A 489379 P 1837 UUUUUUUWW Pull SCIENTIA 3 ARTES LIBRARY VERITAS OF THE VERSITY OF MICHIGA UNIVERSITY ТЕвод OVERIS PENINSUU CIRCUMSPICE MUUTM MINI |||||| Ну 943 . H2 THE BRAVO MYSTERY AND OTHER CASES BY THE SAME AUTHOR THE BOURBON RESTORATION ENGLAND AND THE ORLEANS MONARCHY GENERAL PICHEGRU'S TREASON FOUR FAMOUS MYSTERIES FIELD MARSHAL H.R. H. ERNEST AUGUSTUS DUKE OF CUMBERLAND THE BRAVO MYSTERY AND OTHER CASES BY SIR JOHN HALL, BART. 'Tis strange but true, for truth is always strange, Stranger than fiction.—BYRON (Don Juan). LONDON JOHN LANE THE BODLEY HEAD LTD. First published in 1923 Made and Printed in Great Britain at The Mayflower Press, Plymouth, William Brendon & Son, Ltd. PREFACE me. igra 2 IR LESLIE STEPHEN once admitted to feeling some sympathy with those people who avowedly prefer the police reports to any other kind of literature. In them, at least, the reader is brought into “ contact with solid facts possessing all the charm of their brutal reality.” The remark was made in reference to The State Trials which he goes on to describe as the “ police reports of the past.” The series of Notable British Trials, a volume or two of which appears every year, now provides the reader with a selection of modern cases equal in human interest to any to be found in Cobbett's and Howell's older collection. But, as the name implies, only those cases are dealt with in which the accused parties were actually arraigned. Some of the strangest and most mysterious crimes are, therefore, excluded from this series, and three out of the five studies in this volume are devoted to cases which never came : to trial. No cause célèbre in modern times, not even the Tichborne Trial, has aroused a greater degree of interest than the Bravo case. For more than a month-in the hot summer of 1876—public atten- tion was wholly absorbed in the proceedings of the Coroner's Court at Balham, where the first lawyers vi PREFACE of the day were vainly endeavouring to elucidate the mystery of Mr. Bravo's death. Nevertheless, the detailed story of the case has never been told in narrative form and anyone desirous of studying it has had to refer to the files of old newspapers. In my account I have followed the almost verbatim reports of the proceedings in the Daily Telegraph. Moreover, I have recently enjoyed the inestimable advantage of discussing the affair with Sir Harry Poland, K.C., the junior counsel for the Crown at the memorable inquest. Not content with giving me the benefit of his recollections, he has been so kind as to read and comment upon my MS. and I gladly take this opportunity of offering him my best thanks for his suggestions and invaluable assistance. “The Northumberland Street Tragedy” is an affair of a totally different kind. Here there is no mystery ; the facts are plain, their interest consisting in their “ brutal reality.” It is a drama of uncon- trollable passion of which the last scene is a death struggle as terrible as any depicted in the pages of fiction. Although the case of Sellis, the Duke of Cumber- land's valet, is often mentioned in biographies and referred to by historians, no trustworthy account of it seems to exist. The contemporary pamphlet A minute detail of the attempt to assassinate the Duke of Cumberland is somewhat scarce and is to be found in very few libraries. Most people, therefore, who have felt any curiosity on the subject have been obliged to consult such deliberately untruthful works as The Secret History of the Court of England PREFACE vii and other worthless productions. They have, in consequence, as the Duke's many enemies intended that they should, gained an altogether wrong impression of the business. For, as I have en- deavoured to show, the facts are simple and perfectly straightforward. My narrative is based upon the above-mentioned pamphlet and the papers, now at the British Museum, of Francis Place, the Radical tailor, the foreman of the Jury which sat upon the body of the deceased valet. Place, at any rate, cannot be suspected of any desire to screen a royal personage or to hush up a scandal in high places. Turning over the pages of Fouquier's Causes Célèbres, I came across the picture of a convivial party at a Paris restaurant. It was an incident in a famous case the circumstances of which I have related under the title of “ An Affair of Honour." In addition to its dramatic episodes, the story sheds a curious light upon the seamy side of literary and journalistic society in Paris, at the time when Balzac was writing his last works and the novels of the elder Dumas and Eugène Sue were appearing in serial form in the daily papers. There is an entirely erroneous but widely enter- tained belief that George IV, as Prince of Wales, was, to all intents and purposes, warned off Newmarket Heath. True it is, however, that the inconsistencies of " form " displayed by one of his horses was the subject of an investigation by the Stewards of the Jockey Club, and the last chapter in this volume is in the nature of an inquiry into the running of the celebrated Escape. At this viii PREFACE distance of time the materials for such a task are not easy to find, but with the aid of the Racing Calendars, Genius Genuine, Sam Chifney's curious apologia, and the early volumes of the Sporting Magazine, I have, I venture to think, been enabled to set forth the main facts. In the course of the story I have given some description which will, I trust, not be considered too discursive of the racing world as it was and of the Prince's friends and associates at Newmarket. 