodernist novel; among the postmodernist issues that can be found in Ragtime are the decentring of society, uncertainty, plurality and indeterminacy of meaning. Among the feminist issues that can be found in Ragtime are sexual violence, gender oppression and referring to some feminist demands. Raman Seldon assures: "Other examples of self-reflexive postmodernist metafiction… would include… E.L. Doctorow… so postmodernist writers break down conventional boundaries of discourse, between fiction and history…" (199-200) Seldon classifies Ragtime as a self-reflexive postmodernist novel because it reflects Doctorow's personal views through breaking the boundaries between fiction and history. In Ragtime, postmodern elements and themes are presented side by side with feminist ones. Both movements flourished in America: "This movement (feminism) pushed up to the postmodernism that could bloom and balloon widespread together in the USA." (Kumar, 18) In American, both movements spread and succeeded; postmodernism advocates equality between man and woman as well. Mahmoud Serwa Abd EL- Hamid Mahmoud (583) Occasional Papers Vol. 68: October (2019) ISSN 1110-2721 There is a clear connection between postmodernism and feminism; Seldom comments: "The condition of postmodernity… is marked by the 'valoraization' of the feminine, woman as 'intrinsic to new and necessary modes of thinking, writing, speaking… . Concerned with… feminine 'space' which the master narratives always contain but can not control…'a woman-in-effect' that is never stable and has no identity." (209-210) Postmodernism is concerned with woman; it is concerned with advocating woman, and with showing woman in struggle while seeking identity. During the time of the novel, American society was full of female repression and this led to the emergence of many women movements that called for women rights: "The Progressive Era was an extremely important time for America’s women. During this time Women gained greater access to education and began to assert their equality in the home."(McNally, 6) Women began to seek equality through the rise of two women movements that declared women demands in public: In 1869 two distinct factions of the suffrage movement emerged. Stanton and Anthony created the National Woman Suffrage Association (NWSA)… . Lucy Stone… formed the American Woman Suffrage Association (AWSA)… . The NWSA … was based in New York… . Between 1910 and 1914, the NAWSA intensified its lobbying efforts…( History) The Women movements formed two groups and one of them, led by Stanton and Anthony, was in New York which is the setting of Ragtime. The ground was paved for the emergence of Feminism theory in literature to reflect the status quo of women in the American society. Emerson's Self-Reliance theory will be analyzed. Emerson is an American critic who wrote Self-Reliance, an essay published in 1841. In this essay, he advocates the individual, considering him the center. Emerson wants to plant this individual in the American society. Surely, by speaking about the individual or self, Emerson does not intend to advocate selfishness; however, he advocates one's personal development. Emerson tells man that "he must take himself for better…" (146) Emerson advices and incites man to develop himself. He asserts: "The genesis and maturation of a planet… are demonstrations of the self- sufficing and therefore the self-relying soul." (159) The world's development depends on the development of its units that are the souls. When a man is self-relying, he will develop himself, hence, developing the world. (584) Occasional Papers Vol. 68: October (2019) ISSN 1110-2721 Emerson rejects the society that is full of ordinary people; however, it must be full of developed distinctive individuals. For this reason, he repudiates conformity: Society everywhere is in conspiracy against the manhood of every one of its members… . Self- reliance is its aversion. Who so would be a man, must be a nonconformist… . Nothing is at last sacred but the integrity of your own mind… . What have I to do with the sacredness of traditions… . A man is to carry himself in the presence of all opposition… . A man must consider… this game of conformity. (148- 150) Emerson rejects being a normal man in a society that sticks to traditions and pushes man to be ordinary. Society will be dangerous to man's manhood. When one wants to be a true man, he must reject society's conformity and tries to be better than the usual. One must trust his mind and rejects what is forced upon him by society; nothing is sacred. One must struggle against all society's oppositions. Man will be a distinctive person when he works hard. He must realize the game of conformity so as to be able to defeat it. In rejecting the society's traditions and habits, man must repudiate the past with its archaic ideas and think of new ideas. This will lead to an intellectual revolution. Emerson rejects being a conformist and considers the world's prominent characters kings: The world has been instructed by its kings, who have so magnetized the eyes of nations… . The king, the noble, or the great proprietor to walk among them (men) by a law of his own, make his own scale of men and things and reverse theirs… and represent the law in his person… . The magnetism which all original action exert is explained when we inquire the reason of self-trust. Who is the Trustee? What is the aboriginal Self, on which a universal reliance may be grounded? (155) In the world, there are leading figures that Emerson calls 'kings.' They enjoy a unique privilege- nobility, richness, or position- that gives them magnetism. People gather around them and these kings impose their laws and measures upon other men and may even reverse these men's measures. Emerson clarifies that men's attraction to and trusting of these kings give them magnetism; as a result, the universal reliance is grounded on these kings, Mahmoud Serwa Abd EL- Hamid Mahmoud (585) Occasional Papers Vol. 68: October (2019) ISSN 1110-2721 Emerson rejects fear and advices man: "God will not have his work made manifest by cowards… "(146) Man must trust his new ideas; not to be a coward. To be a courageous man is a must for being a true man. Emerson, also, assures: Live no longer to the expectations of these deceived and deceiving people… . I must be myself. It is easy to see that a greater self-reliance must work a revolution in all offices and relations of men." (159- 162) Emerson warns against being frightened of other men. Man must revolt against the wrong in all life's aspects and in all relations with others. Emerson's self-reliance theory incites man to be self-reliant and think of his personal development. This will be achieved when he believes that he can be a successful 'nonconformist' individual. He must trust new ideas and make an intellectual revolution. In order to be a great self-reliant man, one must revolt against the world. As a result, he will be one of the world 'kings' that enjoy 'magnetism.' After analyzing Emerson's theory, it is suitable to analyze Ragtime. The title of Ragtime refers to the ragtime music. When played on the piano, ragtime music has a repetitive tone: "Like ragtime music, Ragtime has a strong repetitive base of true historical events and characters," (Course) The historical events and characters are repeated; however, this time, these characters are connected to fictional ones. Doctorow justifies the name of novel in the final chapter of the text of the novel when he states: "And by that time the era of Ragtime had run out, with the heavy breath of the machine, as if history were no more than a tune on a player piano. (Doctorow, 270) He says that the time of the novel is called the era of Ragtime and this name refers to the repetition of historical events and characters everyday the same way as the tune of ragtime music is repeated. Zohren Ramin gives a similar illustration regarding the title of Ragtime: Like ragtime music, the novel appears to be a syncopation of both sides; the oppressors and the oppressed…, historical facts versus fiction… and yet just as ragtime music is syncopated music (the weak beats in the bar are stressed instead of the strong beats), the novel intends to deconstruct the oppositions by focusing the attention on the inferior or lesser paid attention…; the oppressed immigrants, the blacks, the female, and fiction. (162) Doctorow's style of writing depends on presenting the oppositions and focuses on the weak side- the oppressed immigrants, the blacks, the (586) Occasional Papers Vol. 68: October (2019) ISSN 1110-2721 female and fiction- the same way as the ragtime music depends on presenting the weak and the strong beats but focusing on the weak beats. The setting of the novel refers to U.S. from the beginning of the 20 th century to the end of World War I. This period was known as the Progressive Era: "At the turn of the twentieth century America witnessed the Progressive movement… . In the book titled Ragtime… E. L. Doctorow presents these times…" (Research) This movement was formed to reform the American social, economic and governmental affairs. The central actions of the novel took place in New York. The summary of the novel will be handled. Doctorow's Ragtime presents three families that interweave in New York after the beginning of the 20th century and before World War I. The major family consists of Father, Mother, Grandfather, Mother's Younger Brother, and The Little Boy. They live in New Rochelle and they live an easy life. The Father leaves for an expedition in the pole. Oneday, Mother rescues a black new born baby whose mother intends to bury him alive in the Mother's garden. She discovers that the baby's mother is Sarah, a neighbour. The baby's father abandoned her and the child. Instead of reporting the police about Sarah's crime, Mother decides to care about both Sarah and her baby. After a short time, the baby's father appears and comes to Sarah. He is a black ragtime pianist whose name is Coalhouse Walker. Now, he wishes to see Sarah, but she refuses. Insisting to see her, she accepts and they meet weekly in Mother's house. Things go well till Coalhouse is involved in a racial fight with some white firefighters. The police officers refuse to help him report their transgression because he is black. He hires a lawyer but he makes things go badly. When Sarah hears about the vice- president's coming, she decides to plead Coalhouse's case to him. However, when she approaches the vice-president, she is mistaken for an assassin and gets killed. On hearing the news of her death, Coalhouse resorts to violence against the government; eventually, he is killed. Evelyn Nesbit is a model and chorus girl who is married to Harry Kindell Thaw, a millionaire. Now, he is on a trial for murdering her ex- lover, the famous architect Stanford White. Thaw did that out of jealousy. Nesbit testifies in Thaw's defence for $200000. She meets Tateh and his daughter The Little Girl in court. Tateh decide to draw a portrait of Nesbit. Tateh introduces her to Emma Goldman, a famous anarchist who calls for women rights. Tateh and the Little Girl go to New Jersey. After Sarah's death, Mother, Father, The Little Boy, and Sarah's baby go to New Jersey where they meet Tateh and the Little Girl. After Father's death in World War I, Mother gets in love with Tateh and they get married. The Little Boy and The Little Girl become close friends. Mother, Mahmoud Serwa Abd EL- Hamid Mahmoud (587) Occasional Papers Vol. 68: October (2019) ISSN 1110-2721 Tateh, The Little Girl, The Little Boy, and Sarah's baby go to California and live their happily. Doctorow's style of writing in Ragtime is unique; he intermingles history and fiction: "Yet like a ragtime mucisian, Doctorow 'riffs' on these hisrorical events by blending fact and fiction. It is unlikely that Thaw's model wife Evelyn Nesbit ever met Goldman…" (Course) Thaw, Nesbit, and Goldman are real famous characters in life; however, Nesbit did not meet Goldman. Doctorow, fictionally, makes both close friends- fact is mixed with fiction. Again, the trial of Thaw was the trial of the century in Anerica in real life: "The novel opens with love triangle of Evelyn Nesbit, Harry Kendall Thaw and Stanford White. All the three characters are taken from real life and are involved in the story with the same destinies as in their real lives." (Skřepská, 34) Doctorow borrows this story from real life and, fictionally, uses it in his novel. Doctorow's intention in bringing these historical characters back to life and putting them in newly invented situations is to "create new viewpoints for discussing American history." (Course) These viewpoints are Doctorow's and are transferred to readers through this unique style. Accordingly, Doctorow's handling enables readers to "discover another beat or tone to American life," (Bloom, 66) Doctorow uncovers new dimensions in the American life; otherwise, he reshapes it. Walker L. Knorr assures: Doctorow, in devising his own social history of the first decade of the Twentieth Century in United States, not only draws from the biographies of actual personages of that period, but also exercises that privilege afforded men of letters to borrow freely from traditions… (225- 226) Doctorow reflects America's social history, presenting real historical characters and borrowing from American tradition of that period. Doctorow uses the metafiction technique in Ragtime: he presents the historical characters and events, such as the trial of Thaw, inside the story of the novel. Another metafiction is found is Doctorow's use of Theodore Dreiser's (an American realist writer) novel Sister Carrie inside Ragtime. This novel was attacked for its bold handling of the subject of prostitution in America. Doctorow's presenting of Dreiser's novel in Ragtime reflects the fact that "much of the concern with the sexual fate of women that Doctorow explores in Ragtime was quite clearly inspired by the example of Theodore Dreiser." (Ragtime) In Ragtime, Doctorow depicts an image of the "novelist Theodore Dreiser was suffering terribly from the bad reviews and negligible sales of his first book, _Sister Carrie__." (Doctorow, 23) Dreiser was depressed and ashamed of the criticism that his novel received. In Ragtime, he is unable to put his chair in the right (588) Occasional Papers Vol. 68: October (2019) ISSN 1110-2721 direction because he is unable "to align it properly." (Doctorow, 23) His inability to align the chair symbolizes his inability to handle the subject of prostitution properly in his Sister Carrie. Doctorow's use of this symbol deepens Dreiser's sense of inability. Another symbol can be found in the marks which Nesbit's corset left on her flesh: "Evelyn finally removes her corset, not only literally but also symbolically…" (Course). These marks symbolize her psychological wounds that were done by men's sexual violence. Ragtime's plot is built craftily and "the historical figures… are woven into the plot of the story…."(Ramin, 165) The three families present three subplots and they are intermingled and shape the novel's central plot. Two families are connected when Tateh meet Nesbit and introduces her to Goldman whose "beliefs are crucial factor of Ragtime plot…" (Grades, 2) Goldman spots the aspects of Nesbit character; exposes the conditions of the American women movements in the beginning of the 20th century. The narrator of Ragtime is The Little Boy. However, the narrator's insight and comments on the events of the novel tells us that he is aware of the American society. He presents wise remarks about the American society's problems using the possessive pronoun 'our' in one occasion: "This was the time in our history." (Doctorow, 23) This tells us that he is a wise American thinker. The uncertainty of narrator makes things ambiguous for readers to determine the real narrator: "This unconstrained consciousness can look in all directions." (Sánchez, 20) His unlimited insight makes him surpass the perspective of a little boy. If so, then, it is Doctorow's perspective that reflects that narrator. Characterization is one of Doctorow's tools to present his point of view. The first character that will be analyzed is Evelyn Nesbit. She is a beautiful woman from a poor low class. She is a real character in life: Evelyn Nesbit December 25, 1884 – January 17, 1967 An American artists’ model and chorus girl, noted for her entanglement in the murder of her ex-lover, architect Stanford White, by her first husband, Harry Kendall Thaw. (McNally, 9) She is a famous woman and is known to the public as a woman who betrayed her husband, caused the death of her lover and destroyed her husband. Her misery was caused by her poverty. It started from the age fifteen when White raped her, and she became his sex slave since then. In additions, she paved the way for Thaw to rape her to force him to marry her. She is forced to do what society pushed her to do: "A woman forced Mahmoud Serwa Abd EL- Hamid Mahmoud (589) Occasional Papers Vol. 68: October (2019) ISSN 1110-2721 by this capitalist society to find her genius in the exercise of her sexual attraction." (Doctorow, 46) She is forced to use her beauty to get money and fame. She is convinced that it is her only weapon in a patriarchal society. She satisfied her need for money by this marriage because she was not strong enough to resist the poverty that is forced by society since she was fifteen years old: she "accepted the conditions." (Doctorow, 48) She took money form Thaw to lie in court: "She had agreed to testify in his behalf for the sum of two hundred thousand dollars." (Doctorow, 23) She has a price for everything and her body was a good for sale. She exploits her beautiful face to get fame and money: "In the tabloid press and magazines of the day, Nesbit was depicted as the ideal of beauty and charm." (Ragtime) She became a famous model of beauty in America. When Nesbit meets Emma Goldman, Goldman instructs her, calling her prostitution. Being a feminist socialist who demands women's rights, "Goldman…. offers the maximum contrast of feminine archetypes." (Ragtime) Doctorow presents contrasted feminine models in Ragtime to show the diversity in America at that time. The second character is Emma Goldman; "she was not a physically impressive woman, being small, thick-waisted, with a heavy-jawed masculine face. She wore horn-rimmed glasses…" (Doctorow, 45) She is a famous anarchist socialist who demands women rights in the American society. She is not an attractive woman. Doctorow presents Goldman as one of the socialist feminists. In one of her meetings she announces her demands: One day Tateh invited her (Nesbit) to a meeting of which the Socialist Artists' Alliance… . The features speaker was to be none other than Emma Goldman. why is marriage not a problem?... . women may not vote, they may not love whom they want, they may not develop their minds and their spirits, they may not commit their lives to the spiritual adventure of life, comrades they may not! And why? Is our genius only in our wombs? (Doctorow, 46) Goldman's demands are presented through her speech in this meeting and, indirectly, in her conversation with Nesbit. As a matter of fact, these demands are Doctorow's: "Doctorow has a talent for finding characters to state the truth of a situation, and Emma Goldman is perfect here for defining a woman's role at the beginning of the 20th century."(Shmoop) Doctorow's skill in transmitting his point of view to readers through Goldman's views is great. In this meeting, Goldman attacks marriage when she says: "Why is marriage not a problem?" Goldman condemns marriage for she considers (590) Occasional Papers Vol. 68: October (2019) ISSN 1110-2721 it a bargain: when a poor girl marries a rich man for food and shelter. Poverty humiliates poor girls and forces them to seek food and shelter under the roof of a rich man through marriage; Goldman says: "Is our genius only in our wombs?" This is clear in "Goldman's meeting, where she expresses her disbelief in the institution of marriage. Goldman compares marriage to slavery, saying that it is oppressing to women." (Ragtime) Goldman announces her demands and shows her repudiation of marriage. Through her conversation with Nesbit, Goldman criticizes Nesbit for marrying Thaw for money and says: "You're nothing more than a clever prostitute… . I have never taken a man to bed without loving him." (Doctorow, 48-49) According to her speech, Goldman accepts having sex with a man without marriage as long as she loves that man. She considers Nesbit's marriage nothing but prostitution. Goldman could convince Nesbit to get free from the bondage of her marriage and to seek love; till then, she offers her masturbation: "With the help of Goldman, she gains autognosis through masturbation… . Nesbit… wants to… get rid of her label as an 'objects'…" (Evelyn) Goldman advices Nesbit to seek love; offers masturbation as a sexual relieve. Some of Goldman's demands appear when she criticizes Nesbit's tight dress: "Marks of the stays ran vertically like welts around Nesbit's waist. The evidence of garters could be seen in the red lines running around the tops of her thighs. Women kill themselves, Goldman said." (Doctorow, 53) During the time of the novel, women used to dress tight dresses with tight stays that used to leave marks on the flesh. Women used to do so in order to appear thinner so as to attract and please men: "In a man's world, women dressed to please men and accentuate their figure. Goldman… berates Evelyn for the corset and other undergarments she wears." (Shmoop) Goldman, harshly, blames Nesbit for dressing a tight dress in order to please men and Goldman comments: "Women kill themselves." This reflects women's contending to attract men in order to seduce them and marry them for money. Goldman wants women to free themselves from being goods for sale that need to be ornamented. Otherwise, they should seek lovers not buyers. The last character is Sarah. She is an eighteen years old black girl who lives in Rochelle. She is depicted as an innocent straightforward girl. She had a love affair with Coalhouse, however, he proved a villain. He abandoned her when he knew that she is pregnant to avoid bearing the responsibility of the baby with her. Feeling that she is, financially, unable to raise the baby, she decides to bury it in Mother's garden, but Mother rescues the baby and, even, hosts Sarah in her house. Later on, Coalhouse comes back to her and things went well. When he gets involved in a fight Mahmoud Serwa Abd EL- Hamid Mahmoud (591) Occasional Papers Vol. 68: October (2019) ISSN 1110-2721 with some white firefighters, Sarah decides to depend on herself and help him by pleading his case to the vice president; she gets killed. She proves to be a noble loving woman who is ready to present sacrifices for the man that she loves; she already pays her life for her lover. It is proper to apply Emerson's Self-Reliance theory to Ragtime in order to discover how both Nesbit and Sarah follow its principles. The first character that will be analyzed is Nesbit; her plan to become a self- reliant woman will be analyzed. According to Emerson, her plan is to be a 'king,' who has 'so magnetized the eyes of nations.' Emerson's 'king' may be a 'great proprietor.' Hence, Nesbit needs be a rich woman. Being a poor girl, she decided to use her beauty and sexual attraction to take money from men. In Ragtime, Nesbit did four things that prove her hunger for wealth. Firstly, when she was fifteen years old, she was rapped by White and her poverty obliged her not to expose his crime or report the authorities. Instead, she accepted being his sex slave in exchange for money. Secondly, the sexual violence to which she was exposed and her submission to White made it easy for her to do this again with Thaw. This time it was planned; Thaw paid her mother to take her in a rented castle in Germany where he raped her: "In Southampton Harry paid of Evelyn's mother and took Evelyn alone to the Continent." (Doctorow, 20) There, he violently raped her and when White saw the torturing marks on her flesh, he called a lawyer to sue Thaw: "He sent her to a lawyer who prepared an affidavit as to what happened in the Schloss Katzenstein. Evelyn signed the affidavit… . Harry K. Thaw read the affidavit, turned pale and immediately proposed marriage."( Doctorow, 21) Thaw had to propose marriage to cover what he did. She accepted that marriage but never forgot White. She was White's mistress but was planning to marry Thaw; he was a very rich man. Her mother was an accomplice in that plan; accepted his money in exchange for her daughter. Her keen wish to have money made her connive at both White's and Thaw's crimes of raping her and she could, even, take advantage of these connivances monetarily. Thirdly, she took money from Thaw to lie in court. Fourthly, she wears a corset in order to attract and please men. San Miguel comments on Nesbit's monetarily aspirations: Ragtime may be said to manifest underlying criticism of traditional female compliance with their own victimization in an attempt to fulfill economic aspirations which are in turn imposed by the capital values of the patriarchal society that oppresses them…" (104-105) (592) Occasional Papers Vol. 68: October (2019) ISSN 1110-2721 Women submit to victimization in order to achieve economic aspiration; this is imposed by the patriarchal society that oppresses them. Goldman describes her success: "The victory of the prostitute." (Doctorow, 48) Society biases to men at the expense of women and this forces Nesbit to be a prostitute in order to be rich and a 'king.' As a matter of fact, "Evelyn Nesbit was far from an innocent." (Ragtime) She is a cunning woman whose determination is reckless. According to Emerson, Nesbit decides to raise a revolution against 'society' because 'Self-reliance is its aversion;' she insists that she 'must be a nonconformist.' She agrees with Emerson's notion: 'What have I to do with the sacredness of traditions.' She rejects society with its traditions, following Emerson's notion that 'a greater self-reliance must work a revolution in all offices and relations of men.' Nesbit rejects the chains of her patriarchal society and plans for a revolution against it: her plan is to change conformity. During the time of the novel, the family is considered a sacred unit of society and this gave a great respect to marriage and condemned prostitution: Doctorow's choice of the women movement as the theme is appropriate to the period of his novel, which is set in the decade between 1906 and 1915… In the Victorian atmosphere where the family unit was sacred… . The whole question of female sexuality was considered taboo, as some feminists formed out when they first gave voice to radical ideas… (Ragtime) Her revolution includes challenging the conformist traditions of the sacred family and of considering female sexuality a taboo through spreading her pictures on tabloid magazines, and destroying her marriage with Thaw. In additions, her economic aspiration is considered a revolution against a society that considered rising from poverty to richness is only for men: Evelyn's behaviors… may be alternatively understood as revolutionary… .The rise from rags to riches was a possibility only for men… . In spite of the apparent condemnation of Evelyn's immoral ways to achieve her ambition…it is undeniable that she has achieved her aim. (San Miguel, 105) Whatever the immoral means of gaining a fortune, Nesbit is victorious and her victory shows the success of her revolution. The second character that will be analyzed is Sarah; her plan to become a self-reliant woman will be analyzed. She puts a plan to become Mahmoud Serwa Abd EL- Hamid Mahmoud (593) Occasional Papers Vol. 68: October (2019) ISSN 1110-2721 a 'king' by being 'noble.' Her nobility raises a revolution against 'society' in order to be a 'nonconformist.' That society biases to the whites at the expense of the blacks. When Coalhouse is oppressed by the whites, she decides to plead his case to the vice president but she is shot dead. Her revolt presents a sacrifice to her man and she dies for his sake. Both Nesbit and Sarah decide to follow Emerson's self-reliance. Both plan to be 'kings:' Nesbit plans to be a 'great proprietor;' Sarah plans to be 'noble.' Both plan to revolt against 'society' and become 'nonconformists.' Both face hard obstacles; 'a man is to carry himself in the presence of all oppositions.' The oppositions that Nesbit faces force her to undergo to class distinction and sexual violence; she could overcome both. The oppositions that Sarah faces force her to undergo to racial discrimination and gender oppression; she fail to overcome both. In order to be self- reliant, Nesbit victimized her self in order to take money from men; Sarah presents her life in her defense of her man: 'women kill themselves.' Feminism in Ragtime is clear in the following issues: sexual violence and gender oppression. Sexual violence is obvious in Nesbit suffering and rape on the hands of both White and Thaw. Gender oppression is obvious in Sarah's abandonment by Coalhouse in order to avoid taking the responsibility of raising their baby. Both sexual violence and gender oppression makes it clear that women are oppressed in that patriarchal society. The following postmodernism's issues are clear in Ragtime: indeterminacy, uncertainty and decentring. Sanchez elaborates: "Ragtime dramatizes American society's loss of… harmony and stability, and its awakening to a decentered world…" (Sánchez, 17) The novel describes diverse conflicts that lead to the loss of stability and to decentricity. The third issue of postmodernism appears in the uncertainty of narrator. In conclusion, Emerson's self-reliance theory incites man to be self- reliant and think of his personal development. This will be achieved when he believes that he can be a successful 'nonconformist' individual. He must trust new ideas and make an intellectual revolution. In order to be a great self-reliant man, one must revolt against the world. As a result, he will be one of the world 'kings' that enjoy 'magnetism.' Both Nesbit and Sarah decide to follow Emerson's self-reliance. Both plan to be 'kings:' Nesbit plans to be a 'great proprietor;' Sarah plans to be 'noble.' Both plan to revolt against 'society' and become 'nonconformists.' Both face hard obstacles; 'a man is to carry himself in the presence of all oppositions.' The oppositions that Nesbit faces force her to undergo to class distinction and sexual violence; she could overcome both. The oppositions that Sarah faces force her to undergo to racial discrimination and gender oppression; she fail to overcome both. Nesbit victimized her (594) Occasional Papers Vol. 68: October (2019) ISSN 1110-2721 self in order to take money from men; Sarah presents her life in her defense of her man: 'women kill themselves.' Feminism and postmodern issues appear in Ragtime. These issues show the American society's contradicted opposing nature. Mahmoud Serwa Abd EL- Hamid Mahmoud (595) Occasional Papers Vol. 68: October (2019) ISSN 1110-2721 Works Cited Primary Sources: Doctorow, Edgar Lawrence. Ragtime, New York: Random House, 1975. https://archive.org/details/ragtime00doct_j4y/page/n9 Emerson, Ralph Waldo. 'Self-Reliance.' The Complete Essays and Other Writings of Ralph Waldo Emerson. Edited by Brooks Atkinson, The Modern Library, New York, 1940. -complete-the-emerson-waldo-s.files.wordpress.com/2018/07/ralphhttps://somacle 1950.pdf-library-modern-the-emerson-waldo-ralph-of-writings-other-and-essays Secondary Sources: Web Sites: Course Hero. "Ragtime Study Guide." Course Hero. 13 Mar. 2017. Web. 4 Dec. 2019. . https://www.coursehero.com/lit/Ragtime/plot-summary/#plot_diagram Evelyn Nesbit: From Being Object to Becoming a Subject, 14 May 2018. https://gradesfixer.com/free-essay-examples/from-the-other-towards-the-subject-a- study-of-evelyn-nesbit-in-ragtime/ Grades Fixer, Ragtime and Female Roles, 08 Jun 2018. https://gradesfixer.com/free-essay-examples/womens-roles-in-ragtime/ History, Art & Archives, U.S. House of Representatives, Office of the Historian, Women in Congress, 1917–2006. Washington, D.C.: U.S. Government Printing Office, 2007. “The Women’s Rights Movement, 1848–1920.” https://history.house.gov/Exhibitions-and-Publications/WIC/Historical-Essays/No- Lady/Womens-Rights/ McNally, Terrence, Ragtime: The Guide, 2009. https://www.pcs.org/assets/uploads/resource-guides/ResourceGuide-Ragtime.pdf Research Paper, Progressive Era, 24/11/2010. http://www.coolr.ru/Ragtime_Essay_Research_Paper_Ragtime_by_DoctorowAt Ragtime by E L Doctorow, September 6, 2017. http://samedaypapers.me/ragtime-by-e-l-doctorow/ Shmoop, Study guide Ragtime, https://www.shmoop.com/study-guides/literature/ragtime https://archive.org/search.php?query=date:1975 https://archive.org/details/ragtime00doct_j4y/page/n9 https://somacles.files.wordpress.com/2018/07/ralph-waldo-emerson-the-complete-essays-and-other-writings-of-ralph-waldo-emerson-the-modern-library-1950.pdf https://somacles.files.wordpress.com/2018/07/ralph-waldo-emerson-the-complete-essays-and-other-writings-of-ralph-waldo-emerson-the-modern-library-1950.pdf https://www.coursehero.com/lit/Ragtime/plot-summary/#plot_diagram https://gradesfixer.com/free-essay-examples/from-the-other-towards-the-subject-a-study-of-evelyn-nesbit-in-ragtime/ https://gradesfixer.com/free-essay-examples/from-the-other-towards-the-subject-a-study-of-evelyn-nesbit-in-ragtime/ https://gradesfixer.com/free-essay-examples/womens-roles-in-ragtime/ https://history.house.gov/Exhibitions-and-Publications/WIC/Historical-Essays/No-Lady/Womens-Rights/ https://history.house.gov/Exhibitions-and-Publications/WIC/Historical-Essays/No-Lady/Womens-Rights/ https://www.pcs.org/assets/uploads/resource-guides/ResourceGuide-Ragtime.pdf http://www.coolr.ru/Ragtime_Essay_Research_Paper_Ragtime_by_DoctorowAt http://samedaypapers.me/ragtime-by-e-l-doctorow/ https://www.shmoop.com/study-guides/literature/ragtime (596) Occasional Papers Vol. 68: October (2019) ISSN 1110-2721 Periodicals: Azatyan, Shmavon. The Clash Between Individual and Order in E.L. Doctorow's Ragtime. American University of Armenia/Ayb High School. Humanities and Social Sciences Review, January 2013, 20 December 2018. https://www.researchgate.net/publication/329799426_THE_CLASH_BETWEEN_IN DIVIDUAL_AND_ORDER_IN_EL_DOCTOROW'S_RAGTIME Kumar Yadav, Manoj, E. L. Doctorow as a Postmodern American Novelist: The Role of Historiography and Ethnography, European Journal of Literary Studies. Volume 2, Issue 1, 2019, 20 March 2019. https://www.researchgate.net/publication/331908031_E_L_DOCTOROW_AS_A_PO STMODERN_AMERICAN_NOVELIST_THE_ROLE_OF_HISTORIOGRAPHY_A ND_ETHNOGRAPHY Knorr, Walter L. “Doctorow and Kleist: ‘Kohlhaas’ in ‘Ragtime.’” Modern Fiction Studies, vol. 22, no. 2, 1976, pp. 224–227. JSTOR, www.jstor.org/stable/26280292. Kurth-Voigt, Lieselotte E. “Kleistian Overtones in E.L. Doctorow's ‘Ragtime.’” Monatshefte, vol. 69, no. 4, 1977, pp. 404–414. JSTOR, www.jstor.org/stable/30156853. Moraru, Christian. “The Reincarnated Plot: E. L. Doctorow's ‘Ragtime’, Heinrich Von Kleist's ‘Michael Kohlhaas," and the Spectacle of Modernity.” The Comparatist, vol. 21, 1997, pp. 92–116. JSTOR, www.jstor.org/stable/44366960. Ramin, Zohreh, History/ Fiction: An Intertextual reading of E. L. Doctorow’s Ragtime, The Southeast Asian Journal of English Language Studies – Vol 20(1):157– 166. March 2014. https://www.researchgate.net/publication/279216574_History_Fiction_An_Intertextua l_reading_of_E_L_Doctorow's_Ragtime Roynon, Tessa. Ovid, Race and Identity in E. L. Doctorow’s Ragtime (1975) and Jeffrey Eugenides’s Middlesex (2002) International Journal of the Classical Tradition, 18 February 2019. w.pdf-00510-019-https://link.springer.com/content/pdf/10.1007%2Fs12138 Sánchez, Jesús Benito. “«Doctorow's ‘Ragtime’: A Breach in The Frame of History».” Atlantis, vol. 19, no. 2, 1997, pp. 15–24. JSTOR, www.jstor.org/stable/41055457. San Miguel, María Ferrandez, The Collusion of Feminist and Postmodernist Impulses in E.L. Doctorow’s Ragtime, Complutense Journal of English Studies 2015, vol. 23, 97-114. https://revistas.ucm.es/index.php/CJES/article/view/48592/47883 Voros, Gergely, Ragtime as “False Document”: Narratives and a Constructed World in E. L. Doctorow’s Ragtime, liberation https://www.researchgate.net/publication/329799426_THE_CLASH_BETWEEN_INDIVIDUAL_AND_ORDER_IN_EL_DOCTOROW'S_RAGTIME https://www.researchgate.net/publication/329799426_THE_CLASH_BETWEEN_INDIVIDUAL_AND_ORDER_IN_EL_DOCTOROW'S_RAGTIME https://www.researchgate.net/publication/331908031_E_L_DOCTOROW_AS_A_POSTMODERN_AMERICAN_NOVELIST_THE_ROLE_OF_HISTORIOGRAPHY_AND_ETHNOGRAPHY https://www.researchgate.net/publication/331908031_E_L_DOCTOROW_AS_A_POSTMODERN_AMERICAN_NOVELIST_THE_ROLE_OF_HISTORIOGRAPHY_AND_ETHNOGRAPHY https://www.researchgate.net/publication/331908031_E_L_DOCTOROW_AS_A_POSTMODERN_AMERICAN_NOVELIST_THE_ROLE_OF_HISTORIOGRAPHY_AND_ETHNOGRAPHY http://www.jstor.org/stable/30156853 https://www.researchgate.net/publication/279216574_History_Fiction_An_Intertextual_reading_of_E_L_Doctorow's_Ragtime https://www.researchgate.net/publication/279216574_History_Fiction_An_Intertextual_reading_of_E_L_Doctorow's_Ragtime https://link.springer.com/content/pdf/10.1007%2Fs12138-019-00510-w.pdf https://link.springer.com/content/pdf/10.1007%2Fs12138-019-00510-w.pdf https://revistas.ucm.es/index.php/CJES/article/view/48592/47883 http://americanaejournal.hu/vol14no2/voros http://americanaejournal.hu/vol14no2/voros Mahmoud Serwa Abd EL- Hamid Mahmoud (597) Occasional Papers Vol. 68: October (2019) ISSN 1110-2721 Americana, E-Journal of American Studies in Hungary, Volume XIV, number 2, fall 2018 http://americanaejournal.hu/vol14no2/voros Books: Bloom, Harold, ed. Bloom's Guides: E.L. Doctorow’s Ragtime. Chelsea House Publishers, Philadelphia. 2004 https://epdf.pub/el-doctorows-ragtime-blooms-guides.htm1 PhDs: Skřepská, Michaela, E. L. Doctorow’s Ragtime: History and Fiction, University of South Bohemia, 2015. http://americanaejournal.hu/ http://americanaejournal.hu/vol14no2/voros https://epdf.pub/el-doctorows-ragtime-blooms-guides.htm1 work_4nxouxkmwvd3toljukak6jomlu ---- Nouvelle Biographie, Pulp Nonfiction, and National Crisis: the year in france HAL Id: hal-02105225 https://hal.archives-ouvertes.fr/hal-02105225 Submitted on 20 Apr 2019 HAL is a multi-disciplinary open access archive for the deposit and dissemination of sci- entific research documents, whether they are pub- lished or not. The documents may come from teaching and research institutions in France or abroad, or from public or private research centers. L’archive ouverte pluridisciplinaire HAL, est destinée au dépôt et à la diffusion de documents scientifiques de niveau recherche, publiés ou non, émanant des établissements d’enseignement et de recherche français ou étrangers, des laboratoires publics ou privés. Nouvelle Biographie, Pulp Nonfiction, and National Crisis: the year in france Joanny Moulin To cite this version: Joanny Moulin. Nouvelle Biographie, Pulp Nonfiction, and National Crisis: the year in france. Biog- raphy, University of Hawaii Press, 2017, 40 (4), pp.588-595. �10.1353/bio.2017.0051�. �hal-02105225� https://hal.archives-ouvertes.fr/hal-02105225 https://hal.archives-ouvertes.fr Biography vol. 40, no. 4, Fall 2017 © Biographical Research Center nouvelle biographie, pulp nonfiction, and national crisis the year in france joanny moulin By a stroke of fate, the summer of 2017 has seen the demise of two famous French biographers, Max Gallo (1931–2017) and Gonzague Saint Bris (1948– 2017). Although they came from radically different social backgrounds, they both stood for a certain idea of biography as a popular literary genre charac- terized by conservative tendencies and a kitsch style of pop history. Max Gallo was the son of working-class Italian immigrants who had found in Nice, in southeast France, a shelter against Mussolini’s fascism be- fore his father took an active part in the French resistance. Having left school at the age of eleven to earn a living as a factory worker, then as a radio tech- nician, Max went on educating himself as an autodidact. At the time of the Algerian War, in 1956, he was already leaving the Communist Party, and the next year he passed the agrégation to become a professor of history at Lycée Masséna. Then in 1968 he defended a PhD dissertation on Italian fascist pro- paganda that opened for him the door to a brief academic career as assistant lecturer at the University of Nice. Dabbling in politics and journalism, he became a socialist member of Parliament in 1981, the year when the socialist Union de la Gauche won the presidential election with François Mitterrand: Gallo acquired national notoriety as an official government spokesman. In 1992, he left the Socialist Party to found a center-left divergent current with Jean-Pierre Chevènement, whom he still supported in the 2002 election that saw the defeat of the Socialist Party and the extreme-right leader of the Front National reach the second round of the presidential election, a shocking first since World War II. In 2005, Gallo campaigned for the “No” in the refer- endum on the European Constitution that brought the build-up of political Europe to a halt. In 2007 he had completed his ideological metamorphosis, Moulin, The Year in France 589 and spoke publicly in favor of the right-wing candidate Nicolas Sarkozy, ad- hering with naïve sincerity to the apology for the necessity of the debate on the question of identité nationale. In 2008, Gallo was elected to the Académie française. This thumbnail life sketch is helpful in understanding the ideological meaning of Gallo’s literary commitment, based on the conviction Gallo cap- tured in his La Croix article titled, “La France est dans une crise nationale de longue durée” [France is in an extended period of national crisis]. In an inter- view to the news magazine Le Point, which claims to be a French equivalent of Time magazine, he declared that, contrary to the US, France is a country where the people are not united by an “attachement religieux” (Gallo, “Il suf- fit”), going as far as to say that the French Revolution was “un antimodèle qui pèse encore aujourd’hui” [an antimodel that still weighs on us today], a bloody, unfortunate birth of the Nation that Gallo saw as forever exposing it to “l’irruption de la violence et des barbaries” [an eruption of violence and barbarism]. In a 2002 interview, given to the Catholic news magazine La Vie, which republished this text in July 2017 on the occasion of his death, Gallo declared, “La France a besoin de retrouver ses racines chrétiennes” [France needs to rediscover its Christian roots] (“Pourquoi je prie”). He went on to explain that such had been the meaning of his literary work over the years: “essayer de donner une image la plus complète possible de la diversité de notre histoire nationale” [to attempt to give the most complete image possible of the diversity of our national history]. His multivolume historical novels—Les Chrétiens following Bleu Blanc Rouge and Les patriotes, soon to be followed by Morts pour la France—read like prosopographies, or group biographies, of the most obvious great figures of French history. It is a return to a form of popular historiography, implicitly assuming, like Ralph Waldo Emerson, that “there is properly no history; only biography” (15), turning the page on a few decades of structuralism and the Annales School. There is hardly any differ- ence between Gallo’s fictions, his histories, and his biographies, all address- ing the kind of subjects journalists call marronniers (chestnuts)—Napoléon, De Gaulle, Victor Hugo, Louis XIV, Henri IV, etc.—the last ones he churned out being Henri IV: Un roi français (2016) and Richelieu: La foi dans la France (2017). Gallo’s writing career was a long succession of books celebrating great men, symptomatic of a backward-looking mindset that was a sort of Catholic equivalent of Thomas Carlyle’s On Heroes and Hero Worship (1841). In a mod- ern historical context in which it is a crucial issue in France, as indeed in other countries of the European community, when and whether the Old World will overcome at last its ancestral division between national identities that, in the eyes of many, bear the guilt of past barbarism and present impotence, Gallo’s no doubt well-meaning effort was more simpleminded than well advised. 590 Biography vol. 40, no. 4, Fall 2017 Among the common points between Gallo and Gonzague Saint Bris is the mercenary motivation of their writing: both obviously wrote for money, in the modern heritage of a tradition of commercial paraliterature, a form of what Sainte-Beuve used to call la littérature industrielle and that we might call pulp nonfiction, which is strongly reminiscent of the anas, collections of purple patches, anecdotes, and biographical sketches thriving on the fame of historical figures and celebrities. The generic name comes from the Latin suffix -ana: a popular genre since the late eighteenth century, in which some now-forgotten writers used to specialize, like Charles-Yves Cousin d’Avallon (1769–1840), the prolific author of Voltaireana, Bonapartiana, and so many specimens in the same cultural species. Whereas the nobiliary particle “de” in Cousin d’Avallon’s name was a sham (he was a very plebeian Monsieur Cousin from Avallon), Gonzague Saint Bris was the cadet son of a family of the papal nobility. Much as d’Avallon once used his fake particle as a com- mercial brand, Saint Bris exploited his upper-class origin as a fonds de com- merce, posing as an expert and an admirer of the noblesse, producing in book form an equivalent of Point de vue, Images du monde: Le journal des princes d’aujourd’ hui, a French popular magazine specializing in Almanach de Gotha members. His last book, published posthumously after his sudden death in a car crash in August 2017, sounds like a testament: Aristocrates rebelles. “Ils sont nés avec un nom et des privilèges. Ils ont choisi leur propre destin; la liberté” [They were born with a name and with privileges. They chose their own desti- ny: liberty], says the front-page blurb. This book is a collection of biographical sketches, twenty-three in some three hundred pages, presenting a selection of aristocrats’ lives, from Germaine de Staël to Antoine de Saint Exupéry, from Alphonse de Lamartine to Simone de Beauvoir. Not that Saint Bris made the aristocracy an exclusive specialty: he could rise to the occasion as when, on the death of Michael Jackson, he published Au paradis avec Michael Jackson based on his own encounter and conversations with the pop star, with whom he had spent some time during his 1992 journey in Gabon. Saint Bris was also the tutelary spirit of La Forêt des livres, an annual literary event he had founded in 1995, where writers and other celebrities signed their books and received awards in the country setting of Chanceaux-près-Loire. Max Gallo revising once more the Carlylean cult of Great Men to perpetu- ate the sense of belonging to a national community, Gonzague Saint Bris revis- iting the tradition of the anas in the spirit of popular magazines: looking back on the careers of these two French biographers as their obituaries hit the news, one is bound to think Catherine Peters was right when she said, “the biographer- as-artist is still living in the nineteenth century. It is hard to imagine a nouvelle biographie, analogous to the nouveau roman, in which anonymous characters Moulin, The Year in France 591 moved through a neutral landscape, living out narrative-free existences” (44). However, such an opinion is not devoid of a mild touch of what C. S. Lewis called “chronological snobbery, the uncritical acceptance of the intellectual climate common to our own age and the assumption that whatever has gone out of date is on that account discredited” (207–08). For, in retrospect, the nouveau roman appears as the very ephemeral curiosity. There is no reason why the novel should be the compulsory paradigm of all writing, and to all intents and purposes contemporary fiction is characterized by a return to the narrative and the individual life story. Moreover, “new biography” had preceded the nouveau roman in the history of literature: this early twentieth- century school of biography, of which Lytton Strachey and André Maurois were the paragons in Britain and in France respectively, was characterized by the shorter, fiction-like form of “narrative history” and the predominance of the biographer’s point of view. In very different ways, there is much of new biography in Gonzague Saint Bris, the histrionic maverick of noblesse oblige, and in Max Gallo, the Quixotic white knight of national history. The im- portance of the narrative and the widespread though nonexclusive interest in pre-twentieth-century subjects may also be symptomatic of a present when French culture is striving to overcome its poststructuralist period in the acad- emy, while in literature it has definitely turned its back on the blind alley of the nouveau roman. Remarkably, the Prix Goncourt de la Biographie, after having rewarded Philippe Forest for Aragon in 2016, was awarded in 2017 to Marianne and Claude Schopp for their brainchild, Dumas fils ou l’Anti-Œdipe. It is the first- ever biography of Alexandre Dumas fils, the author of La Dame aux Camélias, who was even more famous than his father in his own lifetime, although pos- terity has elected Alexandre Dumas père, the prolific author of Les Trois Mous- quetaires among many other historical novels and biographies. Rather than in Gallo’s marronniers, we seem to be more interested in forgotten or rebel fig- ures. For instance, Paul Gauguin, the post-impressionist painter, fascinates us precisely because he scandalously rejected stuffy metropolitan values of nine- teenth-century France. David Haziot’s Gauguin is one of several biographies of the painter that came out in fall 2017, while the biopic of his years in exile by Edouard Deluc, Paul Gauguin, Voyage à Tahiti, where the painter is played by Vincent Cassel, came out in September 2017. A new edition of Noa Noa, Gauguin’s autobiographical narrative of his first journey in Tahiti, is published in a pocketbook collection with a preface by Victor Segalen (1878–1919), the eccentric Breton doctor, novelist, poet, ethnographer, sinologist, and arche- ologist. It is easy to miss the connection with Jean-Luc Coatalem’s Mes Pas vont ailleurs: half-novel, half-biography, where Coatelem addresses Segalen, 592 Biography vol. 40, no. 4, Fall 2017 his wandering life, and his multifaceted works in a digressive text, constantly transgressing chronology and demonstrating the modernist potentialities of biographical writing in a style reminiscent of A. J. A. Symons’s in The Quest for Corvo (1934) and of American biographer David E. Nye’s anti-biography of Thomas Edison, The Invented Self (1983). On blogs, modern readers com- plain that the writing is confusing and boring to read. No doubt that is a sign of the times. The year 2017 saw a momentous election in France, and there is a clear public feeling that this presidential campaign and its outcome has turned an important page in our roman national, insofar as it has greatly changed the political landscape. Biographical writing in the largest sense of the term has played an important part in this transformation. Gérard Davet and Fabrice Lhomme’s “Un président ne devrait pas dire ça . . .” can be viewed as a form of instant life writing, in which President Hollande authorized two journal- ists to publish his confidences. The book was judged so scandalously incom- patible with the dignity and secrecy demanded of the office of the president that it has played an important part in Hollande’s decision not to run for a second term. Some observers went as far as to say that it may have been a form of political suicide. In fall 2016, Gallimard had published two post- humous texts by Hollande’s role model, François Mitterrand (1916–1996): Journal pour Anne and Lettres à Anne, containing details about the President’s half-secret double life with Anne Pingeot, but these were posthumous works. Scarcely had the campaign been launched when, in January 2017, the satirical paper Le Canard enchaîné made revelations about the past life of Hollande’s runner up, the Republican François Fillon, that were tantamount to political assassination. On the seasonal market created by the electoral campaign, ev- ery candidate was the object of more or less authorized biographical attempts. Standing out from the usual run of the mill, one could notice in particular Francis Métivier’s Mythologie des Présidentiables, a collection of five very short e-books—which can certainly not be suspected of mercenary intentions, as the batch cost only five euros—that purported brief sketches of the mythical images that the candidates projected of themselves. Much more substantial, albeit not more expensive in terms of cost per page, Renaud Dely’s La Vraie Marine Le Pen: Une bobo chez les fachos undertook a systematic deconstruc- tion of the public image of the woman leader of the extreme-right National Front, who had never been so close to a potential win. One way or another, never more clearly than this year has biography and autobiography been put to use in the run for the presidency. Some biographies of Emmanuel Macron, like Anne Fulda’s, or Caroline Derrien and Candice Nedelec’s portrait of the future presidential couple, Les Macron, amounted to apologies under a thin Moulin, The Year in France 593 veneer of critical distance. More remarkably still, Macron himself produced two autobiographical books: Macron par Macron in late 2016 and Révolution in early 2017 that did much to help sell his character to the electorate. With Max Gallo and Gonzague Saint Bris an outmoded style of biogra- phy is dying away in this country, while the genre discreetly plays a central role in the cultural life of the nation. Away from the conventional old ches- nuts, Dominique Bona, the most recently elected woman member of the Aca- démie française (2013) has produced a remarkable text, Colette et les siennes, as part of her vindication of the cause of women, while the historian Georgette Elgey has published her autobiography, Toutes fenêtres ouvertes. This self-nar- rative of a French intellectual resonates with the renewed interest of the acade- my in égo-histoire—a concept derived by Pierre Nora in 1987 from the notion of “ego-document” coined by Dutch historian Jacques Presser in the mid- 1950s—and more particularly the égo-histoires of modern historians, which are the objects of research of the Réseau Historiographie et Épistémologie de l’Histoire funded by the Agence Nationale de la Recherche. On the whole, it seems at times that nearly every new book has some biographical or auto- biographical dimension, while in French cinema le biopic flourishes: among many other examples, Michel Hazanavius’s latest film, Le Redoutable, a par- tial biopic of Jean-Luc Godard’s married life with Anne Wiazemsky, is any- thing but a hagiography of “le plus con des Suisses pro-Chinois” [the daftest pro-Chinese Swiss], as a graffiti on a wall of the Sorbonne labeled the Mao- ist film-maker in 1968. This brief chronicle cannot hope to do justice to the wealth of biographical productions in France this year, but it seems clear that biography in the larger sense has become a center-stage genre in French cul- tural and intellectual life. Its innovative potential is still inchoate, but the odds are that it will not take the forms of what the last century called modern. works cited Bona, Dominique. Colette et les siennes. Grasset, 2017. Carlyle, Thomas. On Heroes and Hero-Worship: The Heroic in History. 1841. Edited by Annie Russell Marble, Macmillan, 1905. Carnet du réseau historiographie et épistémologie de l’histoire. N.d., https://crheh.hypotheses. org/tag/ego-histoire. Accessed 28 Sept. 2017. Cousin d’Avallon, Charles-Yves. Voltairiana, ou Recueil des bons mots, plaisanteries, pensées ingénieuses et saillies spirituelles de Voltaire; suivi des Anecdotes peu connues relatives à ce philosophe et poète célèbre. 1799. http://gallica.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/bpt6k864303.pdf. Ac- cessed 28 Sept. 2017. 594 Biography vol. 40, no. 4, Fall 2017 Cousin d’Avallon, Charles-Yves, editor. Bonapartiana, ou Recueil choisi d’anecdotes, de traits sublimes, de bons mots, de saillies, de pensées ingénieuses, de réflexions profondes de Napoléon Bonaparte, avec un aperçu des actions les plus belles et les plus éclatantes de sa vie. Paris, 1833. Davet, Gerard, and Fabrice Lhomme. “Un président ne devrait pas dire ça . . .”: Les secrets d’un quinquennat. Points, 2017. Dely, Renaud. La Vraie Marine Le Pen: Une bobo chez les fachos. Plon, 2017. Derrien, Caroline, and Candice Nedelec. Les Macron. Fayard, 2017. Elgey, Georgette. Toutes fenêtres ouvertes. Fayard, 2017. Emerson, Ralph Waldo. “History.” Essays: First and Second Series. New York, 1883, pp. 7–44. Fulda, Anne. Emmanuel Macron: Un jeune homme si parfait. Plon, 2017. Gallo, Max. Bleu Blanc Rouge. XO, 2000. ———. Les Chrétiens. Fayard, 2002. 3 vols. ———. De Gaulle. Robert Laffont, 1998. 4 vols. ———. “La France est dans une crise nationale de longue durée.” La Croix, 31 Dec. 2010, https://www.la-croix.com/Archives/2010-12-31/Max-Gallo-historien-membre-de-l- Academie-francaise.-La-France-traverse-une-crise-nationale-de-longue-duree-_NP_- 2010-12-31-393201. Accessed 28 Sept. 2017. ———. Henri IV. XO, 2016. ———. Louis XIV. XO, 2007. ———. Morts pour la France. Fayard, 2003. ———. Napoléon. Robert Laffont, 1997. 4 vols. ———. Les Patriotes. Fayard, 2000. ———. “Pourquoi je prie.” La Vie, 19 July 2017, http://www.lavie.fr/actualite/societe/max- gallo-pourquoi-je-prie-19-07-2017-83756_7.php. Accessed 28 Sept. 2017. ———. Richelieu: La foi dans la France. XO, 2015. ———. “Il suffit de quelques jours pour que la barbarie rejaillisse.” Le Point, 25 Feb. 2009, http://www.lepoint.fr/actualites-politique/2009-02-25/interview-max-gallo-il-suffit-de- quelques-jours-pour-que-la/917/0/320453. Accessed 28 Sept. 2017. ———. Victor Hugo. XO, 2001. 2 vols. Gauguin, Paul. Noa Noa. 1901. Bartillat, 2017. Haziot, David. Gauguin. Fayard, 2017. Lewis, C. S. Surprised by Joy: The Shape of My Early Life. Harcourt, Brace & World, 1955. Macron, Emmanuel. Révolution. XO, 2016. Macron, Emmanuel, and Eric Fottorino. Macron par Macron. Éditions de l’Aube, 2017. Métivier, Francis. Mythologie des Présidentiables. Pygmalion, 2017. Mitterrand, François. Journal pour Anne: 1964–1970. Gallimard, 2016. ———. Lettres à Anne: 1962–1995. Gallimard, 2016. Nora, Pierre. Essais d’égo-histoire. Gallimard, 1987. Nye, David E. The Invented Self: An Anti-biography, from the Documents of Thomas A. Edison. Odense UP, 1983. Moulin, The Year in France 595 Peters, Catherine. “Secondary Lives: Biography in Context.” The Art of Literary Biography, edited by John Batchelor, Clarendon Press, 1995, pp. 43–56. Saint Bris, Gonzague. Aristocrates Rebelles. Éditions des Arènes, 2017. ———. Au paradis avec Michael Jackson. Presses de la Cité, 2010. Sainte-Beuve, Charles-Augustin. “La Littérature industrielle.” 1839. https://fr.wikisource. org/wiki/La_Littérature_industrielle. Accessed 28 Sept. 2017. Symons, A. J. A. The Quest for Corvo: An Experiment in Biography. 1934. Penguin, 1950. work_4o72uig7jfabbij3eobdcwqsdm ---- BA330311.pdf www.biosciencemag.org July 2011 / Vol. 61 No. 7 567 Books if the focus on the shack and the lab reveals true similarities, or if it is a device that pulls together the mythol- ogy surrounding each man, perhaps obscuring or ignoring the divergent lives they led. After all, Leopold’s shack and Ricketts’s lab were different in purpose, origin, and use. Whereas the lab served to process marine specimens for sale to students and researchers, the shack was a family retreat, where solitude and physical work restored the forests that had been lost to the saw and plow. Ricketts’s lab was a gathering spot for authors and artists (frequent guests included John Stein- beck and Joseph Campbell), whereas Leopold’s shack was a quiet refuge for family and, at times, a few close friends and students. And whereas the lab was a rented building squeezed between a sardine cannery and busy railroad tracks, the shack was in the boondocks, surrounded in Leopold’s day by exhausted farmlands that were an unlikely destination for naturalists or tourists. Similarly, the two men’s person- alities seem equally disparate: Rick- etts, loud and boisterous, provided a meeting place for the unconventional intellectuals who sought freedom in the freewheeling California of the early twentieth century. If Ricketts provided refuge and inspiration for their great works, it was through the unvarnished life he shared with them, which included field excur- sions to Mexico and Alaska, as well as many days in California tide pools and festive evenings in the lab. Leo- pold, the quiet professor, spent most of his time at the shack with his children and students—planting trees, making detailed natural his- tory observations, cleaning, fixing, and restoring, while cementing the personal bonds that come with hard work. Seen in this light, Ricketts and Leopold are a dynamic duo, yin-and-yang voices that together transformed natural history into environmental science and made the leap from insular and specialized disciplines to a new field with sweep- ing societal relevance. most closely identified with their lives and insights: Leopold’s shack in the Wisconsin Sandhills and Rick- etts’s waterfront lab on Monterey Bay. By weaving their stories together around these unassuming buildings, Lannoo manages to create a connec- tion in the mind of the reader, a con- nection that did not exist between these men, who never met. By forg- ing this link, the author integrates the terrestrial and the marine, the introversion of the researcher with the wanderlust of the naturalist, the discipline of science and the passion of activism. By tying these men to the modest structures where their most sweeping ideas came to life, Lannoo makes a connection that is both unexpected and insightful. And although their private lives could hardly have been more different, their impact on society is conver- gent and complementary. From the reader’s perspective, the author’s appreciation of both the men and their contributions is inspiring. Leopold’s Shack and Ricketts’s Lab is a short and entertaining read, a book that fans of both Leopold and Ricketts will appreciate. Each reader is likely to recognize one character and be introduced to the other. The reverence I hold for the shack and the ideas that flowed from it gave me entry to Rick- etts’s life, through his lab, and I expect the reverse will be true for other read- ers. Yet one cannot help but wonder its historic and contemporary impor- tance to human society, and how and why plant organisms will continue to evolve novel compounds in a process that is both dynamic and ongoing. MICHAEL J. BALICK Michael J. Balick (mbalick@nybg.org) is vice president for botanical science, director, and philecology curator of the Institute of Economic Botany at The New York Botanical Garden, Bronx, New York. TWO “DESTINED HUMAN DELIVERERS” OF ENVIRONMENTAL SCIENCE Leopold’s Shack and Ricketts’s Lab: The Emergence of Environmental- ism. Michael J. Lannoo. University of California Press, 2010. 216 pp., illus. $24.95 (ISBN 9780520264786 cloth). Aldo Leopold, forester and wild-life biologist, and Ed Ricketts, marine biologist, were two early twentieth-century naturalists whose works have reverberated across the decades and influenced a genera- tion of environmental scientists and activists. Through intense observa- tion and uncommonly clear writ- ing, both men were able to develop and articulate an understanding of nature that linked the appetites of a rapidly industrializing nation to the vulnerability of its environment, long before the Earth Day awakening and the polarizing politics that consume current science and policy debates. If every discipline has its heroes, Leopold and Ricketts are two of the rock stars of environmental studies. With Leopold’s Shack and Ricketts’s Lab: The Emergence of Environmen- talism, Michael Lannoo has crafted a book designed to pull these two larger-than-life figures into focus, and he does so by linking their very different personalities to the places doi:10.1525/bio.2011.61.7.12 Ricketts and Leopold are a dynamic duo, yin-and-yang voices that together trans- formed natural history into environmental science and made the leap from insular and specialized disciplines to a new field with sweeping soci- etal relevance. Books 568 July 2011 / Vol. 61 No. 7 www.biosciencemag.org The central idea that emerges from this interesting volume is the sense that these men led complimentary lives. Together, they express what was then an emerging, uniquely Ameri- can form of environmental aware- ness that still defines a distinctive philosophical direction. A century earlier, a different pairing of intel- lects and personalities collided to define a prior movement in literature and philosophy. Ralph Waldo Emer- son, the renowned poet, and Henry David Thoreau, the anarchic natu- ralist, followed shared insights but contrasting lifestyles that, together, embodied the Transcendentalist movement. This creation articulated an intellectual foundation on which science and nature would be united to confront the future that Thoreau predicted and that Ricketts and Leo- pold encountered in their twentieth- century lives. Without putting too fine a point on it, Lannoo invites us to see the subjects of his book as two lives intertwined in an effort to articulate a modern environmental ethic grounded in empiricism and committed to action—action to save nature from the unwitting march of a society utterly unaware of its destructiveness and its dependency on the natural world. The subtitle of this book—The Emergence of Environmentalism—is somewhat misleading. The emergence of environmentalism is not addressed directly, nor are these men’s roles in fostering it explored in any depth. Instead, we get a sense of the resonance of environmental science as a rigor- ous intellectual pursuit, grounded in method, informed by observation, and leavened with an awareness of its rel- evance to society. Lannoo writes that “the discipline of ecology, as understood by both men, could not be neatly categorized into more traditional academic fields.” Through the interdisciplinary nature of their inquiry, something new and critically important was discovered and carefully communicated to the rest of us. Emerson wrote about how knowledge and nature are “still hid and expectant... as if each waited... for a destined human deliverer.” Lannoo’s homage to Leopold and Ricketts is a convincing claim that the two men, drawing on creativity and social con- science, were so diligent in their com- mitment to natural history that they uncovered a set of vital truths for those who came after. THOMAS D. SISK Thomas D. Sisk (thomas.sisk@nau. edu) is a professor of ecology in Northern Arizona University’s School of Earth Sci- ences and Environmental Sustainability, in Flagstaff. MAKING SENSE OF REMOTELY SENSING VEGETATION Remote Sensing of Vegetation: Prin- ciples, Techniques, and Applica- tions. Hamlyn G. Jones and Robin A. Vaughan. Oxford University Press, 2010. 400 pp., illus. $55.00 (ISBN 9780199207794 paper). An ever-expanding constellation of Earth-observing sensors provides us with a virtual tsunami of data, much of it now freely available. But chan- neling this digital torrent into useful information about the vegetated land surfaces requires a skillful blending of radiation physics, image processing, their work has enjoyed with those who discovered their writings long after the authors were gone. That subsequent generation, those born into the era of environmental crises, read Leopold’s Sand County Almanac and Ricketts’s Between Pacific Tides with wonder, impressed that the authors had such clear thoughts about such important ideas, and that they were able to write about them so artfully that these titles continue to speak today with compel- ling voices. Yet there are others who more fully capture the activist roots of the environmental movement; per- haps most prominent among them is Rachel Carson, who galvanized the nation around the decline of nature with the publication of Silent Spring in 1962. In that context, Leopold, Ricketts, and the Transcendentalists before them were rediscovered and embraced by a new generation, one that gave rise to the great environ- mental leaders of the late twentieth century. The emergence of the envi- ronmental movement has changed the world, but with almost seven billion humans now (three times the popula- tion of the world when Leopold and Ricketts were writing), the planet is changing even faster and, thus far, not in a manner that would give either man much cheer. Can their words inspire the next generation as it has the past two, and will the emergence of environmental- ism contribute to the adoption of the ethical stance on conservation that emerges from their fusion of natu- ral history and philosophy? Lannoo points in this direction, saying in the book, “Leopold shows us what to do, Ricketts shows us how to do it.” But he takes a different path to the book’s conclusion, stepping out of the flow of environmentalism and into the field that his two subjects shared without question: natural history. By recount- ing their decades of detailed observa- tions and the depth of their insights, as well as their love of being in the field and experiencing nature directly, Lan- noo highlights not so much the emer- gence of environmentalism as a social movement, but rather the emergence doi:10.1525/bio.2011.61.7.13 work_4qswkhkwxje65nz5ds3xllnw6a ---- Collections: Art and Adventure in Nineteenth-Century California | California History | University of California Press Skip to Main Content Close UCPRESS ABOUT US BLOG SUPPORT US CONTACT US Search search input Search input auto suggest search filter All Content California History Search User Tools Register Carnegie Mellon University Carnegie Mellon University Sign In Toggle MenuMenu Content Recent Content Browse Issues All Content Purchase Alerts Submit Info For Authors Librarians Reprints & Permissions About Journal Editorial Team Richard J. Orsi Prize Contact Us Skip Nav Destination Article Navigation Close mobile search navigation Article navigation Volume 86, Issue 4 January 2009 Previous Article Next Article Article Navigation Research Article| January 01 2009 Collections: Art and Adventure in Nineteenth-Century California Amy Scott Amy Scott Search for other works by this author on: This Site PubMed Google Scholar California History (2009) 86 (4): 14–82. https://doi.org/10.2307/40495231 Views Icon Views Article contents Figures & tables Video Audio Supplementary Data Share Icon Share Facebook Twitter LinkedIn Email Tools Icon Tools Get Permissions Cite Icon Cite Search Site Citation Amy Scott; Collections: Art and Adventure in Nineteenth-Century California. 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Privacy policy   Accessibility Close Modal Close Modal This Feature Is Available To Subscribers Only Sign In or Create an Account Close Modal Close Modal This site uses cookies. By continuing to use our website, you are agreeing to our privacy policy. Accept work_4tgwco4oqvchdiaw6ldxx35ioq ---- Nile tensions Let researchers finish their work on the impacts of Africa’s largest hydropower dam. Scientists investigating the hydrology of the Nile are likely to have heard the story of their tenth-century predecessor, mathema-tician and physicist Ibn al-Haytham. The ruler of Egypt asked al-Haytham to dam the river, but it proved too great an engineer- ing challenge. Fearing the caliph’s wrath, al-Haytham is said to have feigned illness to avoid being punished. Thankfully, the scientists currently advising Egypt, Ethiopia and Sudan on the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam do not face anything like the same risks. But they are nevertheless under pressure as talks between the three countries — and especially between Egypt and Ethiopia — have hit an impasse (see page 159). Ethiopia says the hydropower dam is needed urgently, because two-thirds of the country has lacked electricity for too long. Egypt is in less of a hurry. Ninety per cent of its fresh water comes from the Nile, and it is concerned that the dam will create water scarcity for its 100 million inhabitants over the five to seven years needed to fill the dam’s reservoir. Last week, Egypt decided that it wants another country to mediate the dispute — naming the United States as its preferred choice. Ethiopia rejects this proposal. This is an unfortunate turn of events. There might well be a need for mediation, but now is too soon. The countries are still waiting for the outcome of an independ- ent scientific assessment of the dam’s risks to downstream countries. In 2015, Egypt, Ethiopia and Sudan agreed that an expert panel, the National Independent Scientific Research Group (NISRG), would assess the environmental impacts of each country’s preferred timetable for constructing the dam. The group has been meeting regularly and is preparing to produce a consensus report and provide recommenda- tions. But Egypt’s decision to call for mediation before the scientists have had a chance to report puts the NISRG in an awkward position: the researchers representing Egypt, especially, might feel pressure not to write or say anything that could undermine their government’s negotiating position. Instead of rushing straight into mediation, the countries should let their scientific advisers complete the task that has been asked of them. The researchers should be allowed to publish their findings for scrutiny by everyone concerned, not least the citizens of the three countries, who will be most affected by the dam. International involvement might be needed if the scientific advisers are unable to produce a consensus report, or if, once the findings are published, political leaders are unwilling or unable to shift their positions. But until then, Egypt, Ethiopia and Sudan need to let the researchers finish the job they have been asked to do. ■ Gandhi on science The champion of India’s freedom movement was a supporter of sustainable development. India’s tourist shops do a good trade in Gandhi memorabilia. One particularly popular souvenir is a plaque that lists Mohandas Karamchand (Mahatma) Gandhi’s ‘seven social sins’. These include ‘politics without principles’, ‘commerce without morality’ and ‘science without humanity’. During his lifetime and after his assassination in January 1948, Gandhi, the human-rights barrister turned freedom campaigner, has been mischaracterized as anti-science — often because of his concerns over the human and environmental impacts of industrial technologies. But in the month that the world commemorates the 150th anni- versary of Gandhi’s birth, it is time to revisit our understanding of this aspect of his life and work. Gandhi was a keen student of the art of experimentation — his autobiography is subtitled ‘The Story of My Experiments with Truth’. He was an enthusiastic inventor and an assiduous innovator, making, discarding and refining snake-catching tools, sandals made from used tyres, and methods for rural sanitation, not to mention the small cotton-spinning wheels that would become his trademark. Anil Gupta at the Indian Institute of Management in Ahmedabad, who has researched rural innovation in India for 40 years, says that Gandhi was also an early adopter of developing and improving tech- nologies using crowd-sourcing — in 1929 he announced a competition, with a cash prize, to design a lightweight spinning wheel that could produce thread from raw cotton. It would be of solid build quality that would last for 20 years. “Gandhi was an engineer at heart,” adds Anil Rajvanshi, director of the Nimbkar Agricultural Research Institute in Phaltan, India. Gandhi adopted experimental methods equally in his planning and execution of civil-disobedience campaigns against colonial rule. That legacy alone has endured to the extent that climate-change protest groups such as Extinction Rebellion describe themselves as following in a Gandhian tradition. Gandhi drew the line at the resource-intensive, industrial-scale engineering that Britain brought to India after the first waves of the Industrial Revolution. Inspired in part by the writings of Ralph Waldo Emerson, John Ruskin, Henry David Thoreau and Leo Tolstoy, he called for manufacturing on a more human scale, in which decisions about technologies rested with workers and communities. Gandhi was aware that he was perceived as being anti-science. His biographer Ramachandra Guha quotes a 1925 speech to college students in Trivandrum (now Thiruvananthapuram) in southern India, in which Gandhi said that this misconception was a “com- mon superstition”. In the same address, he said that “we cannot live without science”, but urged a form of accountability: “In my humble opinion there are limitations even to scientific search, and the limitations that I place upon sci- entific search are the limitations that humanity imposes upon us.” Gandhi understood that technology’s negative impacts are often felt disproportionately by low- income rural populations. In that same speech to the Trivandrum students, he challenged his young audience to think of these communities in their work. “Unfortunately, we, who learn in colleges, forget that India lives in her villages and not in her towns. How will you infect the people of the villages with your scientific knowledge?” he asked them. In the end, Gandhi’s call for less-harmful technologies was out of sync with India’s newly independent leadership, and also went against the grain of post-Second World War science and technology policy- making in most countries. India’s first prime minister, Jawaharlal Nehru, was strongly influenced by European industrial technology and also by the model of large publicly funded laboratories — the forerunners to today’s vibrant and globally renowned institutes of sci- ence and technology. By contrast, Gandhi’s ideas were seen as quaint and impractical. Influential figures from history often leave contested legacies. But in one respect at least, the space for debate about Gandhi’s life and impact has narrowed. As the world continues to grapple with how to respond to climate change, biodiversity loss, persistent poverty, and poor health and nutrition, Gandhi’s commitment to what we now call sustainability is perhaps more relevant today than in his own time. ■ “He was an enthusiastic inventor and an assiduous innovator.” 1 5 0 | N A T U R E | V O L 5 7 4 | 1 0 O C T O B E R 2 0 1 9 EDITORIALSTHIS WEEK © 2019 Springer Nature Limited. All rights reserved. work_4tm5wymluzbczenhnzqb5njhga ---- Cultural Intertexts Year 2 Vol. 3 2015 48 Alasdair Gray’s Lanark as an Act of Literary Resistance Markéta GREGOROVÁ* Abstract This paper examines the sheer variety of creative roles that the contemporary Scottish iconoclastic writer Alasdair Gray assumes in his works of fiction, discussing the external manifestations of his multifaceted talents in action as well as considering the conveyed effect. Widely regarded as the leading figure of the 1980s Scottish literary renaissance and the founding father of Scottish postmodern fiction, Gray emerged as a major creative artist with the publication of his influential novel Lanark: A Life in Four Books (1981), which epitomises his experimental approach to literary production and consumption. Gray figures in Lanark not only as the author of the text and the creator of the accompanying original illustrations, he also makes a cameo appearance as the morose and mean writer of the work-in-progress, who engages in an intellectual discussion with his protagonist concerning the plot of the very novel. Under the alias of Sidney Workman, Gray also fulfils the task of the literary critic in annotating the metafictional chapter of Lanark with discursive footnotes and embedding in it an index of earlier authors and texts that have been supposedly plagiarised in the novel under scrutiny. Gray succeeds in utilising the characteristically protean quality of the postmodern age for aesthetic purposes of his own making, challenging by the means of the mutually reinforcing form and content of his work our assumptions about the world as we know it. Keywords: Scottish literature; metafiction; postmodernism Even though Alasdair Gray expressed his discomfort about being reduced to limiting labels, it has become a critical commonplace to introduce him as a pioneering Scottish postmodern writer. His novelistic masterpiece, Lanark: A Life in Four Books (1981), significantly contributed to galvanising the 1980s Scottish literary renaissance, from which there emerged a host of innovative authors soon to achieve international reputation. Alasdair Gray qualifies as a true polymath: he has tried his hand at a range of literary genres and forms, furnished all his books with his own unmistakably original design and decorations and also painted vast murals commissioned for several public sites in his native Glasgow. Ever since his outstanding literary debut with Lanark, Gray has been confirming his position as an incorrigible iconoclast keen on startling his readers and critics out of their asinine complacency. Gray likes to take control over all aspects of the book production process, including tasks that writers do not often deem necessarily integral to their work and leave to other professionals in the trade, such as illustrations, front and back matter and typesetting of the book. This comprehensive approach based on Gray’s versatility enables him to appeal to the * Mgr., Palacký University Olomouc, Czech Republic marketagreg@gmail.com Cultural Intertexts Year 2 Vol. 3 2015 49 audience on multiple mutually reinforcing levels and to convey a message of extraordinary coherence and strength. Gray’s groundbreaking Lanark is a flamboyant exercise in the postmodern literary technique and at the same time a sympathetic exploration of flawed humanity. This voluminous novel of epic resonance comprises four books arranged out of their chronological sequence because, as the author suggests, he wanted the entire book “to be read in one order but eventually thought of in another” (Gray 2007: 483). Two main story lines are being developed, on the first impression seemingly unrelated, yet on closer observation ingeniously interlocked. One story involves a deeply troubled teenager, Duncan Thaw, obsessively pursuing a fulfilment of his artistic vision in a realistic setting of post- World War II Glasgow. Frustrated in his efforts, Thaw takes his own life only to be reincarnated as Lanark, the protagonist of the other story, which is set in the dystopian city of Unthank and follows Lanark’s symbolically endowed search for sunlight. The plot does not evolve in a linear fashion and is further complicated by additional framing devices, stories within stories and metafictional digressions. Beat Witschi (1991: 85) points out that in contriving such a multi-layered narrative, “Gray raises questions about the hierarchy and mode of existence of his various worlds. . . Thus it is virtually impossible for the reader . . . to decide who speaks about whom?, and when?, in which world?, and with what authority?” Undermining the notions of hierarchy and authority on the level of form emphasises the implications of the book on the level of content, which is where a strong distrust of official discourse and externally imposed authority are conveyed. Gray’s work, however, neither champions individualism, nor does it celebrate anarchy, quite the contrary, it embraces humanistic ideals and envisions a cooperative society that would balance the demands of the community and the desires of the individual. Gray speaks about “a sense of justice”, which he believes is impeded by “institutional dogma and criteria”. Institutions “have been made by people for the good of people,” Gray contends, “but when we see them working to increase dirt, poverty, pain, and death, then they have obviously gone wrong” (Axelrod 1995: 108). Alasdair Gray does not presume to offer practical solutions for rectifying social wrongs, yet his art wholeheartedly supports what David Couzens Hoy (2005: 2) terms “critical resistance” and specifies “as the emancipatory resistance to domination”. Hoy (2005: 6–8) discusses three forms of resistance—political, social and ethical—while maintaining that resistance does not necessarily imply clear goals and ideological programmes and that any active acknowledgement of one’s unfreedom ultimately qualifies as an act of resistance. Considering Alasdair Gray’s critical attitude to institutional hegemony manifested in his work, another form of active criticism could be added to Hoy’s taxonomy: literary resistance. Literary resistance in a broad sense seems to be the default mode of Gray’s writing and shows on the interwoven levels of form and subject matter as well as in small details, such as Gray’s assuming the roles of the illustrator and typesetter besides that of the author of his work. Cultural Intertexts Year 2 Vol. 3 2015 50 A sense of literary self-consciousness pervades much of Lanark but becomes particularly relevant in the epilogue, which, contrary to conventional expectations, happens to be inserted about three quarters throughout the book rather than at its end. Here the protagonist confronts his author in an uneasy conversation revolving around the protagonist’s preference as to the ending of his story, which proves to be irreconcilable with his author’s aesthetic intentions. The “conjuror”, as the author figure calls himself, flatly announces that he “plans to kill everyone” and proceeds to elaborate on his perceptions, “display erudition” and “utter some fine sentiments” (Gray 2007: 483–496). The conjuror as presented in the epilogue parodies the traditional concept of an omnipotent author who speaks through an omniscient narrator, a technique which has now been rendered obsolete. Lanark’s author admits that he no longer puts himself on par with God with respect to the power that he can exercise over his characters and shows genuine surprise at certain details in his character’s life of which he claims no knowledge. A paradoxical situation ensues when the conjuror interrogates his protagonist to learn about the portions of Lanark’s story which he has not yet written, for he is working on the epilogue as he speaks with Lanark, and the manuscript of the novel is still incomplete. The epilogue of Lanark brilliantly exemplifies the major points of Roland Barthes’s (1977: 148) influential essay “The Death of the Author”, which turns on the proposition that the power and privilege formerly enjoyed by the author ought to be ceded to the reader in the interest of literature. Barthes (1977: 145) denies to the contemporary author any existence beyond the text: “the modern scriptor,” he suggests, “is born simultaneously with the text . . . and every text is eternally written here and now”. Hence, the knowledge and perspective of Lanark’s creator is as limited as that of Lanark himself, and by implication, Lanark’s author comes to be stripped of any pretensions on creating the traditional grand narrative, for he has no complete vision, no coherent worldview to pass on to posterity. Accordingly, Barthes (1977: 146) asserts that “a text is not a line of words releasing a single ‘theological’ meaning (the ‘message’ of the Author–God) but a multi- dimensional space in which a variety of writings, none of them original, blend and crash”. He further elaborates: Literature (it would be better from now on to say writing) by refusing to assign a “secret”, an ultimate meaning, to the text (and to the world as text), liberates what may be called an anti-theological activity, an activity that is truly revolutionary since to refuse to fix meaning is, in the end, to refuse God and his hypostases— reason, science, law (Barthes 1977: 147). In the absence of the grand narrative and a single authoritative voice, a significant share of responsibility in the process of making the novel shifts to the reader, who is encouraged to critical thinking rather than merely following and enacting the wor(l)d of the Author–God. Besides writing himself into the epilogue in the persona of the conjuror, Gray incorporates in Lanark a substantial and elaborate body of seemingly serious Cultural Intertexts Year 2 Vol. 3 2015 51 scholarly criticism of the novel in progress. It consists of a battery of discursive footnotes and extended marginalia in the form of an “Index of Plagiarisms”, where three distinct types of supposed “literary theft” occurring in the novel are defined and the original authors are alphabetically listed (Gray 2007: 485). On closer examination, the device turns out at least in part tongue-in-cheek. Among plausible pieces of critique, there appears for instance the note: “This remark is too ludicrous to require comment here”; and in the plagiarism index there is the entry: “EMERSON, RALPH WALDO. Ralph Waldo Emerson has not been plagiarised” (Gray 2007: 488–492). The epilogue ends anticlimactically with one last footnote containing Gray’s (2007: 499) acknowledgements of those who assisted in various ways with the production of the book, including the typesetters at Kingsport Press of Kingsport, Tennessee. Given the notorious unreliability of Gray’s narrators, it does not surprise that Lanark does not conclude in universal carnage, as the conjurer conceived it would, but on a more hopeful note. Lanark does learn that he will die the next day, yet he forgets about it immediately and concludes the book in peaceful tranquillity, simply “glad to see the light in the sky” (Gray 2007: 560). In the epilogue and elsewhere, Gray’s idiosyncratic style involves occasional comic relief, with the author using anarchic humour as yet another form of literary resistance against the dominant discourse, while his characters engage in what Hoy categorises as political, social and ethical modes of resistance. Lanark’s major act of political resistance consists in his effort to thwart fictional world powers from closing a destructive pact, and although he fails to do this, by attempting it at least he accomplishes an action of outstanding human value. Lanark does not view himself as a heroic figure, and neither does the narrator, who bluntly describes him as “a slightly worried, ordinary old man”, but it is precisely this lack of heroic mood that renders Lanark’s achievement significant (Gray 2007: 560). Hoy (2005: 7) delineates one particular form of social resistance as “opposition to the ways that institutions shape individuals”, which covers a substantial part of the story of Lanark’s alter ego, Duncan Thaw. Thaw struggles with the institutional restraints of the art college that he attends on a bursary and that he despises for wasting his admitted talent on unambitious examination tasks focused on commercial design. After being dismissed from the college without degree, Thaw comes into conflict with institutionalised religion, whose representatives do not welcome Thaw’s boldly original interpretation of the Creation painted by him in a church mural. “The paradigm for ethical resistance is such that ethical resistance will inevitably fail,” Hoy (2005: 8) echoes Derrida and adds, “the ultimate resistance is in the face of death”. Ethical resistance applies to both Lanark and Thaw but is best illustrated in Lanark’s response to the news of his impending demise in the conclusion of the novel: he ignores the message, thus asserting his ethical superiority over death. More than three decades after it was first published, Lanark does not cease to delight, challenge and critically resist, in the sense that Hoy ascribes to the phrase: Cultural Intertexts Year 2 Vol. 3 2015 52 Resistance is both an activity and an attitude. It is the activity of refusal. It is also an attitude that refuses to give in to resignation. . . . Unlike resignation, resistance can lead to hope—that is, to an openness to the indefinite possibility that things could be different, even if one does not know exactly how (Hoy 2005: 9–10). Lanark concludes in a characteristically postmodern open-endedness but on a hopeful note, which is, in the last analysis, enabled exactly by the novel’s lack of binding ending. Alasdair Gray utilises the uncertainties characteristic of the postmodern era and encourages a re-thinking and re-evaluation of seemingly stable concepts such as truth, reality and authority. Admittedly, none of the experimental techniques that he employs in his writing constitute innovations in themselves. Gray’s creative uniqueness lies rather in an eclectic synthesis of pre- existing elements and their clever appropriation to purposes and ends solely of his own making. The landscape of his fiction is marked by metafictional diversions, multiple narrative layers and typographical eccentricities, but permanently underlying there is humour, compassion and a deep commitment to humanity. Ultimately, his writing enacts his often-repeated maxim promoting ethical resistance and fostering hope, which has been engraved among other notable quotations in the new building of the Scottish Parliament opened in 2004: “Work as if you live in the early days of a better nation.” References Axelrod, M. (1995) “An Epistolary Interview, Mostly with Alasdair Gray”. Review of Contemporary Fiction 15 (2), 1995, 106–115 Barthes, R. (1977) “The Death of the Author”. in Heath, S. (ed.) Image, Music, Text. London: Fontana Press, 142–148 Gray, A. (2007) Lanark: A Life in Four Books. Edinburgh: Canongate Hoy, D. C. (2005) Critical Resistance: From Poststructuralism to Post-critique. Cambridge: MIT Press Witschi, B. (1991) Glasgow Urban Writing and Postmodernism: A Study of Alasdair Gray’s Fiction. Frankfurt: Lang work_4untdx4cy5gjnnj3molkdfseqq ---- Aesthetic Specialists and Public Intellectuals: Ruskin, Emerson, and Contemporary Professionalism Günter Leypoldt In his discussion of Robert Southey’s Sir Thomas More in the Edinburgh Review of 1830, Thomas Babington Macaulay takes issue with what he considers an unfounded criticism of England’s economic progress. What Macaulay deems most deplorable is the poet laureate’s crossing over from “those departments of literature in which he might excel” into the domain of social criticism, where “he has still the very alphabet to learn.”1 Southey’s judgment of modern society proceeds as if “poli- tics” were not “a matter of science” but “of taste and feeling” (533). His rejection of industrial progress is derived not from such relevant data as “bills of mortality and statistical tables,” which he “cannot stoop to study” (539), but from a mere aversion to the aesthetics of the chang- ing face of modern England. When Southey implies that the country’s cultural illness can be deduced from the ugliness of industrial towns, Macaulay responds with withering sarcasm: Here is wisdom. Here are the principles on which nations are to be governed. . . . We are told, that our age has invented atrocities beyond Modern Language Quarterly 68:3 (September 2007) DOI 10.1215/00267929-2007-004 © 2007 by University of Washington 1 Thomas Babington Macaulay, “Southey’s Colloquies on Society,” Edinburgh Review, no. 100 (1830): 528. My sincere thanks to Jonathan Arac, Marshall Brown, and Jan Stievermann for their generous comments on earlier versions of this essay. 418 MLQ September 2007 the imagination of our fathers . . . because the dwellings of cotton- spinners are naked and rectangular. Mr Southey has found out a way, he tells us, in which the effects of manufactures and agriculture may be compared. And what is this way? To stand on a hill, to look at a cottage and a manufactory, and to see which is the prettier. (540) Beyond the evident dislike of Southey’s conservatism, Macaulay cari- catures a new claim that the well-being of the social organism is better understood by the connoisseur’s intuitive recognition of its aesthetic expressions than by the historian’s scrutiny of sociopolitical and eco- nomic data. The purpose of this essay is to sketch how today’s pub- lic intellectual emerges from the presumption that literary-aesthetic knowledge conveys privileged access to the social domain. The Privileged Sensibility of Literary Intellectuals Among Macaulay’s younger British contemporaries, a talented repre- sentative of the connoisseur as social critic was John Ruskin, whose first major publication, the essay “The Poetry of Architecture” in the 1837 issue of the Architectural Magazine, uses the same approach as Southey’s. It aims to demonstrate that the appearance of lowland cottages reflects national character and regional landscape: trimmed thatch and luxu- riant rosebushes express Englishness, in contrast to the “massive win- dows” and “broken ornaments” characteristic of French cottages.2 But the claims advanced in this essay seem modest in comparison to those of Ruskin’s later work, written after he has become an established Vic- torian sage. In an address before the Royal Institution in 1869, Ruskin argues that the “higher arts . . . tell the story of the entire national character” and that therefore Titian’s 1544 portrait of Andrea Gritti “tells you everything essential to be known about the power of Ven- ice in his day.” This claim is fleshed out in a passage that could be read as a rejoinder to Macaulay: “So, — if you go to the Kensington Museum, — everything that needs to be known, nay, the deepest things that can ever be known, of England a hundred years ago, are written in two pictures of Reynolds’: the Age of Innocence, and the young Colonel 2 John Ruskin, Works, ed. E. T. Cook and Alexander Wedderburn, 39 vols. (Lon- don: Allen, 1903 – 12), 1:15. Leypoldt Ruskin, Emerson, and Contemporar y Professionalism 419 mounting his horse. Carlyle and Froude and Macaulay all together can- not tell you as much as those two bits of canvas will when you have once learned to read them” (Works, 19:250). Ruskin’s insistence on the public relevance of aesthetic expert knowledge seems a great deal more ambi- tious than Southey’s meditations: the Romantic gentleman poet and amateur critic of the 1820s has given way to a quasi-scientific aesthetic specialist trained to “read” the stylistic intricacies of cultural artifacts. Ruskin’s approach has been related to the Victorian “moral aes- thetic,” which seeks to mediate between the social and aesthetic respon- sibilities of the literary sphere, complicating apparently simple oppo- sitions between art and life.3 The emergence of this critical attitude has been well explained as a response to the nineteenth-century social changes that encouraged the idea of Arnoldian culture as a remedy to modern alienation.4 But we can further elucidate the nineteenth- century discourse of the aesthetic specialist if we view it as a rhetorical engagement with changing rules of intellectual legitimation. The posture of Southey and Ruskin strongly resembles that of French intellectuals since the Second Republic as analyzed by Pierre Bourdieu.5 Bourdieu relates the emergence of the “intellectual field” 3 In his landmark study The Victorian Temper (1951) Jerome H. Buckley reevalu- ates the modernist stereotype about the moralist didacticism attributed to “Victo- rianism” by showing how midcentury critics such as Carlyle, Ruskin, and Tennyson fashion a moral aesthetic that seeks to resolve the tension between the public and private aspects of art in a way that not only resembles Romantic discourse (in Words- worth and Shelley) but also remains important for supposed “aesthete” critics such as Walter Pater (The Victorian Temper: A Study in Literary Culture [Cambridge, MA: Har- vard University Press, 1969], 143 – 60, 178 – 84). On the contemporary significance of this debate and the paradigm-building role of twentieth-century readings of Arnold (beginning with Lionel Trilling’s revaluation in 1939) see Jonathan Arac, “Matthew Arnold and English Studies,” in Critical Genealogies: Historical Situations for Postmodern Literary Studies (New York: Columbia University Press, 1987), 117 – 38; and Arac, “Why Does No One Care about the Aesthetic Value of Huckleberry Finn?” New Literary History 30 (1999): 774 – 75. 4 The classic starting point is Raymond Williams’s discussion of Ruskin and Arnold, notably in his groundbreaking Culture and Society, 1780 – 1950 (London: Chatto and Windus, 1958). 5 See Pierre Bourdieu, The Field of Cultural Production: Essays on Art and Literature, ed. Randal Johnson (New York: Columbia University Press, 1993); and Bourdieu, The Rules of Art: Genesis and Structure of the Literary Field, trans. Susan Emanuel (Stan- ford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1996). For a discussion of Bourdieu’s key con- cepts and their aesthetic and philosophical trouble areas see Richard Shusterman, 420 MLQ September 2007 to the eighteenth- and nineteenth-century acceleration and diversifica- tion of cultural production. His account of the “invention” of the mod- ern public intellectual revolves around the Third Republic moment of semiautonomy, when the recognition of literary professionals began to depend more on the opinions of their peers than on the economic and political vicissitudes of society. Men of letters were then able to enter the political domain “in the name of norms belonging to the literary field” (Rules, 129). Whereas Macaulay and exemplary French “literary politicians and political littérateurs” (Rules, 130) like François Guizot (1787 – 1874), Jules Michelet (1798 – 1874), and Victor Cousin (1792 – 1867) had credentials in politics and economics, Zola and the writers, artists, and scholars protesting the Dreyfus affair intervened “in political life as intellectuals, meaning with a specific authority founded on their belonging to the relatively autonomous world of art, science and literature” (Rules, 340). Bourdieu’s analysis translates well to the culture of Victorian England. Despite their differences, Southey and Ruskin both claim their ground as arbiters of taste within what I would call, following Bourdieu, the “field” of Victorian intellectuals. Yet extending Bourdieu to Britain requires translation in time as well as in space. Bourdieu demonstrates well how intellectual autonomy was furthered by the evolution of the field during the late nineteenth century, when intellectuals legitimated themselves via peer recognition that ran in “almost exactly the inverse” relationship to social status, whereas earlier the “most consecrated among people of letters, especially poets and scientists” had been — in France — clients of the state, indeed among “the best provided with pen- sions and profits” (Rules, 114). But while Zola may have justified his claim to political neutrality by the increase in field autonomy since the days of politically tenured poets, he is anticipated by Southey’s and Ruskin’s claims about the public relevance of their aesthetic perceptions.6 Zola’s rhetoric of legitimation, indeed, is not specific to the near autonomy ed., Bourdieu: A Critical Reader (Oxford: Blackwell, 1999); and Marshall Brown, ed., “Pierre Bourdieu and Literary History,” special issue, MLQ 58, no. 4 (1997). For the similarities between Bourdieu and Williams see Craig Calhoun, “Putting the Sociolo- gist in the Sociology of Culture: The Self-Reflexive Scholarship of Pierre Bourdieu and Raymond Williams,” Contemporary Sociology 19 (1990): 500 – 505. 6 Zola’s double process of legitimation, as William Paulson aptly describes it, was “a virtuous circle in which the novelist shored up his literary authority by acting as a Leypoldt Ruskin, Emerson, and Contemporar y Professionalism 421 finally realized (in Bourdieu’s account) by 1890s intellectuals. Rather, the modern intellectual’s “presumption of a privileged sensibility”7 arose during an earlier dilemma of legitimacy: it preceded and in fact presaged subsequent claims of field autonomy. Since freedom from the influence of the social domain always threatens to turn into social mar- ginality, autonomy is beset by insecurities about legitimation almost by definition. From early in the century — not just at its end — British intel- lectuals compensated with rhetorical claims to privileged sensibility. As a rhetorical treatment of intellectual anxieties of marginality, nineteenth-century claims about the public relevance of the aesthetic specialist draw on the foundations of artistic autonomy laid in Kan- tian aesthetics and revised by Romantic transcendentalists.8 The con- tested reception of Kant’s third Critique indicates how the Enlighten- ment emergence of a disinterested sphere of aesthetics was perceived as a mixed blessing. It liberates artistic practice from ideological con- straints, allowing for a definition of beauty based on internal criteria of excellence. But it also implies that professional artists and critics “merely” deal in aesthetics, while others (moral philosophers, politi- cal scientists, etc.) do more “serious,” socially significant work. The autonomy of literary beauty heralded by Kantian aesthetics recognizes the legitimacy of intellectuals as aesthetic specialists at the risk of their privatization.9 Bourdieu therefore stresses that early Romantic writers disinterested intellectual while deriving intellectual authority from his standing as a disinterested man of letters” (“The Market of Printed Goods: On Bourdieu’s Rules,” MLQ 58 [1997]: 412). 7 Ross Posnock, “Assessing the Oppositional: Contemporary Intellectual Strategies,” American Literary History 1 (1989): 147. See also Michel Foucault, Power/ Knowledge: Selected Interviews and Other Writings, 1972 – 1977, ed. Colin Gordon, trans. Colin Gordon et al. (New York: Pantheon, 1980), 126 – 29. 8 Critics argue over whether section 59 of Kant’s Critique of Judgment implies a “symbolic” or an “analogous” relation between the beautiful and the good. The symbolic view would implicate the artist more directly and personally in pragmatic moral issues. What matters historically (and to this essay), however, is the widespread understanding that Kant suggests the autonomy of the aesthetic from moral or cog- nitive demands, whether or not this view can be securely attributed to him. 9 The consequent sense of social irrelevance (and questioned masculinity) is implied in Emerson’s 1837 complaint that American intellectuals are “addressed as women” and thus “virtually disenfranchised” by society’s “practical men” (Works, 12 vols. [Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1903], 1:94). Emerson’s fears accord well with 422 MLQ September 2007 fulfilled a “subordinated function, strictly enclosed within the realm of diversion and thus removed from the burning questions of politics and theology” (Rules, 129 – 30). But notwithstanding the low internal force of their relatively undifferentiated field, Romantic intellectuals antici- pated Zola’s gestures of legitimation by roughly a century. They sought to cope with their anxieties of marginality, not by disavowing artistic autonomy — which would have been difficult, in light of the persistently differentiating intellectual fields — but by redescribing the aesthetic as “a vehicle of ontological vision.”10 The revision of Kant’s aesthetics by the Romantic generation of transcendental idealists can therefore be broken down into two steps. They agree with Kant that beauty depends on purely formal criteria; hence they locate the poetic squarely within stylistic parameters distinct from sociopolitical realities. But then they reconceptualize autonomous style as an “organic” externalization of an interior identity, turning it effectively into a cultural symptom. Pure beauty thus becomes a socially relevant numinous presence when it is seen, for instance, as a reflection of unalienated existence (in Schiller’s Letters on the Aesthetic Education of Man), a symbolic representation of the infinite (in Schelling’s System of Transcendental Idealism of 1800 and A. W. Schlegel’s Berlin lectures of 1801 – 3), or a sensible manifestation of the “idea” (in Hegel’s lectures on aesthetics in the 1820s).11 It is important to note the protoprofessionalism underlying the post-Kantian revision. In Shaftesbury’s Neoplatonism, “polite” ama- teurs perceive the structural correspondences between the true, good, and the beautiful simply with their healthy senses, whereas Romantic Kantians emphasize trained aesthetic perception. For all their primitiv- Macaulay’s presentation of Southey as an artist of the beautiful who had better stay within the limits of his effeminate, socially irrelevant field. On the fear of feminization see Ann Douglas, The Feminization of American Culture (New York: Knopf, 1977); and David Leverenz, Manhood and the American Renaissance (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1989). 10 Charles Taylor, Hegel (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1975), 470. 11 Later idealists and postidealists conceived the core of cultural interiority in more concrete sociopolitical terms: their poetic manifestos begin to speak of style as the “physiognomy” of the “spirit of the age,” the “race,” the “nation,” or politicoeco- nomic systems (as Whitman’s “poetry of democracy” or Marx’s culture of capitalism). This concretization starts with the Hegelian notion that there is no spirit outside social practice. Leypoldt Ruskin, Emerson, and Contemporar y Professionalism 423 ist fascination with the artlessness of common experience, Romantic philosophies of art retain the Kantian view that the aesthetic has essen- tially to do with issues of style or form. This can be seen in the post-1800 shift to aural definitions of the literary.12 If poetry was a sort of music instead of a picture of life, it needed cultural workers with musical abili- ties that (especially in light of the nineteenth-century preoccupation with classical art music) were more refined than those of eighteenth- century amateur connoisseurs. The post-Kantian turn, then, was moti- vated by the urge to demonstrate the social relevance of formal beauty without giving up its privilege as a self-contained “music.” Though in this view Beethoven’s compositions are irreducible to conceptual inter- pretation, they are not ornamental arabesques without content (as Edu- ard Hanslick’s radical Kantianism implies) but symbolize larger values, from the numinous to the sociopolitical: the “language of religion” (Wilhelm Wackenroder, Ludwig Tieck), the “Infinite” (E. T. A. Hoff- mann), the “Will” (Arthur Schopenhauer), the “Dionysian” (Friedrich Nietzsche), Democracy (Franz Brendel), or millenarian social utopia (Margaret Fuller, John Sullivan Dwight).13 Ruskin and Midcentury Professionalism No English-speaking nineteenth-century cultural critic realized the potential of the post-Kantian rhetoric of legitimation more clearly than Ruskin.14 His famous defense of Gothic architecture in The Stones of 12 See M. H. Abrams’s classic account, “Ut Musica Poesis,” in The Mirror and the Lamp: Romantic Theory and the Critical Tradition (New York: Norton, 1953), 88 – 94; and Herbert Lindenberger, “Literature and the Other Arts,” in Romanticism, ed. Marshall Brown, vol. 5 of The Cambridge History of Literary Criticism, ed. George A. Kennedy (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000), 373 – 74. 13 On the nineteenth-century interdependence of musical metaphors and liter- ary poetics see Carl Dahlhaus, The Idea of Absolute Music, trans. Roger Lustig (Chi- cago: University of Chicago Press, 1989). For the Victorian field, Carlyle’s lecture on Shakespeare as a hero is a good reference point. Carlyle speaks of poetry as “musi- cal thought” that “leads us to the edge of the Infinite,” spoken by “a mind that has penetrated into the inmost heart of the thing” (A Carlyle Reader, ed. G. B. Tennyson [Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1984], 392). 14 Ruskin claimed never to have read German philosophical idealism (see his appendix to the third volume of Modern Painters [Works, 5:424]), although it is likely that he encountered it filtered through Coleridge and Carlyle. Ruskin’s American 424 MLQ September 2007 Venice (1851 – 53) illustrates the professional aspirations of late Roman- tic cultural criticism. In attributing social relevance to painterly and architectural form, Ruskin certainly draws on Romantic attempts to explain social phenomena as externalizations of an interior cultural core. But he makes more systematic use of a rhetoric of cultural paral- lelism: he insistently stages resemblances or correspondences between disparate levels of experience, between artistic forms and the struc- tures of social relations or identities. The style of Gothic facades comes to be an organic expression of the love of liberty and independence inherent in northern European mentalities and the culture of medi- eval Christianity; Greek, Egyptian, and Italian Renaissance ornaments reflect the more indolent mentalities of southern European cultures and the hierarchical structures of pre-Christian societies (or their deca- dent heirs in Renaissance Venice or industrial England). The northern European mind, with its “strength of will, independence of character, resoluteness of purpose, impatience of undue control, and that general tendency to set the individual reason against authority,” is “traceable in the rigid lines, vigorous and various masses, and daringly projecting and independent structure of the Northern Gothic ornament.” The cultural traits of southern European peoples, their lack of vital energy, and their indifference to liberty and independence “are in like manner legible in the graceful and softly guided waves and wreathed bands, in which Southern decoration is constantly disposed; in its tendency to lose its independence, and fuse itself into the surface of the masses upon which it is traced” (Works, 10:241 – 42). Ruskin claims that the core values of a culture are “legible” to him in the gestalts of architectural reviewers, at any rate, read the third volume of Modern Painters as a variation on Hege- lian aesthetics (“Ruskin’s Writings,” Putnam’s, May 1856, 496; “Ruskin’s Last Volume,” North American Review, April 1857, 379 – 406). If one cared to pursue the exact trajec- tories of philosophical influence, one could look at Coleridge’s well-known adapta- tion of Schelling’s aesthetic religion and at the crucial role of the Biographia Literaria (1817) and Aids to Reflection (1825) in the creative misreading of Kantian transcen- dentalism as a kind of “inner-lightism” in Hazlitt, Carlyle, Bancroft, Emerson, Whit- man, and many others. Hegel’s version of expressivist aesthetics, which emphasized philosophical reason, arrived much later in the English-speaking world, although its basic tenets were popularized in Europe and America through the mediation of Vic- tor Cousin as early as the 1830s. During the 1850s Hippolyte Taine revised Hegelian notions within a positivist framework toward a theory of art as a national symptom. Leypoldt Ruskin, Emerson, and Contemporar y Professionalism 425 15 In many ways Ruskin’s argument draws on early-eighteenth-century Romanti- cism’s revaluation of the Gothic as an expression of the inwardness and melancholic self-reflexivity of northern European Christianity as it was popularized by A. W. Schlegel’s Lectures on Dramatic Art and Literature (1809) and Madame de Staël’s On Germany (1810). Another possible influence (even if Ruskin denied it, in the third vol- ume of Modern Painters [Works, 5:428 – 29; cf. George Landow, The Aesthetic and Critical Theories of John Ruskin (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1971), 277]) was the work of the English architect Augustus Pugin (1812 – 52), whose Contrasts (1836), True Principles of Pointed Architecture (1841), and Apology for the Revival of Christian Architecture in England (1843) combined a functionalist with an ethical reading of architectural form that led him to defend Gothic style as an expression of Roman Catholicism and to reject neoclassical art as a reflection of pagan beliefs (see J. Mordaunt Crook, The Dilemma of Style: Architectural Ideas from the Picturesque to the Post-modern [London: Mur- ray, 1987]). 16 In an 1882 letter to Charles Eliot Norton, Ruskin refers to a “ ‘Liberty’ of line” that gives rise to the imperfections of Gothic facades (at which one can hardly look “without being seasick!”) and that embodies the freedom of the worker, and he speaks of “the horror of the restoration which puts it ‘to rights’ ” (The Correspondence of John Ruskin and Charles Eliot Norton, ed. John Lewis Bradley and Ian Ousby [Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1987], 450). Ruskin’s assumption that Christianity form. The northerner’s savage individuality logically causes indepen- dent lines, while the southerner’s warmhearted indolence transforms itself into soft ornaments, which lose their independence symbolically by melting into their surroundings.15 Ruskin’s most complex exegesis of symptomatic style appears in his proto-Marxist comparison of ornamental types with social modes of production. He argues in essence that architectural structures reflect the degree of social hierarchy in the social bodies out of which they grow. In the societies of antiquity, laborers were tools with easily repro- ducible and specialized tasks, such as the production “of mere geomet- rical forms, — balls, ridges, and perfectly symmetrical foliage, — which could be executed with absolute precision by line and rule” (Works, 10:189). Their slave labor produced the perfectly regular “servile orna- ment” that dominates Greek and Egyptian art. Gothic architecture, by contrast, reflects Christianity’s recognition of “the individual value of every soul” (Works, 10:190): the builders accepted the imperfection of the individual mind and thus allowed workers to engage in more var- ied and less regularized tasks. Gothic ornaments are “constitutional” or “revolutionary,” in accord with the greater freedom enjoyed by the worker.16 The idea that northern cultures have a natural relationship 426 MLQ September 2007 with liberty that defines their artistic expressions (whereas southerners are more likely to be subjected to slavery) already informs Romantic manifestos from the Ossian cult to Schlegel’s and Staël’s notions of the “poetry of the north.” Ruskin, however, sees more rigorous, even scien- tific parallels between architecture and politics when he systematically charts the conceptual content of ornamental forms. In a typical passage from The Stones of Venice, for instance, he provides a detailed overview of the social hierarchy reflected in the history of architectural styles: The degree in which the workman is degraded may be thus known at a glance, by observing whether the several parts of the building are similar or not; and if, as in Greek work, all the capitals are alike, and all the mouldings unvaried, then the degradation is complete; if, as in Egyptian or Ninevite work, though the manner of executing certain figures is always the same, the order of design is perpetually varied, the degradation is less total; if, as in Gothic work, there is perpetual change both in design and execution, the workman must have been altogether set free. (Works, 10:204 – 5) Sensitive to the rhetorical potential of cultural parallelism, Ruskin first divides the cultural practice of medieval and ancient cultures into putative cultural centers (i.e., the ethos of Christian liberalism vs. the ethos of despotism) and canonical modes of expression (i.e., Gothic vs. Egyptian, Greek, or Renaissance ornament). Then he reconnects the cultural centers and forms of expressions with tropes of resemblance: the rough Gothic textures are homologous with the vigorous and liberty-loving character of northern Christians; the smooth lines of clas- sical art reflect the indolent slave mentality of southern, pre-Christian, and postindustrial societies. He thus links Gothic art and Christian liberalism in a chiastic relationship in which they mutually reinforce one another. The Gothic ornament is then presented as the sensuous manifestation of the best of all cultures, which in turn is said to shine forth in the most beautiful of ornamentation. Ruskin’s expert knowl- edge of ornament, certified by his complex system of technical terms, marks a stage at which humanity (or the spirit of the world) realizes that its essence consists in being free is a Romantic commonplace and a central tenet of Hegel’s his- tory lectures of the 1820s (see Vorlesungen über die Philosophie der Geschichte, in Werke, 20 vols. [Frankfurt am Main: Suhrkamp, 1986], 12:31). Leypoldt Ruskin, Emerson, and Contemporar y Professionalism 427 helps him master the symptomatic resemblance between aesthetic and social forms, enabling him to reveal truths crucial to the well-being of contemporary Great Britain. The rhetorical seductiveness of Ruskin’s argument is generated by the conditions of the mid-nineteenth-century intellectual field. It is worth considering the rhetorical advantages of his narrative over other prominent positions in contemporary criticism. When Victorian formal- ists (Hanslickian Kantians, Paterian “aesthetic critics”) seek to autho- rize a specific style (such as Gothic art), they are confined to abstract debates about the effects of lines and shapes on the human mind (about whether Gothic style “pleases the eye,” intensifies experience, etc.). When they seek to promote social values such as Christian liberal- ism, they have even less to offer, because they limit aesthetic inquiry to autonomous beauty. Moralist critics like the Carlylean Pugin, who deny the primacy of formalist inquiry and would defend Gothic architec- ture by reducing it to its moral values, find it easier to stage themselves as public intellectuals because their nontechnical approach translates better into political debate. But their evasion of aesthetic form makes them vulnerable to the charge of philistinism voiced by professional- ized critics who insist that the elimination of stylistic aspects from the equation misses what is essential (i.e., aesthetic rather than merely topi- cal) about art.17 Ruskin’s cultural parallelism thus gives him an argu- mentative advantage over Paterians and moralists. It infuses his formal- ist inquiry into style with tangible social relevance but is technical and specific enough to be acceptable as professional art criticism. Emerson and the Aesthetic Specialist as Poet Ruskin’s criticism shows that he knew well how to make use of self- empowering rhetoric, but his post-Kantian gesture was no idiosyncrasy. There are similar motifs in late Romantic conceptions of the literary 17 On the Victorian demand for aesthetic professionalism based on detachment from political debate see also Arnold’s important essay “The Function of Criticism” (1864), which bemoans that English men of letters attach themselves to journals with clear political allegiances, such as the Tory organ Quarterly Review favored by Southey or the Whig Edinburgh Review preferred by Macaulay (Arnold’s ideal is the cosmopoli- tan French bimonthly Revue des deux mondes). 428 MLQ September 2007 intellectual, especially in Emerson’s meditations on the aesthetically sensitive transcendentalist he envisaged as central to the spiritual reju- venation of America.18 Emerson’s self-conception hinges on his defini- tion of the poet. Literary artist, scholar, philosopher, priest, cultural critic, and man of letters, the poet is above all a “doctor,” that is, a leader and a physician who discerns and diagnoses the nation’s spiri- tual and cultural health and devises necessary cures, which he trans- mits to the people to guide and instruct them (Works, 3:8).19 That does not make him a Carlylean moralist — on the contrary, Emerson dis- misses Carlyle for having too little time for the intricacies of aesthetic form (5:274) and too much for messy political debate (7:383 – 84).20 Despite his frequent references to the unity of beauty and truth, Emer- son distances himself from the antiaesthetic tendencies he sees in Goethe and Wordsworth (poet-philosophers or scholars leaning toward conceptual propositions [5:257, 12:326 – 27]) and in Coleridge or Swe- denborg (poet-theologians inclined to religious dogmatism [5:248 – 49, 6:219]). Emerson’s aesthetic professionalism emerges in his Kantian views about the importance of autonomous literary form. “The poet,” he says, explaining Wordsworth’s defects, “must not only converse with pure thought” but also “demonstrate it almost to the senses. His words must be pictures, his verses must be spheres and cubes, to be seen and smelled and handled” (12:366). Yet when Emerson uses musical images that suggest Hanslick’s radical formalism, they are always negative, as in the description of Tennyson as a “music-box of delicate tunes and rhythms” whose sugary verse lacks “vision” (3:9, 5:257). 18 In what follows I consider Emerson’s work in a transatlantic rather than a specifically American field imaginary. See Lawrence Buell, “Postcolonial Anxiety in Classic U.S. Literature,” in Postcolonial Theory and the United States: Race, Ethnicity, and Literature, ed. Amritjit Singh and Peter Schmidt ( Jackson: University Press of Missis- sippi, 2000), 196 – 99. 19 Emerson rarely uses the label poet to distinguish between the poetic in a strictly literary sense and other intellectual pursuits. Instead, he prefers to apply it as an evaluative term that signals not only the formalist skills of poetic composition but depth and universality of vision as well as heightened powers of perception. See Law- rence Buell, Emerson (Cambridge, MA: Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 2003), 40 – 43. 20 Emerson’s description of Carlyle as a moralist is strategic, of course, and does not accord with views of the complexities of “sage discourse” prompted by John Holloway’s revaluation of Carlyle in The Victorian Sage: Studies in Argument (London: Macmillan, 1953). Leypoldt Ruskin, Emerson, and Contemporar y Professionalism 429 For Emerson, both Wordsworth’s lack of aesthetic refinement and Tennyson’s liquid musicality reflect an absence of professional focus. He finds this defect even more pronounced in the British contempo- rary literary elite. Turning the tables on Macaulay, who argues against intellectual border crossing, Emerson includes him in a list of men of letters dabbling in too many fields while specializing in none: “Hun- dreds of clever Praeds and Freres and Froudes and Hoods and Hooks and Maginns and Mills and Macaulays, make poems, or short essays for a journal, as they make speeches in Parliament and on the hustings, or as they shoot and ride. It is a quite accidental and arbitrary direction of their general ability” (Works, 5:262). Such passages demonstrate that if Emerson can be described as an early public intellectual, he repre- sents a post-Kantian variety, claiming public relevance not through a commitment to the “vernacular,” as in Russell Jacoby’s definition, but through the specialist discourse of the expert interested in recognition from peers in the aesthetic field.21 “The Progress of Culture” (1867), for instance, describes intellectual activity as a dialogue between equals whose works are written “with a constant secret reference to the few intelligent persons whom the writer believes to exist in the million” — to the “master,” in other words, whom the poet-intellectual has always “in his eye, though he affect to flout them.”22 In Emerson’s major essays, his self-fashioning as an aesthetically minded poet-intellectual is rather subtle, which may be one reason that Emerson scholarship remains divided on the issue of his social commit- ment.23 His family resemblance with Ruskin is clearer in his cultural 21 Russell Jacoby, The Last Intellectuals: American Culture in the Age of Academe (New York: Basic, 1987), 235. See also Buell, Emerson, 40. 22 Emerson offers the following examples: “Michel Angelo is thinking of Da Vinci, and Raffaelle is thinking of Michel Angelo. Tennyson would give his fame for a verdict in his favor from Wordsworth. Agassiz and Owen and Huxley affect to address the American and English people, but are really writing to each other” (Works, 8:219). 23 One line of research, stressing the awkwardness of Emerson’s relationship to social practice, runs from Stephen E. Whicher’s foundational Freedom and Fate: An Inner Life of Ralph Waldo Emerson (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1953) through John Carlos Rowe’s At Emerson’s Tomb: The Politics of Classic American Literature (New York: Columbia University Press, 1997). This tradition overlaps with one that is skeptical of Emerson’s radicalism: see Christopher Newfield, The Emerson Effect: Individualism and Submission in America (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1996); Robert Milder, “The Radical Emerson?” in The Cambridge Companion to Ralph 430 MLQ September 2007 criticism. For instance, English Traits (1856), Emerson’s account of his visits to Britain during the 1830s and 1840s, revolves around an aural image whose function resembles Ruskin’s visual parallelisms in The Stones of Venice (whose final volume appeared just three years earlier). Implying that the spirit of English society manifests itself in its poetic and artistic expressions, Emerson says that the “voice” of the English “modern muse has a slight hint of the steam-whistle” (Works, 5:251). The muse’s metallic sound, then, embodies the tendency toward the mechanical that Emerson diagnoses in Britain’s aristocratic govern- ment, empiricist philosophy, and moral pragmatism. Emerson’s aural image synthesizes a tradition of critiques of mod- ern alienation that begins with Schiller’s vision of the mechanical state in his Aesthetic Letters of 1793, and it adopts the opposition of the organic to the mechanical that Coleridge imported from A. W. Schle- gel’s Vienna lectures (1809). Emerson’s most direct influence, Carlyle’s 1829 Edinburgh Review essay on the “mechanical age,” already extends this opposition into an expressivist vision of a Hegelian “total style” of a culture, where the mechanical disease interferes with all social domains (intellectual, political, and economic). But Emerson’s account differs from Carlyle’s in the implication that the mechanistic cultural force is most vividly manifest in the metallic tone of the English muse. Emerson’s point is that England’s cultural malaise may have been overlooked by the nation’s most important political and philosophical pundits (Macaulay and Mill, among others) but is astutely recognized by transcendentalist aesthetic specialists (like Emerson himself), who intuit the mechanical cultural dominant from its most important indi- cators. The “fine arts fall to the ground. Beauty, except as luxurious commodity, does not exist,” and “poetry is degraded and made orna- mental” (5:248, 255).24 Waldo Emerson, ed. Joel Porte and Saundra Morris (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999), 49 – 75; and Sacvan Bercovitch, “Emerson, Individualism, and Liberal Dissent,” in The Rites of Assent: Transformations in the Symbolic Construction of America (New York: Routledge, 1993), 307 – 52. A different critical tradition, which argues that Emer- son’s transcendental thought is not only congenial but foundational to social reform, is represented by Anne C. Rose, Transcendentalism as a Social Movement, 1830 – 1850 (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1981); and Len Gougeon, Virtue’s Hero: Emerson, Anti- slavery, and Reform (Athens: University of Georgia Press, 1990). 24 “Pope and his school,” Emerson continues, “wrote poetry fit to put round frosted cake. What did Walter Scott write without stint? a rhymed traveller’s guide to Leypoldt Ruskin, Emerson, and Contemporar y Professionalism 431 Like Ruskin, Emerson uses parallelistic rhetoric to stage cultural artifacts and sociopolitical phenomena as symptoms particularly evi- dent to the trained eye or the fine-tuned ear of the poet-intellectual. Just as Ruskin delivers his criticism of capitalist England through an analysis of classical architectural form, so Emerson sees the evils of a Birmingham-style economy, the fallacies of “feudal institutions,” and the aggressive imperialism of British foreign policy through his powers of aesthetic perception. Even Emerson’s criticism of utilitarian ethics and empiricist epistemology proceeds with minimal recourse to philo- sophical or ethical discourses: in his account of the Anglo-Saxon his- tory of ideas, the mechanical sound of British poetry is said to reveal the hollowness of Locke’s and Bentham’s systems. Post-Victorian Continuities Emerson’s claim that British culture reveals itself through the sound of its aesthetic expressions is foundational to the emergence of an American aesthetics that views the paratactical free verse of Leaves of Grass as an embodiment of U.S. national identity, as a “lawless music” running through America’s wilderness and sociopolitical practices.25 By contrast, Ruskin’s sociopolitical readings resurface in the Marxist interest in homologies between aesthetic and economic modes. Both ideological formations have lost their former persuasiveness, but the post-Kantian gesture remains a burning temptation for critics today, even if it is now voiced with epistemological embarrassment.26 It seems that twentieth-century levels of professionalism have not alleviated the Victorian anxieties of social recognition. For all the historical and institutional differences, the fields of post-Victorian university-based literary scholarship induce similar rhetorical responses. Scotland. And the libraries of verses they print have this Birmingham character. How many volumes of well-bred metre we must jingle through, before we can be filled, taught, renewed!” (Works, 5:255 – 56). 25 Walt Whitman, “To a Locomotive in Winter,” in Leaves of Grass, and Other Writ- ings, ed. Michael Moon (New York: Norton, 2002), 395. 26 On the embarrassment of using epistemologically dubious or undertheo- rized critical approaches as antidotes for scholarly anxieties of marginality see Alan Liu, “The Power of Formalism: The New Historicism,” ELH 56 (1989): 721 – 71; and Charles Altieri, “Lyrical Ethics and Literary Experience,” Style 32 (1998): 272. 432 MLQ September 2007 In the early- to mid-twentieth-century demand for the establishment of “sciences” of literature distinct from other departments within the humanities, we can recognize the Kantian separation of the aesthetic from cognitive, moral, or ideological concerns.27 The late Victorian fear of intellectual feminization reappeared in polemical questions about the social use of ivory-tower scientists analyzing self-contained literary objects. Post-Kantian responses to this fear can already be seen in New Critical claims about the social relevance of difficulty and abstraction: as a complex symbolic web that yields special forms of national wisdom, the literary artifact warrants “the sustained attention of serious men who otherwise might have turned to more immediate public or com- mercial concerns.”28 The public relevance of literary form was a key issue of most theo- retical turns (to politics in the 1960s, history in the 1970s, ethics and “culture” in the 1980s, ecology in the 1990s, etc.), although these turns were not necessarily post-Kantian. They were often motivated by an anti- Kantian conviction that the literary is not reducible to form, that there- fore the political relevance of a work lies not in the politics embodied in its formal “music” but simply in its politics (as many New Historicist and postcolonial critics have argued). But the post-Kantian gesture persists in post – New Critical schools that present their rejection of formalism as a rediscovery of the sociopolitical value of aesthetic inquiry (as opposed to the value of mere sociopolitical inquiry). The more full-blooded variet- 27 John Crowe Ransom’s “Criticism, Inc.” (1937) characteristically called on “aes- thetically minded” professors and students of literature to reclaim literary studies from a hostile takeover by literary historians and “moralists” and to reestablish “the artistic object in its own right” (The Norton Anthology of Theory and Criticism, ed. Vin- cent B. Leitch [New York: Norton, 2001], 1109, 1111, 1115). In Europe this Kantian moment emerges in the scientistic theories of Russian formalists and their preoccu- pation with literariness. Jakobson’s “Modern Russian Poetry” (1921) compares tradi- tional literary historians, who “strayed into related disciplines — the history of philos- ophy, the history of culture, of psychology, etc.” — to intrusive police indiscriminately seizing every bystander they find at the scene of a crime (Leitch, 1166). 28 Evan Carton and Gerald Graff, “The Nationalizing of the New Criticism,” in The Cambridge History of American Literature, ed. Sacvan Bercovitch, vol. 8 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996), 314. For a similar argument regarding the criti- cal practice of F. R. Leavis and T. S. Eliot see Richard Poirier, The Renewal of Literature: Emersonian Reflections (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1987), 4 – 7. Leypoldt Ruskin, Emerson, and Contemporar y Professionalism 433 ies of this critical trend resonate with Victorian images of embodiment: Emerson’s and Ruskin’s parallelisms reappear in the 1960s, for instance, in Adorno’s homologies of political and musical form (Schoenberg’s music breaking up the “shackles” of totalitarianism)29 and in the post- modernist manifestos on the correspondence of quantum theory to the “exploded forms” of postmodernist fiction and poetics.30 A more subtle rehearsal of the post-Kantian moment can be seen in the notion (often casually implied) that pure literariness and cul- tural expressiveness are two sides of the same coin — that Shakespeare’s poeticity, for example, contributes to the astuteness with which he illu- minates Elizabethan power structures, while his cultural representa- tiveness makes him all the more literary.31 A similar double process of legitimation underlies the recent interest in the interdependence of literary form and moral value. Martha C. Nussbaum reads Henry James’s Golden Bowl as an ethicomoral vision that is “finely tuned” 29 Adorno’s aesthetic theory is Kantian in its suggestion that the artwork approx- imates the “essence of the real” to the degree of its “emancipation from the exter- nal world’s factual façade” (Aesthetic Theory, ed. and trans. Robert Hullot-Kentor [Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1997], 6), while it is post-Kantian in its consideration of abstract, nonrepresentational form as a precondition of artistic truth value and thus as indexical of social health. Adorno’s heroic narrative views musical progress as a negotiation of democratic authenticity. He views Beethoven as an important pioneer on the frontier of democratization, because in his music “the din of the bourgeois revolution rumbles” (Introduction to the Sociology of Music, trans. E. B. Ashton [New York: Seabury, 1976], 211). While the early Beethoven, according to Adorno, still tries to reconcile the aporias of bourgeois society, his later composi- tions (particularly his late string quartets) problematize the subject’s alienation by destabilizing the sonata structure with loose phrases and cadences and with discon- nected trills. Schoenberg’s work, then, appears as a democratic victory over tonality. In 1955 Adorno argued that in Schoenberg “tonal relations” were “stretched to the extreme,” until “in the end, every sound became autonomous, all tones enjoyed equal rights, and the reign of the tonic triad was overthrown,” so that “something like the musical realm of freedom really opens up” (“Toward an Understanding of Schoen- berg,” in Essays on Music, ed. Richard Leppert, trans. Susan H. Gillespie [Berkeley: University of California Press, 2002], 636). 30 See James M. Mellard, The Exploded Form: The Modernist Novel in America (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1980). 31 On the centrality of the link between literariness and cultural expressiveness to American studies (especially with regard to Emerson and Whitman) see Berco- vitch, Rites of Assent, 353. 434 MLQ September 2007 because it emerges from “a fine work of art” whose stylistic sophistica- tion defies paraphrase into the “flat” language of moral philosophy.32 The idea that storytelling offers better insights into moral judgment than abstract theorizing is central to the so-called turn to ethics.33 But Nussbaum differs from more persuasive proponents of such a turn in that she argues for the primacy of literature over practical moral philosophy with a decidedly post-Kantian spin. Defining moral astute- ness as perception of complexity, she contends that society’s efforts at ethicomoral melioration are best served by aesthetic specialists trained to discriminate among artistic forms.34 Such strong claims for the social relevance of stylistic literariness show the extent to which post- Kantian rhetoric continues to resonate with “engaged” intellectuals, who ground their sociopolitically inflected approach to cultural criti- cism on their expertise as literary critics.35 32 Martha C. Nussbaum, “ ‘Finely Aware and Richly Responsible’: Literature and the Moral Imagination,” in Love’s Knowledge: Essays on Philosophy and Literature (New York: Oxford University Press, 1990), 152. 