21 DORSET SQUARE, N.W. 1. AUTHORITIES The BRAVO MYSTERY The Balham Mystery, or The Bravo Poisoning Case. Published in 7 parts. London, 1876. The Daily Telegraph reports of the second inquest (July 12th- August 13th, 1876). Articles in contemporary papers, notably in the World, August 23rd, 1876, and in the Lancet, August 19th and 26th, 1876. THE NORTHUMBERLAND STREET TRAGEDY Annual Register, 1861. The Times, the Daily Telegraph, July, 1861. The Lancet, July 20th and 27th, 1861. W. M. Thackeray. On Two Roundabout Papers which I intended to Write. The Duke of CUMBERLAND's Valet Annual Register, 1810 and 1813. A Minute Detail of the Attempt to Assassinate H.R.H. The Duke of Cumberland, London, 1810. The Times and the Examiner, June, 1810. Place Papers, Brit. Mus., Add. MSS. 35, 144, and 27, 851. T. H. Jessie. Life of George III. Diaries and Correspondence of Right Hon. G. Rose. The Trial of Josiah Phillips for a Libel on the Duke of Cumberland. The Times, November 20th, 1851. Obituary notice on King of Hanover. Graham Wallas. Life of Francis Place. W. T. Thoms. Hannah Lightfoot. The Quarterly Review, April, 1838. AUTHORITIES AN AFFAIR OF HONOUR A. Fouquier. Causes Célèbres, Vol. II. H. De Villemessant. Mémoires. E. d'Auvergne. Lola Montez. Autobiography and Lectures of Lola Montez. Published 1858. GEORGE IV AND THE JOCKEY CLUB "Racing Calendars, 1789, 1790, and 1791. . Samuel Chifney. Genius Genuine. H. Corbett. Tales and Traits of Sporting Life. C. Pigott. The Jockey Club, or A Sketch of the Manners of the Age. Sporting Magazine. W. M. Thackeray. The Four Georges. R. Huish. Memoirs of George IV. “Nimrod." The Chase, The Turf, and The Road. Sir T. A. Cook. The History of the English Turf. Sir T. A. Cook. Eclipse and O'Kelly. R. Black. The Jockey Club. T. R. Robinson. The Last Earls of Barrymore. T. R. Robinson. Old Q. Buck Whaley's Memoirs. Edited by Sir Edward Sullivan. Life and Letters of Lady Sarah Lennox. Edited by the Countess of Ilchester. A Portion of the Journal kept by T. Raikes, Esq. Vol. III. The Quarterly Review. Vol. 161. The Trial of Daniel Dawson. CONTENTS TERY The BRAVO MYSTERY . . . THE NORTHUMBERLAND STREET TRAGEDY The DUKE OF CUMBERLAND'S VALET . AN AFFAIR OF HONOUR . . . GEORGE IV AND THE JOCKEY CLUB . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . : ILLUSTRATIONS • . 10 Field-Marshal H.R.H. Ernest Augustus, Duke of Cumberland . . . . . Frontispiece Facing page Mr. Charles Bravo . . . . . . . 6 Mrs. Charles Bravo .. Dr. Gully . . . Mrs. Cox . . . . . . . . . . . 68 Hungerford Bridge from Savoy Wharf in 1861 A Plan of part of St. James's Palace . . Lola Montez . . . . . . The Duel in the Bois de Boulogne Samuel Chifney • · 244 The Race for the Oatlands Stakes at Ascot in 1791 . 258 THE BRAVO MYSTERY AND OTHER CASES THE BRAVO MYSTERY : AND OTHER CASES : THE BRAVO MYSTERY F the unravelled mysteries of the nine- teenth century the death of Mr. Bravo is the most perplexing. A case of suspected poisoning in which the persons principally concerned were in affluent circumstances and in a good position of life could not fail to excite enormous interest. But it is also memorable for other reasons than those connected with the strange revelations which transformed the inquiry held in the billiard- room of the Bedford Hotel at Balham into a cause célèbre. Never before or since have the proceedings of a Coroner's Court been conducted under similar conditions. The Attorney-General was present in person and some of the most eminent members of the Bar held briefs on behalf of interested parties. Yet no judicial inquiry has ever, in modern times, been carried on so unbecomingly. The coroner, although he had been furnished with a legal adviser, proved as incapable of preventing the introduction of irrelevant matter as he was of insisting upon a THE BRAVO MYSTERY decorous behaviour on the part of the audience and the members of the jury. While the eminent counsel engaged and a famous solicitor acting for the family of the deceased carried the cross-examina- tion of witnesses to greater lengths than seems per- missible, even at a coroner's inquiry, the spectators and some of the jurymen testified their approval or disapproval in the most open manner. And when after twenty-three sittings of the court the investi- gations came to an end no definite conclusion had been reached. That Mr. Bravo had been poisoned was established beyond the possibility of doubt, but by whom the fatal dose had been administered was still an unsolved mystery. Charles Delaunay Turner Brayo was thirty years of age when he died under conditions which made his death the most absorbing topic of the hour. His real name