33 See Marjorie Garber, Beatrice Hanssen, and Rebecca L. Walkowitz, eds., The Turn to Ethics (New York: Routledge, 2000). 34 In a characteristic passage Nussbaum argues that since artists like James pos- sess greater “visual or auditory acuity” and “developed their faculties more finely,” they “can make discriminations of color and shape (of pitch and timbre) that are unavailable to the rest of us,” and consequently they “miss less . . . of what is to be heard or seen in a landscape, a symphony, a painting.” This makes them our best allies (“fellow fighter[s],” “guide[s]”) in what Nussbaum refers to as “the war against moral obtuseness” (164). In her later work, on the nexus of law and literature, Nuss- baum makes even stronger claims, arguing that “literary understanding . . . promotes habits of mind that lead toward social equality” (Poetic Justice: The Literary Imagination and Public Life [Boston: Beacon, 1995], 92). For a critique of Nussbaum see Richard A. Posner, “Against Ethical Criticism,” Philosophy and Literature 21 (1997): 1 – 27; Altieri, “Lyrical Ethics”; and Richard Rorty, “Redemption from Egotism: James and Proust as Spiritual Exercises,” Telos 3 (2001): 243 – 63. 35 A representative example is Terry Eagleton, The Idea of Culture (Oxford: Black- well, 2000), which criticizes American society for a destructive puritanism deeply ingrained in a variety of cultural styles (e.g., the “fetish of the body” in popular cul- ture, the “middle-class American obsession” with “dieting,” the importance of sexual- ity in literary and cultural studies, the neopragmatist turn in American philosophy, the “discourse called political correctness,” and the “artless language favoured by American creative writing courses” [88 – 90]). Eagleton’s polemic is unquestionably motivated by his disapproval of the economic and political premises of American empire. But rather than offer economic and political arguments, he rests his criticism Leypoldt Ruskin, Emerson, and Contemporar y Professionalism 435 It seems, therefore, that Macaulay’s criticism of Southey remains useful today, parodying as it does the claim that society’s ethicomoral and sociopolitical discourse can be better understood through aesthetic embodiments than, well, through ethicomoral and sociopolitical dis- course. And yet, do we then have to agree with Macaulay on the social irrelevance of the literary-aesthetic specialist? Only so long as we define the literary-aesthetic in terms of the formalism prevalent since the late eighteenth century. Formalist musical metaphors invite us to view beauty as autonomous and disembodied form (the “music” of poetry as opposed to its conceptual content), but then they tempt us to reverse beauty’s separation from the social world by a post-Kantian sleight of hand that presents a culture’s disembodied “music” as its most profound social symptom.36 We can evade the post-Kantian gesture, I believe, if we view the literary-aesthetic as an imaginary world making that cuts across the form-content distinction and destabilizes the opposition of a work’s stylis- tic artistry and its sociopolitical expressiveness.37 I take the trope of world making to imply that while form is always political, its political content depends on the propositions with which it is connected in specific social practices: it cannot be abstracted from its readerly and writerly contexts. Any attempt to catalog a “politics of form” is dubious so long as it assumes that an abstract gestalt can be political by virtue of its disinterestedness and hence its removal from social practice.38 on the power of the literary intellectual to discern the political content of America’s cultural style. Like Emerson in English Traits, Eagleton ties aesthetic and conceptual illnesses so gracefully together that one allegation supports the other: America’s puri- tanism seems worse by association with aesthetic and philosophical decline, while Ror- tyan pragmatism and Carveresque minimalism seem poorer for expressing a cultural neurosis. 36 On the continuing significance of musical images for contemporary models of U.S. culture (especially from an African American viewpoint) see the final chapter of John D. Kerkering, The Poetics of National and Racial Identity in Nineteenth-Century Ameri- can Literature (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2003), 200 – 235. 37 This approach is exemplified in recent redefinitions of the literary from the viewpoints of literary anthropology (Wolfgang Iser, Winfried Fluck), cognitive theo- ries of metaphor (Mark Turner, Mark Johnson), and neopragmatism (Stanley Fish, Walter Benn Michaels, Richard Shusterman, Richard Rorty). 38 The trope of world making, to be sure, has a cognitive bias whose conse- quences are controversial (see, e.g., Alan Richardson and Francis F. Steen, eds., “Lit- erature and the Cognitive Revolution,” special issue, Poetics Today 23, no. 1 [2002]). 436 MLQ September 2007 To put the point in this way means to counter Macaulay’s dismissal of the literary-aesthetic by suggesting that the scientific approach to social discourse (through the “bills of mortality and statistical tables” that Southey “cannot stoop to study”) depends no less on imaginary processes of world making than Southey’s more strictly poetic pursuits. Hence literary intellectuals do not need the post-Kantian gesture to make a case for their social legitimacy against Macaulayan attempts to restrict the literary-aesthetic to the private. By the same logic, literary intellectuals may deal with their marginality by turning their interpre- tations to the more political (or ethical) aspects of world making, but only if they are prepared to engage with political or ethical vocabular- ies rather than practice a version of formalist aesthetics that they pre- sent as a more privileged version of politics or ethics. Günter Leypoldt is professor of American literature and culture at the University of Mainz. He has published on literary transcendentalism, eighteenth-century aesthet- ics, pragmatist literary theory, and 1980s neorealist fiction. As it undercuts any definition of the aesthetic in exclusively nonconceptual terms (such as the materiality of the object), it can be viewed as hostile to formalism (in the sense that it makes critical debates on the value of style seem beside the point). At the very least, this trope induces some pragmatists to drop the distinction between artistic and nonartistic discourse and instead distinguish between public and private ways of world making. See, e.g., Richard Rorty, Contingency, Irony, and Solidarity (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1989), xiii – xv. For a critique of Rorty see Richard Shus- terman, Pragmatist Aesthetics: Living Beauty, Rethinking Art (Oxford: Blackwell, 1992). On pragmatism’s cognitive bias see also Charles Altieri, “Practical Sense — Impracti- cal Objects: Why Neo-pragmatism Cannot Sustain an Aesthetics,” REAL: Yearbook of Research in English and American Literature 15 (1999): 113 – 25. work_4v2o4k6vqrcspb5dbrdltbftju ---- [PDF] Good and not so good medical ethics | Semantic Scholar Skip to search formSkip to main content> Semantic Scholar's Logo Search Sign InCreate Free Account You are currently offline. Some features of the site may not work correctly. DOI:10.1136/medethics-2014-102312 Corpus ID: 3054769Good and not so good medical ethics @article{Rhodes2014GoodAN, title={Good and not so good medical ethics}, author={R. Rhodes}, journal={Journal of Medical Ethics}, year={2014}, volume={41}, pages={71 - 74} } R. Rhodes Published 2014 Medicine Journal of Medical Ethics In this paper, I provide a brief sketch of the purposes that medical ethics serves and what makes for good medical ethics. Medical ethics can guide clinical practice and biomedical research, contribute to the education of clinicians, advance thinking in the field, and direct healthcare policy. Although these are distinct activities, they are alike in several critical respects. Good medical ethics is coherent, illuminating, accurate, reasonable, consistent, informed, and measured. After this… Expand View on BMJ jme.bmj.com Save to Library Create Alert Cite Launch Research Feed Share This Paper 12 CitationsBackground Citations 5 Methods Citations 1 View All Topics from this paper Thrombocytopenia SYNOVITIS, GRANULOMATOUS, WITH UVEITIS AND CRANIAL NEUROPATHIES (disorder) Peer Review responsibility Manuscripts interest 12 Citations Citation Type Citation Type All Types Cites Results Cites Methods Cites Background Has PDF Publication Type Author More Filters More Filters Filters Sort by Relevance Sort by Most Influenced Papers Sort by Citation Count Sort by Recency Clinical Ethics Cultural Competence and the Importance of Dialogue a Case Study B. Gray Computer Science 2016 4 PDF View 1 excerpt, cites background Save Alert Research Feed Defending the four principles approach as a good basis for good medical practice and therefore for good medical ethics Raanan Gillon Sociology, Medicine Journal of Medical Ethics 2014 34 PDF Save Alert Research Feed A broad ethics model for mental health practice G. Young Psychology 2016 9 Save Alert Research Feed Ethical Governance and Ethical Tools Ellen-Marie Forsberg, Clare Shelley-Egan, E. Thorstensen, L. Landeweerd, B. Hofmann Political Science 2017 Save Alert Research Feed Food for thought: ethics case discussion as slow nourishment in a fast world Roger Higgs Sociology, Medicine Journal of Medical Ethics 2014 PDF Save Alert Research Feed Principles alone cannot guarantee ethical AI Brent Mittelstadt Political Science, Computer Science 2019 50 PDF Save Alert Research Feed Principles alone cannot guarantee ethical AI B. Mittelstadt Sociology 2019 22 Save Alert Research Feed Adherence to Principles of Medical Ethics Among Physicians in Mazandaran Province, Iran. A. Ghaderi, Farhad Malek, M. Mohammadi, Somayeh Rostami Maskopaii, Amir Hamta, S. A. Madani Psychology, Medicine Archives of Iranian medicine 2018 Save Alert Research Feed In pursuit of goodness in bioethics: analysis of an exemplary article B. Hofmann, M. Magelssen Sociology, Medicine BMC medical ethics 2018 1 View 3 excerpts, cites background and methods Save Alert Research Feed The Politics of Maintaining Professional Values in the 21st Century J. M. Charles Sociology 2016 2 View 1 excerpt, cites background Save Alert Research Feed ... 1 2 ... References SHOWING 1-10 OF 36 REFERENCES SORT BYRelevance Most Influenced Papers Recency The virtues in medical practice E. Pellegrino, D. Thomasma Psychology 1993 544 PDF Save Alert Research Feed Clinical Ethics: A Practical Approach to Ethical Decisions in Clinical Medicine A. Jonsen, M. Siegler, W. Winslade Medicine 1982 446 Save Alert Research Feed A systematic approach to clinical moral reasoning Rosamond Rhodes, D. Alfandre Psychology 2007 20 Save Alert Research Feed The ethics of care : personal, political, and global Virginia Held Political Science 2006 477 PDF Save Alert Research Feed Principles of biomedical ethics T. Beauchamp, J. Childress Medicine, Psychology 1979 10,486 Save Alert Research Feed The Blackwell guide to medical ethics R. Rhodes, L. Francis, A. Silvers Medicine 2006 52 Save Alert Research Feed Canaries in the mines: children, risk, non-therapeutic research, and justice. M. Spriggs Medicine, Psychology Journal of medical ethics 2004 39 PDF Save Alert Research Feed A critique of principlism. K. Clouser, B. Gert Sociology, Medicine The Journal of medicine and philosophy 1990 402 Save Alert Research Feed An Open Letter to Institutional Review Boards Considering Northfield Laboratories' PolyHeme® Trial K. Kipnis, N. King, R. Nelson Medicine The American journal of bioethics : AJOB 2006 37 Save Alert Research Feed Bioethics: A Systematic Approach B. Gert, C. Culver, K. Clouser Psychology 2006 137 Save Alert Research Feed ... 1 2 3 4 ... Related Papers Abstract Topics 12 Citations 36 References Related Papers Stay Connected With Semantic Scholar Sign Up About Semantic Scholar Semantic Scholar is a free, AI-powered research tool for scientific literature, based at the Allen Institute for AI. Learn More → Resources DatasetsSupp.aiAPIOpen Corpus Organization About UsResearchPublishing PartnersData Partners   FAQContact Proudly built by AI2 with the help of our Collaborators Terms of Service•Privacy Policy The Allen Institute for AI By clicking accept or continuing to use the site, you agree to the terms outlined in our Privacy Policy, Terms of Service, and Dataset License ACCEPT & CONTINUE work_4vgoskl5ovgurphigjgmr5a2ka ---- Proust’s In Search of Lost Time: The History of a Vocation LUND UNIVERSITY PO Box 117 221 00 Lund +46 46-222 00 00 EVERS, Meindert Proust's In Search of Lost Time: The History of a Vocation Frankfurt am Main, Berlin, Bern, Bruxelles, New York, Oxford, Wien: Peter Lang, 2013. 206 pp., £ 29.80, ISBN 978-3-631-62931-4 Li, Shuangyi Published in: Modern and Contemporary France DOI: 10.1080/09639489.2014.889104 2014 Document Version: Publisher's PDF, also known as Version of record Link to publication Citation for published version (APA): Li, S. (2014). EVERS, Meindert Proust's In Search of Lost Time: The History of a Vocation Frankfurt am Main, Berlin, Bern, Bruxelles, New York, Oxford, Wien: Peter Lang, 2013. 206 pp., £ 29.80, ISBN 978-3-631-62931-4. Modern and Contemporary France, 22(3), 406-407. https://doi.org/10.1080/09639489.2014.889104 Total number of authors: 1 General rights Unless other specific re-use rights are stated the following general rights apply: Copyright and moral rights for the publications made accessible in the public portal are retained by the authors and/or other copyright owners and it is a condition of accessing publications that users recognise and abide by the legal requirements associated with these rights. • Users may download and print one copy of any publication from the public portal for the purpose of private study or research. • You may not further distribute the material or use it for any profit-making activity or commercial gain • You may freely distribute the URL identifying the publication in the public portal Read more about Creative commons licenses: https://creativecommons.org/licenses/ Take down policy If you believe that this document breaches copyright please contact us providing details, and we will remove access to the work immediately and investigate your claim. https://doi.org/10.1080/09639489.2014.889104 https://portal.research.lu.se/portal/en/publications/evers-meindert-prousts-in-search-of-lost-time-the-history-of-a-vocation-frankfurt-am-main-berlin-bern-bruxelles-new-york-oxford-wien-peter-lang-2013-206-pp--2980-isbn-9783631629314(700d125c-d875-44f4-8195-5e8d2c5a4f80).html https://doi.org/10.1080/09639489.2014.889104 Full Terms & Conditions of access and use can be found at https://www.tandfonline.com/action/journalInformation?journalCode=cmcf20 Modern & Contemporary France ISSN: 0963-9489 (Print) 1469-9869 (Online) Journal homepage: https://www.tandfonline.com/loi/cmcf20 EVERS, Meindert Proust's In Search of Lost Time: The History of a Vocation Frankfurt am Main, Berlin, Bern, Bruxelles, New York, Oxford, Wien: Peter Lang, 2013. 206 pp., £ 29.80, ISBN 978-3-631-62931-4 Shuaggyi Li To cite this article: Shuaggyi Li (2014) EVERS, Meindert Proust's In Search of Lost Time: The History of a Vocation Frankfurt am Main, Berlin, Bern, Bruxelles, New York, Oxford, Wien: Peter Lang, 2013. 206 pp., £ 29.80, ISBN 978-3-631-62931-4, Modern & Contemporary France, 22:3, 406-407, DOI: 10.1080/09639489.2014.889104 To link to this article: https://doi.org/10.1080/09639489.2014.889104 Published online: 14 Mar 2014. Submit your article to this journal Article views: 25 View Crossmark data https://www.tandfonline.com/action/journalInformation?journalCode=cmcf20 https://www.tandfonline.com/loi/cmcf20 https://www.tandfonline.com/action/showCitFormats?doi=10.1080/09639489.2014.889104 https://doi.org/10.1080/09639489.2014.889104 https://www.tandfonline.com/action/authorSubmission?journalCode=cmcf20&show=instructions https://www.tandfonline.com/action/authorSubmission?journalCode=cmcf20&show=instructions http://crossmark.crossref.org/dialog/?doi=10.1080/09639489.2014.889104&domain=pdf&date_stamp=2014-03-14 http://crossmark.crossref.org/dialog/?doi=10.1080/09639489.2014.889104&domain=pdf&date_stamp=2014-03-14 types while the sharp Republican lines betweencitizensandnon-nationalstendto flatten differences between different groups and trajectories. All of this is coherent and convincing although there is perhaps a danger of allowing debates around the Republic and its hidden exclusions to obscure other critical pos- itions coming, for example, from a more radical leftist standpoint.Overall, however, this is a well-argued and informed book that does important work by bringing some relatively neglected but significant areas of film production into view. MARTIN O’SHAUGHNESSY Nottingham Trent University q 2013 Martin O’Shaughnessy http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09639489.2013.870146 Proust’s In Search of Lost Time: The History of a Vocation MEINDERT EVERS Frankfurt am Main, Peter Lang, 2013 206 pp., £29.80, hbk, ISBN 978 3-63-162931-4 This book is based on Meindert Evers’s doctoral thesis, originally written in Dutch in1974,revisedandpublishedin1997, and translated into German in 2004. The author firmly grounds his discussion of Proustian aesthetics in the (mainly) European intellectual and artistic history immediately before and during Proust’s time. It is impressive how the author, in barely 10 pages in Chapter I, surveys an extensive cast of thinkers, writers and artists who may have contributed to the fin de siècle spirit. Some are better known than others: Kant, Heinrich von Kleist, Scho- penhauer, Freud, Nietzsche, Louis Cou- perus, Thomas Mann, Baudelaire, Oscar Wilde and Wagner, to name but a few. This section is followed by more detailed ‘influence studies’ between Proust and a few key writers such as Ralph Waldo Emerson, Thomas Carlyle, John Ruskin, as well as those involved in the Symbolist movement. However, Evers’s account, which is made from an intellectual historian’s perspective, is necessarily sche- matic, and Proust specialists today may find some of his observations unsatisfac- torily limited, especially given how many monographs on Proust’s relation to the above thinkers and artists have appeared since the 1970s. The flourishing field of Proust studies since the 1970s means that many of the author’s arguments may appear less original today than they were then. Throughout the book, particularly in Chapter II, Evers consistently stresses how Proust is not a decadent or aestheticist writer, which he demonstrates primarily through discussions of Proust’s characters (Swann and Charlus) and three paradig- matic relationships between art and life (around notions of mondanité, contradic- tion and commitment), as well as two informative comparative studies with Mann and Nietzsche. While these various points are very well substantiated with abundant textual analyses, very few scholars today would insist that Proust should be defined primarily as a decadent writer. Taking into account recent scholar- ship on the relation between decadent aesthetics and Proust’s own aesthetic evolution, one may wish that this clear- cut opposition between Proust and deca- dence set up by Evers could be further nuanced, as the author—perhaps rather too absolutely—asserts: ‘Proust, still seen by some as a representative of the fin de 406 Book Reviews http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09639489.2013.870146 siècle, because his novel portrays this time, has none of the characteristics of a decadent author. Proust is radically different. His philosophy differs comple- tely from that of a D’Annunzio, a Wilde, a Couperus, three examples of typical fin de siècle authors’ (134). Chapter III, which explores aesthetic experience (through ‘involuntary memory’, ‘dreaming and awakening’ and ‘modern means of com- munication’), could best serve as a critical introduction to this particular aspect of Proust’s novel, as it has been much more elaborated by later Proust scholarship. The last chapter, which discusses Proust’s ‘modern’ representations of ‘cultural criti- cism’, ‘the Dreyfus Affair’, ‘the First World War’, ‘homosexuality’ and ‘the aristocracy and high society’, could be read in a similar fashion. However, Evers makes a crucial argu- ment in Chapter IV, entitled ‘The Re- creation of Reality: Perspectivism and Metaphor’. The part on Proust’s perspecti- vism is probably the book’s most original contribution to our current Proust scho- larship. The notion of perspectivism is often associated with Nietzsche in philos- ophy and Cubism in art. But Evers first traces Proust’s perspectivist aesthetic to Ruskin and then—rather intriguingly—to Leibniz and hispluralistic andfragmentary visions of the one and only universe consisting of ‘monads’. We have concrete evidence of Proust’s passionate reading of Leibniz’s work (e.g. Monadology). Given the sheer volume and complexity of Leibniz’s philosophy, one may wish this fascinating investigation to be developed further. The book covers quite a wide range of topics; the chapters are relatively inde- pendent of one another and can be read accordingly. Overall, undergraduate stu- dents and lovers of Proust rather than Proust scholars are likely to benefit most from this book, with its almost jargon- free writing style, lucid explanations and resourceful analyses. In fact, one does not even have to have read Proust to follow most of the discussions, as the author rather extensively recapitulates many plots before analysing them. Quotations are all in English accompanied by Proust’s French original in the footnotes (referring to the 1954 Pléiade edition rather than the new Pléiade) with occasional typos and wrong paginations (174–175). SHUAGGYI LI University of Edinburgh q 2014 Shuangyi Li http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09639489.2014.889104 The Livres-Souvenirs of Colette: Genre and the Telling of Time ANNE FREADMAN London, Legenda, 2012 178 pp., £40.00, hbk, ISBN 978 1-90-654093-7 Thetitleofthebookgivesusamajorclueon theinnovativeapproachdevelopedbyAnne Freadman in her analysis of a particular Colette corpus, the one devoted to auto- biographical writing: Les Vrilles de la vigne, Mes apprentissages, La Maison de Claudine, Sido, L’Étoile Vesper and Le Fanal bleu. Freadman follows the powerful lure of Rimbaldian vieilles vieilleries and its echoes with Colette’s fondness for collecting objects, people and memories. To this must be added a technical aspect, that of the study of the genre of Colette’s writing. Freadman argues that, by largely avoiding Modern & Contemporary France 407 http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09639489.2014.889104 work_4ygq55srjzd6nallw4qqeo3tku ---- OP-LLCJ130021 1..8 Patterns of local discourse coherence as a feature for authorship attribution ............................................................................................................................................................ Vanessa Wei Feng and Graeme Hirst University of Toronto, Canada ....................................................................................................................................... Abstract We define a model of discourse coherence based on Barzilay and Lapata’s entity grids as a stylometric feature for authorship attribution. Unlike standard lexical and character-level features, it operates at a discourse (cross-sentence) level. We test it against and in combination with standard features on nineteen book- length texts by nine nineteenth-century authors. We find that coherence alone performs often as well as and sometimes better than standard features, though a combination of the two has the highest performance overall. We observe that despite the difference in levels, there is a correlation in performance of the two kinds of features. ................................................................................................................................................................................. 1 Introduction Contemporary methods of authorship attribution and discrimination that are based on text classification algorithms invariably use low-level within-sentence aspects of the text as stylometric features. In his recent survey, for example, Stamatatos (2009) lists twenty types of stylometric features that mostly involve character and word unigrams and n-grams, part-of-speech tags, and syntactic chunks and parse structures. Koppel, Schler, and Argamon (2009) adduce a similar set. In this article, we experiment with a stylometric feature that, by contrast, is drawn from the discourse level, across sentences: patterns of local coherence. We look at the choice that a writer makes when referring to an entity as to which gram- matical role in the sentence the reference will appear in, and how this choice changes over a sequence of sentences as the writer repeatedly refers to the same entity. We show that differences in the resulting patterns of reference and grammatical role are a powerful stylometric feature for identifying an author. 2 Barzilay and Lapata’s discourse entity grid The basis of our method is the discourse entity grid, introduced by Barzilay and Lapata (2008) (‘B&L’ hereafter) as a model of local discourse coherence. B&L’s model is based on the assumption that a text naturally makes repeated reference to the elements of a set of entities that are central to its topic. It represents local coherence as a sequence of transitions, from one sentence to the next, in the grammatical role of these references. Consider, for example, this text: (1) (a) Thus encouraged, Oliver tapped at the study door. (b) On Mr. Brownlow calling to him to come in, he found himself in a little back room, quite full of books, with a window, looking into some pleasant little gar- dens. (c) There was a table drawn up before the window, at which Mr. Brownlow was seated reading. (d) When he saw Oliver, he pushed the book away from him, and told him to come near the table, and sit down.1 Correspondence: Graeme Hirst, Department of Computer Science, University of Toronto, Toronto, Ontario, Canada M5S 3G4. E-mail: gh@cs.toronto.edu Literary and Linguistic Computing � The Author 2013. Published by Oxford University Press on behalf of ALLC. All rights reserved. For Permissions, please email: journals.permissions@oup.com 1 of 8 doi:10.1093/llc/fqt021 Literary and Linguistic Computing Advance Access published April 9, 2013 at U niversity of T oronto L ibrary on A pril 10, 2013 http://llc.oxfordjournals.org/ D ow nloaded from http://llc.oxfordjournals.org/ The entity Oliver makes the following sequence of grammatical roles: it is the subject of tapped in (a); it is both the subject and object of found and the object of the prepositional phrase to him in (b); it does not appear in (c); and it is an object (twice, of saw and of told) in (d). As this example demon- strates, it is the referent entity itself that matters, not the form of the reference as, for example, Oliver, him, himself, or (not in this example) the boy are all the same entity, whereas the books of sentence (b) are not the same entity as the book of sentence (d). When an entity appears in more than one role in a sentence, it is assigned only the ‘highest ranking’ role (Barzilay and Lapata, 2008); subject outranks object, which in turn outranks all others. Thus in sentence (b), we assign (only) the subject role to Oliver. The sequence for the entity Oliver in this four-sentence text is thus [S S – O], where ‘–’ indicates that the entity does not occur in the sen- tence; hence the sentence-to-sentence transitions made by this entity in the text are subject to subject ([S S]), subject to not-mentioned ([S –]), and not- mentioned to object ([– O]). In the case of passive verbs, the surface-form subject is assumed to take the grammatical object role. In the example text, the table, which does not appear in the first two sentences, is construed as the grammatical object of the passive verb drawn up rather than its subject in (c),2 and it then appears in a prepositional phrase in (d). Thus its sequence is [– – O X], where ‘X’ indicates a role that is neither subject nor object, and the transitions (in addition to the empty transition [– –]) are [– O] and [O X]. Because a complete sentence, possibly containing several clauses, is considered at a single time in B&L’s model, a sentence may have several entities in subject and object roles in the different clauses, and even a simple clause may refer to more than one entity within a single grammatical role. It is also possible, of course, that an entity will be mentioned only once in the entire text (such as the gardens in example (1) above) and thus not contribute to local coherence at all. B&L consider an entity to be salient if it is mentioned in the text at least twice (or some other threshold), and they describe models in which transitions for salient and non-salient enti- ties are treated separately. More formally, we can represent a document d as an entity grid in which the columns represent the entities referred to in d, and rows represent the sen- tences.3 Each cell corresponds to the grammatical role of an entity in the corresponding sentence: sub- ject (S), object (O), neither (X), or nothing (–). Each column is a complete sequence of roles. An example of an entity grid for the salient entities of example (1) is shown in Table 1. B&L define a local transition as a sequence fS, O, X, �gn, representing the occurrence and grammatical roles of an entity in n adjacent sen- tences. In our example earlier, we took n ¼ 2 for transitions, but we could use higher values; for example, for n ¼ 3, Oliver has the local transition [S – O] from sentences (b) to (d). Clearly, these transition sequences can be extracted from the entity grid as continuous subsequences in each column. For example, the entity Mr. Brownlow in Table 1 has a bigram transition [S S] from sentence (b) to (c). For a given value of n, 4n different local transitions are possible. We can count the number of times that each one occurs in a given text and thus compute the proportion of transitions that are of each type. We can interpret these proportions as probabilities—the probability that any randomly chosen transition of length n in the text is of the given type. This lets us encode the entity grid as a feature vector (ðdÞ ¼ ðp1ðdÞ, p2ðdÞ, . . . , pmðdÞÞ, where ptðdÞ is the probability of transition type t in the entity grid, computed as the number of occurrences of t in the entity grid of text d divided by the total number of transitions of length n in the entity grid, and m is the total number of transition types considered. For example, if we take transitions of length n¼2, then m ¼ 16, and if n¼3, then m¼64. We have Pm t¼1 ptðdÞ ¼ 1. Table 1 The grid for the salient entities of example (1) Oliver Mr. Brownlow Window Table (a) S – – – (b) S S X – (c) – S X O (d) O S – X V. W. Feng and G. Hirst 2 of 8 Literary and Linguistic Computing, 2013 at U niversity of T oronto L ibrary on A pril 10, 2013 http://llc.oxfordjournals.org/ D ow nloaded from http://llc.oxfordjournals.org/ B&L evaluated the use of entity grids as a model of local coherence by showing that they can be used to discriminate original news texts from random permutations of the same sentences by learning a pairwise ranking preference between alternative renderings of a document based on the probability distribution of the entity-grid transitions. The model can also improve the performance of a text readability assessment system. Here, we will use entity grids in quite a different manner—not to measure degree of local coherence but rather, assuming the presence of coherence, to look at the different ways in which it is achieved. 3 Local transitions as features for authorship attribution Because the set of transition probabilities forms a feature vector ( for a text, we can investigate it as a possible stylometric feature for authorship attribu- tion. That is, we hypothesize that authors differ in the patterns of local transitions that they use—their tendency to use some types of local transitions rather than others—and that this forms part of an author’s unconscious stylistic signature. We can test this hypothesis by seeing whether we can use these feature vectors to build a classifier to identify authorship. Of course, we are not suggesting that local transitions by themselves are sufficient for high- accuracy authorship attribution. Rather, we are hypothesizing only that they carry information about authorship, which, if correct, is an interesting new stylometric observation. And they could thus be a useful complement to lexical and syntactic fea- tures for attribution. In our experiments below, therefore, we put our emphasis on examining how much authorship information these features carry by themselves in comparison with a simple baseline as well as with traditional lexical and lexico-syntactic features and in combination with such features. Any implementation of entity grids must deal with the question of how entities are identified and tracked through the text. Entity recognition and coreference resolution remain incompletely solved problems in computational linguistics. B&L experimented with two approximations: the use of an imperfect coreference resolution tool (Ng and Cardie, 2002) and a very simple string-matching algorithm. Unsurprisingly, the former gave better results (which was also our experience in our own earlier work with entity grids (Feng and Hirst, 2012)). Accordingly, we use a coreference tool here too (see Section 4.1 below). 4 Experiments 4.1 Data We gathered nineteen works of nine nineteenth- century British and American novelists and essayists from Project Gutenberg; they are listed in Table 2. We split the texts at sentence boundaries into chunks of approximately 1,000 words, regarding each chunk as a separate document by that author; leftovers of fewer than 1,000 words were discarded. The imbalance between different authors in the number of documents for each is corrected by the sampling methods in our experiments (see Section 4.2 below). We applied coreference resolution to each docu- ment, using Reconcile 1.1 (Ng and Cardie, 2002). Reconcile is a learning-based end-to-end corefer- ence resolution system that outputs the entities (noun phrases) and the coreference chains formed by these entities. It achieves F1 scores of 60 to 70 on several coreference benchmark datasets. We then obtained a dependency parse of each sentence of each document to extract the grammatical role of each entity in the text, using the Stanford depend- ency parser (de Marneffe, MacCartney, and Manning, 2006). We could then construct an entity grid and the corresponding coherence feature vector for each document. We took n ¼ 2, that is only transition bigrams, so there are 42 ¼ 16 tran- sition types. But we counted transitions separately for salient entities—those entities with at least two occurrences in a document—and for non-salient entities. In the latter case, only seven of the sixteen transition types—those in which the entity appears in at most one sentence—can occur. For each document, we also extracted a set of 208 low-level lexico-syntactic stylistic features: the Discourse coherence for authorship attribution Literary and Linguistic Computing, 2013 3 of 8 at U niversity of T oronto L ibrary on A pril 10, 2013 http://llc.oxfordjournals.org/ D ow nloaded from http://llc.oxfordjournals.org/ frequencies of the 100 most frequent letter bigrams, of the 100 most frequent letter trigrams, and of the following eight types of function words: prepos- itions, pronouns, determiners, conjunctions, modal auxiliaries, auxiliary verbs (be, have, do), ad- verbs, and to. 4.2 Method We conducted two sets of authorship attribution experiments: pairwise and one-versus-others. In the former, we select two authors and build a clas- sifier that attempts to discriminate them, using either the coherence feature set, the lexico-syntactic feature set, or a combination of both. In the latter, we select one author and build a classifier that at- tempts to discriminate that author from all others in the dataset, again using one or both of the feature sets. The classifier in all experiments was a neural network with one hidden layer. We chose this classifier because it is able to handle non-linear relations among features, and it outperformed some other classifiers, such as decision trees and support vector machines, in our development experiments. Each experiment used five-fold cross-validation, in which one-fifth of the data are chosen as test data and the training data are derived from the other four-fifths. The process is repeated for each one- fifth of the data in turn. To prevent class imbalance, the training data partitions are resampled (specific- ally, oversampled) in each iteration (Estabrooks, Jo, and Japkowicz, 2004) to obtain a balanced distribu- tion in the training set between the two classes— that is, between the two selected authors in the pair- wise experiments and between the selected author and all the others in the one-versus-others experi- ments. If the number of datapoints in one class is markedly fewer than that of the other, this proced- ure (implemented here by the Resample module of the Weka 3.6.8 toolkit (Hall et al., 2009)) replicates datapoints at random until the two classes are ap- proximately equal in size. For pairwise classification, we also oversample the test set in the same way in order to set an appropriate baseline. 4.3 Results 4.3.1 Pairwise classification The results of pairwise classification are shown in Table 3. For each pair of authors, we show macro- averaged classification accuracy for four conditions: using only coherence features, using only traditional lexico-syntactic features, using all features, and, as a baseline, always guessing the author that has the greater representation in the training data. Because of our resampling procedure, the baseline is always close to, but not exactly, 50%, and it will be less than 50% when the more frequent author in the training data is not the more frequent one in the test data. Significant differences between the conditions for each pair of authors are indicated by superscripts (p < :05 in all cases). As expected, the established lexico-syntactic stylometric features give accuracies that are signifi- cantly above the baseline (with one exception: Hawthorne versus Melville, where these features Table 2 The data used in our experiments Text Chunks Anne Brontë Agnes Grey 78 The Tenant of Wildfell Hall 183 Jane Austen Emma 183 Mansfield Park 173 Sense and Sensibility 140 Charlotte Brontë Jane Eyre 167 The Professor 92 James Fenimore Cooper The Last of the Mohicans 156 The Spy 103 Water Witch 164 Charles Dickens Bleak House 383 Dombey and Son 377 Great Expectations 203 Ralph Waldo Emerson The Conduct of Life 67 English Traits 68 Emily Brontë Wuthering Heights 126 Nathaniel Hawthorne The House of the Seven Gables 106 Herman Melville Moby Dick 261 Redburn 27 V. W. Feng and G. Hirst 4 of 8 Literary and Linguistic Computing, 2013 at U niversity of T oronto L ibrary on A pril 10, 2013 http://llc.oxfordjournals.org/ D ow nloaded from http://llc.oxfordjournals.org/ perform only seven percentage points above base- line, a difference that is not significant because we have relatively little data for Hawthorne). And, as we hypothesized, our coherence features also signifi- cantly exceed the baseline in all cases, showing that these features contain a considerable amount of in- formation about authorship. The combined feature set also significantly exceeds the baseline in all cases. However, there is no consistency or pattern as to the relative performance of the three feature sets. In some cases (denoted by a in the table), such as Dickens versus Anne Brontë, the coherence features outperform the lexico-syntactic features, whereas in others (denoted by b), such as Dickens versus Table 3 Accuracy scores (%) of pairwise classification experiments Austen Charlotte Cooper Dickens Emerson Emily Hawthorne Melville Anne Coherence 78.3 d 73.8 d 88.4 d 83.7 a,d 85.5 d 81.9 a,d 81.0 d 83.9 d Lexico-syntactic 79.4 d 77.7 d 98.1 b,d 78.4 d 90.6 b,d 71.5 d 85.3 d 90.7 b,d Combined 86.7a,b,d 83.1a,b,d 99.1b,d 84.4a,d 90.9b,d 82.6a,d 90.1a,b,d 91.6b,d Baseline 53.3 57.7 53.6 52.5 47.1 48.0 46.9 44.8 Austen Coherence 78.9 d 82.3 d 75.5 d 74.9 d 83.5 d 71.9 d 78.6 d Lexico-syntactic 85.3b,d 97.5b,d 84.1b,d 97.4b,d 86.2d 90.3b,c,d 91.5b,d Combined 91.7a,b,d 97.5b,d 86.4a,b,d 98.3b,d 93.9a,b,d 85.3b,d 90.5b,d Baseline 47.2 49.3 53.6 45.4 45.2 46.1 46.4 Charlotte Coherence 93.2 d 80.6 a,c,d 84.0 d 78.8 a,c,d 84.1 a,c,d 82.9 a,d Lexico-syntactic 92.8d 58.1d 93.3b,d 62.3d 73.7d 76.1d Combined 97.2 a,b,d 77.3 a,d 93.0 b,d 73.4 a,d 77.2 d 83.8 a,d Baseline 53.1 52.8 44.7 47.1 48.1 45.6 Cooper Coherence 81.3d 79.6d 92.9d 73.5d 74.2d Lexico-syntactic 92.8b,d 87.1b,d 93.3d 81.0b,d 84.9b,d Combined 95.3 a,b,d 88.5 b,d 96.6 a,b,d 83.4 b,d 87.7 a,b,d Baseline 53.7 44.6 46.0 46.1 46.0 Dickens Coherence 86.5d 91.1a,c,d 75.2d 79.9d Lexico-syntactic 87.3 d 77.8 d 74.3 d 83.2 b,d Combined 94.3 a,b,d 87.3 a,d 77.6 a,d 85.7 a,b,d Baseline 48.8 49.1 49.6 49.0 Emerson Coherence 97.5d 70.9d 75.6d Lexico-syntactic 97.5 d 80.6 b,d 89.9 b,d Combined 95.1 d 88.8 a,b,d 94.2 a,b,d Baseline 51.5 53.6 51.6 Emily Coherence 78.9 d 94.6 a,d Lexico-syntactic 88.3 b,d 86.0 d Combined 91.1b,d 92.1a,d Baseline 58.3 52.5 Hawthorne Coherence 67.9 a,d Lexico-syntactic 58.5 Combined 72.2a,d Baseline 51.3 aSignificantly better than lexico-syntactic features (p < :05). b Significantly better than coherence features (p < :05). cSignificantly better than combined features (p < :05). dSignificantly better than baseline (p < :05). Discourse coherence for authorship attribution Literary and Linguistic Computing, 2013 5 of 8 at U niversity of T oronto L ibrary on A pril 10, 2013 http://llc.oxfordjournals.org/ D ow nloaded from http://llc.oxfordjournals.org/ Austen, the reverse is true. In a few cases (denoted by c), such as Charlotte Brontë versus Hawthorne, the coherence features also outperform the com- bined feature set, although the converse is more usual. It is perhaps notable that, apart from Hawthorne versus Melville, all the pairs in which coherence features are superior to lexico-syntactic features involve a Brontë sister versus Dickens, Hawthorne, Melville, or another Brontë sister. Generally speaking, however, Table 3 suggests that coherence features perform well but usually not quite as well as lexico-syntactic features, and that the combined feature set usually performs best. We confirm this generalization by aggregating the results for all pairs of authors by taking all predictions for all author pairs as a single set, and reporting accuracy for each set of features. The results, in Table 4, show this stated ordering for accuracy, with significant differences at each step. 4.3.2 One-versus-others classification Unlike pairwise classification, where we are inter- ested in the performance of both classes, in one- versus-others classification we are interested only in a single author class, and hence we can regard the problem as retrieval and report the results using the F1 score of each class under each condition. The results for each author are shown in Table 5, and aggregated results are shown in Table 6. A pat- tern similar to that of pairwise classification is observed. All feature sets perform significantly better than baseline, and the combined feature set is always significantly better than both others. The coherence features perform well, and significantly better than the lexico-syntactic features for Dickens and Charlotte Brontë; in addition, they per- form notably better, albeit not significantly so, for Hawthorne and Emily Brontë. However, in aggre- gation, the lexico-syntactic features are significantly Table 5 F1 scores of one-class classification experiments Author Features F1 Anne Coherence 34.5 d Lexico-syntactic 40.9 b,d Combined 48.0a,b,d Baseline 15.1 Austen Coherence 39.1 d Lexico-syntactic 60.3b,d Combined 65.9a,b,d Baseline 26.3 Charlotte Coherence 37.2 a,d Lexico-syntactic 25.2d Combined 38.0 a,b,d Baseline 16.2 Cooper Coherence 53.8d Lexico-syntactic 73.3b,d Combined 78.0 a,b,d Baseline 25.8 Dickens Coherence 63.8a,d Lexico-syntactic 61.3 d Combined 70.6 a,b,d Baseline 50.7 Emerson Coherence 26.1d Lexico-syntactic 51.9 b,d Combined 61.6 a,b,d Baseline 9.1 Emily Coherence 29.5 d Lexico-syntactic 25.6 d Combined 32.7a,b,d Baseline 7.9 Hawthorne Coherence 17.3 d Lexico-syntactic 14.0 d Combined 21.0a,b,d Baseline 7.2 Melville Coherence 25.9 d Lexico-syntactic 38.2b,d Combined 39.6b,d Baseline 12.1 a Significantly better than lexico-syntactic features (p < :05). b Significantly better than coherence features (p < :05). dSignificantly better than baseline (p < :05). Table 4 Accuracy scores (%) of pairwise classification experiments, aggregated across all authors for each feature set Feature set Acc. (%) Coherence 81.3 d Lexico-syntactic 83.7b,d Combined 88.4a,b,d Baseline 49.8 a Significantly better than lexico-syntactic features (p < :05). bSignificantly better than coherence features (p < :05). dSignificantly better than baseline (p < :05). V. W. Feng and G. Hirst 6 of 8 Literary and Linguistic Computing, 2013 at U niversity of T oronto L ibrary on A pril 10, 2013 http://llc.oxfordjournals.org/ D ow nloaded from http://llc.oxfordjournals.org/ better than coherence features, and the combined set is significantly better again. 5 Discussion Our experiments show that entity-based local co- herence, by itself, is informative enough to be able to classify texts by authorship almost as well as con- ventional lexico-syntactic information, even though it uses markedly fewer features. And the two types of information together perform better than either alone. This shows that local coherence does not just represent a subset of the same information as lexico-syntactic features, which is not a surprise, given that they focus on different aspects of the text at different levels. On the other hand, given this point, we might expect that the performance of the two feature sets would be independent, and that there would be authorship discriminations that are difficult for one set of features but easy for the other. However, we did not find this; while each had cases in which it was significantly better than the other, the scores for the two feature sets were correlated significantly (pairwise task, r ¼ :3657, df ¼ 34, p < :05; one-versus-others task, r ¼ :7388, df ¼ 7, p < :05). Although in aggregation the combination of lexico-syntactic and coherence feature sets outper- formed both feature sets individually, in a handful of cases, such as Hawthorne versus Austen in Table 3, the combined features obtained lower accuracy than using either lexico-syntactic or coher- ence features alone. We speculate that this is due to potential overfitting on the training data when using the combined feature set, which has a higher dimen- sionality than the other two. 6 Conclusion We have shown that an author’s presumably uncon- scious choices of transition types in entity-based local coherence is a stylometric feature. It forms part of an author’s stylistic ‘signature’, and is in- formative in authorship attribution and discrimin- ation. As a stylometric feature, it differs markedly from the syntactic, lexical, and even character-level features that typify contemporary approaches to the problem: It operates at the discourse level, above that of sentences. Nonetheless, the correlation that we found between the performance of this feature set and the lower-level feature set suggests that there is some latent relationship between the two, and this requires further investigation. We took Barzilay and Lapata’s model very much as they originally specified it. However, there are many possible variations to the model that bear investigation. Apart from the obvious parameter settings—the value of n, the threshold for sali- ence—the ranking of grammatical roles when an entity occurs more than once in a sentence may be varied. In particular, we experimented with a variation that we called ‘multiple-transition mode’ in which each occurrence of an entity in a sentence is paired individually in all combinations. For example, if a specific entity occurs three times, in the roles S, O, and X, in one sentence and then twice, in the roles S and O in the next, then we extract six transition bigrams ([S S], [O S], [X S], [S O], [O O], and [X O]) rather than just the one with the highest priority, [S S]. However, in some of our early experiments, this variation showed little difference in performance from Barzilay and Lapata’s single-transition model, so we abandoned it, as it adds significant complexity to the model. But we suspect that it might be more useful for characterizing authors, such as Dickens, who tend to write very long sentences involving complicated interactions among entities within a single sentence. Table 6 F1 scores of one-class classification experiments aggregated across all authors for each feature set Feature set Acc. (%) Coherence 40.5 d Lexico-syntactic 47.9b,d Combined 56.6a,b,d Baseline 20.0 a Significantly better than lexico-syntactic features (p < :05). b Significantly better than coherence features (p < :05). dSignificantly better than baseline (p < :05). Discourse coherence for authorship attribution Literary and Linguistic Computing, 2013 7 of 8 at U niversity of T oronto L ibrary on A pril 10, 2013 http://llc.oxfordjournals.org/ D ow nloaded from http://llc.oxfordjournals.org/ We see entity-based local coherence as possibly the first of many potential stylometric features at this level that may be investigated. These could in- clude other aspects of repeated reference to entities. The present features consider only identical refer- ents; but an author’s use of other referential rela- tionships such as various forms of meronymy (the car . . . the wheels; the government . . . the minister) could also be investigated. More generally, the set of various kinds of relationships used in lexical chains (Morris and Hirst, 1991) could be tried, but a too-promiscuous set would simply result in almost everything being related to almost everything else. Rather, instead of holding the relationships constant, as in the present approach, one would look for inter-author differences in the patterns of variation in the relationships. Such differences could also be sought in the surface forms of entity corefer- ence across sentences (the author’s choice of definite description, name, or pronoun); these forms are conflated in the present approach. Understanding these kinds of discourse-level fea- tures better may bring new insight to this level of the stylistic analysis of text and the individuation of authors’ style. Acknowledgements This work was supported by the Natural Sciences and Engineering Research Council of Canada. References Barzilay, R. and Lapata, M. (2008). Modeling local co- herence: an entity-based approach. Computational Linguistics, 34(1): 1–34. De Marneffe, M.-C., MacCartney, B., and Manning, C. D. (2006). Generating typed dependency parses from phrase structure parses. Proceedings of the 5th International Conference on Language Resources and Evaluation (LREC 2006), Genoa, 449–54. Feng, V. W. and Hirst, G. (2012). Extending the entity-based coherence model with multiple ranks. Proceedings, 13th Conference of the European Chapter of the Association for Computational Linguistics (EACL-2012), Avignon, France, 315–24. Estabrooks, A., Jo, T., and Japkowicz, N. (2004). A mul- tiple resampling method for learning from imbalanced data sets. Computational Intelligence, 20(1): 18–36. Hall, M., Frank, E., Holmes, G., Pfahringer, B., Reutemann, P., and Witten, I. H. (2009). The WEKA data mining software: an update. SIGKDD Explorations, 11(1): 10–18. Koppel, M., Schler, J., and Argamon, S. (2009). Computational methods in authorship attribution. Journal of the American Society for Information Science and Technology, 60(1): 9–26. Morris, J. and Hirst, G. (1991). Lexical cohesion, the thesaurus, and the structure of text. Computational Linguistics, 17(1): 21–48. Ng, V. and Cardie, C. (2002). Improving machine learning approaches to coreference resolution. Proceedings of the 40th Annual Meeting of the Association for Computational Linguistics (ACL 2002), Philadelphia, 104–11. Stamatatos, E. (2009). A survey of modern authorship attribution methods. Journal of the American Society for Information Science and Technology, 60(3): 538–56. Notes 1 Charles Dickens, Oliver Twist, chapter XIV. 2 To be precise: table is the elided surface-form grammat- ical subject of the reduced relative clause of which the passive verb drawn up is the head. 3 The remainder of this section is based in part on ma- terial from Feng and Hirst (2012). V. W. Feng and G. Hirst 8 of 8 Literary and Linguistic Computing, 2013 at U niversity of T oronto L ibrary on A pril 10, 2013 http://llc.oxfordjournals.org/ D ow nloaded from http://llc.oxfordjournals.org/ work_4zxwfrthmfdfdoy6a4rd2uwad4 ---- International Journal of Recent Technology and Engineering (IJRTE) International Journal of Recent Technology and Engineering (IJRTE) ISSN: 2277-3878, Volume-8 Issue-3, September 2019 8185 Published By: Blue Eyes Intelligence Engineering & Sciences Publication Retrieval Number: C6655098319/19©BEIESP DOI:10.35940/ijrte.C6655.098319  Abstract: Global warming has been described as “the biggest externality the world has ever seen”. With international policymaking gradually taking into account initiatives to tackle climate change, the idea of putting a price on carbon has also received much acclaim. Pricing carbon, in the form of a carbon tax, was put forward as a policy initiative with the commencement of the Paris Climate Summit of 2015, as such a policy, could address emissions at the sources while being the least intrusive with the lowest burden on taxpayers. India is the third largest emitter of greenhouse gases globally but has also been a pioneer in acknowledging carbon taxes. The government has claimed its high excise duties on petrol and diesel, along with the Clean Environment Cess on coal consumption, to be implicit carbon taxes. Interestingly, while a carbon tax should be linked to carbon emissions, current indirect taxes by the government are not at all linked to them while are mostly used as revenue generating measures or compensating the States as part of GST revenue losses. This paper envisages to examine the case for introducing a carbon tax regime in India vis-à-vis fossil fuel consumption in the economy, with a subsequent determination of a unique carbon tax rate for India. To achieve India’s Nationally Determined Contribution (NDC) targets of Paris Summit, it is imperative that India introduces an explicit carbon tax that links fuel prices to emissions, which can have a cascading effect of reducing their consumption while switching to cleaner fuels as substitutes. Findings from the study indicate that coal faces a minimal tax burden while being the most polluting whereas natural gas faces a high tax burden even though it is cleanest among all. As part of the study, a tax rate has been derived that is expected to act as a policy benchmark and can nudge tax policies in the right way, as switching to a low-carbon economy forms a primary agenda of India, in this era of a hothouse Earth. Keywords: Carbon Tax, Climate Change, Fiscal policy, Social Cost of Carbon. I. INTRODUCTION There was a time when Ralph Waldo Emerson cherished the exquisiteness of nature thoughtfully penning, “Earth laughs in flowers”. Decades later, its significance has become relevant more than ever with forests being desertified, population growing exponentially and the planet getting 1.2 0 C warmer compared to pre-industrial levels with irreversible consequences. Accentuation of the greenhouse effect due to increased anthropogenic interventions and a continuous upsurge in global carbon dioxide (CO2) emissions have brought unwanted changes in the atmosphere endangering the lives of numerous species living within. Taking cognisance of the severity of climate change, the Revised Manuscript Received on September 25, 2019 Unmilan Kalita, Department of Economics, Gauhati University, Assam, India. Email: unmilan.k@gmail.com Nissar Ahmed Barua, Department of Economics, Gauhati University, Assam, India. Email: nissar12@gmail.com international community soon realised that to achieve their ambitious global and national emission reduction objectives, putting a price on carbon is essential for decarbonising the environment [1]. Along with the Carbon Pricing Leadership Coalition (CPLC) of World Bank and the Paris Agreement (COP21), currently there exists more than 40 national carbon pricing agreements and mechanisms implemented across the world, covering approximately 11 gigatons of CO2 equivalent (GtCO2e), representing 20.1% of global GHG emissions [2]. India has been a major stakeholder in the run against climate change since ratification of the UNFCCC in 1994. The National Action Plan for Climate Change (NAPCC) was formally launched in 2008. India also ratified the Paris Agreement in 2015, declaring its Nationally Determined Contribution (NDC) to reduce emission intensity. The present paper entails an examination of the tax measures taken by the Government of India vis-à-vis fossil fuel consumption in India. While analyzing the basis of a carbon tax in the backdrop of its conceptual framework, this paper seeks to determine a carbon tax rate in the context of the challenges that confront the Indian economy. (1) Literature Review Global warming has been described as “the biggest externality the world has ever seen” [3]. Externalities form as a consequence of activities of individuals or industries in the form of greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions that spread across the globe and tend to persist for over a long period of time. International consensus on GHG emissions as negative externalities was observed when the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) in their Fourth Assessment Report (2007) noted that human actions have a probability of 90% or greater to be the cause of global warming. The Paris Summit of 2015 (COP21) marked a turning point for global climate actions when it decided to limit the global temperature rise to well below 1.5 0 C above pre-industrial levels. The Summit concluded with provisions in place for enhanced cooperation among nations with respect to mitigation through marked based approaches. Carbon pricing was put forward as a tool that could “reduce emissions by a magnitude greater than what is possible today” [4]. The original concept of using environmental taxes (carbon tax) to advance social welfare is generally credited to A.C. Pigou’s famous publication, The Economics of Welfare (1920). The concept that he presented is now popularly accepted and applied within the domain of public finance and environmental economics. Such a tax can simply be applied on carbon dioxide emissions (a major GHG) or could be spread across all GHG emissions, including methane emissions [5]. Major design priorities for a carbon tax mechanism includes choosing the appropriate price, emissions coverage, the point of taxation (upstream or downstream), Determining a Carbon Tax Rate for India in the Context of Global Climate Change Unmilan Kalita , Nissar Ahmed Barua Determining a Carbon Tax Rate for India in the Context of Global Climate Change 8186 Published By: Blue Eyes Intelligence Engineering & Sciences Publication Retrieval Number: C6655098319/19©BEIESP DOI:10.35940/ijrte.C6655.098319 stringency (planned escalation of price over time), the flexibility of the price to change in light of new information on marginal cost of abatement, allocation of revenue generated from the tax towards general public spending or specific emissions-reducing activities, and harmonisation across boundaries beyond the tax jurisdiction [6]. A carbon tax, to be efficient, should cover all sources and be set equal to the marginal benefits of emission reduction, represented by estimates of social cost of carbon [7] [8] estimated that a dozen nations factor in the carbon emissions treating them as externalities whenever they do policymaking analysis. Countries like USA and UK take SCC into account on an ex-ante basis so as to steer policies in a conducive manner with regard to investment decisions. It is imperative to note that although mostly developed nations undertake this practice of calculating social damage, a similar policy in a developing nation like India will immensely assist fiscal and investment policy environment. In India’s context, [9] have observed that an upstream carbon tax at ports, mine-heads, etc., will result in a rise of prices in fuel and energy corresponding to their carbon content. They estimated that a carbon tax of ₹ 2,818 per metric tonne of CO2 will increase the average price of electricity from ₹ 3.73 (current value at the time of the study) to INR 4.67 per kWh. [10] had also vaguely traced a similar pattern as [9]. Regarding distributional impacts of a carbon tax, [11] observed that a carbon tax in India is “mildly progressive” and progressivity is higher in rural sector as compared to urban, and it varies across fuel types. It was found to be regressive for kerosene, but beneficial for LPG. They, however, noted that such effects are still unclear, until further research lights the path. Carbon tax constitutes one of the most effective state interventions to combat climate change. However, this fiscal instrument has failed to find a significant place in Indian public finance intervention. This presents a legitimate case for highlighting strategies on carbon taxation as an effective operational tool against global climate change. (2) Conceptual Framework Earth is considered to be a greenhouse, housing a number of gases such as carbon dioxide (CO2) and methane, also known as greenhouse gases (GHG), in the atmosphere. These gases are the sole reason behind Earth having a mean surface temperature of 33 0 C. If it were not for these gases and the greenhouse effect, Earth’s average temperature would be a chilly -18 0 C [12]. CO2 constitutes a major chunk (81%) of the GHGs that lend the Earth its greenhouse effect. Source: Global Carbon Project, 2018 Figure 1: Annual CO2 emissions from fossil fuel sources in FY 2017-18 With industrialisation and anthropogenic land-use changes over the last two centuries, CO2 has now become the primary cause of global warming. The sources of carbon emissions comprise of desertification, wetland destruction, anthropogenic land use changes, combustion of fuels and so on [13]. From 300 parts per million (ppm) in 1950, CO2 concentration has increased to around 420 ppm in 2019. Source: GHG-platform India Figure 2: Anthropogenic GHG emissions at a global level CO2 and its emissions form the central part of our study as it constitutes more than 75% of global GHG emissions. Therefore, CO2 has been taken as a proxy for overall GHG emissions in our study and a tax rate based on it is derived upon. A possible strategy for mitigating carbon emissions is a carbon tax. Considered as an indirect tax, it is referred to as a price instrument that sets a price on pollution, in general, and carbon emissions, in particular. A C Pigou proposed taxation of the goods (fossil fuels) which were the source of negative externalities (CO2). This was done so as to precisely reflect the cost of the goods’ production to society, thereby internalising the costs associated. Therefore, a carbon tax or Pigouvian tax is a tax on a negative externality which is CO2 in our case. However, it is difficult to determine a tax rate based entirely on Pigou’s idea and needs detailed modelling. The SCC approach is the most popular method of determining carbon prices. It is estimated as the net present value of climate change impacts over the next 100 years (or longer) of one additional tonne of carbon emitted to atmosphere today [14]. It is determined using Integrated Assessment Models (IAM) such as DICE, RICE, PAGE, FUND and so on. (3) Objectives The objectives of the study are: I. To assess carbon emissions in the backdrop of Indian economy II. To examine the existing tax measures implemented by the Government of India to address the emission intensity of CO2 vis-à-vis fuel sources. III. To determine a carbon tax rate for India based on a statistical comparison of global estimates. (4) Methodology The methodology of this paper comprises of a discussion on the carbon emission scenario of India, an assessment of the tax measures taken to mitigate such emissions and a subsequent determination of a carbon tax, based on a comparative analysis of global SCC estimates. The analysis if entirely based on secondary International Journal of Recent Technology and Engineering (IJRTE) ISSN: 2277-3878, Volume-8 Issue-3, September 2019 8187 Published By: Blue Eyes Intelligence Engineering & Sciences Publication Retrieval Number: C6655098319/19©BEIESP DOI:10.35940/ijrte.C6655.098319 data, collected from international agencies such as UNFCCC and several prominent research works. The statistical interpretation has been done using SPSS v23.0 and Microsoft Excel 2016. II. MATERIALS AND METHODS (1) Carbon emission scenario of India India is the world’s third largest emitter of GHGs, after China and the United States. India is immensely diverse, both in geographical and societal aspects, and is also endowed with rich resources of fossil fuels. As such, relying on a business-as-usual carbon-intensive economic regime has been a norm since the initiation of the era of growth and development after independence. According to a report, titled “CO2 Emissions from Fuel Combustion” of the International Energy Agency, carbon levels in India from fuel combustion have increased from 181 million tonnes (Mt) in 1971 to 2,066 Mt in 2015- a 1,041 per cent increase. India’s carbon emissions majorly result from intensive fossil fuel use in the energy and industrial sector as India is home to a very large population and energy demand is at an all-time high currently. This has led to varied impacts such as unsustainable fuel-use, inefficient land-use, rising automobile usage, dirty coal usage and so on. Source: GHG Platform- India Figure 3: Sector-wise emission intensity of India The energy sector accounts for two-thirds of the total emissions, followed by industrial and agricultural processes. This results from intensive use of conventional fuel sources by the thermal power plants including heavy automobile usage. Evidence points out that this sector emitted nearly 929 million tonnes of CO2 in 2017-18. For the same year, India’s levels were 18% of the total CO2 emitted from all sources in the United States and 20 times more than that emitted in Finland, which has the cleanest air among all nations. Table 1: Sector-wise consumption of fuels in India, FY 2015-16 Fuels Tr an sp ort En er gy Indu stry Agri . M isc . Tota l Fuel Emis sion facto rs CO2/ MBt u Total CO2 emiss ions (%) LPG 17 1 2. 90 1,54 3 7.0 69 0 20,6 32 2,94 0 2,940 Kerosene 0. 0 0. 1 64 0.0 11 3 6,82 6 3,16 5 3,165 High Speed Diesel Oil 71 ,5 14 22 4. 0 2,27 9 630 0. 0 74,6 47 3,21 0 3,210 Crude Oil 38 0. 00 43 0. 0 5,61 6 57.0 0 0. 0 6,48 2 3,22 7 3,227 Petroleum 21 ,8 47 0. 0 0.0 0.0 0. 0 21,8 47 3,10 5 3,105 Bitumen 0. 0. 5,93 0.0 0. 5,93 3,26 3,265 0 0 8 0 8 5 Natural gas 0. 0 27 ,3 40 18,2 00 0.0 0. 0 45,5 40 2,80 8 2,808 Coking Coal 0. 0 0. 0 2,03, 949 0.0 0. 0 20,3 9,49, 000 1,78 2 1,782 Thermal Coal 0. 0 5, 55 ,3 24 37,9 02 0.0 81 ,7 63 67,4 9,89, 000 1,78 2 1,782 Biofuels 0. 0 50 5 0.0 0.0 0. 0 505 0.0 0.0 Biomass 0. 0 0. 0 0.0 0.0 0. 0 3,60 0 0.0 0.0 Total Emissions (sector wise) mtCO2 71 .5 6 31 9. 06 1,06 9.32 584. 73 2. 23 148. 50 2,19 5.40 Source: MPNG, 2017. Table- 1 reflects that different fuels have different emission factors and more importantly, a wide diversity of usage. LPG and natural gas have comparatively lower emission factors as opposed to other sources, but do not have an apt amount of usage in transport, industry and energy sector. Among the petroleum fuels, we see a greater utility mostly in these sectors along with some usage of diesel in agriculture. This is of importance as the whole transportation system of India is based on conventional fuels and agriculture too is dependent on diesel. A similar trend is seen with coal (incl. bitumen) which has the highest emission factor among all other fuels. Coal being a cheap energy input, is widely used in industries and thermal power plants with some amount used by low-income households for energy production. Biofuels and biomass show very less usage and emissions. This is evident from their low level of production and subsequent low contribution in the overall energy mix. With respect to carbon emissions, coal is seen to be contributing the biggest chunk of emissions. This is obvious, given its heavy usage in power sector coupled with its very high emission factor. Diesel and petrol trail behind with the greatest number of emissions which result mostly from usage in the transport and the industry sector. Interestingly, there has not been any decrease of emissions from power plants over the years. A growth of 7.4% CAGR between 2005 and 2013 is observed. Notably, coal-based plant emissions were 51 Mt CO2e in 2005 that increased to 126 Mt CO2e in 2013. In 2018, they emitted approximately 190 Mt CO2e. This clearly shows that emissions have not been decreasing, rather are on an increasing trend. Source: GHG Platform- India Figure 4: Trend of CO2 emissions (from energy sources) in India, FY 2017-18 . Determining a Carbon Tax Rate for India in the Context of Global Climate Change 8188 Published By: Blue Eyes Intelligence Engineering & Sciences Publication Retrieval Number: C6655098319/19©BEIESP DOI:10.35940/ijrte.C6655.098319 (2) Assessing the Tax Measures Vis-À-Vis Carbon Emissions: In addressing environmental problems, tax instruments have been found to contain significant benefits over other regulatory approaches. This is because, taxation measures not only nudge taxpayers towards paying for a particular good or a service (low-carbon product, in our case) but also generate revenue, which can then be utilised in assisting the production of such goods and services. Surprisingly, there are only two noteworthy measures to tax carbon in India: I. Clean environment cess (CEC): The CEC was imposed as an excised duty on both imported and locally produced coal since 2010 under the Finance Act, 2010. National Clean Energy and Environment Fund (NCEEF) was created for the purpose of financing and promoting clean energy. Initially, the cess was ₹ 50 per tonne which has now been revised to ₹ 400 per tonne. This cess is considered to be an implicit carbon tax (Economic Survey. 2014-15). However, after introduction of GST, the cess proceeds have been diverted to compensating the states for losses in revenue on account of GST implementation. Earlier CEC was implemented by the Central Board of Excises and Customs (CBEC) but now the GST council has taken over it. II. Taxing petrol and diesel: Taxes as excise duties on petrol and diesel are also considered as implicit carbon taxes (Economic Survey, 2014-15). These are intended to deal with not only usage reduction but also congestion costs, noise and local air pollution that damages community health. Interestingly, the government has explicitly stated their objective for using duty proceeds for raising revenue and other macro-economic considerations rather than prevent carbon emissions. With respect to the CEC, statistics suggest that there has been huge diversion of funds allocated to NCEEF towards compensating states due to GST implementation. This is seen to be a gross misallocation of funds as proceeds from a cess should technically be spent on projects that supplemented the cause of the cess. Year Proce eds collect ed Ministr y of New and Renew able Energy (MNR E) Ministry of Water Resource s, River Developm ent and Ganga Rejuv. Minis try of Drink ing Water and Sanita tion Minis try of Envir onme nt & Forest s Total allocat ion 2010-1 1 1,066 0 -- -- -- 0 2011-1 2 2,580 160.8 -- -- 59.95 220.75 2012-1 3 3,053 125.78 -- 110.6 5 10 246.43 2013-1 4 3,472 1,218.7 8 -- -- 0 1,218. 78 2014-1 5 5,393 1,977.3 5 -- 110.6 4 0 2,087. 99 2015-1 6 12,67 6 3,989.8 3 1,000 -- 244.9 7 5,234. 8 2016-1 7 28,50 0 4,272 1,675 -- 955.7 4 6,902. 74 2017-1 8 29,70 0 5,341.7 2,250 -- 1,111. 3 8,703 Total 86,44 0.24 17,086. 24 4,925 221.2 9 2,381. 96 24,614 .49 Source: MNRE, Government of India Table 2- Distribution of proceeds from NCEEF (all figures in ₹ crores) It is evident that only around 25% of proceeds have been channelized to fund projects related to environmental betterment and clean energy. Interestingly, not much data is available related to how successfully the projects have been implemented and what has been the actual outcome in terms of emission reduction. Monitoring, as can be concluded, has remained short of the objectives. Factually, of ₹ 86,440.21 crore collected as cess from 2011-18, only ₹ 20,942.29 crore was transferred to NCEEF. Of this amount, only ₹ 15,911.49 crore went to funding for clean energy projects. This allocation happened under the GST regime. With respect to taxing petrol and diesel, these fuels suffer a very high effective tax burden. This is evident from the table below. Table 3: Tax burden on petrol and diesel Particulars Petrol (₹)* Diesel (₹)** Price excluding taxes and dealer commission 34.19 39.52 Central taxes (incl. excise and customs duty) 18.65 14.57 State taxes (incl. VAT) 15.23 9.77 Dealer commission 3.55 2.50 Price 71.62 66.36 Effective tax burden (%) 99.09% 61% *, **: effective at 01.06.2019 at Delhi Data source: Ready Reckoner, June 2019, PPAC. Petrol and taxes have high tax burdens which is in turn is a good incentive for consumers to reduce consumption of these fuels. Since such tax burden has been referred to as an implicit carbon tax, the proceeds from such taxes should have been used for financing clean fuels or clean energy projects. However, no such data is available and more importantly, the government has claimed these taxes as merely a revenue generating measure. After GST was introduced, most of the fuels have been subsumed under it (including coal) but five petroleum products, namely, petrol, diesel, natural gas, aviation turbine fuel (ATF) and crude oil, has been left out of it. Table 4: Effective tax burdens according to fuel types Sl. No . Fuel type Coverag e under GST Tax burden (%)/ GST rate Emission factor (kg CO2/ MBtu) 1 Petroleum No 90-120 71.30 2 Diesel No 60-90 73.16 3 Natural gas No 0-25 53.07 4 ATF No 14-62 70.90 5 Crude oil No 0-10 74.54 International Journal of Recent Technology and Engineering (IJRTE) ISSN: 2277-3878, Volume-8 Issue-3, September 2019 8189 Published By: Blue Eyes Intelligence Engineering & Sciences Publication Retrieval Number: C6655098319/19©BEIESP DOI:10.35940/ijrte.C6655.098319 6 LPG Yes 5 (domestic), 18 (non-domestic ) 64.01 7 Kerosene Yes 5 (fertiliser), 18 (non-fertiliser) 72.30 8 Naphtha Yes 18 72.80 9 Coal Yes 5 (+GST compensation cess @ ₹ 400/ton) 95.35 1 0 Petroleum Coke Yes 5 102.10 Source: PPAC As evident from the discussion above, there is no uniform approach towards taxing of fuels in India. For instance, domestic LPG has a lower GST rate than the non-domestic one. More importantly, the tax rates are not linked to the amount of carbon emissions at all. Coal and petroleum coke obviously have the highest emission factors whereas they are taxed at just 5% GST. Interestingly, government’s ability to tax petrol and diesel further is also limited due to their already high tax burden. Such inconsistencies in pricing of fuels and uneven grounds of taxation is bound to reduce the effectiveness of taxation so as to tackle the problem of carbon emissions in India. (3) Determination of the Carbon Tax We have clarified in the first part of the study that we will be conducting a statistical comparison of SCC estimates of India derived on the basis of different models and finally derive a unique tax rate for India. This has been done because standalone SCC calculation is beyond the scope of this study. As such, we have enumerated global SCC (GSCC) estimates pertaining to the DICE 2010, 2013 and 2016 models of William Nordhaus. Additionally, estimates of FUND and PAGE model derived by the IAWG, along with IAWG’s central estimate has been taken. Further, SCC estimate resulting from a prominent meta-analysis of SCC done by [15] has been taken. Table 5 displays the estimates of domestic SCC (DSCC) as per the RICE 2010, RICE 2016 and PAGE 2011 models. Table 5: DSCC as per different models (% of global SCC) Regions RICE 2010, RICE 2016, PAGE 2011 United States 10 15 7 EU 12 15 9 Japan 2 3 na Russia 1 3 na Eurasia 1 5 na China 16 21 11 India 12 9 22 Middle East 10 7 na Africa 11 3 26 Latin America 7 6 11 Other High income 4 3 na Other 12 8 16 Global total 100 100 100 Source: Nordhaus (2016) In the following table, the GSCC estimates have been enumerated, represented in dollars. The estimates for DICE 2013 and DICE 2016 have been listed for the period 2015-2050, as has been estimated by [16]. The underlying idea for this pertains to the increase of carbon taxes in a phased manner. It can be seen that by 2050, an SCC of USD 51.5 (DICE2013) and USD 1006.2 (DICE2016) has been observed. Since DICE 2016 is considered a revised version of 2013, the cost of carbon is evidently higher. It must be noted that the models listed here estimate the SCC values based on different assumptions and scenarios. For ease of computation, the estimates taken here pertain to baseline scenarios. Table 6: GSCC estimates as per different models (USD) Models GSCC (USD) DICE 2010 74 DICE 2013 (2 0 C limit damage) 2015 2020 2025 2030 2050 47.6 60.1 75.5 94.4 51.5 DICE 2016 (2 0 C limit damage) 184.4 229.1 284.1 351.0 1006.2 PAGE 66 74 IAWG-US central estimate 40 Ackerman and Stanton meta-analysis 21 Using the DSCC estimates from table (5) and GSCC estimate from table (6), we have estimated a set of SCC for India in table (7), using the calculation method developed by [16]. It can be observed that the maximum corresponds to DICE 2016 and PAGE 2011, viz., USD 50.40. With respect to DICE 2016 values, for contemporariness, we have only estimated the values pertaining to the years 2015 and 2020. The minimum value corresponds to Ackerman and Stanton and RICE 2016 value. This is because the share of India in total SCC as per RICE 2016 is lower than RICE 2010. Moreover, the original meta-analysis value was very low compared to other models as it is based entirely on other studies and hence, is subject to various inherent underestimations. Determining a Carbon Tax Rate for India in the Context of Global Climate Change 8190 Published By: Blue Eyes Intelligence Engineering & Sciences Publication Retrieval Number: C6655098319/19©BEIESP DOI:10.35940/ijrte.C6655.098319 Table 7: SCC for India (USD) Given the objective of our study, a specific carbon tax rate has to be obtained from among the set of SCC values estimated in table (7). As such, a set of descriptive statistics has been computed in table (8). It can be seen that the mean for PAGE2011 is highest with 26.16 and RICE2016 is lowest with 10.70. Similarly, median is highest for PAGE2011 while lowest for RICE 2016. The same trend is seen with standard deviation as well. Skewness and kurtosis have similar values across the estimates, and hence can be ignored. Regarding mean and median, [22] notes that if the sample size is large and outliers donot exist, the mean usually provides a reliable measure. In other cases, median often provides a better result compared to the mean. In our dataset, outliers exist and the data set is relatively small. Therefore, it is reasonable that we use the median value for selecting our carbon tax. The data set is complemented by box-plot diagram (figure 5). Table 8: Descriptive statistics Measures RICE2010 PAGE2011 RICE2016 Mean 14.2712 26.1622 10.7028 Median 8.4000 15.4000 6.3000 Std. Deviation 15.02062 27.53647 11.26488 Variance 225.619 758.257 126.897 Skewness 1.788 1.788 1.788 Std. Error of Skewness .687 .687 .687 Kurtosis 3.048 3.050 3.050 Std. Error of Kurtosis 1.334 1.334 1.334 Range 47.52 87.12 35.64 Minimum 2.52 4.62 1.89 Maximum 50.04 91.74 37.53 Percentiles 25 4.2600 7.8100 3.1950 50 8.4000 15.4000 6.3000 75 23.6150 43.2905 17.7098 As regards to the median values derived across the models, one must note the original variations in assumptions in each model [17]. Moreover, when the RICE and PAGE models are compared, RICE emerges as a winner in most counts [18, 19,20, 21. Therefore, as part of this study and also the descriptive statistics, the effective carbon tax rate for India is considered as USD 8.4 or approximately USD 8. Table 9 represents the final prices of energy fuels inclusive of the carbon tax. These estimates have been derived based on current prices and are expected to show the disparity corresponding to prices and their emission intensity. Figure 5: Box Plot of statistical interpretations Table 9: Prices of fuels after application of USD 8 carbon tax (₹) 1 Sl. No. Fuels ₹/ton 1 Natural gas 10787.50 2 LPG 47817.58 3 ATF 28862.53 4 Petrol 72284 5 Crude oil 26618 6 Naphtha 38452 7 Diesel 64904 8 Kerosene 35794 9 Coal 3974 10 Petroleum coke 10274 Models RICE 2010 RICE 2016 PAGE 2011 DICE 2010 8.88 6.66 16.28 DICE 2013 (2 0 C limit damage) 2015 2020 5.409 13.22 5.712 7.212 DICE 2016 (2 0 C limit damage) 22.128 27.50 20.619 50.402 FUND 2.64 1.98 4.84 22.32 16.74 40.92 PAGE 7.92 5.94 14.52 8.88 6.66 16.28 IAWG-US central estimate 4.8 3.6 8.8 Ackerman and Stanton meta-analysis 2.52 1.89 4.62 International Journal of Recent Technology and Engineering (IJRTE) ISSN: 2277-3878, Volume-8 Issue-3, September 2019 8191 Published By: Blue Eyes Intelligence Engineering & Sciences Publication Retrieval Number: C6655098319/19©BEIESP DOI:10.35940/ijrte.C6655.098319 III. FINDINGS AND DISCUSSION India is one of the largest carbon emitters of the world and it is imperative that India takes steps to curb its emission intensity. Taking cue from the above observations, following findings have been arrived at as part of the study. Carbon emissions from thermal power plants have been the maximum contributor to India’s emissions. Natural gas is the cleanest among all fossil fuels but remains the most under-utilised in India. The Clean Environment/Energy Cess on coal (implicit carbon tax) is not linked to carbon emissions at all. This adulterates the underlying objective of a carbon tax. Moreover, natural gas faces a higher tax burden than coal which is not fair as the former is cleanest among all fossil fuels Petrol and diesel presently are subjected to a high tax burden. Moreover, tax rates in the indirect taxation framework are considered with revenue factors rather than emission factors. Of the tax proceeds of ₹ 86,440.21 crore collected as cess during 2011-2018, only ₹ 20,942.29 crore was transferred to NCEEF. Of this amount, only ₹ 15,911.49 crore went to funding for clean energy projects. 1 Computed on 12/07/19; $ 1 = ₹ 68.59 In line with the objective of our paper, estimation of a carbon tax using SCC the approach has concluded in the unique tax rate of USD 8 per tonne of CO2 equivalent. After conversion to Indian rupees, the tax rate equals ₹ 574 per ton of CO2e. Calculating carbon tax inclusive price rates of fuels, it is observed that coal faces a lesser price compared to natural gas. This is unfair given their emission factors, and policymaking should address this issue by removing coal subsidies while streamlining natural gas pricing mechanisms or associated price revisions. The carbon tax rate should cover all sources of fuels and the rate should be linked to carbon emissions. Proceeds from the tax should be deposited in a dedicated fund, say NCEEF, and be used for funding clean energy projects or subsidising low carbon technologies. It can also be implemented as the CEC by enlarging the scope of the cess. It should be noted that cess is a tax on tax and a carbon tax can also be implemented as one, if not as a standalone tax rate IV. CONCLUSION In light of the above discussion, it can be concluded that introduction of a carbon tax within the indirect tax regime at a rate of USD 8 per tonne of carbon and increasing it in a phased manner over the years, will have a significant impact on how India’s policymaking caters to climate change needs. A proper implementation strategy should be designed based on this tax rate. Today, the world leaders on energy initiatives are calling for a carbon dividend policy, which would implement a rising carbon tax and refund the revenue directly to taxpayers. Implementing a carbon tax policy, thus, can propel the nation’s ideals of attaining the utopian state of rising development with a sustainable environment for its inhabitants to live in. Therefore, it is high time for us to acknowledge the fight for preserving the Earth as we know it. REFERENCES 1. https://unfccc.int/process-and-meetings/conferences/past-conference s/paris-climate-change-conference-november-2015/cop-21 (Accessed: 10.8.19) 2. http://documents.worldbank.org/curated/en/816281518818814423/ 2019-WDR-Report.pdf (Accessed: 27.7.19) 3. Stern, N. (2007) The Economics of Climate Change: The Stern Review”, UK: Cambridge University Press. 4. Department of Economic Affairs, Economic Survey (2014-15). Ministry of Finance, Government of India: New Delhi. 5. https://www.ipcc.ch/2015/ (Accessed: 28.7.19) 6. Alejo, J. R. and Narassimhan, K. (2017) “Carbon Pricing in Practice: A Review of the Evidence”. Centre for International Environment and Resource Policy Review, 21(2): 419-450. 7. https://www.epa.gov/sites/production/files/2016-12/documents/sc_c o2_tsd_august_2016.pdf (Accessed: 10.8.19) 8. Smith, S., and Braathen, N., (2015) “Monetary carbon values in policy appraisal: An overview of current practice and key issues”. OECD Environment Working Papers, no. 92. Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development, Paris. 9. Azad, R. and Chakraborty, S. (2019) “The Right to Energy and carbon tax: a game changer in India”. Ideas for India. 10. Shukla, P. R., (1997) “Carbon taxes and India”. Energy Economics, 19 (3): 289-325. 11. Rathore, P. and Bansal, S. (2014) “Distributional Effects of Adopting Carbon Tax in India: An Economic Analysis”. Review of Market Integration: SAGE journal. 12. https://public.wmo.int/en (Accessed: 11.8.19) 13. https://www.epa.gov/(Accessed: 15.8.19) 14. http://www.oecd.org/economy/outlook/ (Accessed: 12.8.19) 15. Ackerman, F. and Stanton, E.A. (2010) “The social cost of carbon”. Real World Economics Review, 53: 129-143. 16. Nordhaus, W. (2016) “Revisiting the social cost of carbon.” Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences, 201609244. 17. Metcalf, G., (2017) Paying for Pollution. Oxford University Press: United Kingdom. 18. Murray, B., William A., and Reichert, C. (2016) "Increasing Emissions Certainty Under a Carbon Tax." Duke University: Nicholas Institute for Environmental Policy Solutions, Durham, NC. 19. Hafstead, M., Metcalf, G.E. and Williams, R. (2016) "Adding Quantity Certainty to a Carbon Tax: The Role of a Tax Adjustment Mechanism for Policy Pre-Commitment." Resources For the Future, Washington, DC. 20. Horowitz, J., Cronin, J., Hawkins, H., Konda, L. and Yuskavage, A. (2017) "Methodology for Analyzing a Carbon Tax." US Department of the Treasury, Washington, DC. 21. Aldy, J. E., (2017) "Long-Term Carbon Policy: The Great Swap." The Progressive Policy Institute, Washington, DC. 22. Holt, M.M. and Scariano, S.M. (2017) “Mean, Median and Mode from a Decision Perspective”, Journal of Statistics Education, 17(3). DOI: https://doi.org/10.1080/10691898.2009.11889533 AUTHORS PROFILE Nissar Ahmed Barua Professor, Department of Economics, Gauhati University, Assam, India. Email: nissar12@gmail.com Unmilan Kalita Research Scholar, Department of Economics, Gauhati University, Assam, India. Email: unmilan.k@gmail.com https://unfccc.int/process-and-meetings/conferences/past-conferences/paris-climate-change-conference-november-2015/cop-21 https://unfccc.int/process-and-meetings/conferences/past-conferences/paris-climate-change-conference-november-2015/cop-21 http://documents.worldbank.org/curated/en/816281518818814423/2019-WDR-Report.pdf http://documents.worldbank.org/curated/en/816281518818814423/2019-WDR-Report.pdf https://www.ipcc.ch/2015/ https://www.epa.gov/sites/production/files/2016-12/documents/sc_co2_tsd_august_2016.pdf https://www.epa.gov/sites/production/files/2016-12/documents/sc_co2_tsd_august_2016.pdf https://public.wmo.int/en https://www.epa.gov/ http://www.oecd.org/economy/outlook/ https://doi.org/10.1080/10691898.2009.11889533 work_56vxd7clkfd63go3efowuswneq ---- MATERIAL MATTERS Advanced Materials Development-How Do We Define Success? David M. Schuster and Michael D. Skibo How do we define success for a busi- ness based on a new or advanced materi- al? This is a simple question, but one which does not appear to have a simple answer. One possible response is: The investment must produce a salable prod- uct that can be sold at a price and quanti- ty sufficient to bring a satisfactory return on investment (ROI). Unfortunately, that definition is of little help in choosing investment opportunities in new materi- als development. ROIs are not forecasts; they are computed after the fact. Any attempt to forecast an ROI is, at best, a wild guess. As engineers and scientists, we want to believe that a true technical break- through will practically ensure commer- cial success. This is, however, far from true. In the past 10 years, hundreds of patents have been awarded for promis- ing new materials exhibiting properties superior to those already in existence. Few are being used and still fewer can be considered to be commercial successes. The real success of an important techno- logical advance, as we have learned from experience, depends as much on entre- preneurial strategy, marketing ingenuity, and price competitiveness as on the inno- vation itself. The investment must produce a salable product. Furthermore, advanced materials are even more difficult to commercialize and market than most other new products because in many cases your customers are not the end-users. The initial cus- tomers are the semi-fabricators of basic product forms; their customers, in turn, are the fabricators of end-use items, and their customers are the ultimate con- sumers or end-users who create the product demand. Consumers must be made aware of performance improve- ments, cost effectiveness, and other advantages your product offers—or there will be no demand. The Metal Matrix Composite Story As an example, let us consider the development and commercialization of metal matrix composite (MMC) materi- als, in which we have been involved for many years. In particular, let us look at the evolution of a low-cost ingot metal- lurgy approach to producing them. We realized in 1982 that the barrier to commercializing MMCs was not only technical but also economic, and we began a small development program at Science Applications International Cor- poration (SAIC) in San Diego, California. We believed that if MMCs could be made cheaply, they might become significant substitutes for other materials. We began developing a molten metal mixing process to introduce ceramic particles into liquid aluminum. During the first three years, we developed procedures, applied for patents, and started making plans for scaling up the process. We call this the invention stage. Although early technical efforts were successful, SAIC could not provide the large amount of funding needed to obtain the economies of scale necessary for major reductions in the cost of manu- facturing the composite. By 1985 we decided to offer the technology to major metal producers who had the resources to commercialize it on a large industrial scale. Recognizing the advantages of the MMC (see Table), Alcan Aluminum Corporation purchased the technology I Material Matters is a forum for expressing personal points of view on issues of interest to the materials community. from SAIC, and we launched into the next stage of development, i.e., scale-up and cost reduction of the process. Acquisition by Alcan provided the extensive resources needed for the ingot- metallurgy MMC technology. Plans were made to construct a pilot plant capable of producing 1,500-pound batches of MMC. And then, late in 1987, Alcan made the bold decision to construct a production plant with an annual capacity of 25 mil- lion pounds. Major industrial capacity for producing an MMC (called Duralcan Composite) would finally be realized. This laid the foundation for the applica- tion identification and development stage. The next two years were spent build- ing the production plant, refining process technology, producing small quantities of material from the pilot plant to help seed the market, and developing semi- fabrication processes, scrap handling practices, ceramic particulate supply sources, specific market applications, and more. Toward the end of that period, Duralcan USA began to market the com- posite through person-to-person, face-to- face sales. They decided against launch- ing a broad advertising and promotional campaign to tell other potential users about the advantages and availability of Duralcan. After two years of this type of promotion, only two or three small com- mercial applications of Duralcan were in production and a handful more were under consideration. Although there was no shortage of interest in the composite, the difficulties associated with introduc- ing the composite into industries unfa- miliar with these types of materials had been underestimated. The importance of educating the designers, other end-users, and also semifabricators about the prop- erties and characteristics of MMCs had not been understood. By April 1990 the production plant was commissioned. Duralcan USA, con- cerned with what they interpreted as Properties of Cast Aluminum Composites as Compared to Unreinforced Aluminum • Higher elastic modulus (stiffness) • Higher strength • Lower coefficient of thermal expansion • Improved wear resistance • Increased thermal conductivity (in high-silicon foundry composites) Like aluminum, cast aluminum composites can be recycled and/or reclaimed. Their fabrication methods—casting, extrusion, forging, rolling, machining, etc.—are consistent with the exist- ing manufacturing base. MRS BULLETIN/DECEMBER 1993 https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms. https://doi.org/10.1557/S0883769400038987 Downloaded from https://www.cambridge.org/core. Carnegie Mellon University, on 06 Apr 2021 at 00:59:23, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of use, available at https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms https://doi.org/10.1557/S0883769400038987 https://www.cambridge.org/core OURCE LLERS MKS Instruments, Inc. offers accurate, reliable and repeatable Vapor Source Mass Flow Controllers which meter and contro vapors from liquid or solid sources MKS 1150 Series pressure-based flow controllers eliminate carrier gas delivery systems and their associated inaccuracies. Designed for use with processing system pressures below lOTorr, 1150 Series Controllers can be operated at temperatures up to 150°C. MKS Applications Engineers will help you to select a model that fits your systems requirements. Call us at (800) 227-8766 for assistance. MKS 'The Baratron® People" Six Shattuck Road Andover, MA 01810 (800) 227-8766 © 1992 MKS Instruments, Inc. https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms. https://doi.org/10.1557/S0883769400038987 Downloaded from https://www.cambridge.org/core. Carnegie Mellon University, on 06 Apr 2021 at 00:59:23, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of use, available at https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms https://doi.org/10.1557/S0883769400038987 https://www.cambridge.org/core MATERIAL MATTERS insurmountable problems associated with developing many small commercial applications, made a strategic decision to focus marketing mainly on automotive applications, primarily brake rotors and drive shafts. Markets other than automo- tive were considered secondary and were to be pursued only after automotive acceptance of Duralcan MMC was assured. Unfortunately, the introduction of new materials for automotive applica- tions is a long, slow process requiring test after test before approval, and large- scale secondary fabrication technology must be developed and proved long before actual production begins. The understanding that might have been gained through the commercialization of small, less price-sensitive applications would not be available to guide the auto- motive thrust. Technical achievement is not enough. To date, Alcan has spent well over $100 million on commercialization and application development of Duralcan MMCs, and more will be required before the automotive industry accepts it. The goals, of course, are application of the material on a massive scale and retention of a major market share. This industrial utilization stage of materials development (i.e., to obtain and hold market share, which MMCs have yet to reach) will nat- urally go to companies able to deliver the highest quality and lowest cost materials. The development of MMCs illustrates the stages through which new materials must progress. These stages—invention, scale-up and cost reduction, application identification and development, and industrial utilization—need not be dis- tinct. Indeed it is preferable that there be overlap and simultaneous pursuit, but they all must occur for materials devel- opment to succeed. The MMC story is still unfolding. We recently formed a new company, MC-21, Incorporated (Metallic Composites for the 21st Century) to identify, develop, and facilitate new applications for MMCs. We believe there is a large oppor- tunity for those who can deliver MMCs for commercial uses such as high-speed computer parts, recreational equipment (e.g., bicycle components) and a wide variety of yet-to-be-identified applica- tions. We intend to bridge the technical gap between the production of primary MMC ingot and billet and the secondary fabrication and end-use, thereby facilitat- ing the application of the composite in commercial products. As new applica- tions are developed for the composite, designers will have greater confidence in specifying MMCs. For more than 25 years the industry as a whole has viewed MMCs as promising advanced materials, capable of providing properties not attainable in common engineering mate- rials. These composites are finally avail- able at prices that allow production of cost-effective finished products. What Then Is Success? It seems clear that, above all, any new business must produce a salable product. Technical achievement, no matter how important, is not enough. There are countless examples of widely acclaimed technological advances which have been commercial failures. So, the product must be new. It must also be significantly different from prod- ucts already available. It must offer the buyer some meaningful advantage. It must have the potential to bring a future cash flow, the present value of which must be significantly greater than the cost of the investment. Even then, commercial success is not assured. There really is not an easy way to predict success. At best, each investment is an educated guess. There is no way to determine beforehand whether a new development, no matter how promising, will be art eventual commercial winner. The most promising are likely to require longer investment streams to exploit their potential. The greater the promise, the longer profitability is likely to be post- poned. Careful analysis and study of a potential opportunity will increase the probability of success, but there is no way to eliminate risk. Even after a new prod- uct is successfully introduced, there is always the chance it will be copied or leap-frogged by another product. So success depends on more than just investment in a good idea. It requires conviction and speed. It requires early recognition of the product's potential. It requires early commitment to the invest- ments required to obtain and hold mar- ket share. It also requires an understand- ing that the easiest, most rewarding way to acquire market share is to grab it early, to be the leader. It was Ralph Waldo Emerson who first suggested, "Build a better mousetrap, and the world will beat a path to your door." He didn't know what he was talking about. The world will not beat a path to your door. The world must be made aware of the advantages and availability of your product. It takes intelligent, imagi- native advertising and promotion, and hard selling. For new materials, it means you have to inform, educate, and excite not only the potential end-users, but also the semi-fabricators. It means that you must have a pricing policy that makes your product cost effective when com- pared to the materials you hope to replace. The problem is much like the problem faced by the Pittsburgh Reduction Company (Alcoa's forerunner) when it tried to introduce aluminum more than 100 years ago. It took five years to per- suade an iron kettle manufacturer to try making kettles out of aluminum. They couldn't just sell aluminum as they want- ed. They first had to produce aluminum kettles and other products themselves to get others interested. For MMCs and other new materials to be widely accepted, we may have to do much the same thing. New or advanced materials can affect the way people work and live. They can also improve the competitiveness of any nation's commercial products. However, Success requires conviction and speed. these benefits can accrue only if the mate- rials can be commercialized and applied, and if end-products can be manufactured from them profitably. We, perhaps more than anyone else, are convinced of the immense commer- cial potential of metal matrix composites. In a way it may be inappropriate to mea- sure the success of such a large, long- term development as MMCs on the basis of return on investment to any one com- pany. Perhaps a better measure of com- mercial success of MMCs will come when every potential user is aware of the advantages of these materials, and when the only decision to be made is which composite should be used in a given application. David M. Schuster and Michael D. Skibo are currently with MC-21, Incorporated (Metallic Composites for the 21st Century) San Diego, California. They formerly worked together at Alcan Aluminum Corporation's Duralcan USA Division, Science Applications International Corporation (SAIC), and Sandia National Laboratories, and have spent essentially their entire profes- sional careers developing and applying advanced materials, especially metal matrix composites. 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Find a specific article by its citation (journal, date, volume, first page, author or article title). http://europepmc.org/abstract/MED/ work_5q52ahkw6ve4vhvthyrisrnz5y ---- Transcendentalism and Chinese Perceptions of Western Individualism and Spirituality religions Article Transcendentalism and Chinese Perceptions of Western Individualism and Spirituality Sikong Zhao 1,* and Ionut Untea 2 ID 1 Institute of Philosophy, Shanghai Academy of Social Sciences, 1610 West Zhongshan Road, Shanghai 200235, China 2 School of Humanities, Department of Philosophy and Science, Wenke Building A, Jiulonghu Campus, Southeast University, Nanjing 211189, China; untea_ionut@126.com or 108109055@seu.edu.cn * Correspondence: zhaosikong@126.com or zhaosikong@sass.org.cn; Tel.: +86-021-64862266 Received: 3 July 2017; Accepted: 16 August 2017; Published: 22 August 2017 Abstract: The article presents essential aspects of the intellectual debates in China over the theoretical achievement of Transcendentalism to generate a conception of individualism that bears the mark of Confucian and Daoist influences. The peculiar profile of the Transcendentalist individual avoids western dimensions that have been perceived in China as overindividualistic. Therefore, the inquiry over Transcendentalism opens up the intellectual debates on how traditional Confucian and Daoist teachings may be used also in China to bring about a renewed conception of the self and the individual’s life in social relationships that would be closer to a modern understanding of individualism. The Chinese problematization of the value of the individual in Chinese traditional culture sheds light on the non-western debates regarding cultural renewal. Keywords: transcendentalism; individualism; humanism; Confucianism; Daoism; over-soul; vast-flowing vigor; comprehensive thinking; cultural renewal 1. Introductory Remarks The connection operated by Transcendentalist thinkers between individualism and Chinese religions, has been acknowledged in western scholarship, although to a limited extent. One of the major causes of this limitation consists in the way the content of Asian religions has been appropriated by leading figures of Transcendentalism. As Arthur Versluis observes, Ralph Waldo Emerson read “countless” books emanating from the “Oriental” cultural space (Versluis 1993, p. 77). Given this “assimilation” of elements of Vedanta, Confucianism, and other “myths and ethical injunctions” from India, Persia, and China, the scholar’s task to isolate the influence of one particular system of thought on the leading Transcendentalist thinker becomes an overcomplicated task: “so intertwined are these ‘influences’ on Emerson, and so much does he make them his own, that it is almost impossible to say where ‘Emerson’s thought’ begins and his reinterpretation of Vedantic, Confucian, and other like currents ends” (Versluis 1993, p. 77). Versluis’s interpretation is that what made possible this assimilation of the rich sources into one coherent whole was Emerson’s “sense of contemporaneity with all ages”, and his “attempted transcendence of temporal and cultural boundaries” (Versluis 1993, pp. 78–79). It is in this aspect that Versluis identifies a common perspective in Ralph Waldo Emerson and Henry David Thoreau in dealing with the rich thesaurus of the “Orient”: “for both of them sought to return to origins, emphasizing inspiration and ignoring cultural context and ritual” (Versluis 1993, pp. 78–79). What distinguishes the two, in Versluis’s opinion, is the way they make use of this heritage: on the one hand Emerson advances toward a path that Versluis calls “literary religion”, that is a way “to return to origins intellectually”, while Thoreau’s approach was “to live”, to experience this literary religion in practice: “Walden is an experiment in literary religion made actual” (Versluis 1993, pp. 78–79). Religions 2017, 8, 159; doi:10.3390/rel8080159 www.mdpi.com/journal/religions http://www.mdpi.com/journal/religions http://www.mdpi.com https://orcid.org/0000-0003-2336-1389 http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel8080159 http://www.mdpi.com/journal/religions Religions 2017, 8, 159 2 of 12 It is significant that both Emerson’s and Thoreau’s perspectives are connected by Versluis’s interpretation via a sense of atemporality and what may be called ideals of universal acculturation, since this opens up possibilities for an intercultural interpretation that is not led by a western-centered view. Nevertheless, an orientation toward a closer analysis of the Asian elements in Emerson’s and Thoreau’s Transcendentalism and a wider perspective, beyond the field of studies in western literature, seems to be discouraged by views that Emerson “came to Asian religious texts with a Platonist bent”, or that both Emerson and Thoreau came rather with a literary interest toward these sources (Versluis 1993, p. 78). The present article explores the approaches emanating from Chinese scholarship emerging in early 1990s—at about the same period that Versluis’s monograph was published in the west—up to contemporary times, in order to show Chinese scholars’ interest for what they saw as an essential point where Transcendentalism had exerted an essential influence on American culture precisely under the impression left on its illustrious thinkers by traditional elements of Chinese culture. As we will argue, this essential point was the peculiar new face of the individualism that Emerson and Thoreau inserted into the American conception of the Enlightenment individual. Versluis indeed acknowledges the influence of Confucianism on the forging of Emerson’s and Thoreau’s perspectives on the individual, and his relationships within society, or the influence of Daoism on Thoreau’s conception on the relationship between the individual and nature. For instance, he remarks that Thoreau wrote in the first chapter of Walden that “the ancient philosophers, Chinese, Hindoo, Persian and Greek” lived “a more simple and meager life than the poor”, and that no other class in history has been “poorer in outward riches”, or “so rich in inward” (Thoreau 1989, p. 14). Versluis appreciates that the order chosen by Thoreau is “no accident”, since Confucianism and the Laws of Manu had “the most to do with daily life” (Versluis 1993, p. 84). Moreover, Thoreau’s project of living close to nature at Walden pond “closely parallels” the “love for and absorption into nature” as cultivated by Daoism (Versluis 1993, p. 93). At the same time, Versluis believes that “Confucianism reinforced Emerson’s emphasis on the moral imperative for every individual”, and that “the Confucian ideal of the ethical, solitary, learned, and decorous man” actually reinforced Emerson’s “sense of himself in the face of all the retreats from society in which the other Transcendentalists engaged” (Versluis 1993, p. 70). Indeed, reacting to his fellow Transcendentalists’ projects of getting closer to nature, Emerson puts forth “the Confucian ideal of the decorous and urbane scholar who refuses to leave society but seeks to perfect his relations with mankind” (Versluis 1993, p. 71). This view on a “solitary” personality, but nevertheless engaged in an active relationship either with nature, or with other individuals in society, places not only Transcendentalist individualism as a particular positioning of human personality in the context of natural and social environments, but also brings together Confucian and Daoist perspectives in ways unexplored in Chinese tradition. This is the aspect that incites the most the Chinese scholarship on Transcendentalism. Beyond the question of the degree of influence of Chinese traditional culture and religion on the minds of the leading representatives of Transcendentalism, the peculiar position of Chinese scholars, emerging from the 1990s onwards, has been to advance toward a twofold perception of Transcendentalist individualism: on the one hand, to produce a theoretical perspective on the transformations of the American individualism under the influences of the Transcendentalism’s conception of the self that owes to the Chinese traditional culture and religion; on the other hand, to explore the possibilities of a renewed sense of individualism and the self in the late twentieth-century and early twenty-first century Chinese society. As we will argue, this renewed individualism might be accomplished, according to the Chinese scholars Qian Mansu, Chen Changfang, Ni Feng, Xie Zhichao, Fang Hanwen and Xu Wen via a greater reception and awareness of the impact of Confucianism and Daoism on the western cultural model of individualism. This peculiar reception of Transcendentalism is not exclusively connected with literary studies, but also shows an opening toward cultural communication, a reinterpretation of Chinese political culture or religious traditions, and the ideal of a renewed understanding of a revolutionary self-cultivation. Religions 2017, 8, 159 3 of 12 We chose to open this article with a first section dedicated to what appears, in our view, as three basic points of departure of the inquiries in Chinese scholarship about the theoretical connection between Transcendentalist individualism and Chinese traditional culture. The first point relates to Transcendentalist emphasis on the inner independence of the individual, that owes to the influence of Confucianism and Daoism; the second shows this independence as always connected to the social or natural environment of the individual; the third consists in the relative agreement of the Chinese scholars that Transcendentalist use of the Chinese view on the self remains significant for contemporary Chinese debates centered upon individualism. The second section deals with the way a central concept in Emerson’s thought, the over-soul, has been compared with the traditional concept of “vast-flowing vigor”. The aim of this inquiry consisted in showing how Chinese scholars reacted to a western concept forged under the influence of Chinese, and other Asian elements, together with western concepts. We found that the Chinese scholars’ interest in drawing parallelisms between the over-soul and vast-flowing vigor has been fruitful, prompting reflections on western terms like “incarnation”, “love”, and “trinity”, and deepening the Chinese scholars’ interest in a version of Transcendentalist individualism that would avoid what they perceived as an overindividualistic American culture. In the third section we focused on Chinese scholars’ critical views addressed to traditional elements of Confucianism and Daoism, and their inquiry on the theoretical possibilities of such traditional elements to make possible the emergence of a renewed Chinese perspective on the self and individual life that would be more compatible with a modern conception of the individual. From this point of view, the Transcendentalist model of the individual generated under the influence of Daoist and Confucian elements serves as an intellectual precedent for the Chinese scholars in search of a stricter individualist interpretation of the traditional views of the self. Qian Mansu’s perspective on “comprehensive thinking” represents one of the more detailed arguments, aiming at transgressing the boundaries of a strictly moral interpretation of the self, and advancing toward a wider cultural acceptance of the value of the individual in the Chinese political and social spheres. 2. Individual Life in Social Relationships In this preliminary part we illustrate how Chinese scholars acknowledge what is already known in western scholarship about the connection between Transcendentalism’s peculiar conception of individualism and the influences of Chinese traditional culture. Nevertheless, if the point of departure is the common ground of the western and Chinese interpretations about the fruits of the importation of Chinese elements in the overall Transcendentalist conception of the individual, the Chinese scholars display a willingness to explore how their reading of the Transcendentalist individual feeds back into the contemporary intellectual representations of the Chinese traditional culture. There are three preliminary points in which a view on Transcendentalist individualism emerges throughout Chinese scholarship. There are, of course, different intensities, given by different scholars, to each of these points, but their similarity of understanding of Transcendentalist individualism determined us to place the three points as foundational for the further development of the analysis. The first point is the Transcendentalist emphasis on a certain independence emanating from the self, but a kind of independence that, under the influence of Confucianism and Daoism, gives rise to a self-cultivation in all simplicity of life and connection to nature. Already in 1993, the year of the publication of Arthur Versluis’s American Transcendentalism and Asian Religions, the Chinese scholar Ni Feng appreciates that, in virtue of the connection with the Chinese religion and culture, Thoreau placed a high emphasis on the destiny and the freedom of the “independent individual” (独立个体, dú lì gè tı̆) (Ni 1993, p. 110). A few years later, Qian Mansu connects Emerson’s and Thoreau’s conception on individualism with the Confucian and Daoist “idealized” (理想化, lı̆ xiăng huà) poverty. She states that, if Emerson manifested an admiration for this state of mind of poverty in Chinese culture, Thoreau actually went out to experience the Confucian idea by living in Walden (Qian 1996, pp. 74–75). The independence of the self gained a high visibility in the Transcendentalist reading of traditional Religions 2017, 8, 159 4 of 12 Chinese elements, according to Xie Zhichao, due to Emerson’s and Thoreau’s interest in the individual’s “intuition” (直觉, zhí jué) and “sensibility” (感悟, găn wù) (Xie 2007, p. 9). The second point is the peculiar depiction of the individual’s independence always in intimate connection with her or his milieu, be it nature or society. When speaking about the “independent individual” in Thoreau, Ni Feng considers that this independence remains conciliated, in Thoreau’s thought, with the social and natural environment (Ni 1993, p. 110), while Qian sees this kind of connection between individual and milieu as the expression of Emerson’s appeal to the Confucian Golden Rule: Never impose on others what you would not choose for yourself” (“己所不欲,勿施于 人”, jı̆ suŏ bù yù, wù shı̄ yú rén) (Qian 1996, p. 120). When talking about intuition and sensibility in Emerson and Thoreau, Xie puts them in direct relationship with the individual’s “soul” (灵魂, líng hún), which is never isolated from reality. Because of this, “the influence of transcendentalism on American culture is very close to the influence of Confucianism on Chinese culture” [authors’ translation] (Xie 2007, p. 9). According to Xie, it is the influence of the Confucian conception of “vast-flowing vigor” (浩然之气, hào rán zhı̄ qì) on Emerson’s idea of virtue that leads to the Transcendentalist conclusion that the individual’s self-cultivation cannot be isolated from others (Xie 2007, p. 8). Xie’s interpretation also leads to the third point that we chose to briefly emphasize in this preliminary part, since he appreciates that Thoreau did adopt the conviction of the importance of self-cultivation, and maintained that “a man with good self-cultivation pursues truth, believes in justice and cares about others” [authors’ translation] (Xie 2007, p. 8). This third point introduces the Chinese scholars’ opinion that the study of western Transcendentalist individualism feeds back into the way traditional values are reinterpreted within the Chinese society at large, thanks to a fruitful Chinese reinterpretation of individualism within the framework of a cultural dialogue. Xie alludes to the Confucian idea that “personality is bound to be perfect” (人格必将完善, rén gé bì jiāng wán shàn), and to the ideal of the individual’s state of “self-governance and self-consciousness” (自治自觉, zì zhì zì jué) (Xie 2007, p. 8). He sees in this aspect a close correspondence with Emerson’s and Thoreau’s conviction “that man is the inseparable part of nature, nature is man’s teacher and friend” and their advocating of the “sublime human spirit and perfect morality in nature” [authors’ translation] (Xie 2007, p. 9). This is always seen in Confucianism as an active orientation toward bettering the surrounding human and natural environment, an attitude which in modern interpretation might resonate well with ideas of progress and reform. Well before Xie’s article, Ni Feng had expressed a clearer commitment toward a conception of an individual that would reflect both western and Chinese aspirations: “[t]he real power of a society or a country is to solve the problems of this society or country by individuals” [authors’ translation] (Ni 1993, p. 110). Nevertheless, Qian Mansu expresses the strongest intellectual stance of this individualistic ideal: “In the first half of 19th century, in America, Emerson launched a revolution in ideas—his new measure of evaluating everything is the alive soul of the individual person” [authors’ translation] (Qian 1996, p. 1). The connection between the “alive soul” (活的灵魂, huó de líng hún) and the independent self-development of the individual is so strongly depicted by Qian, that she goes on to assert that “a person can make a contribution to society at least by making oneself into an ‘individual’, reach the standard of capital ‘Man’, develop people’s potentiality of mind and morality, and even have a little Transcendental consciousness. This is the purpose of Emerson’s Transcendentalism” [authors’ translation] (Qian 1996, pp. 235–36). The last part of the sentence is striking, and reveals the aspect of a returning influence, on the intellectual understanding of Confucian Chinese contemporary values by Transcendentalism, a system of thought that had been originally constructed with traditional Confucian ideas. Moreover, she adds that Emerson, in spite of his admiration for the Confucian attitude to morality and self-cultivation, could not accept the Confucian view on hierarchy. That is why, Qian believes, while producing a new type of individualism within the American culture, Emerson also “refreshes the essence of Confucianism” (“复活了儒家思想中的精华”, fù huó le rú jiā sı̄ xiăng zhōng de jı̄ng huá) [authors’ translation] (Qian 1996, p. ii). Religions 2017, 8, 159 5 of 12 The three points briefly presented above make appear, in essence, many facets of the intricate connections between the Chinese traditional values and the Transcendentalist understanding of individualism. What follows is an exploration of a number of more detailed critical inquiries dedicated by certain Chinese scholars to specific aspects of the relations between Transcendentalist individualism and contemporary intellectual representations of the Chinese traditional culture. 3. The Vast-Flowing Vigor and the Over-Soul One of the key elements that link Transcendentalism to the Chinese traditional cultural heritage remains Emerson’s concept of “over-soul”. Although Emerson’s over-soul contains indeed elements from multiple religious and philosophical traditions from both the East and the West, like Hindu, Chinese, Buddhist, Judeo-Christian, Greek Philosophy, and even from later philosophies like that of Emanuel Swedenborg or Friedrich Schelling (Dilworth 2010, p. 206), the aspect that drew the Chinese scholars’ attention remained its connection to a way of expressing a kind of individualism that resonates well with contemporary representations of Chinese traditional culture. As Tiffany K. Wayne appreciates, the concept of over-soul indeed contributes to the forging of Emerson’s “true individualism and originality of thought”, as this individualism emerges, as Emerson indicates in his essay “The Over-Soul”, through “ the influx of the Divine mind into our mind” (Wayne 2006, p. 205; Emerson 2009, p. 203). In trying to represent the ecstatic experience of the “individual consciousness of that divine presence”, Emerson uses terms like “submission” (Emerson 2009, p. 200) and “obedience” (Emerson 2009, p. 202), which receive nevertheless their full liberatory meaning at the light of phrases like “joyful perception”, “enthusiasm”, or “consciousness” (Emerson 2009, p. 203). They are meant to rehighlight a revelation of the over-soul that can only be an “individual’s experience” (Emerson 2009, p. 203), and not one of a blind obedience in rituals dictated by official religious institutions. It is only after breaking with the god of tradition that God may “fire the heart with his presence” (Emerson 2009, p. 207). Emerson insists thus upon cultivating the individualistic experience of the divine, especially during “our lonely hours”, when “the soul gives itself, alone, original and pure, to the Lonely, Original and Pure” (Emerson 2009, p. 208). The over-soul that “both guides and is changed by humankind”, being understood as a “human force that replaces a belief in God or the supernatural” (Wayne 2006, p. 205), has received particular attention in Chinese scholarship for several parallelisms that might be distinguished between some given facets of the over-soul and traditional Chinese concepts. For instance, Qian Mansu compares Laozi’s “Dao” with Emerson’s “over soul” and finds the following common aspects: “they are both all-inclusive, being-in-itself and being-for-itself, transcendental and perfect; they are both source and end of all things” (Qian 1996, p. 68). Fang Hanwen and Xu Wen also argue that there is a close parallelism between the concept of the over-soul and neo-Confucian concepts of Li (理) and Qi (气), as Li expresses soul’s communication between man, nature and God, while Qi is the essence of Heaven and Earth and “the meaning of individual life” (Fang and Xu 2014, pp. 165–66). Nevertheless, the one who initiates, already in 1991, a closer analysis of the core concept of over-soul is Chen Changfang, who evaluates the influence of the Confucian concept of “vast-flowing vigor” (浩然之气, hào rán zhı̄ qì) on Emerson’s thinking. Chen displays a critical reading of Emerson’s over-soul by comparing the Transcendentalist concept with Mencius’s vast-flowing vigor. He argues that the influence of the vast-flowing vigor on Emerson’s thought modeled Emerson’s view on an invisible spiritual power, but this influence was manifested upon a mind already bearing the mark of the western Christian heritage: “This metaphor of invisible spiritual power is exactly the certain incarnation of God and also the controlling power of different religions, e.g., ‘love’ in Christianity” (Chen 1991, p. 6). Chen emphasizes that “incarnation” and “love” have been placed in key points by Emerson, a gesture that actually transforms the original Confucian vision of the vast-flowing vigor. Chen’s critical reading reveals both commonalities and differences between the Chinese and the American concepts. The common characteristics may be identified in: the perspective of a peculiar individualism, allowing any individual who develops the Religions 2017, 8, 159 6 of 12 inner spirit to act outwardly in a moral manner; a vision of an omnipresent spirit that, in spite of its ubiquity remains “invisible”, i.e., accessible only to those who take the pains and have the patience to orient themselves toward revelatory experiences in their natural or social milieu; a mysterious and invisible spirit which nevertheless exerts a “controlling” influence over individuals, but in such a way that it leaves enough space for the manifestation of the individual’s inner freedom. Nevertheless, Chen emphasizes rather the differences from the original Confucian understanding of the vast-flowing vigor: “Of course, this explanation is much different from the meaning in Mencius ( . . . ). What Mencius emphasized is that inner personality, bounded by discipline, can be exteriorized into majestic moral power, and not that some omnipresent spirit can be internalized into moral meaning and image. This difference for Emerson is not clear and is ambiguous. Emerson cannot agree to put the mysterious source of human soul under any limit and bound” [authors’ translation] (Chen 1991, p. 6). In spite of allowing a margin for the discussion on the similarities between Confucian vast-flowing vigor and Emerson’s over-soul, which still presents vestigial features taken from Christianity, like “love” and “incarnation”, Chen cautions about letting too much of the Christian heritage dominate the discourse on the over-soul: his point is that the individualism made possible by Transcendentalism under the influence of Confucianism works relatively well when it is about “exteriorizing” moral power, in turn Confucian heritage would not allow the reading of an internalization of the omnipresent spirit into a moral teaching or an image. Actually Emerson was able to operate this in virtue of his conception of the “incarnation” and of the “controlling power” of love. We may understand thus that Chen presents his reservations regarding the idea that the vast-flowing vigor itself could be perfected by human individual participation and still remain without limit or unbounded. In his perspective, which follows that of Mencius, the “inner personality” that represents the internal manifestation of the spirit can only express itself in exterior only if bounded by self-discipline. It is in this point that Chen still remains attached to the necessity of guidance by sages, while Emerson’s view refuses to acknowledge a privileged status of any sage. For instance, in “The Over-Soul”, Emerson asserts: “It is of no use to preach to me from without. I can do that too easily myself. Jesus speaks always from within (...). The position men have given to Jesus, now for many centuries of history, is a position of authority.” (Emerson 2009, p. 208). In spite of this difference, Chen’s efforts toward an individualistic reading of the concentration of the vast-flowing vigor in a person’s self remains closely connected to Emerson’s vision, as he asserts: “The mandate of heaven is in me ( . . . ). The personality of things and persons is also my personality, but with different forms ( . . . ); in this case, man can just be one of Heaven-Earth-Man” [authors’ translation] (Chen 1991, p. 37). This remains an individualistic reading of Confucianism in the spirit of a Transcendentalist vision, since the mandate of heaven can become impersonated in any individual, the possibility of becoming a sage being thus open to anybody, even though the individual’s soul is not superior to the areas of the vast-flowing vigor present in Heaven or Earth. This implication of Chen’s interpretation is a departure from the Confucian insistence on the privileged status of the sage. In this point, in order to acquire a larger margin for his individualistic reading of the vast-flowing vigor, Chen links the vast-flowing vigor also to Thoreau’s individualism, since “Thoreau cares about the self-elevation of the individual soul as Daoism does: purify mind and insight, cultivate oneself and get rid of desires, obey natural law, hope that all humans can reach the state of a harmonious and free relationship with Heaven and Earth and can be fused with all things into one” [authors’ translation] (Chen 1991, p. 87). The connection between the vast-flowing vigor and the individualistic interpretations of Emerson and Thoreau also attracts the attention of Xie Zhichao, who asserts that Emerson and Thoreau shared the idea of virtue with Confucianism and even that they borrowed the term of vast-flowing vigor “to explain the importance of virtue” [authors’ translation] (Xie 2007, p. 8). Like Chen, Xie believes that Mencius’s “vast-flowing vigor” was only partially understood by Thoreau and Emerson, but he appreciates the influence of the Confucian concept on Emerson and Thoreau’s formulation of individualistic morality: Emerson and Thoreau “focus on the individual’s intuition and sensibility as Religions 2017, 8, 159 7 of 12 Confucianism advocated” [authors’ translation] (Xie 2007, p. 9). In spite of the fact that “Emerson and Thoreau criticized alienation between man and nature produced by capitalist pell-mell development” (Xie 2007, p. 8), what limits the individualistic perspective initiated by Transcendentalism is its pragmatic aspect, because in Xie’s view, Emerson thought that virtue was “more useful than power” (Xie 2007, p. 7). Xie tends thus to suspect a possible pragmatic turn in the Transcendentalist individualism’s take on Confucianism. He notes that Transcendentalism “borrows Confucian ideas about family, friends, communities to develop individualism”, but the Transcendentalist version of individualism still illustrates strong ties to the “individual’s independent freedom and individual will” [authors’ translation] (Xie 2007, p. 7) that characterizes the broader western conception of individualism. Xie appreciates thus that the result of the confluence between western individualism and Confucian perspective on the self in the Transcendentalist thought points toward the adoption of the perspective of the centrality of virtues, but this emphasis on virtues may not have the same motivations as in Confucian thought. Xie’s argument may be understood from the wider perspective of Confucianism on virtue, as in Confucianism virtues flow rather naturally from the inner self in immediate connection with family, friends, and community. That is why the way the vast-flowing vigor is internalized by the individual in Transcendentalism risks to be limited by the more general western conception of individualism, which may still involve preferences and judgments about what is useful for someone. Xie’s suspicion reflects indeed Emerson’s effort in countering the effect of the traditional philosophical problem in the west about the free choice. “What your heart thinks great, is great. The soul’s emphasis is always right”, Emerson notes in “Spiritual Laws” (Emerson 2009, p. 163). Nevertheless, Emerson’s success in this point might only be limited, since the pragmatic aspect of choice is not completely eliminated in Emerson’s argument, but rather subordinated to the power of the individual heart listening to the soul’s guidance. Qian Mansu is more optimistic than Xie Zhichao regarding the Transcendentalist individualist project based on the traditional Chinese values, as she believes that, in his conception of the over-soul, Emerson involved, besides elements from Confucianism, also moral elements of Daoism. The main reason is that, even if Emerson did not directly use Daoist texts, actually in virtue of the fact that “Confucianism focuses on the moral aspect of Dao” (Qian 1996, pp. 68–69), the dose of Daoism present in Emerson’s moral thinking involved in his presentation of the over-soul was sufficient to effectively do away with the overindividualistic perspective of the west. That is why she openly expresses her confidence that “enthusiasm” and a “living soul” characterize an essential attitude in Emerson’s individualistic thought (Qian 1996, p. 13). A key element that functions as a catalyst, in her opinion, for Emerson’s dealing away with the western problem of the free choice is his rejection of organized Christianity: “He opposed traditional Christianity. His new standard for everything is the individual alive soul (活的灵魂, huó de líng hún) and the always-updating spirit of universe (宇宙之灵, yŭ zhòu zhı̄ líng) which all the individuals’ souls are connected with. This is spiritual religion, which has nothing to do with institutions, with ritual. Under the guidance of this new faith, Emerson split with the church, starting to advocate his ideas about over-soul and self-reliance, becoming the standard bearer of American Transcendentalism” [authors’ translation] (Qian 1996, p. 2). 4. Humanism and Individualism: Beyond the Temptation of Comprehensive Thinking The common aspects of the concept of the over-soul and the vast-flowing vigor have opened up a promising field of discussion regarding the Chinese perspectives on the self and the role of the individuality embedded in the intercultural, social and political milieus. As mentioned above, Chen Changfang expressed confidence that “the mandate of heaven” may be in every individual, provided that the individual works toward bettering the ones he enters in contact with, but warned about conceding too much confidence in the individual capacities to influence the vast-flowing vigor. In this point, by criticizing this Transcendentalist confidence, he also disagrees with the Transcendentalist model of contesting the authority of sages or the institutions promoting the sages’ Religions 2017, 8, 159 8 of 12 teachings. Nevertheless, Chen suggests that the ultimate authority comes from the vast-flowing vigor, which encompasses not only the humanity, but it is expressed at three levels: “man can just be one of Heaven-Earth-Man” (Chen 1991, p. 37). Writing a few years later, Qian Mansu takes this issue further, and while she is arguing in the same direction as Chen, to preserve the idea of the equal influx of the vast-flowing vigor in all the three levels of existence, she places a specific emphasis on the individualist implications of the Confucian perspective. She succeeds in securing the traditional view of the equal influx of the spirit in the three levels of existence, by using a Christian terminology: “The Chinese trinity is Heaven-Earth-Man.” (Qian 1996, p. 69). The use of the term “trinity” suggests this equality of influx and the fusion of Heaven-Earth-Man into one, and at the same time establishing a certain differentiation between them, while avoiding exclusivist individualism. In order to harmonize this version of individualism with the perspective of the traditional Confucianism on the self, Qian talks about “Confucian humanism”: “Confucian humanism has three aspects: worshiping the ‘sacred’, abstract, not concrete personified god; putting human interest above theocracy, placing man in the center of universe; focusing on the meaning of the human ethical relationships” [authors’ translation] (Qian 1996, pp. 90–91). The fact that Confucianism is centered so much on “human affairs and things around man” can be explained, Qian asserts (Qian 1996, p. 97), because “in the Chinese Heaven-Earth-Man trinity, Man has actual superiority to Heaven” (Qian 1996, p. 96). We may understand that, in Qian’s interpretation, this is just a superiority of the intensity of the way the vigor is made concrete within and by every individual, not a superiority in the influx of the vast-flowing vigor in every man. That is why only a few individuals can perfectly reflect the richness of the vast-flowing vigor: “sage is the man who embodies human ethical relationships perfectly” [authors’ translation] (Qian 1996, p. 97). This interpretation of Qian’s view is also suggested by her peculiar statement, in the first pages of her book, recalling Protagoras’s famous humanist dictum “man is the measure of all things”, but this time reshaped as to resonate with both Transcendentalist and Confucian humanism: “Emerson’s new measure of evaluating everything is the alive soul of the individual person (...) [H]e is sure that man has an independent value from God, and he himself can live a spiritual life independently from the church. (...) Religion becomes, eventually, purely spiritual, personal and ethical” [authors’ translation] (Qian 1996, pp. 2–3). It is thus through the way the over-soul is individualized or given concrete intensity of life that the man advances toward the perfect virtuous status, and this personal advancement is not primarily related to following other sages’ teachings. Although referring directly to Emerson’s critical attitude toward the church, she makes it clear that her argument is actually about any organized religion or system of thought. Is, in this respect, Confucianism an exception? Qian suggests that, given the influence of Confucianism on Emerson’s conception of the over-soul, Confucianism has the humanistic resources that would allow a more individualized application and creative reinterpretation of the Confucian heritage. Nevertheless, throughout its history of thought, Confucianism allowed only a limited individualistic approach. For instance “for Confucius, there is only one truth, which is found by the ancient sage king” (Qian 1996, p. 186), while “Mencius is intolerant to different schools of thought of his time” (Qian 1996, p. 187). In other words, instead of a positive focus on the individual possibilities of advancing toward, and reaching the status of sage, Confucian teachers have preferred the negative approach, by rejecting relativism that could sow confusion in the individual souls: “Confucianism teaches people to follow ancient sages and not to deviate from ancestors’ way. But Emerson insisted that the past must not stifle alive people, and creativity is the life of the soul, imitation is suicide for the soul” [authors’ translation] (Qian 1996, p. 189). The challenge that contemporary interpretations of Confucianism are facing is thus to advance more decidedly on the path of individualism. Comparing Qian Mansu’s perspective to that of the other two intellectuals of the same era (Chen Changfang and Ni Feng), it may be observed that all three place an emphasis on the necessity for the Chinese theoretical discussions about self and individualism to extend beyond the sphere of Religions 2017, 8, 159 9 of 12 interpersonal morality. Qian argues: “Confucianism has some potential for individualism, but the Confucian concept of self cannot become individualism. Because, first, Confucian self is a strictly moral concept, not a political or lawful one. It is mainly about a person’s personality. But from the perspective of politics or society, individual is a part of group, individual’s value lies in the social relationship” [authors’ translation] (Qian 1996, p. 213). Qian hopes thus to initiate in her contemporary intellectual culture an endeavor to extend the inquiry and application of Confucian individualism to the political and social culture. The example of this renewal cannot exclusively come from traditional Chinese culture, because “there are some individualist elements in the Chinese traditional culture, but they have nothing to do with modern individualism” [authors’ translation] (Qian 1996, p. 212). This explains the importance she finds in the reception of Transcendentalism by Chinese scholars working on Chinese humanism in the 1990s, since the Transcendentalist approach regarding the individual, an attitude that had been influenced by Confucian ideas, could constitute an important example of bringing about a Confucian-inspired modern individualism. Taking Transcendentalist individualism as a source of inspiration for the exploration of the possibilities of traditional Chinese culture to enrich the content of individualism beyond its moral applications, Chen Changfang had stated that, in principle, according to the traditional ideas of the Chinese culture, the “mandate of heaven” could be exteriorized by any individual in virtuous relationships with his environment. Nevertheless he had found a smaller margin for a creative restatement of individualism in Confucianism, than in Daoism (Chen 1991, p. 37). Writing a few years later, Qian Mansu argues that, although Daoism does offer the traditional resources for a theoretical restatement of a Chinese version of modern individualism, the major setback that would appear for the theoretician consists in Daoism’s retreat from society: “In Chinese philosophy, Daoism is the closest to individualism. Daoism advocates going back to nature ( . . . ) focusing on inner freedom ( . . . ), escaping society. ( . . . ) It is impossible for Daoism to set up a new social order to guarantee everybody’s individual freedom” [authors’ translation] (Qian 1996, p. 216). Not only the moral, but also the social and political guarantee of individual freedom had also been the object of Ni Feng’s theoretical preoccupations on widening the sphere of the application of the Chinese perspective on individualism. Ni Feng argues that Thoreau’s social and political thought “centers around the person as an independent individual (独立个体, dú lì gè tı̌) and his social and natural environment”, and concludes that “the real power of a society or a country is to solve the problems of this society or country by individuals” [authors’ translation] (Ni 1993, p. 110). Although using the phrase “independent individual”, Ni Feng signals that he is not talking about an exclusivist individualism, as he conceives an independent individual, but nevertheless engaged in his social and political environments. Ni Feng suggests that this peculiar position of an individual’s independence voluntarily oriented toward solving the problems of his society and country resonates well with the traditional Chinese culture. Nevertheless, he argues that, if the society or the country benefit from the work of the individual toward practical and spiritual achievements, it follows naturally that this independence should be protected at both the societal and political level: “in Thoreau’s political thinking, his focus has always been on protecting human rights and freedom, worrying about potential harms made by the government to the individual at the level of human rights and freedom” (Ni 1993, p. 116). The discussion about the connection between Transcendentalist individualism and the extension of the sphere of traditional Chinese understanding of the self to include an individualism not only in morality, but also in society and the political community, is also raised by Xie Zhichao, who concedes that “Emerson and Thoreau found inspiration from Confucianism, especially from conceptions of individual and nature to make up for the shortcomings of Transcendentalism” [authors’ translation]. Nevertheless, “Confucianism does not talk about individualism”, but rather about the “individual living in social relationships” (Xie 2007, p. 7). Xie’s suggested solution in conciliating the two apparent contradictory views, a version of individualism generated under the influence of the Chinese culture and a version of an individual life accepted by the mainstream traditional interpretation, consists in Religions 2017, 8, 159 10 of 12 linking questions regarding individual value to the question of rights and liberties of the groups that they connect with: “According to Confucianism ( . . . ) the value of the individual belongs to different groups” (Xie 2007, p. 7). At the light of this idea, which Xie does not develop sufficiently, we may now go back to Qian Mansu’s efforts of finding a solution for a higher visibility of the individual in the social and political spheres in order to observe that she had proposed a similar view. Taking as a point of departure the situation of a minority group in China, the Jewish community of Kaifeng, Qian believes that there is no perceived gap between their Jewish and Chinese identities, at least from the point of view of the Chinese political culture. This is mainly due, in her opinion, to the adoption, in the political sphere, of an attitude of inclusiveness, which remains the merit of Confucian traditional values: “The comprehensive thinking of Confucianism determines its inclusiveness, e.g., the Jews are assimilated into Chinese in Kaifeng, China, which is different from the Jewish isolated situation in other countries” [authors’ translation] (Qian 1996, p. 78). Her choice of talking about the Jewish community is meant to help her maintain that the Confucian traditional values inspired a Chinese culture of inclusiveness toward Jews for many centuries, in contrast with the negative perception of Jewish communities in the political and social cultures of the European countries. Nevertheless, although she finds positive the aspect of inclusiveness, she warns that this kind of attitude, if reinforced unilaterally by the state, or the majority groups, may lead to what she calls “nihilism”, i.e., the erasure of all that makes the specific of a particular community: “The tendency of comprehensive thinking is to find commons instead of discussing about differences (...). If taken to the extreme, this way of thinking may lead to nihilism” (Qian 1996, p. 78). Qian does not hesitate to express her opinion that even “Zhuangzi’s On Leveling All Things (《齐物论》) has this tendency to nihilism” [authors’ translation] (Qian 1996, p. 78). Erasing the individual identities for the sake of inclusiveness may generate “nihilism”, a word with strong anti-social connotations. Qian indicates thus the danger of a clash of identities and the social turmoil that would be generated by misrepresented traditional ideals of inclusiveness. The temptation of comprehensive thinking, Qian suggests, characterizes all modern political cultures, as even “Emerson’s thinking tends to comprehension too, but his background of the western tradition balances it” [authors’ translation] (Qian 1996, p. 78). In other words, it is the background of the value of the individual and his freedom that discourages the all-too inclusive attitudes of majorities in western political communities, even if, as we have seen, this background had given Emerson a hard time conciliating the western philosophical problem of the free choice with his own conception of spiritual laws (Emerson 2009, p. 163). If comprehensive thinking can be kept away from radical applications, Qian expresses hopes that it may become a medium of reciprocal exchange and assimilation of wisdom, even if this means assimilating new wisdom, that doesn’t characterize a traditional culture throughout its history: according to Emerson, comprehension means to “assimilate the true and the good in anybody’s thinking” (Qian 1996, p. 78). This means that this attitude of acculturation may prove itself fruitful for both majority and minority groups, and opens up the political culture of the majority toward the assimilation of new insights, allowing fresh reevaluations of the elements provided by the majority group’s historical and cultural heritage. In Qian’s case, the Transcendentalist model appears as an important cultural opportunity to reorient the resources of the traditional Chinese culture toward a revolutionary take on the internal possibilities of the Confucian self engaged in his surrounding milieu. 5. Conclusions The Chinese cultural influence on Transcendentalism has received only a limited attention in western scholarship, given the western perception of the “Oriental” thesaurus explored by Emerson and Thoreau as a conglomerate of elements melted and reshaped into the two thinkers’ ideal of a “literary religion”. The theoretical reason behind the exploration of the Chinese influences consists Religions 2017, 8, 159 11 of 12 in showing that, in spite of the perceived Transcendentalist melting pot, traditional Chinese elements have not been distorted, but rather the intellectual and spiritual experiment performed by the Transcendentalists have given these elements a special elasticity, that has been positively received by Chinese scholars. The inquiry over the role of traditional cultural elements of Confucianism and Daoism in shaping Emerson’s or Thoreau’s conception of the individual is not strictly an issue that concerns only Chinese scholars, as it might be interpreted, but rather concerns the larger framework of cultural exchange. It seems indeed striking to learn from a Chinese scholar like Qian Mansu that Emerson, born and brought about in a cultural space external to the Chinese culture, has oriented himself toward an attitude that “refreshes the essence of Confucianism”. As we have seen, this kind of assertion is indeed backed by an argument about the importance of the openness toward “comprehensive thinking” and “inclusiveness”. As we have seen, Chinese scholars responded to the Transcendentalist attitude of using traditional Chinese terms with the willingness to explore the possibilities of western terms like “incarnation” and “trinity” in order to generate a comparative approach accessible to the modern day intellectual living in China and being acquainted with core western values. Another particularly striking assertion, coming from Chen Changfang, “the mandate of heaven is in me”, is meant to suggest to the Chinese intellectual audience that the vast-flowing vigor may become activated not only in idealized historical sages or institutions, but also within the personal self of any individual. This is one of the main aims of the debates regarding the connection between Emerson’s over-soul and the vast-flowing vigor. Although we find relative agreement in Chen Changfang, Ni Feng, Qian Mansu and Xie Zhichao that the Chinese version of individualism should avoid an exclusivist individualism that is most characteristic to western culture, their separate efforts converge in the way they are problematizing the limits imposed on the self by the Chinese traditional culture. The aim of this problematization has been the widening of the attention given to the value of the self and individual life, not only in moral matters, but also in the area of the political culture and social mentalities. Taking transcendentalism as a source of inspiration, Chen, Ni, Qian and Xie seem to agree that this renewal in cultural perception remains possible if the traditional resources of Confucianism and Daoism are involved in a creative way in cultural renewal and dialogue. One of the possible solutions regarding the place and value of the individual in Chinese contemporary political and social culture and mentalities has been suggested by Xie Zhichao, and in a more detailed manner by Qian Mansu. She argues that a model of “inclusiveness” should be pursued, as it has been fruitful in the past and in addition has been inspired by the Chinese traditional culture. At the same time she insists upon refreshing the essence of this model by introducing new perceptions of the Chinese traditional culture that have generated social change in other cultural spaces. She intends thus to raise awareness about the positive impact of the model of Transcendentalist individualism upon humanism as understood in China. Qian’s term “assimilation”, and her example of the Jewish community of Kaifeng, may raise questions about Qian’s model of cultural exchange. Nonetheless, the emphasis she places on the necessity of avoiding “nihilism” reveals her view on refreshing the idea of assimilation itself in the Chinese intellectual understanding. That is why, following the Transcendentalist model, she talks about assimilating wisdom, a dynamic attitude which, in her opinion, should be reciprocal: the Jewish community was “assimilated” in the sense that the Chinese larger culture assimilated “the true and the good” in their thinking, and also that the “the true and the good” of the Chinese traditional culture has been assimilated by the Jewish community in Kaifeng during the centuries that they lived in China and enjoyed a wider freedom, than in the European countries, to identify common grounds, to link their Jewish and wider identities together. This is a rather optimistic reading of this phenomenon of acculturation as a reciprocal assimilation of wisdom, but Qian hopes to present the model of Transcendentalist individualism as an opportunity to refresh the debate on cultural exchange, and provide a reinforced theoretical model for promoting a stronger conception of individualism embedded in the Chinese framework of thought. Qian Mansu’s Religions 2017, 8, 159 12 of 12 model of “comprehensive thinking”, together with elements of the theoretical interpretations of Chen Changfang, Ni Feng, Xie Zhichao, Fang Hanwen and Xu Wen on the use of Confucianism and Daoism by Emerson and Thoreau, show how Transcendentalist individualism has brought, in the late twentieth century and contemporary Chinese intellectual space, a new opportunity for inquiry upon the resources of the Chinese traditional culture to reinvigorate the theoretical debates about humanism and the value of the individual. Author Contributions: S.Z. had the original idea, and designed the work plan after consulting with I.U. S.Z. translated the Chinese texts into English and received assistance from I.U. regarding the philosophical implications of the translated texts for a western audience. Both S.Z. and I.U. worked separately and jointly on several drafts before assembling the final draft. I.U. gave the English formulation and style of the text, and S.Z. made the final revision. Conflicts of Interest: The authors declare no conflict of interest. References Chen, Changfang. 1991. Thoreau and China (梭罗与中国). Taibei: San Min Book. Dilworth, David A. 2010. The Over-Soul. In Critical Companion to Ralph Waldo Emerson; a Literary Reference to His Life and Work. Edited by Tiffany K. Wayne. New York: Facts on File, pp. 206–9. Emerson, Ralph Waldo. 2009. Essays and Lectures. Overland Park: Digireads. Fang, Hanwen, and Wen Xu. 2014. 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This article is an open access article distributed under the terms and conditions of the Creative Commons Attribution (CC BY) license (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/). http://creativecommons.org/ http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/. Introductory Remarks Individual Life in Social Relationships The Vast-Flowing Vigor and the Over-Soul Humanism and Individualism: Beyond the Temptation of Comprehensive Thinking Conclusions work_5rss27z4z5eghlg3mbj3yohtba ---- 00_Intro_rosto.pmd Notas introdutórias ao pragmatismo clássico Renato Rodrigues Kinouchi Peirce conduziu a James e James conduziu a Dewey e o resultado foi uma teoria da verdade indutiva e experimental (Savery, 1939). A palavra pragmatismo é um daqueles termos filosóficos polissêmicos, para os quais o primeiro passo na análise costuma ser o levantamento de sua origem etimológica. Re- correndo à etimologia, aprendemos que o termo vem do grego prámatiké, significando “conjunto de regras ou fórmulas que regulam as cerimônias oficiais ou religiosas” (Weiszflog, 1998, p. 1679). Então o pragmatismo filosófico, originalmente, deveria ser entendido como a consideração das questões filosóficas a partir de determinadas re- gras ou fórmulas reguladoras. Não obstante, há outro significado segundo o qual essa doutrina consistiria na “consideração das coisas a partir de um ponto de vista prático” (Weiszflog, 1998, p. 1679). Nesse sentido, um indivíduo pragmático é aquele que não se prende de antemão a princípios ideológicos ou fundamentações metafísicas, mas sim lida com as questões tendo em vista suas conseqüências práticas. Essas duas defi- nições, conquanto não sejam mutuamente excludentes, acabam informando duas vi- sões diferentes de filosofia: uma mais normativa e outra mais utilitária. Aqui nosso trabalho consistirá, em sua maior parte, em contrastar as concepções filosóficas dos fundadores do pragmatismo — a saber, Charles Sanders Peirce, William James e John Dewey — tendo em vista pôr em evidência suas diferenças mais significativas. Todavia, existe um ponto que justifica dizer que há uma base comum a todos eles. O pragmatis- mo pode ser sucintamente entendido como sendo, de certo modo, um expediente — que por sua vez significa um “meio de sair de um embaraço, de vencer uma dificuldade, de lograr bom êxito em alguma coisa” (Weiszflog, 1998, p. 922). Por um lado, o expedien- te certamente tem sua utilidade prática; e, por outro, trata-se de uma regra ou de uma fórmula para lidar com questões que demandam uma solução. No final das contas, um expediente transmite a idéia de um método para abordar os problemas. Desse modo, para apreendermos o sentido completo da palavra pragmatismo, temos sim que consi- derar o papel da utilidade prática, mas não podemos esquecer que o pragmatismo se coloca, antes de tudo, como uma questão de método. scientiæ zudia, São Paulo, v. 5, n. 2, p. 215-26, 2007 docum en tos cien tíficos 215 Renato Rodr igues Kinouchi scientiæ zudia, São Paulo, v. 5, n. 2, p. 215-26, 2007216 1 A idéia de Peirce Comecemos por explicitar o pragmatismo em sua formulação original. Sem meias pa- lavras, o pragmatismo nasce como uma teoria relativa ao modus operandi da ciência, pois se refere essencialmente ao auxílio prestado por certas fórmulas ou regras na prá- tica científica. De fato, a primeira aparição do pragmatismo em forma escrita, embora o termo não tenha sido empregado, acontece em uma série de seis ensaios coletiva- mente intitulados de Ilustrações da lógica da ciência. A propósito, se examinarmos a trajetória intelectual de Peirce, veremos que a maior parte de sua vida foi dedicada a questões ligadas à ciência, tanto no campo teórico como no experimental. No campo teórico, ele investigava questões principalmente ligadas à matemática e à lógica. No que tange à experimentação, Peirce indica que praticamente “morou em um laborató- rio desde a idade de seis anos até bem depois da maturidade e, tendo toda uma vida relacionada com experimentalistas, sempre teve a sensação de compreendê-los e de ser por eles compreendido” (Peirce, 2000b [1905], p. 282). Cabe remarcar que Peirce não foi apenas um filósofo bem informado em ciência. Ele foi realmente um pesquisa- dor profissional e, com efeito, para ele o método científico oferece a maneira mais apropriada de raciocinar. Conforme assinalam alguns críticos: “Quando vista como um todo, a filosofia de Peirce pode ser caracterizada de diferentes maneiras, mas, seja como for, deve dizer- se que é uma filosofia científica” (Houser & Kloesel, 1992, p. xxxiv). Pois bem, tratar- se-ia então de alguma variante daquilo que usualmente chamamos de positivismo? Não exatamente, pois o positivismo, em linhas gerais, sustenta que somente a ciência teria importância crucial; a metafísica seria um mero palavrório sem sentido que de- veria ser o quanto antes eliminado. Peirce, por sua vez, enquanto nutre uma alta esti- ma pela ciência, não propõe o abandono da metafísica, mas antes sua reformulação, por meio da utilização do método científico. Isso é o que ele chama de “prope-positi- vismo” — onde o prefixo prope significa algo como largo, amplo — isto é, um tipo de positivismo não sectário que, ao invés de repudiar o que é inobservável, diga-se a me- tafísica como um todo, procura lançar as luzes da ciência sobre ela, para esclarecê-la: Na minha opinião, a atual condição infantil da filosofia [...] é devido ao fato de que durante este século [xix] ela foi principalmente alvo da dedicação de homens que não se educaram em laboratórios e salas de dissecção e, conseqüentemente, não foram estimulados pelo verdadeiro Eros científico (Peirce, 1998 [1898], p. 29). Mas é bom deixar claro que o tal Eros científico estimularia desinteressadamen- te a aquisição e o aumento do conhecimento. Em verdade, a filosofia, auxiliada pela 217 Notas introdutórias ao pragmatismo clássico scientiæ zudia, São Paulo, v. 5, n. 2, p. 215-26, 2007 ciência, não teria como tarefa precípua resolver questões vitais de ordem prática, mas ampliar, por assim dizer, nosso espaço intelectual. O pragmatismo de Peirce é de na- tureza intelectualista; e se há referência à prática, trata-se de prática racional — isto é, relativa à otimização da economia do raciocínio proporcionada pela lógica. Esse ponto é a chave para o entendimento do pensamento peirceano. É preciso notar que a valida- de de um argumento assegura que retiremos conclusões verdadeiras a partir de pre- missas verdadeiras. Caso contrário, nada nos previne de retirarmos conclusões falsas apesar da verdade das premissas. O efeito prático de um argumento válido é não nos deixar resvalar em erros. Assim, questões de lógica têm um aspecto muitíssimo práti- co para o estudioso da ciência. O empreendimento de esclarecer a filosofia, por meio da lógica empregada na ciência, perpassa toda a obra peirceana. Todavia, já é hora de colocar em cena um outro autor pragmatista, a saber, o psicólogo e filósofo William James, que interpretava o pragmatismo de uma maneira diferente, o que por sinal causava certos constrangimen- tos, de modo que as reflexões posteriores de Peirce são, em larga medida, uma reação às idéias do psicólogo. A esse propósito, há uma célebre passagem em que Peirce dizia que sua criança (o pragmatismo) havia sido raptada (cf. Talisse, 2000); e dali em diante, para circunscrever sua definição original, ele a rebatizou de pragmaticismo — um nome “feio o suficiente para ficar a salvo de raptores” (Peirce, 2000b [1905], p. 287). Nesse ínterim, Peirce passa a dar muito mais detalhes sobre o que o pragmatismo é, e, mais ainda, esforça-se sobremaneira para dizer o que seu pragmatismo não é. Mas, para com- preendermos esse debate, faz-se necessário conhecer a interpretação de James, caso contrário, as reflexões posteriores de Peirce ficariam mais ou menos no vazio. 2 A interpretação de James James e Peirce se conheceram ainda jovens, por volta de 1861, dentro do círculo acadê- mico da Harvard Scientific School. O calouro William logo percebeu que o veterano Charles era “um colega muito inteligente, com uma grande personalidade, bem inde- pendente, embora um tanto violenta” (Skrupskelis & Berkeley, 1995, p. 43). Logo os dois rapazes tornaram-se amigos, a despeito de acentuadas diferenças de formação. Peirce era bem do tipo acadêmico, crescido em uma família de scholars. Por sua vez, James era um burguês, crescido em um ambiente literário,1 que optou por dedicar-se 1 A título de ilustração diga-se que James era afilhado de Ralph Waldo Emerson. Para se imaginar um pouco da atmosfera intelectual em que William James cresceu, basta ler algum romance de seu irmão mais novo, o famoso ficcionista Henry James. Renato Rodr igues Kinouchi scientiæ zudia, São Paulo, v. 5, n. 2, p. 215-26, 2007218 à ciência, especificamente às áreas de medicina, biologia e história natural. Como cu- riosidade, diga-se que, em 1865, aos vinte três anos, James participou de uma expedi- ção científica à Amazônia, fazendo parte, por oito meses, da equipe do naturalista Louis Agassiz (cf. Menand, 2001). Mas ao regressar da expedição, o jovem reconheceu que não tinha vocação para o trabalho de naturalista e acabou por formar-se em medicina. Convém assinalar que James também foi um “homem de ciência”, embora de uma maneira diferente de Peirce. A principal diferença, que terá conseqüências pro- fundas para o desenvolvimento de suas respectivas visões filosóficas, é que a formação de James, em medicina, biologia e psicologia — e não em física e matemática — fez com que ele tivesse uma perspectiva mais nominalista a respeito da ciência, em oposição ao realismo de Peirce. Por nominalismo, grosso modo, entende-se a tese de que os termos gerais são agrupamentos lingüísticos de instâncias particulares; portanto, quando a ciência fala, por exemplo, acerca de Massa (com M maiúsculo), na verdade agrupa-se sobre uma palavra propriedades que os corpos (com c minúsculo) apresentam. Por si- nal, a idéia de tipo (espécime) ideal e da imutabilidade das espécies, no campo da bio- logia, estava em declínio depois da popularização de Darwin, que significava um avan- ço do nominalismo nas áreas biológicas. O nominalismo de James fez com que seu modo de olhar a ciência fosse mais relativizado, mas isso não quer dizer que James tivesse menos apreço pela ciência. A propósito, James era um dos integrantes do Metaphysical Club, o sarau filosó- fico em que ocorreram as primeiras discussões acerca do pragmatismo, por volta de 1870, cujo nome tem um certo tom pomposamente irreverente (cf. Menand, 2001). E muito certamente ele leu os artigos da coleção Ilustrações de Peirce, datados de 1877- 1878, onde aparece a máxima pragmática, mesmo que não se tenha dado um nome ex- plícito a ela. Por mais de vinte anos aqueles debates ficaram, por assim dizer, latentes; isto é, o pragmatismo não foi de imediato reconhecido pela comunidade intelectual. Isso não quer dizer, entretanto, que idéias pragmatistas não circulassem sub-repti- ciamente. Com efeito, a psicologia veiculada por James em seu The principles of psycho- logy (Princípios de psicologia) de 1890, já delimita aquilo que podemos chamar de prag- matismo jamesiano. É nesse livro, mais precisamente no seu capítulo final, intitulado “Verdades ne- cessárias e os efeitos da experiência”, que aparece sua mais concisa definição de ciên- cia natural, a qual concatena vários pontos importantes, cada um deles merecendo ser discutido separadamente. Mas, para não perder o sentido do todo, ela será apresenta- da de uma só vez, e depois discutiremos os pontos principais. Nas palavras de James: A ciência rende expressões que, dados os lugares e tempos, podem ser traduzidas em valores reais, ou interpretadas como porções definidas no interior do caos 219 Notas introdutórias ao pragmatismo clássico scientiæ zudia, São Paulo, v. 5, n. 2, p. 215-26, 2007 que cai sob nossos sentidos. Ela se torna um guia prático de nossas expectativas tanto quanto proporciona prazer teórico. Mas eu não vejo como alguém com sen- so dos fatos poderia chamar isso de resultados imediatos da experiência [tal como concebia Herbert Spencer]. Toda concepção científica é, antes de qualquer coi- sa, uma “variação espontânea” no cérebro de alguém. Para cada concepção que se prove útil e aplicável existem milhares de outras que perecem devido a sua falta de valor. Sua gênese é estritamente aparentada com aquelas inspirações poéti- cas, ou com as máximas de sabedoria, das quais as variações cerebrais também são a fonte. Mas enquanto a poesia e a sabedoria (como a ciência dos antigos) são sua própria razão de ser, e não vão muito além disso, as concepções científicas devem provar seu valor sendo verificáveis. Tal teste é a causa de sua preservação, não de sua produção (James, 1983 [1890], p. 1232-3). Nota-se primeiramente a noção de ciência como uma espécie de ferramenta lin- güística que organiza os dados dos sentidos. A ciência fornece expressões que servem para traduzir ou interpretar as inúmeras experiências sensoriais. Essa formulação abre espaço para uma visão mais psicologista da ciência, que será retomada mais adiante. Mas, até aqui, não há ainda uma grande diferença entre a concepção de James e aquela de Peirce, pois este último também considerava que as sensações experimentadas por vários cientistas são de fato individuais. Para ambos, todavia, o que há de distintivo, na ciência, é que ela promove um acordo intersubjetivo, por meio da expressão de leis que organizam as inúmeras sensações individuais. Em segundo lugar, já se nota como o pragmatismo jamesiano está associado ao praticalismo e, com efeito, isso está contido plenamente em sua visão de ciência. Ele pensa as teorias científicas do ponto de vista de sua utilidade prática, como guias de nossas ações no mundo. É bem verdade que James também se refere ao deleite teórico proporcionado pela ciência, seu aspecto contemplativo A inspiração poética, por exem- plo, é aparentada com a inspiração científica, mas o que realmente distingue a ciência é sua relação de correspondência com o mundo, enquanto que a poesia, no entender de James, bastaria por si mesma. Sem dúvida, a versão jamesiana do pragmatismo sustenta aquela segunda inter- pretação da palavra prámatiké: a consideração das coisas sob um ponto de vista prático. No ensaio intitulado “Concepções filosóficas e resultados práticos” de 1898, James ini- cia sua exposição dizendo que “[Peirce] é um dos pensadores contemporâneos mais originais; e eu acredito, cada vez mais, que o princípio do praticalismo — ou pragma- tismo, como ele dizia, na primeira ocasião em que eu o ouvi falar disso, em Cambridge, no começo de 1870 — é a chave ou bússola com a qual podemos manter nossos passos no caminho certo” (James, 1992 [1898], p. 1079). Com efeito, há que se destacar duas Renato Rodr igues Kinouchi scientiæ zudia, São Paulo, v. 5, n. 2, p. 215-26, 2007220 coisas. Primeiro, que é manifesto que a palavra pragmatismo, denominando estrita- mente uma doutrina filosófica, foi uma invenção de Peirce. Em segundo lugar, nota-se que James, quando chama essa doutrina de praticalismo, já agrega ao debate um pouco de sua própria interpretação. Nesse ínterim, aparece um certo acento anti-intelectua- lista, que anuncia a tendência de expandir o pragmatismo em direção às chamadas ques- tões vitais da existência humana. Entre essas questões encontram-se aquelas de natu- reza religiosa, sobre as quais James se propõe a aplicar o “princípio de Peirce”. Grosso modo, defende que os efeitos da experiência religiosa sobre um indivíduo justificam a vida religiosa dessa pessoa. Não haveria assim motivo para descartar-se sumariamen- te, por exemplo, a crença na existência de Deus, visto que muitas pessoas efetivamente vivenciam os efeitos de uma tal crença. O que se nota é que o pragmatismo de James às vezes parece soar como uma espécie de existencialismo utilitarista. 3 A reconstrução de John Dewey John Dewey (1859-1952) ocupou um lugar privilegiado dentro do pensamento norte- americano. Vinte anos mais novo que Peirce e James, Dewey se tornou a principal figura do pragmatismo no século xx. Na verdade, Peirce e James, que faleceram antes da pri- meira guerra mundial, ainda eram homens do século xix. Mas os noventa e três anos vividos por Dewey permitiram-lhe ser espectador das duas guerras mundiais que trans- formaram a paisagem política do mundo contemporâneo. Além disso, sua origem social imprimiu-lhe características distintas em relação a Peirce e James. John Dewey repre- sentava a classe média norte-americana da época. Ele era filho de um pequeno comer- ciante e, de fato, se não fosse a influência de sua mãe, Lucina, provavelmente não teria formação universitária (cf. Dewey, 1939, p. 4). Quando criança, Dewey engajara-se nas mais triviais responsabilidades domésticas, tal como acontecia com os amigos de sua idade. Nesse contexto, a educação formal era vista como desconectada da realidade. A percepção de que as partes mais importantes de sua própria educação, antes de entrar na universidade, foram obtidas fora da sala de aula, desempenhou um gran- de papel em seu trabalho educacional, no qual grande importância é dada, tanto em teoria quanto na prática, às atividades ocupacionais, sendo essas as mais efe- tivas abordagens para uma educação genuína e disciplina intelectual pessoal (Dewey, 1939, p. 9). Após graduar-se na Universidade de Vermont, Dewey trabalhou como professor secundarista no estado da Pensilvânia, mas pouco tempo depois iniciou sua pós-gradua- 221 Notas introdutórias ao pragmatismo clássico scientiæ zudia, São Paulo, v. 5, n. 2, p. 215-26, 2007 ção na recém-inaugurada Universidade John Hopkins, por volta de 1880. Lá ele encon- trou um círculo intelectual que incluía professores tais como George Sylvester Morris — que se dedicava à divulgação do idealismo alemão em sua versão hegeliana —, James McKeen Cattell — que se tornou célebre por suas contribuições na área de testes antro- pométricos — e G. Stanley Hall — aluno de William James e um dos mais importantes professores de psicologia no início do século xx. Além disso, Dewey também teve a oportunidade de cursar as disciplinas de lógica científica ministradas por Peirce — curso que, por sinal, foi praticamente a única atividade docente de Peirce. Em 1884, Dewey foi convidado a lecionar na Universidade de Michigan. Era o início de uma carreira profissional que ainda incluiria uma breve passagem de apenas um ano pela Universidade de Minnesota. A seguir, Dewey dedicou aproximadamente dez anos à Universidade de Chicago, onde compunha o departamento junto com no- mes dignos de menção, tais como James H. Tufts, James R. Angell e George Herbert Mead. A esse propósito, William James (2002) reconhecia em Dewey e na chamada Escola de Chicago uma das mais importantes vertentes da então nascente filosofia ame- ricana. Mas em razão de atritos com o reitor dessa universidade, o filósofo acabou se transferindo para a Universidade de Columbia, onde trabalhou por mais trinta e cinco anos, até sua aposentadoria em 1939. Ou seja, em sua longa e produtiva vida, Dewey trabalhou como professor universitário por aproximadamente 55 anos. Para um relato detalhado de sua trajetória no ambiente universitário norte-americano, uma boa fon- te de consulta é o ensaio biográfico escrito por Jane M. Dewey (1939), filha do filósofo. Dewey também iniciou sua filosofia sob o impacto das teorias evolucionárias do século xix, mais particularmente, o darwinismo. O enfoque naturalista do pensamen- to de Dewey certamente encontrou ressonância primeiramente na obra de William James, cujo Princípios de psicologia, acentuadamente darwinista, foi a obra singular que mais o impressionou e influenciou. Como atesta Jane Dewey: A influência de James sobre a teoria do conhecimento de Dewey não aconteceu graças ao [livro] Pragmatismo, que apareceu depois que a teoria de Dewey havia se formado, outrossim, pelos capítulos dos Princípios de psicologia que tratavam da concepção, da discriminação e da comparação, e do raciocínio. Dewey freqüen- temente recomendava esses capítulos a seus estudantes como a melhor introdu- ção ao que há de essencial em uma teoria pragmática do conhecimento, mais do que o Pragmatismo (Dewey, 1939, p. 23). O fato de Dewey indicar os Princípios sugere um sentimento que às vezes perpas- sa alguns leitores de James, pois, na realidade, o Pragmatismo é um livro fraco em cer- tos aspectos. Certamente é o livro que fez a fama do movimento pragmatista, mas, a Renato Rodr igues Kinouchi scientiæ zudia, São Paulo, v. 5, n. 2, p. 215-26, 2007222 julgar pela reação de Peirce (que procurava distanciar-se dele), somado ao fato de que o próprio James sentiu a necessidade de reapresentar suas idéias em The meaning of truth (O significado da verdade), percebe-se que alguma coisa não estava bem. Uma das coisas mais interessantes da obra de Dewey é que ele, ao ocupar o lugar privilegiado de “herdeiro” do pragmatismo, tinha plena consciência das diferenças de enfoque entre Peirce e James. Segundo Dewey: Peirce era acima de tudo um lógico; enquanto James era um educador e um humanista, que desejava forçar o grande público a reconhecer que certos proble- mas, certos debates filosóficos, tinham uma importância real para a humanida- de, porque as crenças que eles colocam em jogo levam a modos de conduta bas- tante diferentes. Se essa importante distinção não for apreendida, fica impossível entender a maioria das ambigüidades e dos erros pertencentes ao período poste- rior do movimento pragmático (Dewey, 1981 [1931], p. 46). Essa percepção de que o pragmatismo de Peirce é de natureza lógica, enquanto James divulgou um pragmatismo humanista, possibilita Dewey sintetizar um novo tipo de pragmatismo que, em uma linguagem atualizada, entrelaça valores cognitivos, éti- cos e sociais. O pragmatismo originalmente imaginado por Peirce era um método de esclarecer conceitos ou representações concernentes a termos teóricos presentes na ciência. Ou seja, tratava-se de uma questão de otimização do raciocínio, dizendo res- peito mais a valores cognitivos. Por sua vez, James interpreta essas noções em um ou- tro contexto, aplicando-as a temas muito mais abrangentes, especialmente a questões de natureza ética e religiosa. Nesse caso, o pragmatismo começa a lidar com a esfera dos valores éticos e sociais, indo além daquilo que Peirce originalmente imaginara. Certamente a máxima peirceana de considerar os efeitos sensíveis dos conceitos intelectuais funcionava perfeitamente dentro da esfera dos valores cognitivos, mas, apesar de toda a boa vontade de James, gerava inquietação na esfera dos valores sociais. No tocante a Dewey, apesar de não repudiar a esfera dos valores sociais (muito ao con- trário, tinha-os em alta conta), ele percebia que havia algo que precisava ser esclarecido: Mas James devotou-se primariamente aos aspectos morais dessa teoria, ao em- basamento que ela dá ao “melhorismo” e ao idealismo moral, e às conseqüências que seguem dela no tocante ao valor sentimental e às ligações de vários sistemas filosóficos, particularmente às implicações destrutivas para o racionalismo monista e para o absolutismo em todas suas formas. Ele nunca procurou desenvol- ver uma teoria completa das formas ou “estruturas” e das operações lógicas que se fundam nessa concepção. O instrumentalismo é uma tentativa de estabelecer 223 Notas introdutórias ao pragmatismo clássico scientiæ zudia, São Paulo, v. 5, n. 2, p. 215-26, 2007 uma teoria lógica precisa dos conceitos, dos juízos e das inferências em suas diver- sas formas, considerando primeiramente como o pensamento funciona na deter- minação experimental de suas conseqüências futuras. Significa dizer que o ins- trumentalismo tenta estabelecer distinções universalmente reconhecidas e regras de lógica, derivando-as da função reconstrutiva ou mediativa atribuída à razão. Objetiva-se constituir uma teoria das formas gerais de concepção e de raciocínio, e não deste ou daquele juízo particular ou conceito relacionado com seu próprio conteúdo, ou com suas implicações particulares (Dewey, 1981 [1931], p. 51). Quando faz considerações desse tipo, Dewey soa muito próximo a Peirce. Aqui, os valores cognitivos estão em sua plena expressão e há um certo realismo, no sentido oposto ao nominalismo, de modo que a preocupação é com a generalidade do processo de investigação. Mas há uma diferença fundamental entre Dewey e Peirce. Este último, fortemente orientado por sua formação em matemática, pensa suas estruturas de ma- neira praticamente platônica. Essencial para sua teoria era uma característica, por as- sim dizer, topológica das estruturas triádicas. O cerne da questão consiste na defesa de que quaisquer relações n-ádicas podem ser reduzidas a combinações triádicas, mas as triádicas não podem ser reduzidas a combinações diádicas (Peirce, 2000a [1885]). Sendo assim, Peirce defendia que as “estruturas” deveriam ser consideradas segundo um esquema de categorias sempre triádicas. Essa idéia atravessa toda a filosofia peircea- na e chega a tomar contornos quase místicos — há algo de pitagorismo no ar. Dewey, por sua vez, tinha uma abordagem mais naturalista do que normativa, o que na visão de Peirce era insuficiente. Em carta a Dewey, Peirce diz: “Você propõe substituir uma ciência normativa [a lógica], que a meu ver é a grande carência de nossa época, por uma “história natural” do pensamento ou da experiência [...] Não penso que uma coisa tal como história natural possa responder àquela enorme carência” (Peirce apud Pihlström, 2004, p. 43). Ou seja, apesar de ambos estarem interessados em questões da lógica da investigação, estando então ocupados com valores cognitivos, suas abordagens diferiam. Mas para percebermos isso, precisamos conhecer mais de perto o caráter naturalista do pragmatismo de Dewey. Como dito anteriormente, as teorias evolucionárias tiveram grande impacto nos trabalhos de Dewey. Ele considerava as habilidades humanas em continuidade com a his- tória natural das espécies. Por isso, mesmo a lógica — que costuma ser considerada uma disciplina normativa — deve ser abordada levando em consideração contornos biológicos: A lógica é uma teoria naturalista. O termo “naturalista” tem vários significados. Tal como empregado aqui significa, por um lado, que não há quebra de conti- nuidade entre as operações de investigação e as operações biológicas e físicas. Renato Rodr igues Kinouchi scientiæ zudia, São Paulo, v. 5, n. 2, p. 215-26, 2007224 Essa “continuidade”, por outro lado, significa que as operações lógicas crescem a partir de atividades orgânicas, sem serem idênticas àquilo do qual emergem [...]. A lógica em questão é também naturalista no sentido da observabilidade, no sen- tido ordinário da palavra, das atividades de investigação. Concepções derivadas de uma faculdade mística da intuição ou qualquer outra coisa tão oculta a ponto de não estar aberta à inspeção e à verificação públicas (tais como aquelas pura- mente psíquicas, por exemplo) estão excluídas (Dewey, 1938, p. 19). Nota-se claramente que Dewey não admitia certas transcendências que, no fun- do, significam um corte qualitativo entre o pensamento e a natureza, mas que, no en- tanto, estão para além de qualquer confirmação ou refutação empírica. A lógica de Dewey é imanente à evolução e não se furta do dever de submeter-se ao escrutínio cien- tífico. Todavia, a evolução biológica não é a única circunstância que delimita a lógica: Uma ambigüidade da palavra “naturalista” é que ela pode ser entendida como envolvendo uma redução do comportamento humano ao comportamento de primatas, amebas, ou elétrons e prótons. Mas o homem é naturalmente um ser que vive em associação com outros, em comunidades possuidoras de linguagens e, portanto, usufruindo uma cultura transmitida. A investigação é um modo de atividade que é socialmente condicionado e que possui conseqüências culturais [...]. Portanto, a concepção naturalista da lógica, que subjaz à posição aqui assu- mida, é um naturalismo cultural. Nem a investigação, nem sequer o mais abstrato conjunto formal de símbolos podem escapar da matriz cultural na qual eles vi- vem, movem-se e têm sua existência (Dewey, 1938, p. 19). Ora, isso vai mais na linha de uma antropologia filosófica, na qual se leva em consideração uma série de fatores tais como o curso da evolução da espécie humana, as primeiras comunidades e, posteriormente, a formação das civilizações, em especial a grega, donde nasce uma ciência contemplativa e, mais adiante, o Renascimento e o despontar do conhecimento de natureza tecnológica. Nesse ponto, Dewey começa a dar ênfase aos valores sociais que circunscreve- ram a história e o desenrolar da atividade científica. O filósofo entende que uma das mais profundas heranças a respeito da natureza do conhecimento científico adveio da divisão de classes própria do mundo grego entre escravos e cidadãos, com a forte sepa- ração entre as atividades manuais e as contemplativas. Mas embora tais condicionantes tenham de fato deixado de existir, há uma inércia que mantém a atividade científica atada aos valores antigos: é por isso que Dewey (1959c) defende que devemos recons- truir a filosofia para adequar nossas concepções teóricas ao mundo contemporâneo. 225 Notas introdutórias ao pragmatismo clássico scientiæ zudia, São Paulo, v. 5, n. 2, p. 215-26, 2007 Um assunto da máxima importância, e que apenas mencionaremos aqui, é o fato de que a cultura científica é transmitida pela educação. Ora, por essa via chega-se àquilo que é considerado por muitos como o cerne da obra deweyana: sua teoria pedagógica. Em obras como os famosos Teoria da vida moral (1964), Como pensamos (1959a [1910]) e Democracia e educação (1959b [1916]), fica manifesto que a questão dos valores so- ciais impregna sua pedagogia. Todos os adultos adquiriram, no decurso de sua experiência e educação, certas medidas do valor de várias espécies de experiências. Aprenderam a considerar como coisas moralmente boas a honestidade, a amabilidade, a perseverança e a lealdade; e como valores estéticos certos clássicos da literatura, da pintura, da música e assim por diante. Não somente isso; mas aprenderam também certas regras para esses valores: a regra áurea para a moral; a harmonia, o equilíbrio, etc., a proporcionalidade de elementos nas obras estéticas; a objetividade, a cla- reza, a sistematização, nos trabalhos intelectuais. Tais princípios são tão impor- tantes, porque equivalem a padrões para aferir o valor das novas experiências, que os pais e os professores sempre tendem a ensiná-los diretamente aos jovens (Dewey, 1959b [1916], p. 257). Finalmente chegamos ao último ponto que queríamos assinalar. Não só os valo- res têm um lugar destacado na visão deweyana sobre a educação, como fica evidente que o filósofo aponta claramente valores cognitivos, sociais e estéticos que perpassam a educação como um todo. Objetividade, clareza e sistematicidade nos trabalhos inte- lectuais são critérios que focalizam valores cognitivos; honestidade, amabilidade, per- severança e lealdade consistem em valores éticos e são orientados pela regra áurea da moral; e, finalmente, harmonia, equilíbrio e proporcionalidade de elementos são ava- liações de valores estéticos. Nas próximas páginas, oferecemos a tradução do ensaio “The development of Ame- rican pragmatism”, no qual Dewey expõe com precisão as idas e vindas do pragmatismo em seu período clássico. As notas introdutórias aqui apresentadas apenas pontuam certas partes centrais do texto, mas não se comparam ao escrutínio realizado por Dewey. Como já mencionado, se houve alguém que dispôs de uma posição privilegiada para discorrer sobre o pragmatismo como movimento filosófico, esse alguém foi John Dewey. Renato Rodrigues Kinouchi Professor Adjunto do Centro de Ciências Naturais e Humanas,,,,, Universidade Federal do ABC, Brasil. renato.kinouchi@ufabc.edu.br Renato Rodr igues Kinouchi scientiæ zudia, São Paulo, v. 5, n. 2, p. 215-26, 2007226 referências bibliográficas Dewey, J. Logic: the theory of inquiry. New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1938. _____. Como pensamos. Tradução H. C. Campos. São Paulo: Companhia Editora Nacional, 1959a [1910]. _____. Democracia e educação. Tradução G. Rangel & A . Teixeira. São Paulo: Companhia Editora Nacional, 1959b [1916]. _____. Reconstrução em filosofia. Tradução A . P. Carvalho. São Paulo: Companhia Editora Nacional,1959c. _____. Teoria da vida moral. Tradução L. G. Carvalho. São Paulo: Ibrasa, 1964. _____. The development of American pragmatism. In: McDermott, J. J. (Org.). The philosophy of John Dewey. Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1981 [1931]. p. 41-58. Dewey, J. M. Biography of John Dewey. In: Schilpp, P. A . (Ed.). The philosophy of John Dewey. Chicago: Northwestern University, 1939. p. 3-45 (The Library of Living Philosophers, 1). Guinsburg, J. (Ed.). Semiótica. São Paulo: Perspectiva, 2000. (Coleção Estudos, 46). Houser, N. (Ed.). The essential Peirce: selected philosophical writings. Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1998 [1898]. v. 2: 1893-1913. Houser, N. & Kloesel, C. (Ed.). The essential Peirce: selected philosophical writings. Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1992. v. 1: 1867-1893. James, W. The principles of psychology. Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1983 [1890]. _____. Philosophical conceptions and practical results. In: Myers (Org.). William James writings 1878-1899. New York: The Library of America, 1992 [1898]. p. 1077-97. _____. The Chicago school. In: Green, C. D. (Org.). Classics of the history of psychology, 2002 [1904]. Dispo- nível em: . Acess. em: 10 out. 2007. McDermott, J. J. (Org.). The philosophy of John Dewey. Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1981. Menand, L. The Metaphysical Club: a story of ideas in America. New York: Farrar, Straus & Giroux, 2001. Misak, C. (Ed.). The Cambridge companion to Peirce. New York: Cambridge University Press, 2004. Myers (Org.). William James writings 1878-1899. New York: The Library of America, 1992. Peirce, C. S. Philosophy and the conduct of life. In: Houser, N. (Ed.). The essential Peirce: selected philoso- phical writings. Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1998 [1898]. v. 2: 1893-1913, p. 27-41. _____. Tríades. Tradução J. T. C. Neto. In: Guinsburg, J. (Ed.). Semiótica. São Paulo: Perspectiva, 2000a [1885]. p. 9-18. (Coleção Estudos, 46). _____. O que é o pragmatismo. Tradução J. T. C. Neto. In: Guinsburg, J. (Ed.). Semiótica. São Paulo: Pers- pectiva, 2000b [1905]. p. 283-99. (Coleção Estudos, 46). Pihlström, S. Peirce’s place in the pragmatist tradition. In: Misak, C. (Ed.). The Cambridge companion to Peirce. New York: Cambridge University Press, 2004. p. 27-57. Savery, W. The significance of Dewey’s philosophy. In: Schilpp, P. A . (Ed.). The philosophy of John Dewey. Chicago: Northwestern University, 1939. p. 481-513 (The Library of Living Philosophers, 1). Schilpp, P. A . (Ed.). The philosophy of John Dewey. Chicago: Northwestern University, 1939. (The Library of Living Philosophers, 1). Skrupskelis, I. K. & Berkeley, E. M. (Org.). The correspondence of William James. Charlottesville: University Press of Virginia, 1995. v. 4. Talisse, R. B. How James kidnapped Peirce. Streams of William James, 2, 1, p. 7-10, 2000. Weiszflog, W. (Ed.). Michaelis: moderno dicionário da língua portuguesa. São Paulo: Melhoramentos, 1998. work_5rzux7yfxnd2djrlt5v24mdjqa ---- Durham Research Online Deposited in DRO: 01 August 2018 Version of attached �le: Accepted Version Peer-review status of attached �le: Peer-reviewed Citation for published item: Finch-Race, D. A. and Weber, J. (2017) '�Editorial : l'�ecocritique fran�caise.', L'Esprit cr�eateur., 57 (1). pp. 1-8. Further information on publisher's website: https://doi.org/10.1353/esp.2017.0000 Publisher's copyright statement: Copyright c© <2017> The Johns Hopkins University Press. This article �rst appeared in L'Esprit Cr�eateur, VVolume 57, Number 1, Spring 2017, pages 1-8. 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Durham University Library, Stockton Road, Durham DH1 3LY, United Kingdom Tel : +44 (0)191 334 3042 | Fax : +44 (0)191 334 2971 https://dro.dur.ac.uk https://www.dur.ac.uk https://doi.org/10.1353/esp.2017.0000 http://dro.dur.ac.uk/25750/ https://dro.dur.ac.uk/policies/usepolicy.pdf https://dro.dur.ac.uk Finch-Race & Weber, ‘Éditorial’ Page 1 / 6 L’Esprit Créateur 57.1 (2017) (3302) Éditorial : L’écocritique française Daniel A. FINCH-RACE et Julien WEBER Les phénomènes climatiques préoccupants de l’Anthropocène nous invitent à repenser notre impact local et global sur l’environnement. À cet égard, la critique littéraire s’est avérée particulièrement féconde au cours des dernières décennies. On assiste, depuis le début des années quatre-vingt-dix, au développement de l’écocritique, un champ d’étude interdisciplinaire foisonnant qui se donne pour objet l’étude des rapports entre environnements et productions culturelles. Sous l’impulsion de chercheurs tels que Lawrence Buell, Karen Warren et Dana Phillips1, l’écocritique a attiré notre attention sur la manière dont les pratiques esthétiques contribuent à reconfigurer notre rapport au monde naturel, sur les analogies possibles entre écosystèmes et espaces poétiques, et sur le rôle des animaux dans la littérature. Malgré la variété de ces approches, les humanités environnementales demeurent en grande partie liées à la théorie anglophone. Comme le note Stephanie Posthumus, la critique littéraire d’expression française accuse, en effet, un certain retard par rapport au monde intellectuel anglophone2. Alors que la relecture des transcendentalistes américains (Henry Thoreau, Ralph Waldo Emerson3) ou des poètes romantiques anglais (Percy Shelley, William Wordsworth4) a donné lieu à la mise à jour d’un « green script » (Buell 33), le développement de l’écocritique en France s’est longtemps heurté à diverses résistances, qu’ il s’agisse de l’identification de toute pensée écologique à un antihumanisme (Luc Ferry5) ou d’une certaine méfiance de la critique littéraire à l’égard du réalisme méthodologique qui marque la première vague de l’écocritique américaine (Catherine Larrère, Jean-Marie Schaeffer 6). De toute évidence, l’essai non fictionnel de nature writing7 qui a servi de base théorique à l’écocritique américaine apparaît depuis la France comme un phénomène culturel propre à l’histoire du Nouveau Monde8. Les représentations de la nature qui émanent d’Europe continentale n’ont été que très rarement informées par le même sentiment de dévotion envers la nature sauvage qui caractérise les traditions préservationnistes des pays anglo-saxons depuis le dix-neuvième siècle9. Cependant, les différences culturelles entre la France et l’Amérique du Nord n’ont pas constitué qu’un frein au développement de la pensée écologique en France. Elles ont aussi permis l’élaboration de discours alternatifs sur l’environnement qui, au lieud’accentuer la polarité entre homme et nature, s’attachent à penser cette dernière comme une entité multiforme et inextricablement liée aux projets de l’humanité. Comme le souligne Kerry Whiteside, on assiste dès les années soixante à l’émergence d’une écologie politique pour qui les exigences de justice sociale vont de pair avec la protection de l’environnement10. Félix Guattari, en soutenant que les crises écologiques sont la conséquence directe de l’expansion du capitalisme mondial, plaide dans les années quatre-vingt pour la multiplication de pratiques collectives susceptibles de rendre le monde habitable11. Pour Guattari, l’écologie environnementale devient indissociable d’une écologie sociale et d’une écologie mentale qui se préoccupent respectivement de réhabiliter les sources de solidarité et de singularité menacées par le capitalisme (Guattari 22-23). Dans un style différent, Michel Serres cherche dès le début des années quatre-vingt-dix à mettre en place une éthique écologique qui dépasse le dualisme nature/culture. Dans Le contrat naturel, Serres affirme la nécessité d’établir un contrat avec la nature en vertu des rapports d’interdépendance qui nous lient à elle. Ce « contrat naturel de symbiose et de réciprocité » (Serres 67) nous oblige à une attitude plus respectueuse envers l’environnement naturel ; il fait accéder la nature au « droit de l’hôte » (Serres 67) sans pour autant lui attribuer des qualités humaines qu’elle ne possède pas : « En Finch-Race & Weber, ‘Éditorial’ Page 2 / 6 fait la Terre nous parle en termes de forces, de liens et d’interactions, et cela suffit à faire un contrat » (Serres 69). Les démarches de Guattari et Serres ont déjà reçu plusieurs échos dans le champ de l’écocritique. Cependant, comme Stephanie Posthumus le remarque, la critique s’est montrée jusqu’à présent beaucoup plus réticente à interroger et analyser « les attitudes, représentations et traditions de la nature en France »12, soit à tenir compte de spécificités culturelles susceptibles d’enrichir les débats actuels sur l’environnement. Dans ce numéro de L’Esprit Créateur, nous voudrions faire un pas dans ce sens en mettant en valeur des manières de penser l’environnement issues de contextes géographiques, de cultures et de traditions philosophiques français et francophones. Parler de l’écocritique française ne revient pas pour autant à suggérer qu’il existe une approche française qui s’opposerait systématiquement à une approche anglo-saxonne. Il serait aussi illusoire que contre-productif de séparer les réseaux de recherche de l’écocritique contemporaine en catégories nationales ou linguistiques, dans la mesure où l’écocritique s’est imposée comme un espace d’échanges entre chercheurs de plusieurs nationalités et de plusieurs cultures13. Si nous avons jugé bienvenu d’illustrer la diversité des réflexions écologiques issues de contextes francophones, c’est pour donner visibilité à des aspects de l’écocritique qu’une approche globale pourrait occulter. Les études sur l’imaginaire environnemental des transcendentalistes américains constituent certes un jalon fondamental dans l’écocritique. Il pourrait néanmoins s’avérer réducteur d’invoquer les concepts dérivés de ces études comme des universaux dont toutes les autres cultures devraient nous proposer des variantes particulières. Selon nous, l’écocritique a besoin de se pencher sur les différentes manières dont les questions environnementales ont été posées dans les textes littéraires d’autres cultures et d’autres traditions, au lieu de chercher les équivalents de Thoreau ou Wordsworth. Ce numéro novateur de L’Esprit Créateur réunit des chercheurs affiliés à des universités françaises, britanniques et américaines qui proposent dix manières variées de penser l’écologie à partir de contextes français et francophones. L’un des objectifs principaux de notre numéro consiste à proposer des lectures écocritiques d’œuvres d’expression française dont les enjeux écologiques n’ont pas encore été mis à jour. S’il pourrait sembler légèrement anachronique d’invoquer une conscience écologique chez des auteurs du dix-neuvième siècle, il est indéniable que les mouvements artistiques et littéraires de l’ère industrielle ont souvent contribué à reconfigurer notre rapport à l’environnement naturel. Dans le premier article du numéro, « Jules Verne, l’homme et la terre : Une lecture écocritique des Voyages extraordinaires », Lionel Dupuy soutient notamment que certaines considérations écologiques que l’on tient pour récentes sont en fait déjà présentes dans l’œuvre de Jules Verne. Alors que cet écrivain a souvent été présenté comme un éternel optimiste du progrès, Dupuy fait valoir la manière dont les Voyages extraordinaires interrogent les dérives de la société industrielle et dramatisent l’exploration de rapports inédits entre l’homme et son environnement. Verne, en introduisant l’espace au cœur de son projet romanesque, cherche à donner accès à des mondes inconnus, où le dualisme entre nature et culture n’est pas tenu pour norme. À travers des lectures proches de plusieurs passages évocateurs des romans de Verne, Dupuy met en évidence l’ambition vernienne de sensibiliser le lecteur à la nécessité de concilier développement économique et écologie. Dans le deuxième article du numéro, « The Climate of Naturalism : Zola’s Atmospheres », Jessica Tanner discute les implications écologiques du naturalisme d’Émile Zola. Par une analyse du rôle du climat dans les histoires sérialisées de la famille Rougon- Macquart, Tanner montre que Zola sollicite le double sens du mot temps (le temps qu’il fait, Finch-Race & Weber, ‘Éditorial’ Page 3 / 6 le temps qui passe) pour compliquer la conception du climat comme phénomène local. Chez Zola, le climat sert non seulement à évoquer l’atmosphère d’un lieu particulier, mais aussi à révéler l’interdépendance entre sites et intrigues. Dans la lignée de Jacques Rancière et Fredric Jameson14, Tanner attribue une fonction dramatique aux excès descriptifs de la prose de Zola et interprète l’évocation du climat comme un moyen par lequel l’écrivain naturaliste restaure une agentivité aux choses muettes dans l’espace du roman. Dans le troisième article du numéro, « L’inspiration naturelle chez Mallarmé dans ‘Las de l’amer repos’ », c’est aux enjeux écocritiques du symbolisme de Stéphane Mallarmé que Daniel Finch-Race s’intéresse. Au moyen d’une lecture proche du poème « Las de l’amer repos », Finch-Race suggère que la nature s’impose chez Mallarmé comme une nouvelle source d’inspiration au sortir de la fameuse crise de Tournon vers 1864. Finch-Race discute la façon dont les nombreux motifs d’improductivité dans la première partie du poème cèdent la place dans la deuxième moitié à des représentations picturales de la nature qui apaisent l’esprit du narrateur captivé par le minimalisme de la peinture chinoise. L’analyse écopoétique de Finch-Race se concentre sur l’évocation du paysage dans le poème afin de mettre en valeur le changement d’esthétique envisagé par Mallarmé. Dans le quatrième article du numéro, « Fromentin on cactus grandiflora : The Aesthetics of Ecology in Une année dans le Sahel », Pauline de Tholozany nous invite à réfléchir aux implications de l’écologie dans la peinture du dix-neuvième siècle. Elle met en évidence la recherche chez Fromentin d’un nouveau mode de représentation, littéraire et pictural, qui soit susceptible de représenter les aspects biologiques du vivant sans sacrifier l’expression du vrai, c’est-à-dire sans se limiter aux normes des discours taxinomiques et orientalistes. La pratique de l’art pictural donne lieu à des interrogations d’ordre écologique : recourant au concept de « mesh » de Timothy Morton15 (qui pourrait se traduire en français par réseau), Tholozany démontre qu’une certaine écologie picturale est à l’œuvre chez Fromentin lorsqu’il assigne à la peinture l’ambition de rendre compte des rapports d’interdépendance entre les choses et de représenter les phénomènes dans leur habitat. Si une relecture écocritique des classiques de la littérature française du dix-neuvième siècle s’impose aujourd’hui, notre numéro spécial tient également à rendre compte de la variété des approches écocritiques dans le monde français et francophone contemporain. Dans le cinquième article du numéro, « Vincent, Joseph, Paul et les autres : Voix et figures de paysans dans la fiction française contemporaine », Anne-Rachel Hermetet soutient qu’un imaginaire environnemental propre à la France contemporaine s’affirme dans le roman rural. Bien que les romans de la terre soient souvent identifiés à une littérature régionaliste et conservatrice, Hermetet démontre que les écrivains contemporains Jean-Loup Trassard, Marie-Hélène Lafon et Stéphanie Chaillou s’attachent à représenter un monde paysan en pleine mutation. Dans leurs romans, il s’agit de décrire sur un mode presque ethnologique comment les métiers de la terre et les identités se transforment, au lieu de se complaire dans l’évocation nostalgique d’un locus amoenus. Hermetet fait valoir le point de vue respectueux que ces écrivains adoptent à l’égard d’un monde en passe de disparaître. Les rapports entre littérature et environnement ne sont pourtant pas seulement l’apanage du genre réaliste dans la production francophone contemporaine. A cet égard, la remise en cause d’un modèle mimétique souvent invoqué dans l’écocritique (Phillips 7-8) trouve un écho favorable dans les romans de science-fiction d’un auteur à succès comme Bernard Werber. Dans le sixième article du numéro, « Bernard Werber’s Poetics of Ecological Reconstruction : ‘In Praise of Amnesia’ ? », Lucile Desblache montre en effet que la fiction spéculative chez Bernard Werber, – dans la lignée de Jules Verne, – ne se limite pas à un imaginaire sociopolitique catastrophiste, mais consiste au contraire à imaginer d’autres Finch-Race & Weber, ‘Éditorial’ Page 4 / 6 rapports à la Terre ainsi que des rapports inédits avec d’autres espèces. Desblache nous invite également à considérer la diversité du corpus français en matière d’écologie : alors qu’on aurait tendance à associer l’écocritique française à une littérature stylée, soucieuse de forme, Werber prend au contraire le parti d’une prose efficace influencée par la science-fiction américaine. La place particulière qu’occupent les animaux dans la littérature et la philosophie contemporaines justifie également la discussion d’une écocritique d’expression française. Comme Anne Simon le souligne, les études littéraires sur l’animalité se sont développées de manières très différentes dans les domaines français et anglophone16. La critique biocentrique de l’humanisme, notamment, qui est très présente dans le monde anglo-saxon, n’est pas nécessairement reprise par des penseurs comme Élisabeth de Fontenay et Dominique Lestel qui revendiquent le droit de déconstruire le propre de l’homme sans pour autant souscrire à tous les idéaux de l’anti-spécisme17. Dans le septième article du numéro, « Du peuplement animal au naufrage de l’Arche : La littérature entre zoopoétique et zoopoéthique », Anne Simon plaide pour une poétique du vivant susceptible de rendre compte des différents modes sur lesquels l’expression littéraire donne forme à des manières animales d’habiter le monde. Au lieu de discourir sur l’animalité, les textes littéraires convoqués par Simon contribuent à enrichir notre perception des rapports que les bêtes entretiennent avec les humains. Récusant toute approche systématique, Simon s’attarde sur les expériences singulières que la fréquentation d’animaux inspire aux écrivains, qu’il s’agisse de l’entre-temps des poèmes animaliers de Claude Roy ou du partage rythmique avec d’autres vivants auquel Jacques Lacarrière fait honneur dans ses proses. Pour Simon, la poétique du vivant se mue en une zoopoéthique dans la mesure où elle met en lumière la place indispensable de chaque espèce animale dans l’arche où nous nous trouvons embarqués. Les huitième et neuvième articles du numéro se concentrent sur le rôle décisif que jouent les animaux dans le travail de deux artistes francophones contemporains : Wajdi Mouawad et Joann Sfar. Dans le huitième article, « Composer avec les animaux dans Anima de Wajdi Mouawad », Julien Weber entreprend d’interroger la manière singulière dont Mouawad imagine une intrigue entièrement prise en charge par le point de vue d’animaux- témoins. À chaque chapitre du roman, nous nous trouvons en effet exposés à un monde animal – parent proche des Umwelten du biologiste Jakob von Uexküll18 – à partir duquel les faits de l’intrigue nous sont communiqués. La tragédie d’un homme lancé sur la trace de l’assassin de son épouse se trouve ainsi traversée de regards animaux qui nous invitent à réévaluer ses enjeux. Weber suggère que l’agentivité attribuée par Mouawad aux animaux nous permet de compliquer les rôles de sujet et d’objet qui sont d’ordinaire attribués aux acteurs humains et non humains. Dans le neuvième article du numéro, « At the Intersection of Ecocriticism and the Colonial Maghreb : Antoine Delesvaux and Joann Sfar’s Le chat du rabbin », Laura Klein affirme que l’animal s’impose comme un agent indispensable à la pensée de communautés hybrides. Bien qu’on ait souvent relevé les divergences de problématiques et de méthodes entre l’écocritique et les études postcoloniales, Klein soutient que la représentation par Antoine Delesvaux et Joann Sfar de l’Alger des années trente comme un lieu de métissage va de pair, dans Le chat du rabbin, avec le brouillage de la frontière homme-animal dont le chat- narrateur est l’agent. Le concept d’hybridité culturelle développé par Homi Bhabha dans les années quatre-vingt-dix19 gagne ainsi à être revisité à l’aulne d’une pensée de la pluralité des mondes inaugurée autour des mêmes années par Bruno Latour20. Finch-Race & Weber, ‘Éditorial’ Page 5 / 6 Finalement, ce numéro spécial consacré à l’écocritique française débouche sur un essai-manifeste pour l’avenir des humanités environnementales. Dans le dixième et dernier article du numéro, « Pas de côté dans l’écocritique francophone », Nathalie Blanc, Clara Breteau et Bertrand Guest nous invitent à repenser l’écocritique sur d’autres bases que celles qui ont jusqu’ici caractérisé la production d’expression française. Au-delà d’un héritage transcendantal et humaniste qui informe – parfois à son insu – l’écocritique, c’est à partir de la pensée pragmatique et contextualisée des Nouveaux Matérialismes21 que les rapports complexes et fluctuants entre nature et culture devraient être abordés. Pour Blanc, Breteau et Guest, l’écocritique fait fausse route lorsqu’elle se cantonne à une étude thématique des textes littéraires canonisés. Elle devrait au contraire s’ouvrir aux langages ordinaires, à la culture populaire et aux multiples réseaux de signes qui structurent les rapports sociaux, afin d’intervenir plus pertinemment dans l’espace public. C’est à leurs yeux la repolitisation de l’ écocritique qui est ici en jeu. University of Southampton / Middlebury College 1 Lawrence Buell, The Environmental Imagination : Thoreau, Nature Writing, and the Formation of American Culture (Cambridge, MA : Belknap, 1995). Karen J. Warren, Ecofeminist Philosophy : A Western Perspective on What It Is and Why It Matters (Lanham, MD : Rowman & Littlefield, 2000). Dana Phillips, The Truth of Ecology : Nature, Culture, and Literature in America (Oxford : Oxford University Press, 2003). 2 Stephanie Posthumus, « Penser l’imagination environnementale française sous le signe de la différence », Raison Publique, 17 (2012) : 16. 3 Christopher J. Windolph, Emerson’s Nonlinear Nature (Columbia, MO : University of Missouri Press, 2007). Michael Ziser, Environmental Practice and Early American Literature (Cambridge : Cambridge University Press, 2013). Robert M. Thorson, Walden’s Shore : Henry David Thoreau and Nineteenth-Century Science (Cambridge, MA : Harvard University Press, 2014). 4 Jonathan Bate, The Song of the Earth (Londres : Picador, 2000). Scott Hess, William Wordsworth and the Ecology of Authorship : The Roots of Environmentalism in Nineteenth- Century Culture (Charlottesville : University of Virginia Press, 2012). Heidi C. M. Scott, Chaos and Cosmos : Literary Roots of Modern Ecology in the British Nineteenth Century (University Park : Pennsylvania State University Press, 2014). 5 Luc Ferry, Le nouvel ordre écologique : L’arbre, l’animal et l’homme (Paris : Grasset, 1992). 6 Catherine Larrère, « Éthiques de l’environnement », Multitudes, 24 (2006) : 80. Jean-Marie Schaeffer, Petite écologie des études littéraires : Pourquoi et comment étudier la littérature (Vincennes : Marchaisse, 2011). 7 Tom Pughe et Michel Granger, « Introduction », Revue Française d’Études Américaines, 106 (2005) : 4. 8 Catherine Larrère, Les philosophies de l’environnement (Paris : Presses universitaires de France, 1997), 5. 9 Michel Serres, Le contrat naturel (Paris : Flammarion, 1999), 60. 10 Kerry H. Whiteside, Divided Natures : French Contributions to Political Ecology (Cambridge, MA : MIT Press, 2002), 32. Finch-Race & Weber, ‘Éditorial’ Page 6 / 6 11 Félix Guattari, Les trois écologies (Paris : Galilée, 1989). 12 Stephanie Posthumus, « Vers une écocritique française : Le contrat naturel de Michel Serres », Mosaic, 44.2 (2011) : 87. 13 Ursula K. Heise, « The Hitchhiker’s Guide to Ecocriticism », Publications of the Modern Language Association of America, 121.2 (2006) : 503-16. Lucile Desblache, « Introduction : Profil d’une éco-littérature », L’Esprit Créateur, 46.2 (2006) : 1-4. Nathalie Blanc, Denis Chartier et Thomas Pughe, « Littérature & écologie : Vers une écopoétique », Écologie & Politique, 36 (2008) : 17-28. Axel Goodbody et Kate Rigby, dir., Ecocritical Theory : New European Approaches (Charlottesville, VA : University of Virginia Press, 2011). Alain Romestaing, Pierre Schoentjes et Anne Simon, « Essor d’une conscience littéraire de l’environnement », Revue Critique de Fixxion Française Contemporaine, 11 (2015) : 1-5. Douglas L. Boudreau et Marnie M. Sullivan, dir., Ecocritical Approaches to Literature in French (Lanham, MD : Lexington, 2015). Daniel A. Finch-Race et Julien Weber, « Editorial : The Ecocritical Stakes of French Poetry from the Industrial Era », Dix-Neuf, 19.3 (2015) : 159-66. 14 Jacques Rancière, La parole muette : Essai sur les contradictions de la littérature (Paris : Hachette, 1998) ; Le partage du sensible : Esthétique et politique (Paris : La Fabrique, 2000) ; Le destin des images (Paris : La Fabrique, 2003) ; Le spectateur émancipé (Paris : La Fabrique, 2008). Fredric Jameson, The Antinomies of Realism (Brooklyn : Verso, 2013). 15 Timothy Morton, The Ecological Thought (Cambridge, MA : Harvard University Press, 2010), 28. 16 Anne Simon, « Animality and Contemporary French Literary Studies : Overview and Perspectives », dans French Thinking about Animals, Louisa Mackenzie et Stephanie Posthumus, dir. (East Lansing : Michigan State University Press, 2015), 75-88. 17 Élisabeth de Fontenay, Sans offenser le genre humain : Réflexions sur la cause animale (Paris : Albin Michel, 2008). Dominique Lestel, L’animal est l’avenir de l’homme (Paris : Fayard, 2010). 18 Jakob von Uexküll, Umwelt und Innenwelt der Tiere (Berlin : Springer, 1909). 19 Homi K. Bhabha, The Location of Culture (New York : Routledge, 1994). 20 Bruno Latour, Nous n’avons jamais été modernes : Essai d’anthropologie symétrique (Paris : La Découverte, 1997) ; Politiques de la nature : Comment faire entrer les sciences en démocratie (Paris : La Découverte, 1999). 21 Rick Dolphijn et Iris van der Tuin, New Materialism : Interviews & Cartographies (Ann Arbor, MI : Open Humanities, 2012). work_5x6vzev2kzgxvla7sf53xoc2le ---- AMS volume 13 issue 2 Cover and Back matter New books from Paperback edition Red, Black, and Green Black Nationalism in the United States ALPHONSO PINKNEY An analysis of the history of black nationalism in the United States which concentrates on the ascendancy of the phenomenon during the peak years of the 1960s and early 1970s. ' This is one of the best of a number of publications on black nationalism.... It is scholarly, yet is written in a language that can easily be understood, and appreciated by the lay public' Sociology Paperback £3.95 net Crisis and Legitimacy The Administrative Process and American Government JAMES O. FREEDMAN ' . . . very original in thought and very impressive in presentation. It is, no doubt, an important contribution to the study of administrative law.' Itzhak Zamir, Attorney General of Israel * . . . an admirable study of administrative action, a study conducted at every level. «. .* Andre" Tune in the International Review of Comparative Law £11.50 net The Economic Rise of Early America GARY M. WALTON and JAMES F. SHEPHERD The authors analyse the development of the colonial economy from the early settlement days to the period of the Revolutionary War. They examine the economy in terms of significant commodities and their regional and international markets, and then evaluate the effects of commercial developments in these areas upon urbanisation as well as shipping and trade. Hard covers £11.50 net Paperback £3.95 net One Kind of Freedom The Economic Consequences of Emancipation ROGER RANSOM and RICHARD SUTCH The authors contend that the kind of freedom permitted to negroes in the post-emancipation southern states of America produced substantial increases in their economic welfare, but at the same time curtailed further black advancement and retarded economic development in the late nineteenth century. Hard covers £1730 net Paperback £630 net CAMBRIDGE UNIVERSITY PRESS A M . S T . b»c\ (i) terms of use, available at https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms. https://doi.org/10.1017/S0021875800011385 Downloaded from https://www.cambridge.org/core. Carnegie Mellon University, on 06 Apr 2021 at 00:59:13, subject to the Cambridge Core https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms https://doi.org/10.1017/S0021875800011385 https://www.cambridge.org/core THE EAGLE ENTANGLED U.S. Foreign policy in a Complex World Oye, Rothchild and Lieber Over the past decade, the task of developing a coherent and effective American foreign policy has become increasingly difficult. This volume discusses the consequences of these changes. Why have American i policy options narrowed? How well has the Carter administration coped j with these changes? Are these trends likely to persist, and need they j confound policy makers in the 1980's? In addressing these questions the authors move from chapters on the domestic and international ! setting of foreign policy to ten critical issues including the Soviet Union, [ Eurocommunism the Arab-Israeli dispute and nuclear expansion. Available August 363 pages Paper 582 29002 3 £6.95 net Longman s« The Rockefeller Foundation announces TWO INTERNATIONAL PROGRAMS at the BELLAGIO STUDY AND CONFERENCE CENTER Bellagio (Como), Italy International Conferences—small conferences or working groups focusing on topics or problems of international significance. Scholars in Residence—an opportunity for scholars to work for approximately four weeks on individual projects. The Foundation provides the facilities of the Center, located about 40 miles north of Milan, on a competitive basis to residents and conference organizers. It normally does not pay for related costs, such as transportation, of the participants in these two programs. For more information, write: MS. SUSAN E. GARFIELD, COORDINATOR BELLAGIO STUDY AND CONFERENCE CENTER THE ROCKEFELLER FOUNDATION 1133 AVENUE OF THE AMERICAS NEW YORK. NEW YORK 10036 terms of use, available at https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms. https://doi.org/10.1017/S0021875800011385 Downloaded from https://www.cambridge.org/core. Carnegie Mellon University, on 06 Apr 2021 at 00:59:13, subject to the Cambridge Core https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms https://doi.org/10.1017/S0021875800011385 https://www.cambridge.org/core Oxford University Press The Populist Movement A Short History of the Agrarian Revolt in America Lawrence Goodwyn This is an abridged edition of Professor Goodwyn's Democratic Promise (£12,1978), which has been recognized as the basic study of the Populist Movement in America. 'This book is about the decline of freedom in America,' says the author, and he proceeds to overturn three generations of historical literature on Populism and to cast a radically new light on what he calls the undemocratic 'progressive society' of twentieth-century America. Paper covers £2-95 Galaxy Books Slave Religion The 'Invisible Institution' in the Antebellum South Albert J. Raboteau This book studies the Black religious experience under slavery from its African roots through its reinterpretation and reconstitution under Christianity. The author examines the influence of African religious perspectives on the ideology of Christianity and the special way in which Black slaves converted the expression of religiosity into one of the most creative experiences of the Black in servitude. Illustrated £7-95 A Feast of Words The Triumph of Edith Wharton Cynthia Griffin Wolff A product of the most aristocratic element of New York society in the late nineteenth century, a society that positively discouraged women from any occupation save motherhood and becoming a good hostess. Edith Wharton seemed the most unlikely sort of person to be a writer. Yet she became a great novelist. How and why she did so is explained in this full-scale examination of Edith Wharton's works and of her unpublished autobiographical recollec- tions and fiction. This is a paperback edition of the book first published in 1977 and still available in cloth at £8-25. Illustrated paper covers £3-50 Galaxy Books Representative Man Ralph Waldo Emerson in his Time Joel Porte This is a new biographical study of one of the great American writers. The book is divided into the four seasons of Emerson's life: 'Rites of Spring'; 'A Summer of Discontent: Emerson in 1838'; 'The Fall of Man'; and 'A Winter's Tale: The Elder Emerson'. Each part starts with a brief biogra- phical and chronological sketch, then discusses the events and works which together convey the best intellectual portrait of Emerson at that period of his life. Illustrated £8-50 terms of use, available at https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms. https://doi.org/10.1017/S0021875800011385 Downloaded from https://www.cambridge.org/core. Carnegie Mellon University, on 06 Apr 2021 at 00:59:13, subject to the Cambridge Core https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms https://doi.org/10.1017/S0021875800011385 https://www.cambridge.org/core Oxford University Press Seven Days a Week Women and Domestic Service in Industrializing America David M. Katzman The industrialization of America brought about massive changes in most sectors of American life. In at least one sector, however—the household—the effects were minimized by the presence and persistence of domestic servants. In this investigation of domestic service in America between the Civil War and the First World War, the author presents a vivid picture of the limitations and hardships faced by the servants, describes servant-employer relations, and shows how the kind of people in service changed as new occupations in shop, factory, and office opened up to women. £7-75 Democracy and the Novel Popular Resistance to Classic American Writers Henry Nash Smith This book discusses problems arising from the relation between certain major American novelists of the nineteenth century and American popular culture of the period. While the writers of the time had to make some contact with the new mass audience if their work was to survive, they actively resisted it. Among the novelists discussed in this reinterpretation of nineteenth-century American literature are Hawthorne and Melville, William Dean Howells, Mark Twain, and Henry James. £7-25 A Companion to California James D. Hart The author of the Oxford Companion to American Literature has followed the model of that book, and of other Oxford Companions, in compiling this reference book to the State of California: its climate, people, architecture, literature, education, flora, fauna, etc. There are over a thousand entries on topics ranging from hotels, banks, newspapers, and missions, to figures from the world of politics, films, and popular music. £10 The Last Romantic The Life of Max Eastman William L. O'Neill Max Eastman's great creation was his own life. A key figure on the American cultural scene for over half a century, Eastman was a prominent member of the Bohemian set in Greenwich Village, was put on trial for his anti-war opinions, edited The Liberator, a radical magazine, after World War I, was one of the first American intellectuals to live in Soviet Russia, later turned against Stalinism and wrote significant books criticizing Russian communism, and then threw away his new-found respectability by joining the Readers' Digest. Illustrated £8-50 terms of use, available at https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms. https://doi.org/10.1017/S0021875800011385 Downloaded from https://www.cambridge.org/core. Carnegie Mellon University, on 06 Apr 2021 at 00:59:13, subject to the Cambridge Core https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms https://doi.org/10.1017/S0021875800011385 https://www.cambridge.org/core HBJ New textbooks from HARCOURT BRACE JO VANO VICH LTD 24-28 Oval Road, London NW1 THE POLITICS OF POWER 2nd editio" A Critical Introduction to American Government Ira Katznelson AO£ rc ...o . j H.M • IT- • 496 pp.. £6.45 (Paper) and Mark Kesselman 0.15.570746.9 This Second Edition of The Politics of Power continues to provide a critical analysis of contemporary American political institutions— one that emphasizes the structure of society and the power relation- ships between corporate capitalism and the government. It reflects the authors' point of view that the organizational structure of corporate production and the intimate relationship between government and corporate capitalism are directly responsible for the persistent inequalities in American society. WHY THEY CALL IT POLITICS 3rd cduion A Guide to America's Government r» u 4. c u MI x v i + 3 8 2 PP-. £ 5 - 2 0 (Paper) Robert Shernll 0.15.596002.4 A witty, provocative and immensely readable survey of the American political system by one of America's best-known political journalists. Sherrill's knowledgeable approach to our political institutions is irresistible to readers of all persuasions. For this edition the author has rewritten every chapter, paying particular attention to the Presidency, energy and resources and the economy, and has added a new chapter on domestic policy. DEMOCRACY UNDER PRESSURE 3rd edili°» An Introduction to the American Political System Milton C. Cummings _,, , . . . . , „ . ... j - . . j n T . ° 716 pp., £10.35 (Cloth) and David Wise 0.15.517340.5 The Third Edition of this extraordinarily successful introduction to American government maintains the aims, techniques, and outstanding features so widely praised in earlier editions: it combines a critical yet balanced examination of the structure and processes of the American political system—one that focuses not only on the very considerable achievements of the system but on its shortcomings as well—with a contemporary viewpoint and a clear, highly readable style. The authors, one a distinguished political scientist, the other a leading political writer, present American government and political institutions in historical context but consistently relate them to con- temporary issues. The result is a textbook that is stimulating, exciting, authoritative, and comprehensive. Inspection copies available from the publisher A M . S T . — b a c \ (2) terms of use, available at https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms. https://doi.org/10.1017/S0021875800011385 Downloaded from https://www.cambridge.org/core. Carnegie Mellon University, on 06 Apr 2021 at 00:59:13, subject to the Cambridge Core https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms https://doi.org/10.1017/S0021875800011385 https://www.cambridge.org/core The Winner of the 1979 Frederick Jackson Turner Award FINLEY PETER DUNNE & MR. DOOLEY The Chicago Years Charles Fanning "Highly recommended to anyone interested in American history and literature" — Choice. 296 pages Illustrations $14.50 THE UNIVERSITY PRESS OF KENTUCKY LEXINGTON 40506 terms of use, available at https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms. https://doi.org/10.1017/S0021875800011385 Downloaded from https://www.cambridge.org/core. Carnegie Mellon University, on 06 Apr 2021 at 00:59:13, subject to the Cambridge Core https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms https://doi.org/10.1017/S0021875800011385 https://www.cambridge.org/core N O T E S F O R C O N T R I B U T O R S 1 All contributions and editorial correspondence should be sent to: The Editor, Journal of American Studies, School of English and American Studies, University of East Anglia, Norwich N R 4 7TJ, England. 2 Articles should generally contain about 5,000 words. Longer or shorter articles, or articles in two or more parts, may be accepted by arrange­ ment with the Editors. 3 Submission of an article is taken to imply that it has not previously been published, and is not being considered for publication elsewhere. 4 Contributions should be clearly typed in double spacing (including footnotes), preferably on A4 paper, with a wide left-hand margin. 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Carnegie Mellon University, on 06 Apr 2021 at 00:59:13, subject to the Cambridge Core https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms https://doi.org/10.1017/S0021875800011385 https://www.cambridge.org/core Volume 13 Number 2 August 1979 Journal of American Studies Kennedy, Congress and Civil Rights 165 J O H N H A R T Climate, Health and Black Labor in the English Americas 179 G A R Y P U C K R E I N Slave Trading in the Ante-Bellum South: A n Estimate of the Extent of the Inter-Regional Slave Trade 195 M I C H A E L T A D M A N Proletarian Literature and the John Reed Clubs 1929-1935 221 E R I C H O M B E R G E R Theories of American Labour Violence R H O D R I J E F F R E Y S - J O N E S Review Essay 2 4 5 Women as Poets 265 D I A N A C O L L E C O T T S U R M A N Reviews 271 © Cambridge University Press 1979 Cambridge University Press The Pitt Building, Trumpington Street, Cambridge CB2 iRP 32 East 57th Street, New York, N Y 10022 Printed in Great Britain by The Eastern Press Ltd, London and Reading terms of use, available at https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms. https://doi.org/10.1017/S0021875800011385 Downloaded from https://www.cambridge.org/core. Carnegie Mellon University, on 06 Apr 2021 at 00:59:13, subject to the Cambridge Core https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms https://doi.org/10.1017/S0021875800011385 https://www.cambridge.org/core work_5ybbquwgl5h6hgkpktadquedea ---- Welcome to The Rome Foundation - Start Here skip to Main Content Register ›   Online Store ›   Donate › Home News Contact Us Online Store Gut Feelings Book Communication 101 Communication 202 Educational Products Buyer’s Guide Rome Campus CME Education Program Virtual Symposium: Rome Foundation Global Study of DGBI Basic Training in Psychogastroenterology Educational Resources on Communication Skills RF Regional Symposia for Clinicians in DGBI 2019-2020 Video Presentations from RF NYC Regional Symposium AGA – Rome Lectureship Conference Videos Communication 101 Communication 202 Register Now Copyright & Licensing Translations Search Open Mobile Menu Search Submit About Board Administration Rome Foundation Fellows Rome Foundation Rome Partners Program Ethics Policy Sponsors Standing Committees Copyright and Licensing Committee International Liaison Committee Pediatric Committee Communication Programs Rome – DrossmanCare Communication Collaboration Gut Feelings Book Communication 101 Communication 202 Visiting Scholar Program Rome – AGA Communication Conference Videos Educational Resources on Communication Skills Research Rome Foundation Research Institute Current and Ongoing Research Institute Studies Rome Foundation Global Epidemiology Study Virtual Symposium: Rome Foundation Global Study of DGBI Research Program and Awards Rome – Disorders of Gut-Brain Interaction International Research Awards Rome – Aldo Torsoli Research Award Ray Clouse Award Ken Heaton Award Previous Awards Previous Rome-AGA Pilot Study Awards Working Teams & Committees Active Working Teams Brain-Gut Psychotherapies Working Team Communications Working Team Completed Working Teams Neuromodulators for FGIDs Post-infection IBS Brain Imaging in DGBI Asian Working Team for FGIDs Food & FGIDs Working Team Role of Intestinal Flora in FGIDs Multinational Cross-Cultural Research Primary Care Committee Brain Imaging Working Team Outcomes/Endpoints in Pharmaceutical Clinical Trials Rome Severity Committee Rome Working Teams Publications GastroPsych Rome IV & Criteria Rome IV Criteria Rome IV Committees Chapter Summaries Gastroenterology Articles (2016) Rome IV Questionnaire Rome IV History Rome IV Launch Rome IV Project Rome IV FAQs What’s New for Rome IV Rome IV Sponsors Resources News & Updates Newsletter Patient Educational Q & A Presentations & Videos Podcasts Gut Feelings – Blog Gut Feelings Book AGA – Rome Lectureship 2021 Patient Resources Events Featured Conference Partners Upcoming Events Previous Events Our mission is to improve the lives of people with Disorders of Gut-Brain Interaction The Rome Foundation is an independent not-for-profit organization dedicated to supporting the creation of scientific data and educational information to assist in diagnosing and treating Disorders of Gut-Brain Interaction (DGBIs), formerly called Functional Gastrointestinal Disorders (FGIDs). 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Taylor Associate Administrative Secretary THE 120th Meeting of the AMERICAN ASSOCIATION FOR THE ADVANCEMENT OF SCIENCE, the annual meet- ing for the year 1953, is also, officially, the Seventh Boston Meeting. The AAAS was conceived in Boston 106 years ago and, in some respects, this can be con- sidered the ninth meeting in Boston and the tenth on the banks of the Charles-since the precursor of the Association met twice in that city and the young AAAS held its second meeting in Cambridge, in 1849. This year's gathering of scientists, industrial leaders, administrators, educators, engineers, and other sci- ence-minded professional people from all over the continent will come together for a common purpose suggested by the theme: "Scientific Resources for Freedom." In the final week of the year, it will be time once more to take stock both of current scientific research and of the problems that confront all scien- tists. Particular attention will be given to the nation's resources of scientific men, materials, and methods. In meeting in Boston, again, the Association is re- turning to the city where its founding was planned and authorized, on September 24, 1847. It was at the eighth and terminal meeting of the Association of American Geologists and Naturalists on this date, more than a century ago, that the decision was made to reorganize the society as an enlarged American Association for the Promotion of Science. The chair- man of the society at that time was William Barton Rog,ers (1804-1882), professor of geology and natu- ral history in the University of Virginia, who, later, was to select Boston in which to found the Massachu- setts Institute of Technology and to serve as its first president. When the new organization, renamed the AMERICAN ASSOCIATION FOR THE ADVANCEMENT OF SCIENCE, met in Philadelphia, September 20, 1848, a special resolution was passed that Professor Rogers, last president of the AAGN, henceforth should be rec- ognized as the first president of the AAAS, and, in fact, he presided until his elected successor, William C. Redfield of New York, took office. The AMERICAN ASSOCIATION FOR THE ADVANCEMENT OF SCIENCE has other links with Boston and the Com- monwealth of Massachusetts, from which, in 1874, it received its charter of incorporation. In 1837, John Collins Warren of Boston read a paper hefore the British Association for the Advancement of Science and was so impressed with the value of one large meet- ing devoted to all the sciences that, upon his return the following year, he began the active promotion of a parallel organization in America. He, too, was pres- ent at the September 1847 meeting when the AAGN was reorganized. Since the British Association for the Advancement of Science, founded in 1831, is the pro- totype of the AAAS and of all similar associations for the advancement of science subsequently estab- lished throughout the world, it is particularly appro- priate that a recent past president of the British Asso- ciation, Dr. A. V. Hill, will deliver an address at this Seventh Boston-Meeting. The official First Boston Meeting of the AAAS, held in August, 1880, at Massachusetts Institute of Tech- nology, then located between Copley Square and the Public Gardens, was an occasion, scientific and social, long to be remembered. Lewis H. Morgan, the re- nowned anthropologist, was president of the Asso- ciation, which then had 1,555 members. The address of the retiring president, George F. Barker, an out- standing chemist of the period, was on "Some Modern Aspects of the Life-Question." There were 979 regis- trants from more than 30 states, Canada, England, and Cuba, and 276 papers were read. As first past president of the Association and also as first president and founder of M.I.T., the host institution, it was eminently fitting that William Barton Rogers, though now 76 years of age, should serve as General Chair- man and deliver an address of welcome. The local "Committee at Large" included Charles Francis Adams, Charles W. Eliot, Ralph Waldo Emerson, Asa Gray, Oliver Wendell Holmes, Henry W. Longfellow, Francis Parkman, and Josiah Quincy-to name but a few. Samuel H. Scudder and Edward Burgess were secretaries. In this more leisurely, less complicated period, M.I.T. served complimentary lunches daily. The Presi- dent and Fellows of Harvard University entertained the entire attendance at dinner in Memorial Hall. There were receptions, notably those by President and Mrs. Rogers, Mr. and Mrs. Alexander Graham Bell, Mr. and Mrs. S. Endicott Peabody, and many open houses-including those sponsored by the Athenaeum, the Boston Society of Natural History, the Massachu- setts Historical Society, and the Massachusetts Horti- cultural Society-and the City of Boston provided an excursion boat trip down the harbor complete with a collation. To facilitate reaching the sessions from the downtown hotels, "those cars passing by the Institute [were] designated by a white flag, with the letters A.A.A.S. .. ." The Western Union Telegraph Com- panv and the American Bell Telephone Company transmitted the messages of the delegates gratis, the Post Office arranged to be open on Sunday morning, and the railroads not only had special rates for gen- eral convention travel but operated free trains to the White Mountains. The Fiftieth Anniversary of the Association was celebrated at the Second Boston Meeting of August, 1897, with another distinguished anthropologist, Fred- SCIENCE, Vol. 118224 o n A p ril 5 , 2 0 2 1 h ttp ://scie n ce .scie n ce m a g .o rg / D o w n lo a d e d fro m http://science.sciencemag.org/ eric W. Putnam, who had served the AAAS as per- manent secretary for 25 years, now the president. M.I.T. again was the host institution. The Copley Square Hotel was AAAS headquarters-with single rooms at $1.00 to $2.50. The address of Wolcott Gibbs, retiring president, and one of five surviving founders of the Association, was "On Some Points in Theoreti- cal Chemistry." The Honorary President, Governor Roger Wolcott, took a personal interest in this meet- ing and delivered an excellent address. The papers read totaled 443 and the registration was 903. Bv the time of the Third Boston Meeting, in 1909, once more on the former campus of M.I.T., the Asso- ciation had changed its time of meeting from summer to the last week of December (primarily, because of the development of summer sessions on campuses), and the pattern of participation by a large number of scientific societies was well established. David Starr Jordan, eminent zoologist and university president, was president of the Association; the retiring presi- dential address, "A Geologic Forecast of the Future Opportunities of Our Race," was given by Thomas C. Chamberlin. Harry W. Tyler was General Chairman. There were 1,140 registrants, making this the largest AAAS meeting up to that time. Among the 404 papers read was "The Chemist's Place in Industry" by Arthur D. Little, founder of the firm which bears his name today. A national Bureau of Mines was recommended by the AAAS. The Fourth Boston Meeting of December, 1922, with the celebrated Canadian anatomist, J. Playfair Mc- Murrich, as president, was held principally on the new campus of M.I.T. though, as on previous occasions, there were events at Harvard University in Cam- bridge. The address of retiring president Eliakim H. Moore was "What Is a Number System?" Professor Samuel C. Prescott of M.I.T. was General Chair- man. The Somerset was AAAS headquarters hotel. The exhibits, arranged for by a committee headed by Robert P. Bigelow, for the first time included a num- ber installed by commercial exhibitors. It is gratifying to note that some of these pioneer exhibitors not only are still in business but will participate in this year's Exposition. The first of the annual addresses of the Society of the Sigma Xi at AAAS meetings was given by President Livingston Farrand of Cornell Univer- sity on "The Nation and Its Health." The papers read totaled 1,019 and the registration was 2,339. All local institutions of higher learning were hosts of the Fifth Boston Meeting of December, 1933. Ses- sions were held, principally, at Harvard, M.I.T., and at the Hotel Statler, AAAS headquarters. The ex- hibits, now the responsibility of a staff member, were in Harvard's Memorial Hall and, in number, exceeded those of all previous Expositions. It was a large and successful meeting despite the extremely low tempera- tures experienced by the entire East during this excep- tional winter. The famous astronomer, Henry Norris Russell, was president of the Association, and presided at the address of the retiring president, John Jacob Abel, eminent pharmiiacologist, on "Poisons and Dis- ease." Again, Samuel C. Prescott served as Geaeral Chairman; A. Lawrence Lowell was Honorary Chair- man. A much appreciated event was a complimentary testimonial concert given by the Boston Symphony Orchestra with Dr. Serge Koussevitsky conducting. The eleventh winner of the AAAS Thousand Dollar Prize was Reuben L. Kahn for the paper, "Tissue Re- actions in Immunity," in the program of Section N. About 1,500 papers were read and there were 2,351 registrants, as usual from nearly every state and Canadian province. Though, again, all local institutions were hosts of the Association, the Sixth Boston Meeting of Decem- ber, 1946, was characterized by a much more intensive use of downtown hotels for session rooms. The Annual Science Exposition was located in the Cadet Armory near the Hotel Statler, AAAS headquarters. President of the Association was James B. Conant; the retiring president, Charles F. Kettering, gave his address, "A Look at the Future of Science," in Symphony Hall. David M. Little of Harvard University was General Chairman. The twentieth winner of the AAAS Thou- sand Dollar Prize was shared equally by T. M. Sonne- born, Ruth V. Dippell, and Winifred Jacobson for several papers on the mechanism of heredity in Para- mnecium., read before the American Society of Zoolo- gists; and by Quentin M. Geiman and Ralph W. McKee for "Cultural Studies on the Nutrition of Malarial Parasites," read before the American So- ciety of Parasitologists. A total of 2,736 persons regis- tered and 1,332 papers were read. The first AAAS- George Westinghouse Science Writing Award was won by James G. Chesnutt of the San Francisco Call- Bulletin for a story on a bubonic plague preventive. In summary, the records of all previous meetings in Boston do not fail to mention the warm spirit of hospitality and interest in the Association and its work shown by the people of this cultural center. The group of cities and suburban communities which com- prise the Boston Metropolitan Area-now with a population of two and one-half millions-has one of the country's greatest concentrations of institutions of higher learning, and of libraries, museums, and scien- tific laboratories. New England is compact and New York is nearby, so that local and regional attendance added to the several thousand persons who will come from all parts of the continent to attend the programs of the Association's 18 sections and subsections, and the national meetings of the zoologists, geneticists, science teachers, meteorologists, the History of Sci- ence Society, and others, may make the Seventh Bos- ton Meeting the second largest in the annals of the Association. In all, in national and regional meetings and cosponsored sessions, some 57 organizations will participate. With sessions for contributed papers, symposia, distinguished evening addresses, and a growing number of conferences, the Seventh Boston Meeting will be one of the most significant annual con- ventions in the long history of the Association. Of August 21, 1953 225S o n A p ril 5 , 2 0 2 1 h ttp ://scie n ce .scie n ce m a g .o rg / D o w n lo a d e d fro m http://science.sciencemag.org/ the 15 past presidents of the Association now living, five are residents of New England. It is hoped that they-Karl T. Compton, James B. Conant, Harlow Shapley, Edmund W. Sinnott, and Kirtley F. Mather' -and the others will be able to attend this year's meeting. With its many historical landmarks, Boston itself is worth a visit at any time. Indeed, the "Points of In- terest" are too numerous to describe in this year's Gen- eral Program-Directory. Instead, each registrant will receive a complimentary printed handbook at the Main Registration-Information Center in the Mechan- ics Building. Founded in 1630, since colonial times, Boston has been a seaport, the banking and commer- cial metropolis of New England, and a great industrial center. In recent years, this city has become noted as as the site of new and important developments in chemistry, electronics, and nuclear physics. Many of these new "scientific resources for freedom" will be on display in the 160-booth Annual Exposition of Sci- ence and Industry in Mechanics Building. It is par- ticular fitting that the General Chairman of this year's 120th AAAS meeting is Earl P. Stevenson, president of Arthur D. Little, Inc. Not only is he the leader of a company that has pioneered in the organized appli- cations of science, but he is active in a number of na- tional scientific organizations. His committees-the many persons who are working to make the Seventh Boston Meeting an unqualified success-will be listed later. The fruits of their contributions of time and thought will be apparent to those who attend this year's meeting. The AMERICAN ASSOCIATION FOR THE ADVANCEMENT OF SCIENCE continues to grow, both in personal mem- bership and in affiliated professional societies and, academies of science. In just the seven years since the Sixth Boston Meeting, the AAAS, now with a mem- bership of aproximately 50,000, has experienced a net 1 The other ten living past presidents are Liberty Hyde Bailey, Robert A. Millikan, Henry Norris Russell, Albert F. Blakeslee, Irving Langmuir, Arthur H. Compton, Anton J. Carlson, Charles F. Kettering, Elvin C. Stakman, and Roger Adams. A New AAAS Emblem THE Board of Directors of the Association has ap- proved the design reproduced at the left as a symbol of identification with the AAAS. In the future, this design will appear on the symposium volumes and will be used for other appropriate purposes. The Association will soon make available to its members lapel buttons and pins. (Keys will also be gain of more than 21,000 members. In 1946 there were 200 affiliates and associates; at this time, the number of affiliated and associated organizations is nearly 250. The Association's capacity for service to science, to scientists, and to society has been correspondingly enhanced. Fundamentally, the Association is its mem- bership. Those who attend the Seventh Boston Meeting will do much to help chart its future course. Montana and Wyoming Join the Western Divisions As a result of requests from members in the states of Montana and Wyoming, the question of the incor- poration of these states in the Southwestern and Pacific Divisions of the Association was given careful study by the administrative office. A poll of the mem- bers was taken to determine their preferences. Of the 76 replies received, 69 favored affiliation with one of the Divisions. Wyoming voted 24 to 1 for the South- western Division. The Montana vote was a tie with a majority in the eastern part of the state favoring the Southwestern Division and a majority of those in the west expressing a preference for the Pacific Division. The Executive Committee of the AAAS at its meet- ing December 26-29, 1952, authorized the administra- tive officers to work out an acceptable distribution of Montana between the Divisions and approved the in- corporation of Wyoming into the Southwestern Divi- sion. By action of the Executive Committees and Councils of the two Divisions (the Southwestern Divi- sion at Tempe, Arizona, April 22, 1953, and the Pacific Division at Santa Barbara, California, June 19, 1953), Wyoming and Montana east of the Conti- nental Divide were made a part of the Southwestern Division and Montana west of the Divide was for- mally accepted as part of the Pacific Division. Bozeman, Billings, Great Falls, and Helena are the major Montana membership centers which now be- come part of the Southwestern Division. Missoula, Hamilton, and Butte are now in the territory of the Pacific Division. provided if a sufficient number of orders for them is received.) The size will be identical with the illustra- tion. The scalloped border and the lettering will be in rolled gold, the background in blue enamel, and the torch in red enamel. The key, if provided, will have the basic design superimposed on a black enamel back- ground with a second rolled gold border. Information on prices and how to order insignia will be sent to all members and will appear in our journals in the fall. SCIENCE, Vol. 118226 o n A p ril 5 , 2 0 2 1 h ttp ://scie n ce .scie n ce m a g .o rg / D o w n lo a d e d fro m http://science.sciencemag.org/ Association Affairs DOI: 10.1126/science.118.3060.224 (3060), 224-226.118Science ARTICLE TOOLS http://science.sciencemag.org/content/118/3060/224.citation PERMISSIONS http://www.sciencemag.org/help/reprints-and-permissions Terms of ServiceUse of this article is subject to the trademark of AAAS. is a registeredScienceAdvancement of Science, 1200 New York Avenue NW, Washington, DC 20005. The title (print ISSN 0036-8075; online ISSN 1095-9203) is published by the American Association for theScience Copyright © 1953 by the American Association for the Advancement of Science o n A p ril 5 , 2 0 2 1 h ttp ://scie n ce .scie n ce m a g .o rg / D o w n lo a d e d fro m http://science.sciencemag.org/content/118/3060/224.citation http://www.sciencemag.org/help/reprints-and-permissions http://www.sciencemag.org/about/terms-service http://science.sciencemag.org/ work_6akhuvq5rzccnbz5zbpxzb73sq ---- wp-p1m-38.ebi.ac.uk Params is empty 404 sys_1000 exception wp-p1m-38.ebi.ac.uk no 217690519 Params is empty 217690519 exception Params is empty 2021/04/06-01:59:11 if (typeof jQuery === "undefined") document.write('[script type="text/javascript" src="/corehtml/pmc/jig/1.14.8/js/jig.min.js"][/script]'.replace(/\[/g,String.fromCharCode(60)).replace(/\]/g,String.fromCharCode(62))); // // // window.name="mainwindow"; .pmc-wm {background:transparent repeat-y top left;background-image:url(/corehtml/pmc/pmcgifs/wm-nobrand.png);background-size: auto, contain} .print-view{display:block} Page not available Reason: The web page address (URL) that you used may be incorrect. 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Find a specific article by its citation (journal, date, volume, first page, author or article title). http://europepmc.org/abstract/MED/ work_6ceq564h75c73dltq3tbop4j74 ---- European journal of American studies, 3-3 | 2008 European journal of American studies 3-3 | 2008 Autumn 2008 ‘The Dream of the Unified Field’: Originality, Influence, the Idea of a National Literature and Contemporary American Poetry Ruediger Heinze Electronic version URL: http://journals.openedition.org/ejas/2482 DOI: 10.4000/ejas.2482 ISSN: 1991-9336 Publisher European Association for American Studies Electronic reference Ruediger Heinze, « ‘The Dream of the Unified Field’: Originality, Influence, the Idea of a National Literature and Contemporary American Poetry », European journal of American studies [Online], 3-3 | 2008, document 2, Online since 20 August 2008, connection on 30 April 2019. URL : http:// journals.openedition.org/ejas/2482 ; DOI : 10.4000/ejas.2482 This text was automatically generated on 30 April 2019. Creative Commons License http://journals.openedition.org http://journals.openedition.org http://journals.openedition.org/ejas/2482 ‘The Dream of the Unified Field’1: Originality, Influence, the Idea of a National Literature and Contemporary American Poetry Ruediger Heinze 1 On the back cover of the 1994 Norton anthology Postmodern American Poetry, a commentary claims that the collection is the first to “fully represent the movements of American avant-garde poetry.” Beginning with a poem by Charles Olson from 1953, it contains 411 poems by 103 different poets, from the Beats, the New York School and the Projectivists to a general “array of poetry written since 1975.” The selection ranges from John Cage, Charles Bukowski and Jack Kerouac to Denise Levertov, Robert Creeley and Amiri Baraka to Jerome Rothenberg, Susan Howe, Bruce Andrews and Lyn Hejinian. The last entries are from 1992, thus the volume covers a time span of just short of forty years. Apart from the fact that this anthology is not the only one to lay claim to a representative selection of “avant-garde” American poetry – conflating with a sleight of hand “avant- garde” and “postmodern” – the range and variety of the selection in effect empties the title term “postmodern” of all definitive quality. The exclusion of some poets, such as Robert Lowell or Sylvia Plath, for the inclusion of others, such as Bruce Andrews or Charles Bernstein, affords no marked difference to other similarly wide-ranging anthologies of contemporary American poetry, as long as “contemporary” is taken to cover the period after WWII. As a matter of fact, it appears that for this particular anthology the substitution of the term “postmodern” for a rather bland “contemporary” would not amount to a qualitative difference of any import, except for the fact that the same publisher also offers an anthology of modern and contemporary American poetry.2 2 Although the editors, Hoover and Chernoff, introduce the collection by arguing that they do not view postmodernism as a single style but rather as “an ongoing process of resistance to mainstream ideology” (Hoover xxvi), this merely relegates the problem to ‘The Dream of the Unified Field’: Originality, Influence, the Idea of a Natio... European journal of American studies, Vol 3, No 3 | 2008 1 another, similarly illusive, arena; apart from the fact that the logical consequence of such argument would be that Ginsberg, who by now has become an icon of American poetry and very much mainstream, is somehow more subversive than, for example, Robert Lowell. The collection is thus an attempt and simultaneously testimony to the failure of such an attempt to come to terms with contemporary American poetry by arguing for a literary historical genealogy arranged around the opposition of mainstream and subversiveness. This in turn is implicitly based on the idea of the aesthetic and significantly moral inadequacy of mainstream poetry, versus the authenticity and truly poetic success of subversive poetry. Needless to say, such authenticity commonly is the defining characteristic of a genuinely American poetic tradition that, according to such argument, almost inevitably goes back to Whitman and Dickinson. 3 A similar, more recent argument is made in Alan Kaufman’s introduction to the 1999 Outlaw Bible of American Poetry: Here are the […] poets who don’t get taught in American poetry 101, yet hold the literary future in their tattooed hands. […] The Academy had best make room for these descendents of Whitman’s ‘Roughs’ and Emerson’s ‘Berserkers’: Our poets can whip your poets’ asses. (Kaufman xxv) 4 Not surprisingly, the collection is not as wild as it heralds to be. Whitman, Williams, Ginsberg, Reed and other fairly “101” poets have made it into the collection alongside a number of well-known “outlaws” (Patti Smith, Tom Waits, Jackson Pollock, Kathy Acker), genre benders (Diane diPrima, Richard Brautigan, David Lerner), and native American and “ethnic” poets (Joy Harjo, Simon Ortiz, Luis Rodriguez, Victor Hernández Cruz). What is perhaps the most remarkably “outlaw” feature of the collection is the variety of texts that are gathered under the auspices of “poetry.” The “tattooed hands” that “whip asses” here only give a less academic expression to the “resistance to mainstream ideology”- sentiment found in the Norton anthology. 5 What is at stake here is not an intervention in the already overly strained debate over the use of “postmodern” and “subversion vs. mainstream” for discussing contemporary American poetry, but closer attention to the underlying rhetoric that suffuses critical discussions around the aesthetics, poetics and cultural and material conditions of American poetry. Under the precept of originality, poets and critics call for and on occasion celebrate a specifically American, coherent national poetry.3 Conversely, others bemoan the “forfeiture of grand opportunities” exactly because contemporary American poetry fails to contribute to a genuinely innovative national literature due to the “academization” and “inbred professionalism” of the creative writing programs (Altieri, Self 205). I would argue that these two lines of argument are only in apparent opposition to each other: both are based on similar notions and specifically American traditions of a poetics of influence from Ralph Waldo Emerson, T.S. Eliot to Harold Bloom. As this essay will further argue, these two arguments usually appear in the context of discussions around the idea and ideal of a national literature. No poet since Whitman has tapped into so many distinctly American voices and, at the same time, so preserved his utterance against the jangle of influences (Schultz on John Ashbery 1). 6 Looking back on the preceding decade, the poet Robert Shaw asserts that “the drink of the 1890s was absinthe; that of midcentury was gin; that of the 1990s appears to be Cranapple Juice” (Shaw 217), possibly wholesome but definitely not stimulating. He finds a “reflexive caution” among contemporary poets, a “forfeit of grand opportunities” (Shaw 219). This is, he claims, largely due to the fact that a whole generation of poets has ‘The Dream of the Unified Field’: Originality, Influence, the Idea of a Natio... European journal of American studies, Vol 3, No 3 | 2008 2 been raised in the incestuous system of the creative writing programs at universities, where students are streamlined in the process of being taught the mechanics of writing poetry and the imperative to avoid risks. Creativity, so the criticism, is presumptuously assumed to be teachable, while at the same time the future poets are deprived of the chance to wean themselves off the influence of their tutors in order to establish their own individual voices and, following Pound’s notorious dictum, “make it new.” According to this argument, it is hardly surprising that such a system should fail to produce great American poets.4 7 Indeed, there has been an increasing institutionalization of poetry in the MFA programs (gradschool.com lists 161 MFA graduate degree programs in the US) and writers’ conferences. A substantial number of writers actually earn their living by writing and teaching, a situation which, considering its uniqueness in comparison to other countries, should not be underemphasized since it furthers the proliferation of professional writers. This itself is reason enough for many attacks because the notion of writing as a profession in which money can be earned (even if little) does of course leave hardly any space for a notion – or self-projection – of writing romantically connoted with creativity, genius and societal marginality.5 The self-sustaining nature of this institutionalized system has naturally come under attack especially from those outside it. Critical essays on American poetry are saturated with disdainful remarks about academic (or “commodity”) poets on the grounds that writing for money compromises the quality of the work, aesthetically and politically. They are, paradoxically, criticized for their “homogenizing tendencies, [… ] for producing too much poetry too quickly and for emphasizing quantity at the expense of quality” (Beach 37) exactly in the name of a qualitative, implicitly homogeneous national poetry that needs to be salvaged and defended against these epigones.6 While few critics care to specify their notion of the ‘academic poet,’ there doubtlessly are possible detrimental effects to university programs that are maintained by recruitment from their own system. However, evidence to the contrary is tendentiously ignored: many of the poets most widely recognized as productive and innovative, such as John Ashbery, Louise Glück, Jorie Graham and Adrienne Rich, are also at least to some extent products of and/or participants in that system and have – in the words of Adrienne Rich – profited from not having to worry about how “to put bread on the table” (40). It is not so much the fact of the existence of the writing programs themselves that should be critiqued – nor necessarily their institutional affiliation or monetary interests – but the underlying double bind: yes, one can learn how to write poetry, there is something like a common base that students can potentially acquire and contribute to, a base that is also the ground for the “maturation” of a national poetry; but on the other hand there is the imperative to be original, uninfluenced. In effect, this implies that to write American poetry means to be original, an equation which echoes Pound’s imperative to “make it new.” 8 Apparently, the celebration of a coherent and unified national American poetry with a clear lineage would seem to run counter to this argument. In 1999, the Poetry Society of America invited poets to a panel discussion on what is American about American poetry. The poets’ responses can still be found on the society’s internet site (www.poetrysociety.org/whatsamer.html). While no single definition or short list of criteria can be abstracted from the responses, the topic itself indicates interest in poetry as a – specifically national – cultural database and a function of cultural archive and memory: Catherine Bowman (poetry correspondent of the NPR show All Things Considered) ‘The Dream of the Unified Field’: Originality, Influence, the Idea of a Natio... European journal of American studies, Vol 3, No 3 | 2008 3 finds that current poetry is based on the rhythms of American speech and on a reinforced oral tradition (Bowman xv) proliferating in open-mic readings frequently held in bars, poetry slams, and other public venues.7 This would contradict the view that poetry is the “most private and least public of traditional literary genres” (Göske 229). Edward Hirsch writes (1ff) that the great invitation of American poetry, namely Whitman’s, is still true: Stranger, if you passing meet me and desire to speak to me, why should you not speak to me? / And why should I not speak to you? (Whitman 14) 9 According to this view American poetry can “contain contradictions and multitudes” and poets should “resist much, obey little.” Campbell McGrath states in an interview that the “poems my students write in Spanish or Jamaican patois still feel like American poems to me – it’s in the cadence, the energy, the cultural database, the concerns of immigration, acculturation, Americanization” (http://www.pitt.edu/~nidus/archives/fall2002/ mcgrath.html). The well-known problem is that the idea of a national identity achieved through literature (poetry) is a foreshortening of the multitude of different voices in American poetry (Göske 229ff) if that multitude is not taken as a defining feature of that national poetry, which in turn makes delineation extraordinarily difficult. The reference to an American poetry and a distinctly American national literature and tradition is not ontological but mostly ideological in the Althusserian sense and part of political discourses, though not always, as Benedict Anderson points out in a recent interview, to negative effect. It may indeed serve a utopian function of projecting a Good Nation in the abstract (www.culcom.uio.no/aktivitet/anderson-kapittel-eng.html). Nevertheless, in practice, “[t]he eagerness to construct ‘national’ genealogies produces questionable results” (Göske 230) because differences are inevitably subsumed under the mission of projecting the idea of a national literature with a common national lineage, although it should be granted that considering the notion of “Americanness” is not per se unproductive as long as that notion is acknowledged as ideological and complemented by a larger context of historical, political and international influences (231). However, as Göske points out, this manner of selection will always run the danger of losing sight of transnational aspects, translation, immigration, etc. A great man quotes bravely. (Emerson, Letters 183) [N]ot imitation, but creation is the aim. (Emerson, Works, Vol II 209) 10 If contemporary poets forfeit grand opportunities and fail to write “great American poetry” because the writing programs obstruct their finding of an individual voice, the assumption is that creativity and originality can only be had through a struggle against the influence not only of one’s tutor but of the entire tradition of American poetry. Yet to allow for later incorporation into an American tradition, poetry at some point needs to be recognized as distinctly American. This is what John Ashbery is lauded for in the above quote from the introduction of a collection of essays entitled The Tribe of John: being American yet being distinct, maintaining one’s discernible voice among the many voices of American poetry. The romantic myth of the independent, individualistic and potentially solipsistic genius who finds his or her authentic voice in a struggle to simultaneously repudiate, acknowledge and somehow master a great tradition is at the core of such rhetoric. As David Herd neatly points out in his study on Ashbery, the latter is ideal for such appropriation because he is regarded by a host of critics as both mainstream and avant-garde (Herd 1) and can consequently be enlisted for a variety of critical projects. Accordingly, contemporary American poetry is a continuous falling away from the image of perfection of the great, self-reliant American artists and their artistic tradition. Likewise, celebrating a distinctly American national poetry or even just holding ‘The Dream of the Unified Field’: Originality, Influence, the Idea of a Natio... European journal of American studies, Vol 3, No 3 | 2008 4 up the idea as an ideal evokes the notion of a long lineage of great American poets who have through consecutive influence on their respective “progeny” built and contributed towards this national literature. In the extreme, this would imply that all contemporary poetry (or at least the “good”) could basically be traced back to a few model figures, say Stevens, Williams, Whitman and Dickinson. Indeed, over the course of time a substantial number of literary critics have argued exactly that, especially in the early formative period of American studies. Carl Bode introduces his collection of essays by other critics, Great Experiment in American Literature (1961), by arguing that “[o]ne of the signs of the American character is an interest in trying something new” (Bode vii), a unique experimentalism that discards with tradition to find new ways. Bernard Duffey’s Poetry in America (1978) proclaims the Age of Bryant, Whitman and Pound respectively, while Mutlu Konuk Blasing’s American Poetry (1987), identifies four distinct lines from Emerson, Poe, Whitman and Dickinson. The most recent example of this kind of artistic genealogy is contributed by Angus Fletcher’s New Theory for American Poetry (2004), which once again takes Whitman as its starting point. 11 The problem is not that there is no influence but rather that there is too much, or in other words: there cannot not be influence, at least as long as one uses language and lives on this planet; as an inverse consequence, influence cannot be disproved. This is so basic an assumption as to seem facetious, but only its continued disregard can explain the fact that “influence” is rarely specified but frequently taken to account for too much and thus excluding too much (usually in the service of some particular interest), and –which is more than ironic – used without consideration for its history and tradition. For example, the collection The Tribe of John has gathered various essays which are supposed to testify to the influence of John Ashbery on contemporary poetry (the title suggests a tribal following) and provide examples of the kind of influences.8 According to this collection, influence can manifest itself concretely in similar topics, syntax, imagery, length of lines and formal arrangement, and more abstractly in a rejection of closure, a play with absences and the repudiation of a coherent lyrical voice. Influence here means resemblance, variation, analogy etc. on the level of one poem, an entire collection or even an entire “period” in the poet’s production. The collected essays almost without exception provide insightful and expert readings of Ashbery’s poetry, but also patently demonstrate the vagueness of the term: influence is attested in so many different ways as to empty the term of almost all meaning. In effect, if a contemporary poet lays claim to or denies having been influenced by Ashbery, there is little definitive ground for disproving or endorsing the claim, whichever it is. Even if we do not credit the poet’s statement, influence could come about by rejection and/or inversion, it could be non-intentional or disjunctive. To put it bluntly: while influence exists in multifold abundance, it would appear to be almost impossible to systematize, quantify, or qualify. Chance, however, is not a methodologically appealing category. Why, then, the continuing reference – implicit or explicit – to influence? As I argued above, both the idea of forfeiture and the idea of coherence, respectively national poetry, more or less implicitly resort to and rely on a shared assumption of influence. This assumption deserves more scrutiny. 12 Harold Bloom’s is perhaps one of the best-known and influential (pun intended) contemporary comment on influence. He argues that every strong poem is a misreading of those that precede it so that poets can “clear imaginative space for themselves” (Bloom 5). Influence here mostly manifests itself in intertextuality. Strong creative will and individuality are of utmost importance and manifest themselves in an original and ‘The Dream of the Unified Field’: Originality, Influence, the Idea of a Natio... European journal of American studies, Vol 3, No 3 | 2008 5 innovative (mis-)reading of the model. The strong poet is thus an anxiety-ridden adulator and iconoclast. This manner of intertextual reference and reverence is reminiscent of what T. S. Eliot demanded for strong poetry in “Tradition and the Individual Talent.” According to him, “no poet, no artist of any art, has his complete meaning alone. His significance, his appreciation is the appreciation of his relation to the dead poets and artists” (Eliot 4). At the same time, the individual talent with each new creation alters what precedes it, rewriting the tradition, an idea that resonates with Borges contestation that every writer creates his or her own precursor. 13 Both Bloom and Eliot stand in the tradition of Emerson, and occasionally their texts even read like a paraphrase of the master: All minds quote. Old and new make the warp and woof of every moment. There is no thread that is not a twist of these two strands. By necessity, by proclivity, and by delight, we all quote. We quote not only books and proverbs, but arts, sciences, religion, customs, and laws; nay, we quote temples and houses, tables and chairs by imitation. (Emerson, Letters 178) 14 Similarly to Eliot and Bloom, Emerson elaborates on the paradox of borrowing and inventing, emulating and misreading, tradition and originality: “Only an inventor knows how to borrow, and every man is or should be an inventor” (Emerson, Letters 204). In this tradition, the poet is a strong-willed individual whose creative genius allows him or her to write with and against an overwhelming tradition, altering it and thus leaving an imprint of their originality on the genealogy of great American literature. 15 These notions have not gone uncontested: if intertextual reference, whether by allusion, paraphrase, or parody, is taken to be inevitably a form of misreading because of its re- location in a new context, as Derrida claims in his dispute with Searle, then Bloom’s argument holds true because all such references are then misreadings, but is also deprived of its argumentative strength because strong creative will and intention lose their relevance.9 Moreover, it would be inordinately difficult to delimit the intertextual play found in contemporary poetry by seeking effects of anxiety or the strain to establish a new tradition, a poetic voice free of and different from its predecessors, possibly because of the recognition that such attempts stand in the tradition of a romantic author- concept disparaged by Foucault and Barthes.10 Nevertheless, exactly this notion of influence is at the core both of claims that academy workshops cannot produce good poetry, where good poetry stands in the tradition of contra-mainstream and thus typically American poetry (a tradition of the exceptional, so to speak), and that there is a recognizable, coherent national lineage of great American poetry continued to today.11 As contested as the idea may be, without it both lines of reasoning would collapse and with it two convenient and highly politicized discourses on a national literature. 16 Consequently, it should not surprise that there is much contemporary criticism on poetry that fits these ideas, a criticism which, indeed, has its own longstanding, one might ironically say: specifically American literary tradition. As MacGowan points out, for “many nineteenth-century English writers and critics […] American literature, if such a thing existed, was merely a provincial offshoot of English literature” (McGowan 276). Against this bias, laying claim to an American original identity and independence, of nation and literature, was an obvious counter, most emphatically pronounced by Hector St. John de Crevecoeur, Alexander de Tocqueville, Ralph Waldo Emerson and Walt Whitman. Subsequently, at the beginning of the 20th century, with the rise of the university and its literature departments, the call for/claim of the necessity, and ‘The Dream of the Unified Field’: Originality, Influence, the Idea of a Natio... European journal of American studies, Vol 3, No 3 | 2008 6 simultaneous decrying of the absence of a national American literature continued a century old debate, a debate, indeed, that in its structure is common to all struggles about a national literature and thus not specifically American. The critic Van Wyck Brooks chimes in with the lament of not having strong writers (191) in his last of Three Essays on America (1934), a lament that Howard Mumford Jones takes up in a chapter entitled “A National Spirit in Letters” (48-78) in his Theory of American Literature (1948). Complementing these complaints are attempts at defining just what is originally American about American literature and poetry, continuing to today: its quintessential modernity (Auden), its portrayal of “how Americans live in America” (van Doren 2), the persistence of the theme of the dignity of man (Pearce), the continuing centrality of Emerson (Waggoner), or, more contemporary, the dialectic between a formal sensibility and social responsibility (Altieri). 17 Common to most of these literary histories are dialectic structures of opposites, in turn more often than not based on implicit ideas of forfeiture and coherence, originality and influence. As pointed out above, these lines of reasoning can be illuminating, but also restrictive. Just what kind of faultlines are left out can be seen in the thematically organized table of contents of Stephen Fredman’s Concise Companion to Twentieth-Century American Poetry (2005): feminism, queerness, immigration, mysticism, war, transnationalism, science, philosophy, etc. One way to avoid the influence of these dialectic literary histories of originality and influence is to seriously acknowledge the multiplicity of contemporary American poetry, not just to give it “a nod of recognition,” then to be “simply absorbed into the more or less same-as-usual American canon,” as Robert Lee describes a typical gesture for ethnic texts (Lee 5). 18 One defining characteristic of American poetry is its diversity, its inability to be pi geonholed or represented by one or two major figures and models. There is no binding consensus on what is essential in our poetry right now. This superabundant complexity may seem maddening to those whose business it is to impose rational categorization upon disorder – namely critics and theorists – but to poets it ought to feel like an en tirely welcome and delightful state of affairs. (http:// www.poetrysociety.org/mcgrath.html) 19 In an essay on American poetry of the 1990s, Willard Spiegelman starts with a literary parlor game, making two separate lists of poets and asking what sets them apart (Spiegelman 206). There appears to be no distinguishing criterion, but there is: one group won the Pulitzer Prize for Poetry in the last decade, the other did not. The list of Pulitzer poets – the Pulitzer Prize is surely one powerful mechanism of marketing and canonization – indicates that even such a fairly popular award honors an increasingly diverse and multicultural American poetry. Even more radically experimental, on-the- fringe, marginal and/or ethnic poets are being canonized and institutionalized. One need not look far to find them published in the respective anthologies by, for example, Douglas Messerli, Charles Bernstein or Ron Silliman. 20 These anthologies as well as smaller collections with different purposes (e.g. by Finch and Varnes, Bowman and Lehman) give witness to apparently important developments in American poetry and as a corollary also to the foremost ideological nature of a national poetry, for several reasons. First, the extreme division between new-formalists and l=a=n=g=u=a=g=e poets, New York School and Projectivists and countless other movements has evidently long become obsolete and increasingly useless for discussing contemporary poetry. Granted, the affiliation of a poet with a particular school and/or ‘The Dream of the Unified Field’: Originality, Influence, the Idea of a Natio... European journal of American studies, Vol 3, No 3 | 2008 7 http://www.poetrysociety.org/mcgrath.html http://www.poetrysociety.org/mcgrath.html tradition might still be helpful in order to locate him or her within certain traditions (e.g. Ted Kooser or Charles Wright), but despite all polemical contention to the contrary (for example by Lyn Hejinian, Bruce Andrews or Robert Bly), these affiliations are dissolving. As poet David Kellogg points out, “there is no one site for resistance or authenticity” (qtd. in Finch and Varnes 2). One of the reasons for the dissolving affiliations is a shifted attitude towards formal experiment. The output of literature journals and book publishers shows that the poetry published in the US is more open to a variety of forms – formal verse, prose poems – than it used to be twenty years ago; there is a noticeable shift in attitude towards formal matrices as well as to a less polemically fraught attitude towards formal experiment per se, though so-called free verse is admittedly still the preferred “form.” For the most part of the last century formal matrices were eyed suspiciously because “many poets and critics, both traditional and experimental, have suggested that to write in certain forms is incompatible with postmodern insights about the contingency and fragmentariness of the self” (Finch and Varnes 2).12 For some time now, however, there has been a prolific and occasionally playful resurgence of formal matrices, e.g. such arcane forms as the sestina or the canzone, in the poetry of a number of older and younger contemporary poets. 21 Second, what currently goes under the label contemporary “American” poetry has been making use of the multifarious ethnic voices and traditions in “American” literature, often by incorporating passages in languages other than English, and of a wealth of transnational imports, as Daniel Göske demonstrates for Robert Bly, Anthony Hecht and Amy Clampitt; so much so that it often – consistent with the argument of this essay – becomes difficult to say just what nationality a text may be if the author’s citizenship ceases to be the sole defining feature. For the ideal of a national poetry, this raises several problems. Many ethnic poets make use (in a number of ways) of their specific cultural background and literary traditions. They are often either labeled as American poets reflecting the intrinsically varied tradition of American literature, or as poets with a hyphenated affiliation whose work derives its merit precisely from not being part of a mainstream American poetic tradition and canon. Both views are as foreshortened as they are ideologically invested, and combined they sit uneasy with the ideal of a national poetry. Ironically but consistently, the incipient comparative trans-ethnic, trans-national criticism that would circumvent these two perspectives sits just as uneasy with that ideal. In addition, the label “ethnic” only goes so far in dealing with poetry, as every poet, to differing degrees, makes use of his or her culturally specific background – in fact cannot help but do so –, which may or may not coincide with the elusive idea of a national identity. 22 An example: Jorie Graham, surely one of the most prominent canonical, mainstream “non-ethnic” poets, is regularly placed at least partially under the influence of John Ashbery and thus as belonging to the tribe of John. On the back cover of The End of Beauty an excerpt from Helen Vendler’s review in The New Yorker announces Graham’s status by invoking Blake, Whitman, Stevens, Eliot and Ashbery, names which sooner or later show up in most of her reception. It would of course be possible to enlist Graham for the project of a coherent national American literature; she makes abundant intertextual references to Whitman, Emerson, etc., has indisputable status as an influential contemporary poet with a purportedly distinct voice and an alleged lineage to key figures in American literature. It would be just as possible to question the enthusiasm with which she is commonly greeted and label her as a typical product of an “academic poetry” ‘The Dream of the Unified Field’: Originality, Influence, the Idea of a Natio... European journal of American studies, Vol 3, No 3 | 2008 8 aesthetics geared mostly to an exclusive and intellectual audience.13 While quotations from Whitman and Emerson show her affiliations to American literature, the reference to Emerson, being the first American scholar to extensively adopt Plato into his thoughts, already alludes to further references that reach far beyond a purely American literary and cultural canon, even if most of them remain within the realms of western “high” culture (e.g. continental philosophy and literature, physics, but also less canonical texts such as Audubon’s Journals or Etiquette manuals).14 Also, her manner of citation formally raises the question of what counts as a poem and what not, apart from the fact that the citations are not to be fully trusted (as she often alters sequence and layout of the original). In short: there are far too many and diverse references and influences and far too much formal complexity for Graham’s poetry to be easily categorized. Her problematization of poetic form per se, her formal variations, her predominantly transnational intertextual references, all of these demand a reading beyond the two critical narratives of forfeiture of or coherence with the tradition of American poetry. 23 Jorie Graham is only one case in point. As overcome as the ideal of a national American poetry and, by extension, literature may appear, it has played (and still does play) an important political and literary historical role, even, as Anderson points out, a utopian one. It would appear that defining a national literature is more a question of identifying specific thematic preoccupations and thus a matter of content rather than formal variation. This, however, is misleading. American poetry in particular has been identified with its schools, manifestos and diverse poetics of how a poem should be. Rootedness in place and time is necessarily of importance. But the majority of poets have been characterized by their use of form, style and formal aesthetics rather than thematic focus. Scrutinizing the extant formal variety of contemporary poetry thus constitutes a viable way of widening the impression of what is “going on” in American poetry. The predominance of the two narratives of forfeiture and coherence and their foundation on a notion of influence must hence be seen as a political (more so than aesthetic) attempt to exclude post- and trans-national trends in poetry and criticism, as well as anything else that does not fit the picture, from the projection of a national American poetry. If both of these narratives inherently testify to the continuing import of influence, in whatever form, and thus implicitly to the valid and legitimate need for negotiating issues of cultural identity and memory, then the notion of influence and the concomitant negotiation of cultural identity should be revised so as to do justice to the fact that 1) influence is never just national and individual but transnational, multifold and complex, 2) there is no necessarily logical and systematic connection between the existence of writing programs and the quality of contemporary (American) poetry, 3) there is an abundant variety of poetry and poetic forms in contemporary (American) literature, and 4) the idea and ideal of a national literature is, for what it is worth, surprisingly resilient and, perhaps, more an ideological construction than many of us may still want to admit. Works Cited Altieri, Charles. The Art of Twentieth-Century American Poetry. New York: Blackwell, 2006. – – –. Self and Sensibility in Contemporary American Poetry. Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 1984. Anderson, Benedict. “Interview with Benedict Anderson: ‘I like nationalism’s utopian elements.’” CULCOM: Cultural Complexity in the New Norway. >http:// www.culcom.uio.no/aktivitet/anderson-kapittel-eng.html> (13 November 2006). ‘The Dream of the Unified Field’: Originality, Influence, the Idea of a Natio... European journal of American studies, Vol 3, No 3 | 2008 9 Andrews, Bruce. “The Poetics of L=A=N=G=U=A=G=E.” Textual Operations Talk Series. White Box, New York City. Sept. 25, 2001. Andrews, Bruce, and Charles Bernstein, eds. The L=A=N=G=U=A=G=E Book. Carbondale and Edwardsville: Southern Illinois UP, 1984. Beach, Christopher. Poetic Culture. Evanston: North Western UP, 1999. Blasing, Mutlu Konuk. American Poetry. New Haven: Yale UP, 1987. Bloom, Harold. The Anxiety of Influence. 2nd ed. Oxford and New York: Oxford UP, 1997. Bode, Carl, ed. The Great Experiment in American Literature. London: Heinemann, 1961. Bowman, Catherine, ed. Word Of Mouth. New York: Vintage, 2003. Brooks, Van Wyck. Three Essays on America. New York: Dutton, 1934. Casanova, Pascale. The World Republic of Letters. Transl. M.B. DeBevoise. Cambrigde: Harvard UP, 2005. Derrida, Jacques. Limited Inc. Evanston: Northwestern University Press, 1988. Duffey, Bernard. Poetry in America, Durham: Duke UP, 1978. Eliot, T. S. Selected Essays. London: Faber and Faber, 1999. Emerson, Ralph Waldo. Letters and Social Aims. Boston and New York: Houghton Mifflin, 1904. – – –. The Collected Works of Ralph Waldo Emerson. Vol. II. Cambridge, Mass. and London: The Belknap Press of Harvard UP, 1979. – – –. The Collected Works of Ralph Waldo Emerson. Vol. III. Cambridge, Mass. and London: The Belknap Press of Harvard UP, 1983. English, James. The Economy of Prestige: Prizes, Awards, and the Circulation of Cultural Value. Cambridge: Harvard UP, 2005. Finch, Annie, and Varnes, Kathrine, eds. An Exaltation of Forms. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 2002. Fletcher, Angus. A New Theory for American Poetry. Cambridge, Mass. and London: Harvard UP, 2004. Fredman, Stephen. A Concise Companion to Twentieth-Century American Poetry. New York: Blackwell, 2005. Gery, John. “Ashbery’s Menagerie and the Anxiety of Affluence.” The Tribe of John: Ashbery and Contemporary Poetry. Ed. Susan Schultz. Tuscaloosa: University of Alabama Press, 1995. 126-145. Göske, Daniel. “Hanoi, Buchenwald, Nueva York: (Trans)National Identities in Contemporary American Poetry.” Negotiations of America’s National Identity. Vol. II. Ed. Roland Hagenbüchle and Josef Raab. Tübingen: Stauffenburg Verlag, 2000. 229-247. Gradschools.com. “English Language and Literature Graduate School Programs.” November 2004: http://gradschool.about.com/gi/dynamic/offsite.htm?site=http%3A%2F %2Fwww.gradschools.com%2Flistings%2Fmenus%2Feng_lang_menu.html. Graham, Jorie. Materialism. Hopewell: The Ecco Press, 1993. – – –. The Dream of the Unified Field: Selected Poems 1974-1994. Hopewell: The Ecco Press, 1995. – – –. The End of Beauty. Hopewell: The Ecco Press, 1998. Herd, David. John Ashbery and American Poetry. Manchester, Manchester UP, 2000. Hirsch, Edward. How To Read A Poem. San Diego: Harcourt, 1999. Hoover, Paul, ed. Postmodern American Poetry: A Norton Anthology. New York & London: W. W. Norton & Company, 1994. Jones, Howard Mumford. The Theory of American Literature. Ithaca: Cornell UP, 1948. ‘The Dream of the Unified Field’: Originality, Influence, the Idea of a Natio... European journal of American studies, Vol 3, No 3 | 2008 10 Kaufman, Alan, ed. The Outlaw Bible of American Poetry. New York: Thunder’s Mouth Press, 1999. Lee, Arthur Robert. Multicultural American Literature. Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 2003. Lehman, David, ed. Ecstatic Occasions, Expedient Forms. Ann Arbor: The University of Michigan Press, 1996. – – –. Great American Prose Poems: From Poe to the Present. New York: Scribner, 2003. MacGowan, Christopher. Twentieth-Century American Poetry. New York: Blackwell, 2004. McGrath, Campbell. “What’s American About American Poetry?” Poetry Society of America. 20 November 2004 . Menand, Louis. “All That Glitters.” The New Yorker Dec.-Jan. 2005/06. 20 March 2006 . Messerli, Douglas. From the Other Side of the Century: A New American Poetry, 1960-1990 . Los Angeles: Sun and Moon Press, 1994. Pearce, Roy Harvey. The Continuity of American Poetry. Princeton: Princeton UP, 1961. Perloff, Marjorie. “Normalizing John Ashbery.” 25 October 2005 . Poetry Society of America. 20 March 2006 . Ramazani, Jahan, et al., eds. The Norton Anthology of Modern and Contemporary Poetry. 2 vols. 3rd ed. New York & London: W. W. Norton & Company, 2003. Rothenberg, Jerome, and Pierre Joris, eds. Poems for the Millennium. 2 vols. Berkeley etc.: University of California Press, 1995. Schultz, Susan M., ed. The Tribe of John: Ashbery and Contemporary Poetry. Tuscaloosa etc.: University of Alabama Press, 1995. Shaw, Robert. “Tragic Generations.” Poetry January (2000): 210-19. Silliman, Ron, ed. In the American Tree. Orono, Maine: National Poetry Foundation, 1986. Spiegelman, Willard. “The Nineties Revisited.” Contemporary Literature 42:2 (2001): 206-237. Van Doren, Carl. What is American Literature? New York: W. Morrow & Co., 1935. Vendler, Helen. The Breaking of Style: Hopkins, Heaney, Graham. Cambridge, MA: Harvard UP, 1995. Waggoner, Hyatt H. American Poets: From the Puritans to the Present. Boston: Mifflin, 1968. Whitman, Walt. Leaves of Grass. Ed. Harold W. Blodgett and Sculley Bradley. New York: W. W. Norton & Company, 1965. poetry; American; contemporary; originality; influence Ruediger Heinze, Albert-Ludwigs-Universität, Freiburg, Germany NOTES 1. The title is taken from a poem and a collection of poetry by Jorie Graham of the same name. ‘The Dream of the Unified Field’: Originality, Influence, the Idea of a Natio... European journal of American studies, Vol 3, No 3 | 2008 11 2. The making of anthologies as a process of canonization rightly begs questions of quantitative and qualitative representation, of ideology, censorship and processes of exclusion. While these aspects are given ample attention in current discussions on canonization and anthologizing, irrational and random aspects of selection, admittedly difficult to analyze, are mostly ignored. For example, mood and topical personal disposition of the editors, questions of taste regarding layout and cover letter or chance aspects of lost manuscripts etc. always influence selection to a degree which is difficult to assess, let alone quantify. 3. All of these are problematic and freighted terms, just as the “innovative” and “genuine” to follow. 4. It would of course be unreasonable to suggest that this is the main and only tenet of Shaw’s argument. In fact, these comments mark only the conclusion of his essay on the fin de siècle poetry of the not-quite-so “tragic generation” of poets following the confessional poets of the fifties and sixties. As a conclusive remark, however, the comments are anything but marginal. 5. For a partial critique of this romantic myth of the writer vs. the reality of the marketplace see The Economy of Prestige by James English (2005) and The World Republic of Letters by Pascale Casanova (2005), or Louis Menand’s review of them in the Dec. 26, 05/Jan. 2, 06 issue of The New Yorker. 6. Christopher Beach in his book Poetic Culture is one of the few to comment extensively and not derogatorily on the poetry academy system. 7. Here, too, the internet plays an important role. Web radio and audio files of poems facilitate the distribution of poetry as read. 8. A more subtle reading within that rhetoric is John Gery’s essay in the same volume. Incidentally, Ashbery’s poetry is also the center of a “breakthrough narrative” debate that structurally resembles the opposition between coherence and forfeiture. For a summary of the key points, see Marjorie Perloff’s essay “Normalizing Ashbery.” 9. More precisely, Derrida claims that iterability governs language, although logically the exact context (time and location) of the speech act cannot be repeated, nor its illocutionary aspect. Quotation is thus not a proof – contrary to what Derrida claims and in accordance with Searle – of language’s iterability but rather of its differences, while paradoxically iterability implies difference. Nevertheless, Searle reciprocally conflates text and speech act intention. Important for this discussion is the notion that while a text may be iterable through citation, its intention and original illocutionary context are not, so that citation or “re-reading” necessarily means “misreading.” It should be kept in mind that the meaning of “misreading” in the context of this debate is restricted to language philosophy and does not connote voluntary distortion. 10. Though not always; see, for example, Foucault's book-length study of Roussel, or any number of essays by Barthes, e.g. on Queneau and Sollers. 11. According to the criticism of commodity poetry, the distinction between “good/ original” poetry and “mass-produced workshop” poetry is, ironically, often tantamount to the distinction between high and pop culture, although classroom/workshop poetry of course almost always has as its aim “high art” as opposed to “popular” poetry, for example Hallmark Card verse, rock lyrics or rap rhymes. 12. In their anthology An Exaltation of Forms Finch and Varnes have collected a substantial number of poetic forms used or invented by contemporary American poets, among them Anthony Hecht, Maxine Kumin, Marilyn Hacker, Pat Mora and Lewis Turco. ‘The Dream of the Unified Field’: Originality, Influence, the Idea of a Natio... European journal of American studies, Vol 3, No 3 | 2008 12 13. This attack is also revealing because it is frequently used without further reflection as a corollary to the “Hallmark” attack mentioned earlier: both taken together constitutes a logical fallacy. 14. These remarks refer to her volume Materialism and her selected poetry The Dream of the Unified Field, which won the 1996 Pulitzer Prize. ABSTRACTS This paper collates two critical ideas about American poetry: originality and influence. Under the precept of the former, poets and critics call for – and on occasion celebrate – an originally American, more or less coherent national poetry, while the latter hosts complaints about the “forfeiture of grand opportunities” (Shaw) exactly because contemporary American poetry fails to contribute to a genuinely innovative national literature. This failure is argued to be the result of an inability of poets to free themselves from incapacitating literary influences due to the “academization” and “inbred professionalism” (Altieri) of the creative writing programs. Both ideas, this essay will argue, although apparently oppositional, are based on the same – inherently inconsistent – notion of influence and predominantly appear in the context of discussions around the project/idea of a national poetry/literature. The paper will examine the critical history of these two ideas and their connection to the conception of an American national poetry. INDEX Keywords: Poetry, American, contemporary, originality, influence AUTHOR RUEDIGER HEINZE Ruediger Heinze, Albert-Ludwigs-Universität, Freiburg, Germany ‘The Dream of the Unified Field’: Originality, Influence, the Idea of a Natio... European journal of American studies, Vol 3, No 3 | 2008 13 ‘The Dream of the Unified Field’1: Originality, Influence, the Idea of a National Literature and Contemporary American Poetry work_6g5arca3t5cvheye2i4gs4ovey ---- Effect of a comprehensive obstetric patient safety program on compensation payments and sentinel events Reviews www.AJOG.org P A T I E N T S A F E T Y S E R I E S Effect of a comprehensive obstetric patient safety program on compensation payments and sentinel events Amos Grunebaum, MD; Frank Chervenak, MD; Daniel Skupski, MD s M c m Improving patient safety has becomean important goal for hospitals, phy- sicians, patients, and insurers.1 Imple- menting patient safety measures and promoting an organized culture of safety, including the use of highly spe- cialized protocols, has been shown to de- crease adverse outcomes;2-5 however, it is less clear whether decreasing adverse outcomes also reduces compensation payments and sentinel events. Our objective is to describe compre- hensive changes to our obstetric patient safety program and to report their im- pact on actual spent compensation pay- ments (sum of indemnity and expenses paid) and sentinel events. Materials and Methods New York Presbyterian Hospital-Weill Cornell Medical Center is a tertiary aca- demic referral center with a level 3 neo- natal intensive care unit and serves as a New York State regional perinatal cen- ter. The labor and delivery unit performs about 5200 deliveries per year of which voluntary attending physicians manage approximately 25%, and 75% are man- aged by full-time faculty. The New York Weill Cornell Investi- gation Research Board approved this re- port as exempt research. Patient safety program In 2002, we began to implement in a step-wise fashion a comprehensive and From the Department of Obstetrics and Gynecology, New York Weill Cornell Medical Center, New York, NY. Received Aug. 9, 2010; revised Nov. 1, 2010; accepted Nov. 2, 2010. Reprints not available from the authors. 0002-9378/$36.00 © 2011 Mosby, Inc. All rights reserved. doi: 10.1016/j.ajog.2010.11.009 ongoing patient safety program. The date of implementation is included for each step. Consultant Review (2002) In 2002, as part of an obstetric initiative by our insurance carrier (MCIC Ver- mont, Inc, Burlington, VT), 2 indepen- dent consultants reviewed our depart- ment and assessed our institution’s obstetric service. This review resulted in specific recommendations and provided a general outline for making changes and improvements in patient safety. Building on these findings, we implemented a comprehensive obstetric patient safety program. Labor and delivery team training (2003) Poor communication is among the most cited reasons for malpractice suits,6 whereas improved nurse-physician com- munication can make labor and delivery afer.7 Consequently, the Institute of Medicine recommended interdiscipli- nary team training programs for provid- ers to incorporate proven methods of Our objective was to describe a compreh its effect on reducing compensation pa 2003 to 2009, we implemented a compr our institution with multiple integrated c pensation payments and sentinel events ments and sentinel events retrospectively through 2009. Average yearly compensat between 2003-2006 to $2,550,136 betw from 5 in 2000 to none in 2008 and 2 patient safety program decreased comp sulting in immediate and significant savin Key words: compensation payments, med patient safety, sentinel events team training as a way to improve efforts FEBRUARY 2011 Am and to empower every team member to speak up and intervene if an unsafe situ- ation may be occurring.8 Crew Resource anagement (CRM) can potentially de- rease medical malpractice litigation, ostly by improving communication,9 but studies have been less clear about its effect on adverse outcomes.10 In 2003, several of our labor and de- livery staff members including nurses, obstetricians, and anesthesiologists at- tended a “train the trainer” team-train- ing course. Subsequently, all staff work- ing on labor and delivery including clerical staff, nurses, attending obstetri- cians, neonatologists, anesthesiologists, and residents successfully attended a 4-hour team training session and team principles were introduced on labor and delivery. Since then, all new staff has been required to attend labor and deliv- ery team training sessions. The CRM program is performed regularly every 2-3 months. New staff, including nurses, attending, residents, and cleri- cal staff, are scheduled to undertake CRM at the next available time. At- tending physicians are instructed that ive obstetric patient safety program and nts and sentinel adverse events. From nsive obstetric patient safety program at ponents. To evaluate its effect on com- e gathered data on compensation pay- m 2003, when the program was initiated, payments decreased from $27,591,610 2007-2009, sentinel events decreased . Instituting a comprehensive obstetric ation payments and sentinel events re- . liability, obstetric adverse outcomes, ens yme ehe om , w fro ion een 009 ens gs ical credentialing/privileges will not be erican Journal of Obstetrics & Gynecology 97 h l t t a t r s p T u ( t m t i C l C c p p n t b c o n p c t T i n t i i b d e f s a D a A w s l b v t c t c g a fl L o f M m d m u h Reviews Patient Safety Series www.AJOG.org granted or renewed if CRM is not com- pleted and nursing staff and residents are informed that they must take the CRM program within a year after em- ployment begins. Electronic medical record charting (2003) Good medical record charting can help defend professional liability cases and may persuade potential plaintiffs to forego filing a suit11 and electronic ealth records on labor and delivery are ess likely to miss key clinical informa- ion.12 To facilitate communication and o improve patient safety, we were mong the first departments in our insti- FIGURE 1 Chain of communication Grunebaum. Obstetric patient safety measures and compensa ution to require electronic medical w 98 American Journal of Obstetrics & Gynecology F ecord charting with Eclipsys XA (Eclip- ys Corporation, Boca Raton, FL) for all atients on labor and delivery. OB racevue (Phillips, Andover, MA) is sed for electronic fetal monitoring EFM). All documentation occurs in hese electronic formats. Paper docu- entation is not allowed, except when he electronic format is temporarily ncapacitated. hain of communication for abor and delivery (2003) ommunication on labor and delivery is rucial to ensure patient safety and to rovide the best care for patients and revent errors,13 but there are times payments. Am J Obstet Gynecol 2011. hen physician’s orders and actions EBRUARY 2011 eed to be questioned. We believed that he most effective way for staff on the la- or and delivery unit to voice their con- erns is to establish and promote chain- f-communication policies. In 2004, a ew chief of labor and delivery was ap- ointed and a clear chain of communi- ation was established and supported by he departmental chairman (Figure 1). he chain of communication includes nvolvement of all staff beginning at the urse and junior resident level, then up o the chief resident, the inhouse attend- ng, the maternal-fetal medicine special- st on call, and finally the director of la- or and delivery and the chairman of the epartment. All staff are being empow- red to use the chain of communication requently and around the clock to en- ure a quick resolution to unresolved nd urgent issues. edicated gynecology ttending on call (2004) gynecology attending on call schedule as established separately from the ob- tetric coverage. Before this change, the abor and delivery attending covered oth the obstetric and gynecology ser- ices and there had been occasions when here were concurrent emergency gyne- ologic and obstetric cases. This situa- ion prevented the attending from suffi- iently covering both services. The added ynecology coverage allowed the labor nd delivery attending to cover the labor oor exclusively. imitation of misoprostol to induction f labor or cervical ripening or a nonviable fetus (2004) isoprostol is not US Federal Drug Ad- inistration (FDA) approved for use uring labor. There is evidence that isoprostol is not effective,14 and its se is associated with an increase in yperstimulation/tachysystole.15 Misoprostol has never been used at the medical center for a live fetus. After the warning from the Searle company dis- couraging its use in the year 2000, there was no incentive to begin using this med- ication at our institution, and our con- cern about potential adverse outcomes tion led us to conclude that misoprostol use s v p s www.AJOG.org Patient Safety Series Reviews should be limited to induction of labor and cervical ripening only in the nonvi- able fetus. Standardized oxytocin labor induction and stimulation protocol (2005) A standardized protocol enables the staff to become facile in handling the myriad of problems that occur on any busy unit, quickly and efficiently.16 In 2005, we im- plemented a standardized low-dose oxy- tocin labor induction and stimulation policy (Table 1) and a standardized or- der template was designed in the hospi- tal’s electronic ordering system (Eclip- sys, Atlanta, GA). No other method of using intrapartum oxytocin was permit- TABLE 1 Standardized protocol for induction Item Protocol a. Only a premixed oxytocin solu ................................................................................................................... b. The oxytocin infusion is limited ................................................................................................................... c. A buretrol infusion is used wit ................................................................................................................... d. The infusion is piggybacked in ................................................................................................................... e. A written attending order (elec ................................................................................................................... f. Before the start of oxytocin an cervical status, estimated feta ................................................................................................................... g. An attending must be available ................................................................................................................... h. Before initiation of oxytocin a ................................................................................................................... i. The oxytocin concentration is ................................................................................................................... j. The oxytocin infusion begins a ................................................................................................................... k. The infusion is increased by 1 ................................................................................................................... l. An attending must evaluate, d ................................................................................................................... m. The maximum oxytocin dosag ................................................................................................................... n. If the oxytocin infusion was di it was stopped for greater than ................................................................................................................... o. Only a nurse can titrate oxytoc this. ................................................................................................................... p. The oxytocin infusion must be than 2 minutes in frequency a elevated uterine resting tone; ................................................................................................................... q. The attending physician must or down titration of oxytocin. ................................................................................................................... r. Terbutaline may be given if sto hyperstimulation ................................................................................................................... s. Oxytocin should be discontinu ................................................................................................................... Grunebaum. Obstetric patient safety measures and compe ted. Highlights of this protocol included a premixed oxytocin solution, a required written attending order and note before starting the oxytocin infusion, a stan- dardized starting dosage and increases, and a “smart pump” (a pump that comes with an error reduction system and drug library capabilities). The protocol paid special attention to tachysystole and fetal heart rate concerns. If there was tachysy- tole, or there were concerns about the fetal heart rate, the oxytocin infusion had to be decreased or stopped. Premixed and safety color-coded labeled magnesium sulfate and oxytocin solutions (2005) Magnesium sulfate is among the most r augmentation with oxytocin is used ......................................................................................................................... intravenous route via an infusion pump ......................................................................................................................... “smart pump” (a pump that comes with error re ......................................................................................................................... he port most proximal to patient ......................................................................................................................... ic template) is required before the start of oxyto ......................................................................................................................... ending must document the plan of care includin ight, pelvic adequacy, and fetal heart rate asse ......................................................................................................................... the same floor as labor and delivery floor at all ......................................................................................................................... suring fetal heart rate must be present for a mi ......................................................................................................................... emixed solution of 30 U per 500 mL. No individ ......................................................................................................................... mU per minute. ......................................................................................................................... per minute no more frequently than every 15 m ......................................................................................................................... ment, and determine the plan of care if the oxyt ......................................................................................................................... nnot exceed 40 mU per minute ......................................................................................................................... tinued for 20 minutes or less, it may be restart minutes then it should be restarted at 1 mU pe ......................................................................................................................... The nurse can stop or titrate the oxytocin infusio ......................................................................................................................... pped or titrated for any of the following: uterine r lasting longer than 90 seconds and/or more t reassuring fetal heart rate tracing; presumed ute ......................................................................................................................... otified of any hyperstimulation/tachystole, abno ......................................................................................................................... ing oxytocin does not lead to a normalization of ......................................................................................................................... s soon as a cesarean delivery is planned ......................................................................................................................... ion payments. Am J Obstet Gynecol 2011. dangerous solutions used on labor and FEBRUARY 2011 Am delivery.17 More recently, in addition to eizure prophylaxis and tocolysis, pre- ention of cerebral palsy was added as a otential indication for giving magne- ium sulfate on labor and delivery.18,19 To improve the safe use of magnesium sulfate, we implemented several changes, including the use of premixed magne- sium sulfate and oxytocin solutions, color coded magnesium sulfate and oxyto- cin containers and intravenous lines, as well as using both with “smart pumps.” Electronic medical record templates for shoulder dystocia and operative deliveries (2005) Both shoulder dystocia and operative de- .................................................................................................................. .................................................................................................................. tion system and drug library capabilities) .................................................................................................................. .................................................................................................................. .................................................................................................................. dication, fetal presentation and station, ent. .................................................................................................................. es while the patient is on oxytocin .................................................................................................................. um of 20 minutes .................................................................................................................. mixing of solutions is permitted onsite. .................................................................................................................. .................................................................................................................. tes .................................................................................................................. dosage reaches 20 mU per minute .................................................................................................................. .................................................................................................................. t a lower rate than before discontinuation. If inute .................................................................................................................. indicated. The doctor must be notified of .................................................................................................................. erstimulation/tachysystole (contractions less 5 contractions in any 10 minute period); e rupture; water intoxication .................................................................................................................. l fetal heart rate changes and/or stoppage .................................................................................................................. l heart rate changes in the presence of .................................................................................................................. .................................................................................................................. o tion ......... ......... to ......... ......... h a duc ......... ......... to t ......... ......... tron cin ......... ......... att g in l we ssm ......... ......... on tim ......... ......... reas nim ......... ......... a pr ual ......... ......... t 1 ......... ......... mU inu ......... ......... ocu ocin ......... ......... e ca ......... ......... scon ed a 20 r m ......... ......... in. n if ......... ......... sto hyp nd/o han non rin ......... ......... be n rma ......... ......... pp feta ......... ......... ed a ......... ......... nsat liveries are associated with an increase in erican Journal of Obstetrics & Gynecology 99 d n o m s r c u o E o c O o i c i i w t t t e q O A i f T t s m a E w F b m s t a d v l i a o w p a t c a u nsat Reviews Patient Safety Series www.AJOG.org neonatal and maternal injury and conse- quently litigation.20 Making the correct iagnosis, performing the correct ma- euvers, time management, prevention f traction, and documenting manage- ent and maneuvers are therefore es- ential.21 We designed and implemented equired templates and electronic medi- al charting tools for several clinical sit- ations, including shoulder dystocia and perative delivery (Table 2). arly identification of potential bstetric professional liability ases (2005) ur medicolegal department met with ur department and decided that early dentification of adverse obstetric out- TABLE 2 Shoulder dystocia documentation t Shoulder dystocia note Head delivery (Spont/Forc/Vac): ................................................................................................................... Time head delivered (min/sec): ................................................................................................................... Time body delivered (min/sec): ................................................................................................................... Second stage (min): ................................................................................................................... Anterior shoulder (right/left): ................................................................................................................... Initial traction: gentle attempt at traction, assi ................................................................................................................... Oxytocin stopped: yes or no ................................................................................................................... Terbutaline given: yes or no ................................................................................................................... Any/all maneuvers that apply and the order in ................................................................................................................... McRoberts maneuver and by whom: ................................................................................................................... Suprapubic pressure and by whom: ................................................................................................................... Episiotomy (and by whom): ................................................................................................................... Rubin’s maneuver and by whom: ................................................................................................................... Woods maneuver and by whom: ................................................................................................................... Gaskin maneuver (all fours): ................................................................................................................... Posterior arm release and by whom: ................................................................................................................... Other (maneuvers list): ................................................................................................................... No Fundal pressure after the head delivered ................................................................................................................... The arm under the symphysis at the point the ................................................................................................................... Primary Care Provider(s) present: ................................................................................................................... Registered Nurse(s) present: ................................................................................................................... Pediatrician(s) present: ................................................................................................................... Others present: ................................................................................................................... Full disclosure given to patient: Yes/No ................................................................................................................... Grunebaum. Obstetric patient safety measures and compe omes and potential professional liabil- a 100 American Journal of Obstetrics & Gynecology ty cases and expedited reviews would be mplemented. If a clear medical error as identified, we planned to approach he patient with the goal of an early set- lement. Since the implementation of his program, 1 adverse outcome (an arly neonatal death) was identified and uickly settled. bstetric patient safety nurse (2005) s part of our patient safety efforts, our nsurance carrier (MCIC Vermont, Inc) unded an obstetric patient safety nurse. he patient safety nurse is employed full- ime by the hospital and is involved in taff education, team training, imple- entation of protocol changes on labor nd delivery, obstetric emergency drills, plate ................................................................................................................... ................................................................................................................... ................................................................................................................... ................................................................................................................... ................................................................................................................... by maternal expulsive forces ................................................................................................................... ................................................................................................................... ................................................................................................................... ich they were utilized. ................................................................................................................... ................................................................................................................... ................................................................................................................... ................................................................................................................... ................................................................................................................... ................................................................................................................... ................................................................................................................... ................................................................................................................... ................................................................................................................... ................................................................................................................... d was delivered was: right OR left ................................................................................................................... ................................................................................................................... ................................................................................................................... ................................................................................................................... ................................................................................................................... .................................................................................................................. ion payments. Am J Obstet Gynecol 2011. nd collection of data. FEBRUARY 2011 lectronic online communication hiteboard (2006) or decades, the labor whiteboard has een the center of communications on any labor and delivery units. It usually erves as a hub for situational awareness o make all staff aware of events on labor nd delivery. However, the traditional ry erasable whiteboard has many disad- antages, including limited visibility, imited access, small size, no interactiv- ty, and inflexibility. We programmed nd implemented our own proprietary nline electronic whiteboard (http:// ww.LDTrack.com), a secure password- rotected and IP address-controlled site vailable through any internet browser hat has many interactive features, in- luding color-coded warning labels and utomatic mathematically supported pdates.22 Recruitment of physician’s assistants for labor and delivery (2006) Newly instituted resident work hours limit the extent of resident involvement and night calls in the hospital including the labor and delivery unit. Three new obstetric physician assistants were re- cruited to amplify the staff and help with the workload. The physicians’ assistants are assigned to labor and delivery triage and as assistants for cesarean deliveries and provide continuity and stability on the labor and delivery floor. Electronic fetal monitor interpretation certification (2006) Effective communication is essential when discussing and interpreting fetal heart rate and uterine activity and it re- quires a mutual understanding of termi- nology. We required that all staff in- volved in interpreting electronic fetal monitoring, including attendings, resi- dents, physician assistants, and nurses, become certified in electronic fetal monitoring by National Certification Corporation (NCC), a not-for-profit or- ganization that provides a national cre- dentialing program for nurses, physi- cians, and other licensed health care professionals. In addition, all staff are required to use the National Institute em ......... ......... ......... ......... ......... sted ......... ......... ......... wh ......... ......... ......... ......... ......... ......... ......... ......... ......... ......... hea ......... ......... ......... ......... ......... ......... of Child and Human Development http://www.LDTrack.com http://www.LDTrack.com t p a t c d O T t r h c p p w c f r o O W m d t i s P W t u c t v C N Y I a W p p t i r p r C a W o 2 s fi s e f p w a l c s f $ t s e i a s q e C s fi p r o j A m j p www.AJOG.org Patient Safety Series Reviews (NICHD) standardized language for fe- tal heart rate interpretation23 and tem- plates for documenting fetal heart rates based on the NICHD language were added in the electronic charting tools. Electronic antepartum medical records (2006) We implemented uniform antepartum medical record charting (Epic Systems Corporation) for all full-time faculty and staff patients (about 75% of all deliver- ies). The availability of electronic ante- partum charts on a 24-hour/7 day a week basis improves availability of data, such as laboratory results and helps in im- proving communication among the staff. Routine thromboembolism prophylaxis for all cesarean deliveries (2006) Pulmonary thromboembolism is among the leading causes of maternal deaths in the United States, and most events of ve- nous thromboembolism can be reduced with either medical or mechanical throm- boprophylaxis,24,25 and it has been sug- gested that a systematic reduction in ma- ternal death rate in the United States can be expected if all women undergoing ce- sarean delivery receive thromboembo- lism prophylaxis.5 Therefore, in addition o using pharmacologic anticoagulation rophylaxis for high-risk patients, we lso implemented the routine use of in- ermittent lower extremity pneumatic ompression devices for all cesarean eliveries. bstetric emergency drills (2006) he Joint Commission recommends hat obstetric departments consider pe- iodically conducting clinical drills to elp staff prepare for shoulder dystocia, onduct debriefings to evaluate team erformance, and identify areas for im- rovement.13 Such drills appear to im- prove recognition and management of shoulder dystocia and can improve phy- sician’s communication skills as well as reduce traction forces.26,27 Drills were instituted over time for maternal cardiac arrest, shoulder dystocia, emergency ce- sarean section, and maternal hemor- p rhage. Obstetricians, anesthesiologists, neonatologists, nurses, residents, fellows, and physician assistants participate in these drills. The shoulder dystocia and ma- ternal hemorrhage drills are performed with a maternal and fetal manikin and in small groups of 6-8 individuals so each can obtain practice in performing the neces- sary fetal manipulations. The main objectives of the shoulder dystocia drill are to diagnose shoulder dystocia, prevent injury by performing the correct maneuvers, time manage- ment, prevention of traction, and teach proper documentation. Recruitment of a laborist (2007) Inhouse oncall attending coverage is provided on a 24-hour basis by one of the full-time faculty attendings that have obstetric privileges. To address lifestyle and patient safety concerns, Weinstein recommended a practice of having hos- pitalists and laborists,28 Clark recom- mended a reassessment of group obstet- ric practice to improve patient safety,29 and a survey showed that laborists can have a high career satisfaction.30 In 2006, e hired a laborist to provide inhouse overage for the labor and delivery floor or nights and weekends and therefore educe inhouse oncall responsibilities of ther physicians. xytocin initiation checklist (2009) e implemented a checklist with the ost important elements of the stan- ardized oxytocin policy. Completion of he checklist is required by nurses before nitiation of oxytocin for induction or timulation of labor. ostpartum hemorrhage kit (2009) e made available a single hemorrhage kit hat includes the 4 most important drugs sed for postpartum hemorrhage (oxyto- in [Pitocin; King Pharmaceuticals, Bris- ol, TN], misoprostol [Methergine; No- artis Pharmaceuticals, Basel, Switzerland, ytotec; Bristol-Myers Squibb, Skillman, J], carboprost [Hemabate; Pfizer, New ork, NY]). nternet based required reading ssignments and testing (2009) e created an inhouse internet-based assword protected reading and testing FEBRUARY 2011 Am rogram (http://www.InPrep.com) for rotocols and other publications related o labor and delivery safety. All attend- ngs and residents have been required to egularly read assigned literature and ass a multiple choice test related to the eading material. ompensation payments nd sentinel events e performed a retrospective review of bstetric compensation payments from 003 to 2009 collected by the MCIC. Ob- tetric compensation payments were de- ned as all actual payments made as a um of indemnity paid plus medicolegal xpenses paid for by the hospital for de- ending the case. In New York City, most rofessional liability suits are initiated ithin 2-3 years after delivery, and they re often not settled until many years ater. Therefore, in addition to actual ompensation payments, we also as- essed new and ongoing significant pro- essional liability suits (expected at 1,000,000 and above) and potential fu- ure professional liability suits. Data on entinel events at our institution were valuated from 2000 to 2009 by analyz- ng data obtained from a sentinel event dverse outcome database that is pro- pectively recorded by the hospital’s uality assurance committee. Sentinel vents are determined by the Medical enter according to Joint Commission tandards. The Joint Commission de- nes a sentinel event as “. . . an unex- ected occurrence involving death or se- ious physical or psychological injury, r the risk thereof . . .” (http://www. ointcommission.org/SentinelEvents/). t our institution, sentinel events included aternal deaths, and serious newborn in- uries, including birth asphyxia and hy- oxic ischemic encephalopathy. Results Compensation payments Figure 2 shows the yearly obstetric com- pensation payment totals paid out from 2003 to 2009. The 2009 compensation payment total constituted a 99.1% drop from the average 2003-2006 payments (from $27,591,610 to $ 250,000). The av- erage yearly compensation payment in the 3 years from 2007 to 2009 was erican Journal of Obstetrics & Gynecology 101 http://www.InPrep.com http://www.jointcommission.org/SentinelEvents/ http://www.jointcommission.org/SentinelEvents/ c t a $ $ $ $ $ $ Reviews Patient Safety Series www.AJOG.org $2,550,136 as compared with an average of $27,591,610 in the previous 4 years (2003- 2006), a yearly saving of $25,041,475 (total: $75,124,424) during the last 3 years. The compensation payments between 2003 and 2008 included delivery dates before 2003. We also assessed potential future and pending professional liability suits through the early identification program. In 2006, we had 1 adverse out- come case that was identified through FIGURE 2 Compensation payments by year $30,464,590 $3,336, $50,940,309 $0 10,000,000 20,000,000 30,000,000 40,000,000 50,000,000 60,000,000 2003 2004 200 Grunebaum. Obstetric patient safety measures and compensa FIGURE 3 Sentinel events by year (per 1000 d 1.04 0.60 0.64 0.82 0.00 0.20 0.40 0.60 0.80 1.00 1.20 2000 2001 2002 2003 20 (N=5) (N=2) (N=3) (N=3) (N=4) Grunebaum. Obstetric patient safety measures and compensa 102 American Journal of Obstetrics & Gynecology our program for the early identification of potential professional liability cases, and the case was settled expeditiously. In 2008 and 2009, for the first time in this decade, there was no professional liabil- ity suit initiated involving a possibly brain-damaged infant. In addition, there is currently only 1 active professional li- ability suit exceeding a $1 million esti- mated loss for an obstetric case from 2005 onward. One of the 2 other cur- $25,624,937 $2,852,620 $4,547,787 $250,000 2006 2007 2008 2009 payments. Am J Obstet Gynecol 2011. veries) 0.000.00 0.19 0.210.21 8 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 (N=1)(N=1)(N=1) payments. Am J Obstet Gynecol 2011. t FEBRUARY 2011 rently pending “baby damage” suits in- volves deliveries before 2003. Table 3 shows the average time it takes from the event to payment. There is an average of 6.9 years (range, 0.6 –17.1 years) between the event and the pay- ment. On average, it takes 3.2 years (range, 0 –10 years) between the event and the claim and another 3.7 years (range, 0.3–10.4 years) between the claim and the payment. Of all claims, 65% (26/40) were made within 3 years after the event and 49% of payments (20/ 41) were made within 6 years after the event. Sentinel events and adverse outcomes Figure 3 shows the yearly rate of sentinel events per 1000 deliveries. There was a steady decline of sentinel events over the years of the study, from 1.04 sentinel events per 1000 deliveries in the year 2000, to no sentinel events in both 2008 and 2009. For the last 6 years, there has been no maternal death on labor and de- livery (we had 1 postpartum maternal death 10 days after discharge from a ce- rebrovascular accident) and there has been no permanent Erb’s palsy since we began shoulder dystocia drills in 2008. Since 2007 there was only 1 infant born of a total of 15,932 deliveries with the di- agnosis of hypoxic ischemic encephalop- athy (HIE) for an incidence of 0.6 HIE of 10,000 deliveries. Subsequently, that in- fant had no moderate or severe neurode- velopment impairments. In 2009 there was no infant born with HIE. The definition of HIE included a se- verely depressed newborn with need for resuscitation in the delivery room, evi- dence of severe acidemia at birth based on cord blood gas values and early ab- normal findings on neurologic examina- tion and/or abnormal assessment of ce- rebral function.32 Comment In 1999, the Institute of Medicine pub- lished a report challenging the prevailing wisdom that all was well with the Amer- ican health care system.8 This report alled for a sweeping overhaul and stated hat “higher level of care cannot be chieved by further stressing current sys- 605 5 tion eli 0.3 04 tion ems of care. The current care systems u i c y p w i c m l i a b b t c e i a n c l nsat www.AJOG.org Patient Safety Series Reviews cannot do the job. Trying harder will not work. Changing systems of care will.” There also have been increasing con- cerns about the rise in malpractice costs and its effect of availability of health care.31 After an external review of our obstet- ric service, we undertook comprehensive system changes beginning in 2003, to improve patient safety on our service. Among these patient safety changes were significant eliminations in practice vari- ations as well as significant improve- ments in communication methods be- tween staff. The main goal of these changes was to improve patient safety and decrease adverse outcomes. We did not expect a rapid and significant effect on compensation payments. Our results show that implementing a comprehensive obstetric patient safety program not only decreases severe ad- verse outcomes but can also have an im- mediate impact on compensation pay- ments. Beginning with the fourth year of the program, compensation payments began to drop significantly. Yearly pay- ments for the most recent 3 years (2007- 2009) averaged $2,550,136 as compared with average yearly payments of $27,591,610 for the preceding 4 years (2003-2006). The $25,041,475 yearly savings in compensation payments for the last 3 years alone dwarf the incre- mental cost of the patient safety program and are well above those reported by Simpson et al.32 In our opinion the doc- mented success of our patient safety mprovement program in decreasing ompensation payments for the past ears understates the true long-term im- act of the program on patient safety, as e expect significant savings to continue nto the future. Our neonatal intensive care unit is a enter for “cool cap” treatments (treat- ent of infants with neonatal encepha- opathy with hypothermia helmets), and t regularly treats infants with HIE.33 Of the more than 50 infants with HIE who were treated in this program over the last 3 years, only 1 among our own 15,932 deliveries came from our institution (the only 2007 sentinel event). Our observed departmental incidence of 0.6 HIE of 10,000 deliveries in the last 3 years is well below the reported 25 of 10,000 deliver- ies.34 On follow-up, this infant had no moderate or severe neurodevelopment impairments and hence for the last 3 years there are presently no known HIE brain damaged infants “in the pipeline.” As the amount of compensation pay- ments for an infant with neurodevelop- ment impairments can be well in excess of $10 million in New York City, the pre- vention of each and every 1 of these cases is crucial to minimize such payments. The Institute for Safe Medication Practices (ISMP) has added oxytocin to its list of high alert medications.35 The use of oxytocin during labor has been found to be associated with malpractice claims.36 Using oxytocin during labor may have a negative impact on the prob- ability of successfully defending a pro- fessional liability case, and its misuse, especially its association with hyper- stimulation, has been alleged to be re- sponsible for many if not most of the ad- verse outcomes and professional liability litigation involving abnormal labor.37-40 The best defense against legal chal- lenges involving the misuse of oxytocin is to use the drug judiciously and in ac- cord with institutional policies.41 How- ever, despite reports that standardized and uniform practice patterns are known to have better outcomes than greater practice variations, medical prac- tice continues to be characterized by wide variations that have little basis in clinical science.16 This is especially true TABLE 3 Yearly compensation payments an Year Payments 2003 $50,940,309 ................................................................................................................... 2004 $30,464,590 ................................................................................................................... 2005 $3,336,605 ................................................................................................................... 2006 $25,624,937 ................................................................................................................... 2007 $2,852,620 ................................................................................................................... 2008 $4,547,787 ................................................................................................................... 2009 $250,000 ................................................................................................................... 2003-2009 $117,991,848 ................................................................................................................... Grunebaum. Obstetric patient safety measures and compe for oxytocin usage, which has many per- i FEBRUARY 2011 Am sistent variations even within the same institution.42 Clark et al41 concluded that physiologically sound and evidence- ased approach to oxytocin use is possi- le and explained that it may be difficult o effect change in practice when physi- ians so often see no untoward effects of xcessive uterine activity. It has been suggested that implement- ng a uniform oxytocin policy and using n oxytocin checklist may improve peri- atal outcomes.43-45 We also found that implementing a uniform oxytocin pro- tocol and checklist helped our staff make better use of oxytocin and allowed nurses to focus on better patient care instead of following protocols that varied from physician to physician. Implementing a uniform oxytocin protocol likely con- tributed to our improved patient safety and prevention of adverse outcomes. Our experience supports the recommen- dation that: “. . . Malpractice loss is best avoided by reduction in adverse out- comes and the development of unam- biguous practice guidelines.”5 Many pregnant women are given mi- soprostol “off-label” for cervical ripen- ing and labor induction even though this medication is not approved for use in la- bor and is associated with an increase in uterine hyperstimulation and resultant fetal asphyxia and uterine rupture, am- niotic fluid embolism, perinatal mortal- ity, and HIE in surviving infants.46 Be- ause of these concerns, we decided to imit the use of misoprostol in labor to vent-to-payment time Event-to-payment average (range), y 5.9 (1.1–10.3) .................................................................................................................. 10.5 (3.9–17.1) .................................................................................................................. 5.5 (1.2–9.5) .................................................................................................................. 8.2 (4.1–13.2) .................................................................................................................. 8.1 (5.0–12.0) .................................................................................................................. 4.7 (0.6–14.4) .................................................................................................................. 0.8 .................................................................................................................. 6.9 (0.6–17.1) .................................................................................................................. ion payments. Am J Obstet Gynecol 2011. d e ......... ......... ......... ......... ......... ......... ......... ......... nductions in a nonviable fetus. erican Journal of Obstetrics & Gynecology 103 i t e c l p e s a b s c c p t l c t Reviews Patient Safety Series www.AJOG.org Good teamwork promotes profes- sional integrity and is essential in deliv- ering optimal patient care,47 and failure n communication and teamwork is of- en cited as a common cause of adverse vents.6,48,49,50 We found that teamwork an be further improved in labor and de- ivery by maintaining an electronic com- rehensive communication board as the ssential hub for communications among taff. Sleep deprivation can impair safety, nd establishing a laborist program has een recommended to improve safety.28 The hiring of a laborist allowed our ob- stetricians to work reduced inhospital hours and likely contributed to the im- proved safety climate and improved out- comes at our institution. The traditional erasable labor and de- livery white board usually reflects situa- tional awareness, the state of knowing what is going on with patients and in the unit. Unfortunately, most obstetric units still use a dry erasable white board that has severe limitations, including accessi- bility and space limitations. We believe that the implementation of a centralized, internet-based comprehensive electronic “white board” with automatic alarms and color-coding18 significantly improved ituational awareness and thus may have ontributed in decreasing adverse out- omes and reducing compensation ayments. Historically, EFM tracings have been in- erpreted with wide variations among the abor and delivery staff, often leading to in- onsistent decision making in response to racing interpretation. MacEachin et al51 showed improved communication as well as improved safety perception by the staff with the use of a common EFM language after a multidisciplinary EFM training program. Our study is limited by its retrospective nature. There were numerous changes made over several years, so that the im- pact of any one change on a single out- come measure cannot be individually determined. It is possible, that because of the retrospective nature of this report, there may have been other unknown fac- tors that contributed to the reduction of compensation payments and sentinel events. 104 American Journal of Obstetrics & Gynecology To paraphrase Ralph Waldo Emerson (1803-1882) who said “Life is a journey not a destination,” we believe that achieving patient safety on labor and de- livery is a journey, not a destination. Improving patient safety requires ex- tensive and considerate changes, physi- cian and staff cooperation, constant vig- ilance, flexibility, and rapid adaption based on new experiences and it may take considerable time to reap financial benefits in the future. Making significant changes on a labor and delivery unit including such features as the implementation of a standardized oxytocin protocol, electronic charting, team training, and improving situational awareness through a central communi- cation system, should be considered by all obstetric services. As we have shown, these changes can increase pa- tient safety, decrease sentinel events, and, as a consequence, reduce compen- sation payments. f REFERENCES 1. Weinstein L. A multifaceted approach to im- prove patient safety, prevent medical errors and resolve the professional liability crisis. Am J Ob- stet Gynecol 2006;194:1160-5. 2. Wagner B, Meirowitz N, Cohen P, et al. Peri- natal safety initiative to reduce adverse obstetric events. Am J Obstet Gynecol 2009;201:S45. 3. Pettker CM, Thung SF, Norwitz ER, et al. Im- pact of a comprehensive patient safety strategy on obstetric adverse events. Am J Obstet Gy- necol 2009;200:492.e1-8. 4. Pettker C, Thung S, Raab C, Copel J, Funai J. A comprehensive OB patient safety program improves safety climate and culture. Am J Ob- stet Gynecol 2009;201:S202-3. 5. Clark SL, Belfort MA, Dildy GA, Herbst MA, Meyers JA, Hankins GD. Maternal death in the 21st century: causes, prevention, and relation- ship to cesarean delivery. Am J Obstet Gynecol 2008;199:36.e1-5. 6. Sutcliffe KM, Lewton E, Rosenthal MM. Communication failures: an insidious contribu- tor to medical mishaps. Acad Med 2004;79: 186-94. 7. Simpson KR, James DC, Knox GE. Nurse- physician communication during labor and birth: implications for patient safety. J Obstet Gynecol Neonatal Nurs 2006;35:547-56. 8. Kohn LT, Corrigan JM, Donaldson MS, eds. Committee on Quality of Health Care in Amer- ica, Institute of Medicine. To err is human: build- ing a safer health system. Washington, DC: Na- tional Academy Press; 1999:1-312. FEBRUARY 2011 9. Mann S, Pratt SD. Team approach to care in labor and delivery. Clin Obstet Gynecol 2008; 51:666-79. 10. Nielsen PE, Goldman MB, Mann S, et al. Effects of teamwork training on adverse out- comes and process of care in labor and deliv- ery: a randomized controlled trial. Obstet Gy- necol 2007;109:48-55. 11. Williams DG. Practice patterns to decrease the risk of a malpractice suit. Obstet Gynecol 2008;51:680-7. 12. Eden KB, Messina R, Li H, Osterweil P, Henderson CR, Guise JM. Examining the value of electronic health records on labor and deliv- ery. Am J Obstet Gynecol 2008;199: 307.e1-9. 13. Joint Commission on Accreditation of Healthcare Organizations: Sentinel event alert. Issue 30, July 21, 2004. Available at: www. jointcommission.org/SentinelEvents/Sentinel EventAlert/sea_30.html. Accessed July 1, 2010. 14. Fonseca L, Wood HC, Lucas MJ, et al. Ran- domized trial of preinduction cervical ripening: misoprostol vs oxytocin. Am J Obstet Gynecol 2008;199:305.e1-5. 15. Hofmeyr GJ, Gülmezoglu AM Vaginal miso- prostol for cervical ripening and induction of la- bour. Cochrane Database Syst Rev 2003; CD000494. 16. Wennberg JE. Unwarranted variations in healthcare delivery: implications for academic medical centres. BMJ 2002;325:961-4. 17. Simpson KR, Knox GE. Obstetrical acci- dents involving intravenous magnesium sulfate: recommendations to promote patient safety. MCN Am J Matern Child Nurs 2004;29:161-9. 18. Conde-Agudelo A, Romero R. Antenatal magnesium sulfate for the prevention of cere- bral palsy in preterm infants less than 34 weeks’ gestation: a systematic review and metaanaly- sis. Am J Obstet Gynecol 2009;200:595-609. 19. Rouse DJ. Magnesium sulfate for the pre- vention of cerebral palsy. Am J Obstet Gynecol 2009;200:610-2. 20. Mavroforou A, Koumantakis E, Micha- lodimitrakis E. Physicians’ liability in obstetric and gynecology practice. Med Law 2005; 24:1-9. 21. Deering S, Poggi S, Macedonia C, et al. Improving resident competency in the manage- ment of shoulder dystocia with simulation train- ing. Obstet Gynecol 2004;103:1224. 22. Grunebaum A, Langsenkamp C, Cherve- nak FA. An intelligent web-based board to im- prove patient safety and communication on la- bor and delivery. Am J Obstet Gynecol 2005: 193:S97. 23. Macones GA, Hankins GD, Spong CY, Hauth J, Moore T. The 2008 National Institute of Child Health and Human Development work- shop report on electronic fetal monitoring: up- date on definitions, interpretation, and research guidelines. Obstet Gynecol 2008;112:661-6. 24. Duhl AJ, Paidas MJ, Ural SH, et al. Anti- thrombotic therapy and pregnancy: consensus report and recommendations for prevention http://www.jointcommission.org/SentinelEvents/SentinelEventAlert/sea_30.html http://www.jointcommission.org/SentinelEvents/SentinelEventAlert/sea_30.html http://www.jointcommission.org/SentinelEvents/SentinelEventAlert/sea_30.html www.AJOG.org Patient Safety Series Reviews and treatment of venous thromboembolism and adverse pregnancy outcomes. Am J Obstet Gynecol 2007:197:457.e1-21. 25. Quiñones J, James D, Cleary K, Stamilio D, Macones G. Thromboprophylaxis after cesar- ean section: a decision analysis. Am J Obstet Gynecol 2004;191:S93. 26. Goffman D, Heo H, Pardanani P, Merkatz IR, Bernstein PS. Improving shoulder dystocia management among resident and attending physicians using simulations. Am J Obstet Gy- necol 2008;199:294.e1-5. 27. Gurewitsch E, Cha S, Johnson T, et al. Traction training for routine and shoulder dys- tocia deliveries: an experimental study. Am J Obstet Gynecol 2005;193:S41. 28. Weinstein L, Garite TJ. On call for obstetrics—time for a change. Am J Obstet Gy- necol 2007;196:3. 29. Clark SL. Sleep deprivation: implications for obstetric practice in the United States. Am J Obstet Gynecol 2009;201:136.e1-4. 30. Funk C, Anderson BL, Schulkin J, Wein- stein L. Survey of obstetric and gynecologic hospitalists and laborists. Am J Obstet Gynecol 2010;203:177.e1-4. 31. Laros RK, Presidential address: medical-le- gal issues in obstetrics and gynecology Am J Obstet Gynecol 2005;192:1883. 32. Simpson KR, Kortz CC, Knox E. A compre- hensive perinatal patient safety program to re- duce preventable adverse outcomes and costs of liability claims. Jt Comm J Qual Patient Saf 2009;35:565-74. 33. Perlman J. Induced hypothermia: a novel neuroprotective treatment of neonatal enceph- alopathy after intrapartum hypoxia-ischemia. Curr Treat Options Neurol 2005;7:451-8. 34. Graham EM, Ruis KA, Hartman AL, North- ington FJ, Fox HE. A systematic review of the role of intrapartum hypoxia-ischemia in the cau- sation of neonatal encephalopathy. Am J Ob- stet Gynecol 2008;199:587-95. 35. Institute for Safe Medical practices. ISMP’s List of High-Alert Medications. Available at: http://www.ismp.org/Tools/highalertmedications. pdf. Accessed Jan. 24, 2010. 36. Jonsson M, Nordén SL, Hanson U. Analysis of malpractice claims with a focus on oxytocin use in labour. Acta Obstet Gynecol Scand 2007;86:315-9. 37. Simpson KR, James DC. Effects of oxyto- cin-induced uterine hyperstimulation during la- bor on fetal oxygen status and fetal heart rate patterns. Am J Obstet Gynecol 2008;199: 34.e1-5. 38. Milsom I, Ladfors L, Thiringer K, Niklasson A, Odeback A, Thornberg E. Influence of mater- nal, obstetric and fetal risk factors on the prev- alence of birth asphyxia at term in a Swedish urban population. Acta Obstet Gynecol Scand 2002;81:909-17. 39. Berglund S, Grunewald C, Pettersson H, Cnattingius S. Severe asphyxia due to delivery- related malpractice in Sweden 1990-2005. BJOG 2008;115:316-23. 40. Cohen WR, Schifrin BS. Medical negligence lawsuits relating to labor and delivery. Clin Peri- natol 2007;34:345-60, vii-viii. 41. Clark SL, Simpson KR, Knox GE, Garite TJ. Oxytocin: new perspectives on an old drug. Am J Obstet Gynecol 2009;200:35.e1-6. 42. American College of Obstetrics and Gyne- cology Committee on Practice Bulletins-Ob- stetrics. ACOG practice bulletin no. 49, Decem- ber 2003: dystocia and augmentation of labor. Obstet Gynecol 2003;102:1445-54. FEBRUARY 2011 Am 43. Clark S, Belfort M, Saade G, et al. Imple- mentation of a conservative checklist-based protocol for oxytocin administration: maternal and newborn outcomes. Am J Obstet Gynecol 2007;197:480.e1-5. 44. Freeman RK, Nageotte M. A protocol for use of oxytocin. Am J Obstet Gynecol 2007; 197:445-6. 45. Hayes EJ, Weinstein L. Improving patient safety and uniformity of care by a standardized regimen for the use of oxytocin. Am J Obstet Gynecol 2008;198:622.e1-7 46. Wagner M. Off-label use of misoprostol in obstetrics: a cautionary tale. BJOG 2005;112: 266-8. 47. Chervenak FA, McCullough LB. Neglected ethical dimensions of the professional liability crisis. Am J Obstet Gynecol 2004;190: 1198-200. 48. Arora V, Johnson J, Lovinger D, Humphrey HJ, Meltzer DO. Communication failures in pa- tient sign-out and suggestions for improve- ment: a critical incident analysis. Qual Saf Health Care 2005;14:401-7. 49. Gawande AA, Zinner MJ, Studdert DM, Brennan TA. Analysis of errors reported by sur- geons at three teaching hospitals. Surgery 2003;133:614-21. 50. Clark SL, Belfort MA, Byrum SL, Meyers JA, Perlin JB. Improved outcomes, fewer cesarean deliveries, and reduced litigation: results of a new paradigm in patient safety. Am J Obstet Gynecol 2008;199:105.e1-7. 51. MacEachin SR, Lopez CM, Powell KJ, Cor- bett NL. The fetal heart rate collaborative prac- tice project: situational awareness in electronic fetal monitoring-a Kaiser Permanente Perinatal Patient Safety Program Initiative. J Perinat Neo- natal Nurs 2009;23:314-23; quiz 324-5. erican Journal of Obstetrics & Gynecology 105 http://www.ismp.org/Tools/highalertmedications.pdf http://www.ismp.org/Tools/highalertmedications.pdf Effect of a comprehensive obstetric patient safety program on compensation payments and sentinel events Materials and Methods Patient safety program Consultant Review (2002) Labor and delivery team training (2003) Electronic medical record charting (2003) Chain of communication for labor and delivery (2003) Dedicated gynecology attending on call (2004) Limitation of misoprostol to induction of labor or cervical ripening for a nonviable fetus (2004) Standardized oxytocin labor induction and stimulation protocol (2005) Premixed and safety color-coded labeled magnesium sulfate and oxytocin solutions (2005) Electronic medical record templates for shoulder dystocia and operative deliveries (2005) Early identification of potential obstetric professional liability cases (2005) Obstetric patient safety nurse (2005) Electronic online communication whiteboard (2006) Recruitment of physician's assistants for labor and delivery (2006) Electronic fetal monitor interpretation certification (2006) Electronic antepartum medical records (2006) Routine thromboembolism prophylaxis for all cesarean deliveries (2006) Obstetric emergency drills (2006) Recruitment of a laborist (2007) Oxytocin initiation checklist (2009) Postpartum hemorrhage kit (2009) Internet based required reading assignments and testing (2009) Compensation payments and sentinel events Results Compensation payments Sentinel events and adverse outcomes Comment References work_6hssrwqvbzaqrczwxqp4p2kse4 ---- PTS volume 12 Cover and Front matter Volume 12 Edited by Jack Salzman Center for American Cmltiare Studies terms of use, available at https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms. https://doi.org/10.1017/S0361233300005500 Downloaded from https://www.cambridge.org/core. Carnegie Mellon University, on 06 Apr 2021 at 00:59:24, subject to the Cambridge Core https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms https://doi.org/10.1017/S0361233300005500 https://www.cambridge.org/core Cover Illustration "Wall Street, 1850" by A. Kollner Courtesy of the New York Library Eno Collection; Astor, Lenox and Tilden Foundations. Editorial Office: Jack Salzman, Editor, Prospects, Center for American Culture Studies, 603 Lewisohn Hall, Columbia University, New York, NY 10027, U.S.A. Publishing and Subscription Offices: Cambridge University Press, 32 East 57th Street, New York, NY 10022, U.S.A.; or Cambridge University Press, The Edinburgh Building, Shaftesbury Road, Cam- bridge CB2 2RU, England. Subscription Information: Prospects (ISSN 0361-2333) is published annually in softcover. 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Carnegie Mellon University, on 06 Apr 2021 at 00:59:24, subject to the Cambridge Core https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms https://doi.org/10.1017/S0361233300005500 https://www.cambridge.org/core Contents Boundary as Center: Inventing an American Studies Culture Michael Cowan 1 American Studies and the Radical Tradition: From the 1930s to the 1960s Guenter H. Lenz 21 "The Vanishing Race" in Sight and Sound: Edward S. Curtis's Musicale of North American Indian Life Mick Gidley 59 Making the American Way: Moderne Theatres, Audiences, and The Film Industry 1929-1945 Lary May (with Stephen Lassonde) 89 James Guy: A Surreal Commentator Ilene Susan Fort 125 American Psychiatry: An Ambivalent Specialty Gerald N. Grob 149 "Intervals of Tranquility": The Language of Health in Antebellum America Joan Burbick 175 Forms of Self-Representation in Booker T. Washington's Up from Slavery William E. Cain 201 The Return of Nat Turner in Sixties America Albert E. Stone 223 terms of use, available at https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms. https://doi.org/10.1017/S0361233300005500 Downloaded from https://www.cambridge.org/core. Carnegie Mellon University, on 06 Apr 2021 at 00:59:24, subject to the Cambridge Core https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms https://doi.org/10.1017/S0361233300005500 https://www.cambridge.org/core ii CONTENTS A Crisis of Identity: The Sketch Book and Nineteenth-Century American Culture Jeffrey Rubin-Dorsky 255 Emerson's Rhetoric of War Michael Lopez 293 Reproducing Walt Whitman: The Camera, the Omnibus and Leaves of Grass Miles Orvell 321 The Twilight of Transcendentalism: Ralph Waldo Emerson, Edward Weston, and the End of Nineteenth-Century Literary Nature Ralph F. Bogardus 347 The Last Tycoon and Max Eastman: Fitzgerald's Complete Political Primer Neill R. Joy 365 terms of use, available at https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms. https://doi.org/10.1017/S0361233300005500 Downloaded from https://www.cambridge.org/core. Carnegie Mellon University, on 06 Apr 2021 at 00:59:24, subject to the Cambridge Core https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms https://doi.org/10.1017/S0361233300005500 https://www.cambridge.org/core work_6ih52uffdrhwtkyuy74vs3kf4m ---- A better mousetrap LANDWAIlKS I1 HEPATOLOGY A Better Mousetrap lood spurts as from a geyser, and prompt action is required. With its familiar hiss, suction is applied, and an expanding redness comes into view, like a vermilion Carolina moon waxing in accelerated time. The knob is turned, and a satisfying muffled click is felt more than heard. Warily, the vacuum is released and the knuckle of once gushing mucosa, now ensnared with a shiny black rubber ring, recedes slowly from sight like the jettisoned stage of a spacecraft. Another bleeding varix, temporarily staunched only weeks ago with a styptic in- jection, has finally been successfully obliterated (Fig. 1) l . It seems a little surprising now that the occurrence of esophagogastric varices in cirrhosis and their propensity to bleed became widely appreciated only late in the his- tory of hepatology, after the turn of the 20th century.2 Although modern estimates do range widely, we know that the prevalence of varices in cirrhosis, their risk of bleeding and rebleeding and the consequent mortality, are all in the 20% to 80% range, depending upon the variables in the study and the particular stratification used.3 Nonetheless, William Osler, who recognized the existence of esophageal varices4 and had himselfwitnessed a fatality therefrom,5 had personal experience of only two cases by the time he published his famous textbook in 1892, in which, forsooth, he also wrote that hemorrhage from gastric varices was seldom f a d 6 The existence of esophageal varices had actually been clearly established 50 years earlier, in 1840, by William Power of Maryland, who reported on the autopsy of a 50-year-old man of robust frame, intemperate habits, and deficient intelli- gence.7 The patient, who died of gastrointestinal hemor- rhage, was found to have “Varicose veins of the oesophagus” that Power had never met with before, nor had he found a similar case recorded. Power wondered, “. . .whether the presence ofvarices to such an extent, and death caused by their rupture, be not-something as yet unheard of in pathological anatomy.”7 Power’s discovery was later confirmed in a report from France,8 but even so this was still the only experience of that entity for Friedrich Theodor von Frerichs, the founder of modern hepatology, by the time his own textbook was written.’ Admittedly it was well nigh impossible then to diagnose in life the presence of varices-silent or otherwise-in the years before Adolf Kussmaul performed the first really practical esophagoscopy in Freiburg in 1868, using an ~ ~~~~ ~ ~~ Copyright 0 2004 by the American Association fir the S d y of Liver Diseases. Published online in Wiley Interscience (www. interscience. wiley.com). DOI 10.1002lhep.20449 endoscope designed for the urethra and bladder by Anto- nin J. Dtsormeaux of the Acadtmie de Mkdecine in Paris, and with the skillful cooperation of his intrepid first sub- ject, a visiting sword swallower who was performing at a local inn.’” The development of flexible fiber-optic en- doscopy by Basil Hirschowitz and others in the 195Os,l1 culminating in the first reports of its clinical use, initially in May 1961 ,l2,13 conveniently expanded the patient pool to include less-supple individuals (than Kussmaul’s itin- erant showman), for whom this procedure would be fea- sible, thereby illuminating the way for the endoscopic evaluation and treatment of varices that we enjoy today. Preble’s report,2 at the beginning of the 20th century, of 60 patients with cirrhosis and fatal gastrointestinal bleeding, of whom 80% had esophageal varices, foretold an era of intensive investigation of portal hypertension14 and a de- mand for effective therapies to combat this most lethal com- plication of cirrhosis, either by decompressing the portal system and/or diverting variceal blood flow elsewherel5 or simply by obliterating the varices in the hope that the prob- lem would go away. From the mid 1940s, and for the longest while, shunt surgery was king, with its peak popularity in the 1970s followed by the development of selective shunts and devascularization procedures in the next decade or so, be- cause of dissatisfaction with the morbidity of surgically in- duced encephalopathy and liver failure. With the growth of successfd liver transplantation and the development of non- surgical methods for treating bleeding varices, enthusiasm for shunt surgery has been tempered in favor of pharmaco- logical, endoscopic, and interventional radiological treat- ment, while selective shunts are reserved for patients with good liver h c t i o n (especially those with portal hyperten- sion without cirrhosis) and, in some cases, shunts and devas- cularization procedures may be used when other treatments fail.17-20 In this context, the idea of obliterating varices rather than bypassing them with a surgically created shunt dates back more than 50 years to a w e report that described si- multaneous variceal suture ligation and injection with a scle- rosing solution at thoracotomy, through an esophagus that had been split open almost from stem to stern, from the level of the aortic arch to the diaphragm.21 Thereafter, the tech- niques of vascular shunting, sclerotherapy, and ligation evolved along parallel (and occasionally intersecting) paths, each with its fervent advocates vying for the favors ofpatients with portal hypertension and varices that had bled or were doomed to do so. Surgeons began to divert the flow of blood from the portal to the systemic circulation in patients with portal hypertension, even before they fully understood the dis- 1023 1024 REUBEN HEPATOLOGY, October 2004 pioneered temporizing balloon tamponade techniques for acute variceal bleeding2* From the 1970s to the 1990s, total portal decompressive shunts gave way to selective shunts and eventually to partial portal shunts, using graded interposition conduits.25 For a while it seemed that there were countless ways for surgeons to bypass var- ices and/or decompress the portal venous system, as they used all of their anatomical ingenuity. Unfortunately, while the need to prevent variceal bleeding by surgery was well fulfilled, all such operations, in greater or lesser mea- sure, were wanting with respect to patient morbidity, due to encephalopathy and liver failure, and mortality. Physi- cians desired better overall results for their patients and not just the cessation of hemorrhage. And as historian, philosopher, and guru of invention Henry Petroski theo- rizes, it is the desire to improve on the failings of existing technology that drives innovation and not simply that there is a need to innovate.26 Want, says Petroski, and not necessity, is the mother of invention. This principle and its corollary that no invention is perfect and that every- thing is susceptible to change and improvement in time is Fig. 1. Bleeding esophageal varices. (A) In an endoscopic photograph - of the esophagus of a 56-year-old alcoholic man with massive hemate- mesis, blood can be seen spurting from a ruptured varix (arrow). (B) After very well exemplified by the successive and continuing innovation in the treatment of portal hypertension and injection sclerotherapy of the variceal trunk and immediate hemostasis, . . . . .. the source of bleeding was revealed as a white nipple, which represents VarlCed bleeding. what was thought to be a fibrin-platelet plug (arrow). Endoscopic variceal ligation was performed for recurrent bleeding from the same source three weeks after the initial episode. (C) The white object (arrow) is the remnant of a banded varix. Reproduced with permission from Navarro and Reuben.l ease and its complications of ascites and variceal hemor- rhage that they hoped to cure.16 Portosystemic shunts were performed in patients in the early part of the 20th century, in the years before the First World War- based on the surgical anastomosis between the portal vein and the inferior vena cava in dogs, described by Nikolai Vlad- imirovich Eck in Moscow in 1 87722-to replace the then- fashionable operation of splenectomy that was combined with the curious procedure of omentopexy, in which the omentum was sewn to the parietal peritoneum to produce portosystemic collaterals. l6 That William Mayo strongly favored splenectomy (as did Harvey Cushing and William Halsted before him) and omentopexy, and that 7 of Eck's 8 canine patients died of the operation (while the survivor was allowed to run away by a careless technician) 16 did not dampen the enthusiasm of pathfinding shunt surgeons in those days. Interest in Eck's fistula was revived by Archibald McIndoe, as a result of his detailed pathological vascular studies in cirrhosis in the late 192Os,l5 and the idea was enthusiastically and variously adapted by Allen Oldfather Whipple and his many disciples at Columbia- Presbyterian in New York City,23 who incidentally also The desire to create a portosystemic shunt and yet avoid the deleterious effects of surgery, usually but not exclusively expressed by nonsurgeons,17 gave rise to the familiar radiologically created transjugular intrahepatic portosystemic shunt (TIPS) that is ubiquitous t0day.~7 First achieved crudely by dragging a Gruntzig balloon, inflated in the portal vein, through liver tissue to create a track to the hepatic vein,28 the predictable failure of this early method due to track closure has been remedied, partially at least, by deploying a metal conduit between the portal and hepatic veins29-31 as predated by experi- mental efforts in dogs more than 30 years ag0.3~ Variceal sclerotherapy has passed through many itera- tions too, since the first description of an endoscopic ap- proach by a thoracic surgeon and otolaryngologist in 1939 who used an quinine-uretan sclerosant and an idea borrowed from the treatment of rectal hemorrhoids.33 Although later the percutaneous transhepatic approach to both ~clerotherapy3~J5 and variceal embolization36 was short-lived, the technique of endoscopic sclerotherapy progressed from using a rigid esophagoscope or fiber-op- tic endoscope with a flexible oversheath, both under gen- eral anesthesia,37 to performing the procedure electively or in an emergency with an unmodified modern video endoscope under conscious sedation, using any one of the many sclerosants a~ailable,3~,39 including cyanoacrylate in some c o ~ n t r i e s . * ~ Despite the exceptional success of en- doscopically delivered injection sclerotherapy in control- HEPATOLOGY, Vol. 40, No. 4 , 2004 REUBEN 1025 ling acute variceal hemorrhage and the achievement of a significant reduction in bleeding r e c ~ r r e n c e , ~ ’ this form of variceal therapy has its shortcomings too, in terms of patient morbidity. Sclerotherapy can produce mucosal ulcers that bleed, esophageal stenosis, the rare case of esophageal perforation, and other unpleasant misadven- tures such as adult respiratory distress syndrome, bronch- oesophageal fistula, chylothorax, pneumothorax, and media~tinitis.3~ Besides, brandishing a naked needle loaded with sclerosant in the vicinity of a bleeding varix that must be speared, no more than a fingerbreadth from the heart, lungs and great vessels, in a bucking patient, is not for the faint-hearted. By the mid 1980s, the moment was ripe for another leap forward in variceal therapy. This came as the exquisitely simple but effective remedy of endoscopic variceal band ligation that was first published in 1988 in two landmark a r t i ~ l e s ~ ~ 3 ~ 3 from the Mile High City of Denver, not far from the Rocky Mountains in the Centennial State of Colorful Colorado. Compared to the many innovations over the years of sur- gical and radiological portosystemic shunting, sclerotherapy, and pharmacotherapy for portal hypertensive variceal bleed- ing, there had been little progress in variceal ligation since the surgical operations of the 1950s, except that ligation could be accomplished via a small rather than large esophageal inci- sion by pulling on the pliable mucosa to bring the varices into view from both the esophagus and ~tomach.4~,~5 Even in the early 1970s, ligation was still being performed surgically for acute variceal bleeding, with good results for Child-Tur- cotte-Pugh Class A patients and moderate success for Class B patients, but almost certain demise (90% mortality) for Class C patients, who also suffered the morbidity of fistulae at the esophageal suture line more frequently (20%) than the other patients.46 Like Clarence Crafoord and Paul Frenckner 50 years before him,33 Gregory Van Stiegmann, then Assistant Professor of Surgery at the University of Colorado School of Medicine (where he is now Professor of Surgery and Associ- ate Dean and Vice-president for Clinical AfEairs), was in- spired to improve the treatment of esophageal varices while gazing at rectal hemorrhoids that he was treating. Stiegmann had had considerable experience with endoscopic esophageal sclerotherapy from his training in surgery and surgical endos- copy during a brief sojourn in Cape Town, South Africa. He wondered whether the nonoperative rubber-band ligation procedure that he was using on the hemorrhoids, and that had superseded sclerotherapy for that purpose, could be adapted to treat esophageal varices too. By producing a “suc- tion polyp” of the pliable esophageal mucosa to “grasp the varix,” so to speak, he reasoned that it should then be possible to apply the ligating rubber bands in the esophagus. Using personal funds accrued from consulting fees, Stiegmann commissioned engineers of the machine shop at the Univer- Fig. 2 . (A) The original endoscopic ligating device. The instrument was carved from stainless steel and screwed onto the endoscope in place of the lens cap. A single black rubber “0” ring is shown in place over the distal end of the device. (B) The trip wire and the components used to assemble and load the ligator. Photographs generously provided by the inventor, Dr. Greg Van Stiegmann. sity to fashion a stainless steel ligator, consisting of an outer cylinder and an inner cylinder, which was screwed onto the tip of an endoscope instead of its lens cap (Fig. 2A, 2B).47 Using a single latex “0” ring and a trip wire, the efficacy of Stiegmann’s gadget was first established using a canine model of varices.42 Then he and John Goff, a colleague and friend in the Division of Gastroenterology in Denver, showed that the procedure was feasible, safe, and effective clinically by performing 132 varix ligations during 44 sepa- rate sessions in 14 consecutive patients under topical anes- thesia and/or conscious sedation, using an over-tube and a single-fire te~hnique.~3 In the 10 patients who completed the course of treatment (2 died of unrelated causes and 2 were noncompliant), all achieved complete variceal eradication after a mean of 3.9 sessions, and there were no major com- plications. These excellent results were subsequently borne out in numerous studies thereafter by Stiegmann48 and oth- ers,49 and superiority over sclerotherapy was established. True to Petroski‘s predictions, the Stiegmann-Goff tech- nique has been modified to improve performance and re- duce failures due to complications, such as trauma caused by the over-tube50 that was needed for the single-fire device. Translucent plastic ligators that fit snuggly over the tip of the endoscope have been developed, with repeat-fire capabili- ties51 that obviate the need for repeated intubation and the use of an over-tube. Incidentally, Stephen Perry of the rubber manufacturing company Messrs Perry and Co., London, England, would have been gratified to learn that Stiegmann has extended the utility of the rubber band, which he in- vented originally to hold papers or envelopes together and patented in 1845. Endoscopic variceal ligation is now recommended by many a~thorities38,4~,5~,53 as first-line treatment for bleeding esophageal varices and to prevent rebleeding. Its widespread 1026 REUBEN HEPATOLOGY, October 2004 use has not been adopted yet, possibly in part due to the cost of the disposable equipment,39 which local ingenuity in some less-afffuent parts of the world has overcome by using what the authors describe as indigenous s~bstitutes.5~ By substituting bands used for hemorroidal ligation and fash- ioning an introducer (to slip the “0” ring on the cylinder) from a glass pipette and a tripwire from the wire used to string tennis raquets, the authors saved thousands of ru- pees.54 The next logical step in this saga will probably be to recommend prophylactic banding to prevent the first hem- orrhage,55,56 although for some doubters the notion of this motion is still controversial.57 “If a man can write a better book, preach a better sermon or make a better mousetrap, than his neighbor, though he build his house in the woods, the world will make a beaten path to his door.” Whether or not these words were ever uttered or written by the American essayist, poet, and philosopher Ralph Waldo Emerson is still a matter for ~ o n j e c t u r e , 5 ~ a but the sentiment that quality prevails in the marketplace is clearly true for Stiegmann’s invention. Parenthetically, it must be noted that the Patent Office has issued over 4,000 mousetrap patents, although none have surpassed the quality of the trap invented by John Mast of Lititz, PA, in 1899.59 Whereas a path may not have been beaten to Greg Stiegmann’s door, partly because his invention has never really been eponymous and partly because of the high altitude of his mountainous retreat, it is unquestionably one of the better traps that has yet been devised to ensnare that most elusive mouse, the bleeding esophageal varix. Acknowledgments: The author thanks Dr. Gregory Van Stiegmann for generously imparting the story of his invention of endoscopic variceal band ligation and for providing the photographs of his prototypic device. Mar- gie Myers continues to provide skilled manuscript prepa- ration and literature retrieval. ADRIAN REUBEN, M.B.B.S., F.R.C.P. Professo r o f Medicine Division of Gastroenterology and Hepatology Department ofMedicine Medical University of South Carolina Charleston, SC While this sentence has never been found in Emerson i. works, he is believed t o have used it in a lecture either at San Francisco or Oakland, Calfornia, in 1871. Borrowings was an anthology compiled by women of the First Unitarian Church of Oakland, and Sarah Yule contributed this sentence, which she had copiedfiom an address years b&ore. There has been some controversy because others, including Elbert Hubbard have claimed authorship. (Source: Respectjidly quoted: a dictio- navy of quotations requested fiom the Congressional Research Service. Edited by Suzy Plan. Washington: Libravy o f Cong-ess, US GPO, 1989.) References 1. Navarro V, Reuben A. Bleeding esophageal varices. N Engl J Med 1994; 331:1129. 2. Preble PB. Conclusions based on sixty cases of fatal gascrointestinal hem- orrhage due to cirrhosis of the liver. Am 1 Med Sci 1900;119:263-280. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. 12. 13. 14. 15. 16. 17. 18. 19. 20. 21. 22. 23, 24 25 26 - de Franchis R, Primignani M. Natural history of portal hypertension in patients with cirrhosis. Clin Liver Dis 2001;5:645-663. Osler W. Section 111 Diseases of the Digestive System. V. Diseases of the oesophagus. In: The principles and practice of medicine, designed for the use of practitioners and students ofmedicine. New York, NY: D. Appleton and Company; 1892:340. Osler W . Cirrhosis of the liver; fatal hemorrhage from oesophageal varix. Transactions of the Pathological Society of Philadelphia 1887; 13:276- 277. Osler W . Section 111 Diseases of the Digestive System. IV. Cirrhosis. In: The Principles and practice of medicine, designed for the use of practitio- ners and students of medicine. New York, NY: D. Appleton and Com- pany; 1892:443. Power W . Contributions to pathology. The Maryland Medical and Surgi- cal Journal 1840;1:306-318. Le Diberder and Fauvel. De 1’ hCmatCmise due B des varices de I’ oesoph- age, B propos d e w observations. Rec Trav SOC Med (Paris) 1857-1858;l: 257-284. Frerichs FT. Chapter 111. Inflammation of the liver. Its various forms and consequences. 11. Inflammation of the hepatic parenchyma. A. Diffuse hepatitis. 4. Symptoms of cirrhosis. 9. Characters presented by the liver. Translated by Charles Murchison. Val. 11. New York, NY: Wm. Wood and Co.; 1879:81. Brown Kelly H D . Origins ofoesophagoscopy. J R SOC bled 1969;62:781- 786. Hirshowitz BI. The development and application of fiberoptic endoscopy. Cancer 1988;61:1935-1941. Hirschowitz BI. Endoscopic examination of the stomach and duodenal cap with the Fiberscope. Lancet 1961;1:1074-1078. Hirschowitz BI. A fibre optic flexible oesophagoscope. Lancet 1963;2: 388-398. Reuben A. The way to a man’s heart is through his liver. HEPATOLOGY 2003;37:1500-1502. McIndoe AH. Vascular lesions of portal cirrhosis. Arch I’athol 1928;5:23- 40. Grannis FW. Guido Banti’s hypothesis and its impact on the understand- ing and treatment of portal hypertension. Maya Clin Proc 1975;50:41- 48. Terblanche J. Portal hypertension: a surgical hepatologist’s view of current management. J Gastrointest Surg 1997;1:4-12. Henderson JM. Surgical treatment of portal hypertension. Baillieres Best Pract Res Clin Gastroenterol2000;14:911-925. Orozco H, Mercado MA. The evolution of portal hypertension surgery: lessons from 1000 operations and 50 years’ experience. Arch Surg 2000; Wolff M, Hirner A. Current state of portosystemic shunt surgery. Lange- n b e c h Arch Surg 2003;388:141-149. Boerema I. Surgical therapy of bleeding varices of the esophagus during hepatic cirrhosis and Banti’s disease. Ned Tijdschr Geneeskd 1949;93: 4174-4182. Eck NV. K voprosu o perevyazkie varatnois veni: Predvaritelnoye soobsht- shjenye. Voen Med Zh (St. Petersburg) 1877;130: 1-2. Leibowitz HR, Rousselor LM, Whipple AO. Bleeding esophageal varices and portal hypertension. Springfield, IL: Charles C. Thomas; 1959. Sengstaken RW, Biakemore AH. Balloon tamponade for the control of hemorrhage from esophageal varices. Ann Surg 1950;131:781-789. Henderson JM. Surgical measures in rhe prevention of recurrent variceal bleeding. Gasrrointest Endosc Clin N Am 1999;2: 151--166. Petroski H . Chapter 2. Form follows failure. In: The evolution of useful things. New York, NY: Alfred A. Knopf Inc.; 1992. 135~1389-1393. HEPATOLOGY, Vol. 40, No. 4, 2004 REUBEN 1027 27. Rossle M, Haag K, Ochs A, Sellinger M, Noldge G, Perarnan J-M, et al. The transjugular intrahepatic portosystemic stent-shunt procedure for variceal bleeding. N Engl J Med 1994;330:165-171. 28. Colapinto RF, Stronell RD, Birch SJ, Langer B, Blendis LM, Greig PD, et al. Creation of an intrahepatic portosystemic shunt with a Griintzig bal- loon catheter. Can Med Assoc J 1982;126:267-268. 29. Palmaz JC, Sibbit RR, Reuter SR, Garcia F, Tio FO. Expandable intrahe- patic portacaval shunt stents; early experience in the dog. Am J Roentgenol 1985;145:821-825. 30. Rossle M , Richte GM, Noeldge G , Haag K, Wenz W, Gerok W , et al. Performance of an intrahepatic portacaval shunt (PCSA) using a catheter technique: a case report [abstract]. HEPATOLOGY 1988;8: 1348. 31. Rosde M, Richte GM, Noeldge G, Siegerstetter V, Palmaz JC, Wenz W. Der intrahepatische portosystemische shunt: erste klinische Erfarungen bei pati- enten mit Leberzirrhose. Dtsch Med Wochenschr 1989;114:1511-1516. 32. Rosch J, Hanafee WN, Snow H . Transjugular portal venography and tadiologic portacaval shunt: an experimental study. Radiology 1969;92: 11 12-1 114. 33. Crafoord C , Frenckner P. New surgical treatment of varicous veins of the oesophagus. Acra Otolaryngol (Stockh) 1939;27:422-429. 34. Lunderquist A, Vang J. Sclerosing injection of esophageal varices through transhepatic selective catheterization of the gastric coronary vein. A pre- liminary report. Acta Radio1 Diagn (Stockh) 1974;15:546-550. 35. Lunderquist A, Vang J. Transhepatic catheterization and obliteration of the coronary vein in patients with portal hypertension and esophageal varices. N Engl J Med 1974;291:646-649. 36. Mendez G Jr, Russell E. Gastrointestinal varices: percutaneous transhe- patic therapeutic embolization in 54 patients. Am J Roentgenol 1980; 1235: 1045-1050. 37. Terblanche J , Bornman PC, Jonker MAT, Kirsch RE, Saunders S. Injec- tion sclerotherapy of esophageal varices. Semin Liver Dis 1982;2:233-24 1. 38. de Franchis R, Primignani M. Endoscopic treatments for portal hyperten- sion. Semin Liver Dis 1999;19:439-455. 39. Sorbi D, Gostout CJ, Peura D, Johnson D, Lanza F, Foutch PG, et al. An assessment of the management of acute bleeding varices. A multicenter pro- spective member-based study. Am J Gastroenterol2003;98:2424-2435. 40. Soehendra N , Nam VC, Grimm H , Kempeneers I. Endoscopic oblitera- tion of large esophago-gastric varices with Bucrylate. Endoscopy 1986; 18: 25-26. 41. Jalan R, Hayes PC. UK guidelines on the management of variceal haem- orrhage in cirrhotic patients. Gut 2000;46 (Suppl 3-4): 1111- 11115. 42. Stiegmann GV, Sun JH, Hammond WS. Results of experimental esoph- ageal varix ligation. Am Surg 1988;54:105-108. 43. Van Stiegmann G, Goff JS. Endoscopic esophageal vein ligation: prelimi- nary clinical experience. Gastrointest Endosc 1988;34:113-117. 44. Crile G Jr. Transesophageal ligation of bleeding esophageal varices. Arch Surg 1950;6 1 :654- 660. 45. Linton RR, Warren R. The emergency treatment of massive bleeding from esophageal varices by transesophageal suture of these vessels at the time of acute hemorrhage. Surgery 1953;33:243-255. 46. Ottinger LW, Moncure AC. Transthoracic ligation of bleeding esophageal varices in patients with intrahepatic portal obstruction. Ann Surg 1974; 47. Stiegmann GV, Cambre T, Sun J. A new endoscopic elastic band ligating device. Gastrointest Endosc 1986;32:230-233. 48. Stiegmann GV, Goff JS, Michaletz-Ohody PA, Korula J, Lieberman D, Saeed ZA, et al. Endoscopic sclerotherapy as compared with endoscopic ligation for bleeding esophageal varices. N Engl J Med 1992;326:1527- 1532. 49. Laine L, Cook D. Endoscopic ligation compared with sclerotherapy for treatment of esophageal variceal bleeding: a meta-analysis. Ann Intern Med 1995;123:280-287. 50. Hoepffner N , Foerster E, Menzel J, Gillessen A, Domschke W . Severe complications arising from oesophageal varix ligation with the Stiegmann- Goff set. Endoscopy 1995;27:345. 51. Saeed ZA. The Saeed six-shooter: a prospective study of a new endoscopic multiple rubber band ligator for the treatment of varices. Endoscopy 1996; 28:559-564. 52. Grace ND. Diagnosis and treatment of gastrointestinal bleeding secondary to portal hypertension. Am J Gastroenterol 1997;921081-1091. 53. Sharara AI, Rockey DC. Gastrointestinal variceal hemorrhage. N Engl J Med 2001;345:669--681. 54. Nanivadekar SA, Satarkar RP, Dave UR, Sawant P, Chopda N. Use of indigenous and economical substitutes for variceal band ligation accesso- ries. Indian J Gastroenterol 1995;14:1-8. 55. Imperiale TF, Chalasani N. A meta-analysis of endoscopic variceal ligation for primary prophylaxis of esophageal variceal bleeding. HEPATOLOGY 2001;33:802-807. 56. Van Stiegmann G. Motion-prophylactic banding of esophageal varices is useful: arguments for the motion. Can J Gastroenterol. 2002;16:689- 692. 57. Kowdley KV. Motion-prophylactic banding of esophageal varices is use- ful: arguments against the motion. Can J Gastroenterol 2002; 16:693- 695. 58. Ladies of the First Unitarian Church of Cortland, California. Borrowings. San Francisco, CA: CA Murdock and Co., 1889:38. 59. Hope JA. A better mousetrap. Am Herit 1996: 90-97. 179:35-38. work_6jgmwefoancdtn2xusgrm6xlgq ---- Türk Kütüphaneciliği 29, 4 (2015), 707-717 Konuk Yazar /Guest Author Kitap Yasaklama Üzerine Düşünceler* * 6 Nisan 2011 tarihinde http://www.ulugbay.com/blog_hikmet?cat=10 adresinde yapılan paylaşımın ve Düşünbil dergisinin Kasım/ Aralık 2013 (38) sayısında yayımlanmış makalenin (http://www.dusunbil.com/eski-sayilar) gözden geçirilmiş ve genişletilmiş halidir. This is the revised and extended version of the sharing in following address http://www.ulugbay.com/blog_hikmet/7cOM10 on April 6, 2011 and the article published in Düşünbil Journal, November/December 2013 (38) issue (http://www.dusunbil.com/eski-sayilar). ** 55. Hükümet Milli Eğitim Bakanı, 56. Hükümet Devlet Bakanı ve Başbakan Yardımcısı, 57. Hükümet Devlet Bakanı. e-posta: hikmetulugbay@yahoo.com National Minister of Education of 55th Government, State Minister and Vice Prime Minister of 56th Government, State Minister of 57th Government. e-mail: h-ikmetulugbay@yahoo.com Geliş Tarihi — Received: 23.03.2015 Kabul Tarihi — Accepted: 25.11.2015 Thoughts on Book Banning Hikmet IHuğbay** Öz Milli Eğitim Eski Bakanlarından olan yazar kitap yasaklama konusunda Dünya ve Türkiye’den farklı tarih aralıklarında yaşanan örneklere yer vermektedir. Makalede kitap yasaklama konusunun dinler tarihinden itibaren dünya kamuoyunun gündeminde olduğu, değişik dönemlerde farklı konulardaki kitapların kamu güvenliği ve ahlakı başta olmak yasaklanageldiği vurgulanmaktadır. Yazar yasaklamaların aslında ağırlıklı olarak düşünce farklılığından kaynaklandığını, sorunun özünün düşünceyi ifade etme ve yayma özgürlüğü ihlali olduğuna işaret ederek özellikle yazar, yayıncı, gazeteci ve bilim adamı gibi düşünürlerin her dönem baskı altına alındığını belirtmektedir. Makalede kitap yasaklamanın demokrasi karşıtı bir eylem olduğu, geçmişten günümüze ünlü devlet adamı, bilim adamı, hukukçu ve edebiyatçılardan alınan özlü sözlerle de desteklenmektedir. Sorunun çözümüne giden yolda ABD’de uygulanmakta olan “yasaklanmış kitaplar haftası ” örneği uygulamaların Türkiye ’de de başlatılması önerilmekte düşünce özgürlüğü, basın özgürlüğü gibi demokrasinin temeli olan konularda hükümetlere önerilerde bulunulmaktadır. Anahtar Sözcükler: Kitap yasaklama; düşünce özgürlüğü; ifade özgürlüğü; bilgi edinme; yasaklanmış kitaplar haftası. Abstract This article, written by the author who used to be one of the former ministers of national education, includes some instances that took place in different date ranges in Turkey and different countries around the world about book censorship. It is emphasized in the article that censorship has been in public agenda since history of religions, some books with various subjects in different periods has been http://www.ulugbay.com/blog_hikmet/?cat=10 http://www.dusunbil.com/eski-sayilar http://www.ulugbay.com/blog_hikmet/?cat=10 http://www.dusunbil.com/eski-sayilar mailto:hikmetulugbay@yahoo.com mailto:hikmetulugbay@yahoo.com 708 Konuk Yazar / Guest Author Hikmet Uluğbay censored especially due to public safety and decency. The author states that philosophers particularly such as authors, publishers, journalists and scientists have been suppressed in each period by indicating that censorship is mainly derived from differences of ideas and the root of the problem is violation of freedom of thought and thought broadcast. The article supports the idea that book censorship is against democracy by citing quotations from famous statesmen, scientists, lawyers and litterateurs from past to present. Suggestions were made for governments about subjects such as freedom of thought and freedom of press which are the basis of democracy by referring to the “banned books week” as an example from the USA. It is suggested that such practices should be initiated in Turkey as well on the path towards the solution of the problem. Keywords: Banned books; intellectual freedom; freedom of thoughts; freedom of expression; access to information; banned books week. Giriş Kitap yasaklama hakkında internet ortamında Türkçe ve İngilizce olarak yaptığım aramalarda ilginç bir görüntü ile karşılaştım. İngilizce dilinde yaptığım aramada “tarihte yasaklanmış kitaplar” sorusu karşılığında 2,5 milyon başlığa rastlarken, aynı araştırmayı Türkçe dilinde “yasaklanan kitaplar listesi” anahtar sözcüğü ile denediğimde, neredeyse iki katı -4,6 milyondan fazla- başlıkla karşılaştım. Bu iki farklı sayı, bana göre, aslında önemli bir şeyin çok kaba bir göstergesiydi. Yasaklanan kitaplar konusu İngilizce arandığında Türkiye’ye göre daha az önemli bir konuma gerilemişti. Diğer bir aramayı “kitap yasaklama hakkında özlü sözler” olarak yaptığımda, İngilizce aramada 2,9 milyon başlıkla karşılaşırken, Türkçe sorgulamada sadece 89,400 başlığa rastladım. Bu da toplumların kitap yasaklamaya yönelik tepki verme boyutu ve duyarlılığı konusuna bir nebze ışık tutabilir. Ancak hemen şu uyarıda bulunmalıyım ki, bu sayılar, çok kaba bir görüntü verseler bile çok anlamlı değildirler. Zira, bildiğiniz üzere arama motorları, yazdığınız anahtar sözcüğü, sözcük olarak içeren tüm metinleri değil, sözcükleri tümüyle veya çoğunluğuyla her hangi bir metin içinde dağınık olarak bulunsalar bile sorunuzun yanıtı gibi listelerler. O nedenle de söz konusu sayılara fazlaca önem vermemek gerekir. Amerikan Kütüphane Derneği (ALA) diğer bazı derneklerle birlikte 1982 yılından bu yana her yıl Eylül ayının son haftasını Yasaklanmış Kitaplar Haftası (Banned Books Week) olarak ilan etmiştir. Bu inisiyatif 1982 yılında Birinci Anayasa Değişikliği ve Kütüphane Eylemcisi, aynı zamanda ALA Düşünce Özgürlüğü Ofisi Başkanı Judith Krug’un girişimleri ile kurulmuştur (https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/JudithKrug ). İnisiyatifin kurulduğu yıl Anayasa Mahkemesi olarak da görev yapan ABD Yüksek Mahkemesi’nin (US Supreme Court) bir davada (Board of Education, Island Trees School District v. Pico 1982) verdiği kararda geçen şu cümle “ Yerel okul yönetimleri, içerdikleri fikirleri beğenmediği kitapları okul kütüphanesi raflarından kaldıramazlar” (Mullins, 2007) dikkat çekicidir. Bu kararın söz konusu inisiyatifin kuruluşu üzerinde etkisi olmuş mudur bilinmez ancak aynı yıl kutlanmaya başlayan hafta boyunca, okuma özgürlüğünü ve ABD Anayasası’na “inanç, düşünceyi ifade, basın ve toplanma özgürlüklerini kısıtlamaya yönelik olarak Yasama Organı tarafından yasa çıkarılamayacağı” na https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Judith_Krug Kitap Yasaklama Üzerine Düşünceler Thoughts on Book Banning 709 ilişkin 1791 tarihinde eklenen hükmü ve bunun önemi üzerine etkinlikler yapılmaktadır. Bu etkinlikler çerçevesinde, bilgiye özgürce ve açık olarak erişimin yararları üzerinde durulurken, sansürün zararları ele alınmakta ve ABD’de güncel kitap yasaklama girişimlerine dikkat çekilmektedir. Bu bağlamda; ABD’de tartışılan diğer bir başlık da, 11 Eylül 2001 tarihinde ikiz kulelere ve diğer hedeflere saldırılardan sonra çıkarılan “Vatanseverlik Yasası” (The US PATRIOT Act:) çerçevesinde kitap, bilgiye erişim ve elektronik ortamda iletişim konularında başlayan elektronik ortam izlemelerine yönelik olarak giderek artan kaygılardır. Uluslararası Af Örgütü (Amnesty International) de “Yasaklanmış Kitaplar Haftası” nı kutlamakta ve bu bağlamda, yazdıkları, yaydıkları veya okudukları nedeni ile haksız uygulamalara konu olan kişiler hakkında dikkat çekmektedir. Bu örgüt, kitap yasaklama konusunda ülkeler bazında da bilgiler açıklamaktadır (Banned books week). Kitap Yasaklamanın Tarihsel Gelişimi Kitap yasaklama neredeyse yazılı tarih kadar eskidir. Antik çağ Yuı^^ı^i^^s^^ı^’ında Sokrates, yaptığı konuşmalarda dile getirdiği düşünceleri nedeni ile yargılanmış ve M.Ö. 399 yılında baldıran zehiri içerek yaşamına son verme cezasına çarptırılmıştır. İlk kitap yasaklamalarının Çin ve antik çağ Yunan’ında yer aldığı bilgisi ışığında o döneme kısaca göz atarsak Çin’den örnek olarak şu dikkat çekici bilgiyi görürüz. M.Ö. 259-210 döneminde Çin Hükümdarı olan Shih Huang Ti’nin yaktırdığı kitaplar arasında Konfiçyüs okulundan gelen düşünürlerin eserleri azımsanmayacak bir hacim oluşturmuştur. Günümüzde Shih Huang Ti’nin adı sadece bu eylemi ile hatırlanırken Konfiçyüs ve eserleri hemen her dile çevrilmiş ve çok okunanlar içinde hak ettiği yeri almıştır. Hıristiyanlığın ortaya çıkması ve yayılmaya başlaması ve daha sonra da Roma Devleti’nin resmi dini olması ile birlikte kitap ve açıklanan düşünceleri yasaklama uygulamasının yaygınlaştığı görülmektedir. Bu bağlamda mutlaka anılması gereken bir olay ise İskenderiye Kütüphanesinin aşama aşama yok edilişidir. İskender’in, M.Ö. 323 yılında ölümünden sonra parçalanan İmparatorluğumun Mısır bölgesi Ptolemeus Soter’in payına düşmüştü, Soter, İskender’in kurduğu ve ismini taşıyan kentte bayındırlık etkinliklerini sürdürdü ve bu kapsamda bir müze ve bir de kütüphane kurdu. Bu müze ve kütüphane izleyen yıllarda İskenderiye’yi çağının bilim ve araştırma merkezi haline getirdi ve sürekli bilim adamı ve filozof göçünü bu kente yönlendirdi. Bu da beraberinde kütüphanenin yeni ve çok değerli eserler kazanmasına yol açtı. Aynı dönemde dünyanın hızla gelişen diğer bir önemli kütüphanesi de Bergama Kütüphanesi idi. M.Ö. 40’lı yıllarda Marcus Antonius’un Bergama Kütüphanesindeki 200.000 tomar boyutundaki yazılı metinleri Mısır’a vermesi, Bergama Kütüphanesini çökertirken, İskenderiye Kütüphanesini daha da zenginleştirmiştir. Ancak Palmira Kraliçesi Septimia Zenobia M.S. 269 yılında Mısır’ı işgal ettiğinde, yağmalamalar sırasında İskenderiye Kütüphanesinin bir bölümü yanmış ve yok edilmiştir (Ronan, 2003, s. 136). Hristiyanlığın Mısır’ı da kapsaması ile birlikte İskenderiye Piskoposu Kiril döneminde M.S. 415 yılında İskenderiye’de yer alan ayaklanma Piskopos’un 710 Konuk Yazar / Guest Author Hikmet Uluğbay da desteklemesi ile paganlara, yahudilere ve hristiyanlığı farklı yorumlayan ve uygulayan novatianlara1 karşı kıyıma dönüşmüştü. Bu olaylar sırasında Kütüphane’nin Müdüresi değerli bir Matematikçi, Astronom ve Yeni-Eflatuneu akımın öncülerinden olmakla ün kazanan bilim kadını Hipatia da vahşi bir şekilde öldürüldü, vücudu parçalandı ve yakıldı. Bu olaylar sırasında İskenderiye Kütüphanesinin çok değerli koleksiyonları da geniş ölçüde yakılmıştır (Ronan, 2003, s. 136; Deakin, 2007, ss. 67-76). Bu katliam ve İskenderiye Kütüphanesinin yok edilmesi insanlık tarihinin en utanç yüklü sayfalarından birisi olmuş ve insanlık var oldukça da bu yok ediş nefretle anımsanmaya devam edilecektir. İskenderiye Kütüphanesinin yok edilişinin insanlığın gelişmesinde kaç yüzyıla mal olduğunu hesaplamak hiç de kolay değildir ancak ciddi bir maliyeti olduğu kesindir. Bu maliyet konusunda Fransız düşünür ve yazarı Michel de Montaigne’in (1533-1592) saptaması ilginçtir; “dinimizin yasalarla egemen olmaya başladığı ilk zamanlarda, inanç çabasının, bir kişiyi her çeşit pagan kitaplarına saldırttığı, bu yüzden aydın kişileri eşsiz hazinelerden yoksun bıraktığı su götürmez. Bence bu kargaşanın bilimlere ve sanata verdiği zarar, barbarların çıkardığı bütün yangınlardan daha büyük olmuştur” (Montaigne, 1999, s. 263). 1 Papalık tarihinde Papa’ya karşı muhalefet ederek üçüncü antipapa (antipope) unvanını alan ilahiyatçı Novatianus (M.S. 200-258) tarafından kurulan dini akım. Ayrıntılı bilgi için bkz. http://www.newworldencyclopedia.org/entry/Antipope 2 Yahudi medeni kanunu, tören kuralları ve efsanelerini kapsayan dini metinler. Ayrıntılı bilgi için bkz. https://tr.wikipedia.org/wiki/Talmud İngiliz John Wycliff (1329-1383) dünyada yaşamın yüzbinlerce yıl önce başladığını ileri sürmenin ötesinde İncil’i İngilizce’ye çevirmiş olması nedeni ile Kilise tarafından sapkın ilan edilmiştir (Özakıncı, 2000, s. 216). Kilise, daha önceleri de kitap yasaklayıp yok etti ise de, kitap yasaklamanın sistemli kayıtları 1559 yılında Papa Paul IV döneminde tutulmaya başlanarak okunamayacak kitaplar listesi düzenli bir şekilde yayınlanmaya başlandı (Mullins, 2007). İzleyen yıllarda Kilise’nin yasakladığı kitaplar listesi katlanarak büyüdü. Bu konudaki liste, “Engizisyon’un Roma Bürosunun Yasakladığı Kitaplar 1559” başlığını taşımaktadır. Papa Paul IV uygulamasından cesaret alan Fransız Kralı IX Charles izninin olmadığı hiçbir kitabın yayınlanamayacağını ilan etmiştir. 1535 yılında bu kez William Tyndale İncil’i İngilizce’ye çevirip 6.000 adet bastırmış ve İngiltere’ye kaçırmış ancak Kilise, İncil’in sadece Latince basılıp okunabileceği gerekçesi ile İngilizce versiyonu yasaklamıştır. Kilise, Martin Luther’in (1483-1546) Almanca’ya çevirdiği İnciii de yasaklamıştır. Kilise’nin yasakladığı İncil çevirileri bunlarla da sınırlı kalmamıştır. İncil’in Fransızca, İspanyolca, İtalyanca ve diğer dillere çevrilmiş metinleri de yasaklar listesinde yer almıştı. Doğal olarak yasak listesinde Talmut2, Tevrat ve Kur’an da vardı. Kilise’nin yasakladığı İncil, Hz. İsa tarafından Aramice dilinde açıklanmıştı. Çünkü Hz. İsa’nın yaşadığı dönemde o topraklarda iletişimin temel aracı Aramice idi. İncil’in ilk yazılı metni Yunanca’dır ve diğer dillere de çevrilmiştir. Latince’ye Jerome tarafından çevrilişi ise 382-405 arasında gerçekleşmiştir. Bu tarihten önce Latince’ye çevrilmiş olan İncil metinleri de vardır. İlginç olan, Kilise’nin, halka Aramice dilinde anlatılmış ve yazıya ilk defa Yunanca dökülmüş ve sonra Latince de dahil bir çok dile çevrilmiş olan İncil’in daha sonraki tarihlerde Latince dışı dillere çevrilmesini yasaklar duruma gelmesidir. http://www.newworldencyclopedia.org/entry/Antipope https://tr.wikipedia.org/wiki/Talmud Kitap Yasaklama Üzerine Düşünceler Thoughts on Book Banning 711 Doğal olarak ilerleyen yıllarda ana dilinde inancını yaşamak isteyenler tarafından İncil bütün dillere çevrilmiştir. Bu döneme yönelik olarak unutulmaması gereken diğer iki önemli bilgiden, ilki, Giardano Bruno’nun papazlık eğitimi almış olmasına rağmen, daha sonra papazlığı bırakıp felsefi ve hermetik konuların yanında matematik ve astronomi ile ilgili çalışmalar yapan bir Rönesans dönemi düşünür ve yazarı olmasıdır. Bruno, Kopernikçi evren modelini savunmuş, güneşin evrendeki birçok güneşten birisi olduğunu ve evrende yaşam olan başka dünyalar da olduğunu ileri sürmüş ve görüşleri Kilise’ye ters düştüğü için Engizisyon tarafın yargılanıp yakılmasına karar verilmesi sonucu 1600 yılında yakılmıştır (Boulting, 2010). İkincisi ise Galileo’dur. Galileo Galilei (1564-1642) güneş sistemine yönelik çalışmaları ve Kopernik’çi düşünce izleyicisi olması nedeni ile yargılanarak 70 yaşında iken hapse konulmuş ve 1642 yılında 78 yaşında iken hapiste yaşamı son bulmuştur. Galileo’nun Engizisyon’daki yargılanması sırasında, ileri sürdüğü görüşlerinden vazgeçtikten sonra, “E pur si mouve: fakat o (dünya) dönüyor” diye fısıldadığı söylenir. Galileo’nun diğer önemli bir söylemi de şudur; “Felsefe bu büyük kitapta -evreni kasdediyorum- yazılıdır ve bu kitap bakışlarımıza sürekli açık durmakta, ancak önce onun yazıldığı harflerin özelliklerini ve dilini öğrenmeden onu anlayabilmek mümkün değildir. O kitabın yazıldığı dil matematiktir ve yazılımda kullanılan harfler üçgenler, daireler ve diğer geometrik şekillerdir, bunları öğrenip anlamadan kitaptaki tek bir sözcüğü bile kavrayabilmeye insan yetenekleri elvermez ve bu bilgiler olmaksızın insan karanlık bir labirentin içinde dolanır durur” (Barlett ve Kaplan, 1992, s. 161). Bu örneklerin dışında engizisyonun tüyler ürperten diğer uygulamaları da vardır, örneğin sapkınların yakılması için 1401 yılında karar alması ve cadı avları gibi. Ancak konumuz kitap yasaklamaları olduğu için o konulara girilmeyecektir. Yukarıda da değinildiği üzere, izleyen yüzyıllarda da Kilise’nin ve Devletlerin kitap yasaklamaları ve hatta yakmalarının sayısız örnekleri vardır. Batı’da Hitler Almanya’sı, Mussolini İtalya’sı ve Franco İspanya’sında kitap yasaklama ve yakma eylemlerinin çok artığı görülmüştür. Özellikle Nazi Almanya’sında yer alan toplu kitap yakmaya ilişkin “10 Mayıs 1933 günü Berlin Üniversitesinin önünde, ortaçağlardan beri görünmeyen bir olay oldu. Naziler, eserleri Nazi ideolojisiyle bağdaşmayan yüzlerce yazarın kitabını, Nazi marşları söyleyerek törensel bir eylemle yaktılar. Eylemler, 34 üniversite kentinde de benzeri biçimde gerçekleştirildi. En az 30 bin değişik adlı milyonlarca kitap yakıldı” (Gündüz, 2011, s. 2) ifadeler tarihe tanıklık anlamındadır. Önce kitapları yakan, sonra dünyayı ateşe veren, ülkesindeki ve işgal ettiği topraklardaki Yahudi’lere kıyım uygulayan Hitler’in ve peşinden gidenlerin sonu da kötü olmuştur. Batı’da son zamanlara değin yasaklanan kitaplardan birkaç örnek vermek gerekirse George OrweH’in 1984 isimli kitabı, çocuk romanlarından Tom Sawyer, Huckleberry Finn, yetişkinlere yönelik Dr. Zhivago, Madam Bovary, Fareler ve İnsanlar ve kitap yakma konusunu işleyen roman Fahrenheit 451, Arap Geceleri ve daha yüzlercesi ve belki binlercesi akla gelebilir. 712 Konuk Yazar / Guest Author Hikmet Uluğbay Bu bağlamda Charles Darvin'in Türlerin Kökeni isimli kitabı birçok ülke tarafından yasaklandı ise de sonraları yasaklar kalkmıştır. Bir dönemde ABD de de evrim teorisinin öğretilmesi de yasaklanmıştı. Ancak bu noktada bir hususun altını çizmek gerekir ki, batı dünyasında aydınlar, Kilise’nin ve otokrat devlet yönetimlerinin bu baskılarına karşı giderek daha güçlü şekilde mücadele ederek bilimin yükselişini ve toplumsal aydınlığı sağlayabilmiştir. İşin ilginci ve unutulmaması gereken boyutu, bu mücadelede, kilise okullarında eğitim almış, ona rağmen bilime ve bilimsel araştırmaya ve felsefeye önem vermiş insanların önde yer almış olmalarıdır. Bu mücadele sonucunda, toplumların otokrat yönetimler altına düştükleri dönemler hariç, yakılan ve yasaklanan kitaplarda da çok önemli azalma sağlanabilmiştir. Batı’ya ilişkin bu özet değerlendirmeleri tamamlamadan önce bir hususun altını hemen çizmek gerekir ki, bu ülkelerde uzun süredir kitap yasaklamaları son derece azalmış ve fikirleri nedeni ile yazarların hapsedilmesi de yok denecek düzeye inmiş, düşünceleri ve yazdıkları için yazarların öldürüldüğü dönemler ise tarihin çok gerideki sayfalarında kalmıştır. Batı dünyasındaki özet bilgilerden sonra Orta Doğu tarihine de göz atacak olursak, Hallac-ı Mansur’un “ben tanrıyım” anlamında “ene-l-hakk” veya “ben hakk’ım” dediği için 922 yılında Bağdat’ta vücudunun parçalanıp, asılması ve sonrasında yakılması olayını görürüz (Lerch, 2000). Daha sonra İmam Gazali’nin İslam’da içtihat kapısını kapaması ile İslam konusunda birçok kitap yazılamaz hale gelmiştir. İmam Gazali’nin önceleri bilim ve usu ön plana çıkaran çalışmalar yaptıktan sonra, usçuluğa yönelik eleştirilerinin İslam’da bilimsel gelişmeyi nasıl olumsuz yönde etkilediğine ilişkin ayrıntılı bilgi Özakıncı’nın (2000) İslamda Bilimin Yükselişi ve Çöküşü 827-1107 isimli kitabında bulunmaktadır. Kur’an’ın, ulusların kendi dillerine çevrilmesi konusunda ülke yöneticileri tarafından çok uzun süre engeller konulmuştur ve bu engellerin İslam coğrafyasında tümüyle kalktığını söylemek de zordur. Bu konuda ülkemiz tarihi açısından çok kapsamlı bir inceleme, Özakıncı’nın (2013) Dünden Bugüne Türklerde Dil ve Din başlıklı kitabında yer almaktadır. Osmanlı Devleti döneminde de kitap ve yazı yasaklama/ sansürleme yer almış ve özellikle son yüzyıllarda çok artmıştı. Bu bağlamda Sultan Abdülhamit II dönemi sansür tarihimizde özel bir yer edinmiştir. Ancak, Osmanlı döneminde birçok konuda olduğu gibi kitap yasaklama konusu da ayrıntılı olarak incelenmediğinden kitap yasaklarına yer veren Osmanlı ’da Yasaklar (Taylan, 2014) isimli kitabın incelenmesinde yarar bulunmaktadır. Cumhuriyet döneminde de kitap yasaklamaları devam etmiştir. Başta Nazım Hikmet Ran olmak üzere birçok yazarın kitapları yasaklanmıştır. Aynı şekilde bazı yabancı kitapların yurda getirilmesi ve çevrilmesi de yasaklanmıştır. Cumhuriyet döneminde yasaklanan kitaplar ve listelerine ulaşmak için Kabacalı (1990) önerilebilir. Düşündükleri, savundukları ve yazdıkları görüşler nedeni ile öldürülen birçok değerli insanımız vardır. Son dönemlerde öldürülen gazetecilerden şu isimleri hemen herkes anımsar, Abdi İpekçi, Uğur Mumcu, Çetin Emeç, Metin Göktepe, Oral Kutlar, Turan Dursun, Ahmet Taner Kışlalı, Hrant Dink ve isimlerini sayamadığımız daha niceleri. Bu kadar fazla gazetecinin Kitap Yasaklama Üzerine Düşünceler Thoughts on Book Banning 713 öldürülmesi üzerinde toplum olarak çok ciddi şekilde düşünmemiz, bunun nedenlerini sorgulamamız ve bu tür olayların yeniden yaşanmaması için düşünce ve çözüm üretmemiz gerektirmektedir. Diğer taraftan, ülkemizin birçok değerli bilim adamı da savundukları fikirler nedeni ile öldürülmüşlerdir. Bunlardan bazıları hemen herkesin hafızasındadır; Doç Dr. Bahriye Üçok, Prof. Dr. Muammer Aksoy, Doç. Dr. Necip Hablemitoğlu, yine kederle ve utançla anımsayacağımız üzere 2 Temmuz 1993 günü Sivas’ın Madımak Oteli’nde 37 insanımız farklı düşündükleri için yakılmışlardır. Toplum olarak, düşünceyi ifade özgürlüğü bakımından pek de parlak olmayan bu geçmişin üzerini örtmeyip ciddi biçimde sorgulamalıyız. Demokrasi ve hukuk toplumu olmanın olmazsa olmazı bu sorgulamayı yapıp gereken dersleri çıkarmak ve düşünceyi ifade özgürlüğünü ve farklı düşünceleri yazıp savunabilme özgürlüğünü güven altına almak zorundayız. Bu görevimizi yerine getirmeyi ne kadar geciktirirsek uygar dünya tarafından dışlanmaya ve yargı kararlarımızın Avrupa İnsan Hakları Mahkemesinde (AİHM) sorgulanmasına ve ülkemizin hepimizin ödediği vergilerle karşılanacak tazminatlara mahkûm edilmesine seyirci kalmaya devam ederiz. Bildiğimiz kadarı ile ülkemiz AİHM’de en fazla tazminat ödemesine karar verilen ülkeler listesinin ilk sıralarında yer almaktadır. Konu kitap yasaklama olduğu için uzun süredir tutuklu olarak yargılanmakta olan ve ülkeye değerli hizmetler yapmış diğer düşün insanlarımıza ilişkin bir değerlendirmeye girmeden geçmişte kitap yasaklayan ve hatta kitap yakan toplumların devlet ve düşün adamlarının kitap yasaklamaları üzerinde açıkladıkları düşüncelerden küçük bir demet sunmak konumuz açısından bütünleyici olacaktır. Kitap Yasaklama Üzerine Seçilmiş Özlü Sözler • Antik Çağ Yunan trajik şairi, Euripides (M.Ö. 485-406); “Bir kimsenin düşüncelerini konuşamaması esarettir. ” • Doktor yemininin yazarı ve tıbbın en önemli ismi Hippocrates (M.Ö. 460-377): ‘“Gerçekte iki şey vardır, bilim ve kanaat, bunlardan ilki bilgi sahibi olmayı sağlarken ikincisi cehaletin yolunu açar” (Barlett ve Kaplan, 1992, s. 71). • İncil’i Almanca’ya çeviren Martin Luther (1483-1530) 1520 yılında Alman Devletleri Hristiyan Asillerine hitaben yazdığı bir metinde şu ifadeye yer vermiştir; ‘“Eğer sapkınlığı ateşle tedavi etmek bir sanat idiyse, bu uygulamayı yapmış cellatlarımız dünyanın en eğitimli doktorları olurdu” (Barlett ve Kaplan, 1992, s. 138). • İngiliz şair John Milton (1608-1674); ‘“Bir kitabı yok etmek bir insanı öldürmekle eşdeğerdir: bir insanı öldüren akıllı bir yaratığı Tanrı’nın yansımasını öldürmüş olur, bir kitabı yok eden ise aklın kendisini öldürmüş olur ” (Ehrlich, De Bruhl, 1996, ss. 63-64). • Amerikan devlet adamı Benjamin Franklin (1706-1790) 1759 yılında Historical Review of Pennsylvania dergisinde yazdığı bir yazıda, şu gözlemde bulunmuştur; 714 Konuk Yazar / Guest Author Hikmet Uluğbay ‘“Geçici bir rahatlık edinebilmek için temel haklarından vazgeçenler ne özgürlüğü ne de güvenliği hak ederler. ” • Alman şair, yazar, gazeteci, edebiyat eleştirmeni Heinrich Heine (1797-1856) 1821-1822 yıllarında yazdığı Almansor isimli trajedide bir kahin gibi şu görüşü açıklamıştır; ‘“Kitapların yakıldığı yerlerde, eninde sonunda insanları da yakarlar ”. • Oscar Wilde (1854-1900) 1891 yılında şu gözlemde bulunmuştur; ‘“Dünyanın ahlaka aykırı olarak tanımladığı kitaplar, dünyaya kendi utancını gösteren kitaplardır ”. • George Bernard Shaw (1856-1950); ‘“Adam öldürtmek, sansürün en uçtaki uygulamasıdır”. George Bernard Shaw sansür için ilginç bir gözlemde de bulunmuştur; ‘“Sansür, mantıksal olarak, insanların kimsenin okumadığı kitaplardan başka hiçbir kitabı okuyamadıkları noktada amacına ulaşmış olur”. • Psikoloji tarihinin en önemli isimlerinden birisi olan Sigmund Freud (1856-1939) 1933 yılında, Almanya’da yaygın olarak kitapların yakılmaya başladığı dönemde şu uyarıcı iğnelemede bulunmuştur; ‘“Ne gelişme gösterdik! Ortaçağlarda olsaydık beni yakardı. Şimdiyse kitaplarımı yakmakla tatmin oluyorlar”. • ABD Başkanı Harry S. Truman (1884-1972) 8 Ağustos 1950 günü Kongre’de yaptığı konuşmada şu hususa değinmiştir; ‘“Bir kez bir hükümet muhalefetin sesini kısma kararını alırsa, artık onun ilerleyebileceği tek yön kalmıştır, bu baskıcı uygulamaları kendi vatandaşları için bir terör kaynağı oluncaya kadar arttırmaya devam etmektir, bu noktada da ülke herkesin korku içinde yaşadığı bir yer konumuna gelmiştir”. • ABD Başkanlarından Dwight D. Eisenhower (1890-1969) 14 Haziran 1953 günü Dartmouth Koleji’nde yaptığı konuşmada şu hususun altını çizmiştir; ‘“Kitap yakanlardan olmayınız. Var olagelen gerçeklerin üstünü örterek düşünceleri engelleyeceğinizi de düşünmeyiniz”. • İngiliz devlet adamı Sir Winston Churchill (1874-1965); ‘“Herkes konuşma özgürlüğünü savunmaktadır. Bu fikir söylenmeden bir gün bile geçmez, ancak bazıları bu özgürlüğü kendilerinin istedikleri gibi konuşabileceği şeklinde anlar, fakat söylediklerine karşı birileri bir şey söylerse buna hiddetle tepki verir ”. • Amerika’nın Sesi Radyosu’nun 20 inci kuruluş yıldönümü olan 26 Şubat 1962 tarihinde ABD Başkanı John F. Kennedy (1917-1963) şu hususu da belirtmiştir; ‘“Biz, Amerikan halkına, tatsız gerçekleri, yabancı düşünceleri, karşıt felsefeleri ve rakip değerleri sunmaktan korkmayız. Özgür bir ortamda halkının gerçek ve yanlış hakkında karar vermesinden korkan bir ulus aslında kendi halkından korkmaktadır ”. • İsrail Başbakanlarından David Ben-Gurion (1886-1973); ‘“Demokrasinin varlığını kanıtlayan eleştirme özgürlüğüdür. • Ralph Waldo Emerson (1803-1882); ‘“Heryakılan kitap dünyayı aydınlatır”. • İsrail eski başbakanlarından Golde Meir (1898-1978); ‘“Hiç kimse, şimdi hoşuna gitmiyor diye geçmişi silmeye teşebbüs etmemeli ve silmemelidir”. Kitap Yasaklama Üzerine Düşünceler Thoughts on Book Banning 715 • ABD Yüksek Mahkeme Hâkimi Potter Stewart, Ginzberg’e (1915-1985) ABD 383 U.S. 463 (1966) kararına karşı yazdığı karşı oy yazısında şu hususu özenle vurgulamıştır; ‘“Sansüre başvurmak, o toplumun özgüven noksanının göstergesidir. Bu durum aynı zamanda otoriter rejimin ayırdedici özelliğidir Bu alıntıları Atatürk’ün basın özgürlüğü hakkındaki söylemi ile sonlandıralım; ‘“Basın özgürlüğünden doğacak zararların ortadan kaldırılması yine basın özgürlüğü tarafından sağlanır” Afetinan, 1968). Bu özlü söz örnekleri kitap yasaklama, kitap yakma, düşünceleri nedeni ile insanları yok etme konusunda toplumlarının yaşadıkları acı deneyimlerden gerekli dersleri çıkarmış düşünür ve devlet adamlarının gözlemlerini ve uyarılarını yansıtmaktadır; Bu söylemlerden özellikle ABD Yüksek Mahkeme Hâkimi Potter Stewart’ın yukarıda alıntılanan sözünün ilk bölümü olan, ‘“sansüre başvurmak, o toplumun özgüven noksanının göstergesidir ” söylemi büyük bir gerçeğin ifadesidir. Yurt içinde yayınlanmış veya yurt dışından getirilmesi yasaklanmış kitaplar yüzünden ülkemiz çok ciddi bedeller ödemiş ve ülkemizin düşünen insanlarına da büyük haksızlıklar yapılmıştır. Bu konudaki ilk örnek, İngiliz ajanı T. E. Lawrence’ın I. Dünya Savaşı sırasında Araplar arasındaki çalışmalarını kapsayan Seven Pillars of Wisdom3 isimli kitabıdır? Bu kitabın ülkeye girişinin ve çevirisinin uzun süre yasaklanmasından zarar gören de sadece Türkiye olmuştur. Oysa I. Dünya Savaşına ilişkin tarihimiz T. E. Lawrence, Gertrude Bell, Mark Sykes, W. H. I. Shakespeare, Binbaşı Noel ve diğerlerinin Güneydoğu’da ve Arap topraklarında şeyhlerle kurduğu ilişkiler bilinmeden tam ve doğru olarak yazılamaz. İçeride ve dışarıda yazılan kitaplarda (ve hatta sinema filmlerinde) ülkemiz için kabul edilemeyecek, haksız ve yanlış birçok suçlamalar da dile getirilmiş olabilir? Bu türden bile olsa eserleri yasaklamak, dolaylı olarak yazılanlara hak vermek izlenimi yaratır. Çünkü o kitaplarda yer alan görüşlerin yanlışlığını kanıtlayan belge ve bilgiler bir veya birkaç kitap, makale ile hem kendi insanımızın hem de dünya kamuoyunun önüne bilim insanlarımız ve araştırmacı yazarlarımız tarafından sunulmamış olmaktadır. Ayrıca kitle iletişim araçlarının bu denli yaygınlaştığı ve dünyayı gezmenin adeta yurt içi gezisi konumuna geldiği bir ortamda ülkemiz hakkındaki eleştiriler ve bunlara yönelik kendi düşünür ve uzmanlarımızın araştırma ve görüşleri konusunda bilgisi olmayan yurttaşlarımız yabancılar karşısında, bu tür konular gündeme geldiğinde kendilerini ve ülkelerini savunamaz duruma düşmektedirler. Ermeni ve Kürt sorunları konusunda ülkemizde yayınların hemen hemen hiç düzeyinde olduğu dönemlerde, yurt dışında öğrenim gören öğrenciler bu konuda yabancılar konuyu açtıklarında ve bazı görüşler ileri sürdüklerinde birkaç hamasi cümlenin ötesinde karşılarındakileri düşünmeye sevk edecek görüş dahi söyleyemez durumda kalmışlardır. Başta Kıbrıs, Kürt, Süryani, azınlık hakları gibi birçok konuda toplum ve bireyler yıllarca bilgilendirilmedikleri için yurt dışında zorlanmışlardır. Ayrıca bu bilgisizlik toplumsal barışa da katkıda bulunmamıştır. Daha sonra bu konuda eserler yayınlanmaya başladığı gibi, konuya ilişkin yabancı yayınlar da toplumun bilgisine sunulmaya başlanmıştır, 3 Lawrence, T. E. (1922). Seven pillars of wisdom. A triumph. The complete. (3. Cilt). Farington, UK: Thornton’s Bookshop. 716 Konuk Yazar / Guest Author Hikmet Uluğbay ancak çok değerli ve uzun bir süre kaybedilmiştir. İçeride ve dışarıda yayınlanmış kitapların yasaklanması, başta üniversiteler olmak üzere Türkiye’nin düşünce üreten insanlarına yapılmış çok büyük haksızlık olmaktadır. Zira yasaklama bir bakıma “ülkemizde bu yazılanların doğrusunu ve aksini bilimsel etik içerisinde savunacak insanımız yoktur” mesajı da içermektedir. O nedenle yurt içinde yazılmış kitapları yasaklama, dışarıda yayınlanmış kitapların ülkeye getirilmesi ve çevirilerine karşı yasak konulmasına da en büyük tepkiyi üniversiteler ve düşün insanlarımız vermeli ve bilimsel yetenek ve birikimlerine haksızlık yapılmasına demokratik tepki göstermelidir. Ulusumuzun yetiştirdiği çok değerli şair., yazar ve politik eleştirmenlerden biri olan Namık Kemal (1840-1888) Hürriyet Kasidesi’nin bir beyitinde görüş ayrılıklarının ülkeye yararı konusunda şu gözlemde bulunur. “Durur ahkâmı nusret ittihadı kalbi millette/ Çıkar âsârı rahmet ihtilafı reyi ümmetten”. Osmanlıca bu metnin günümüz Türkçesi ile anlamı şöyledir; “Başarma gücü, milletin gönül birliğindedir/ Nitelikli ve yararlı ürünler toplumdaki farklı görüşlerin çatışmasından ortaya çıkar”. Namık Kemal, ulusun farklı görüşlerden yararlı yeni sentezler üretme yeteneğine güvenini yaklaşık bir buçuk yüzyıl önce dile getirmiş olmasına rağmen, yıllardır ve günümüzde ulusun bu yeteneğini yadsıma yaklaşım ve tutumu anlaşılır gibi değildir. Siyasi partiler, sürekli olarak yeni bir anayasa yapmaktan veya anayasada kapsamlı değişiklik yapmaktan bahsediyorlar. Gerçekten samimi iseler Türkiye’de hiçbir kitabın yayınına ve çevirisine ve düşüncenin açıklanmasına yasak konulamayacağına ve tutuklu yargılamanın süresinin birkaç haftayı geçemeyeceğine ilişkin birer maddeyi de önerilerinin içine eklemelidirler. Eğer çok büyük zorunluluk olduğuna inanıyorlarsa ve Avrupa Birliği ülkelerinde yer alan sürelere uygun da düşüyorsa sınırlı birkaç suç türü için (bu suçlar isim isim sayılarak) tutukluluk halinin ne kadar uzatılabileceğini de istisnalar kapsamında tek tek belirtmelidirler. Tarih, kitap yasaklamanın kısa süre dışında hiçbir etki yaratamadığının örnekleri ile doludur. Ahmet Şık’ın yasaklanan İmamın Ordusu isimli kitabının, yasak kararından kısa süre sonra, internet ortamında yayınlanması ve aynı gün 100.000’lerin erişimine ulaşmasından herkesin alacağı dersler bulunmaktadır. Ülkemizdeki basın yayın kuruluşlarını, yayınevlerini, yazarları, kütüphanecileri ve bunlara ait dernekleri her yıl Mart ayının son haftasında kutlanmakta olan Kütüphane Haftasını “Kitap Yasaklamalarını Anma Haftası” olarak da organize etmelerini düşünmeye davet ediyorum. Kaynakça Afetinan, A. (1968). Medeni Bilgiler ve M. Kemal Atatürk’ün el yazmaları. Ankara: Türk Tarih Kurumu. Banned books week. 24 Kasım 2015 tarihinde http://www.bannedbooksweek.org/ adresinden erişildi. Bartlett, J. ve J. Kaplan. (1992). Bartlett’s familiar quotations. (16. bs.). Boston: Little Brown and Company. http://www.bannedbooksweek.org/ Kitap Yasaklama Üzerine Düşünceler Thoughts on Book Banning 717 Board of Education, Island Trees School District v. Pico 1982. (2015). 17 Kasım 2015 tarihinde https://www.law