was Turner, but on attaining his majority he assumed the name of Bravo, which was that of his stepfather, a rich city merchant, who treated him in all respects as though he were his son. He would not appear to have been sent to a public school, but he went to Oxford, where he left an excellent reputation behind him. After leaving the Univer- sity he was called to the Bar, and rented chambers in Essex Court in the Temple. But his home was in one of those detached red brick mansions facing the green at the back of Kensington Palace, which seem to have been specially designed for merchant princes of the Victorian era. Here, at No. 2 Palace Green, he led a comfortable and easy existence, adored by his mother, and meeting with nothing but THE BRAVO MYSTERY affection and indulgence from his stepfather. In these circumstances, he had little incentive to work, yet he appears to have attended his chambers with regularity, and to have shown a laudable anxiety to make a career for himself. He was a man of good abilities and at the time of his death was already beginning to make some headway in his profession, although in the last twelve months of his life his earnings amounted to no more than £200. And, in addition to his ambition of creating a practice for himself at the Bar, he seems to have had thoughts of standing for parliament, as soon as his professional prospects should be more assured. When not engaged in legal work, he appears to have divided his time between the Junior Carlton Club, of which he was a popular member, and his stepfather's palatial home in Kensington. No incident of any importance seems to have disturbed the even tenor of his life until, in the autumn of 1875, he became engaged to Mrs. Ricardo, the widow of Captain Alexander Louis Ricardo, a former officer of the Grenadier Guards. Mrs. Ricardo, who was about thirty years of age, was the daughter of Mr. Robert Campbell of Buscot Park, Berkshire, and of 37 Lowndes Square, London. Like Mr. Bravo, senior, he was a wealthy man and like him was generally described as a merchant, whatever the exact meaning may be of that vague, but comprehensive, designation. It was, apparently, while on a visit to Montreal in 1863 that Miss Florence Campbell first met the young officer whom she married the following year. At THE BRAVO MYSTERY that time, she was nineteen, and her husband, who in March, 1864, was gazetted a lieutenant and captain, had but recently attained his majority. It was from the beginning an ill-fated union. Captain Ricardo, who retired from the army in 1867, was singularly unsuited to domestic life and, in addition, appears to have been in the habit of drinking heavily. At times he showed signs of improvement, but he always reverted to his evil practices, which soon began seriously to undermine his constitution. In 1870, both husband and wife spent the greater part of the summer and autumn at Malvern and here Mrs. Ricardo seems to have decided that she could no longer live with her husband. Before this their relations had often been strained, owing mainly, it must be presumed, to the Captain's drinking propensities. But other causes of dissension not improbably arose at Malvern, where Mrs. Ricardo was under the care of Dr. Gully, whose hydropathic establishment enjoyed a high reputation. A formal deed of separation was accordingly drawn up, by the terms of which Mrs. Ricardo was to receive an allowance of £1200 a year. This state of affairs, however, did not endure for long. In April of the following year, Captain Ricardo died at Cologne, without having revoked a will by which he left his entire fortune to his wife. Thus, in 1871, Mrs. Ricardo, who was still a young and attractive woman, found herself a widow in possession of an income which, with her own settlement, amounted to close on £4000 a year. When her husband died, Mrs. Ricardo was THE BRAVO MYSTERY staying on Tooting Common at the house of her solicitor, Mr. Brooks. Her residence with this gentleman has to be recorded, because it was there that she met the woman with whom she was ever afterwards so closely associated. Mr. Brooks's children were at the time receiving instruction from a daily governess, a widow, a certain Mrs. Jane Cannon Cox. This lady had been left almost destitute by her husband, an engineer, employed in Jamaica. In these circumstances, she was befriended by Mr. Bravo, senior, who himself came from Jamaica, where he had large business interests. Besides affording her some pecuniary assistance, he advised her to invest the greater part of the little money which she possessed in furnishing a house in Lancaster Road, Notting Hill, with the idea of letting it at a profit. He also appears to have been instrumental in obtaining admission for her three boys to a school at Streatham for the children of distressed gentlefolk. Thus relieved, in a great measure, of the care of her family, Mrs. Cox con- trived to eke out a livelihood on her earnings as a governess and on the proceeds of the house in Lancaster Road. Mrs. Ricardo, however, conceived a great liking for her and when, at the end of about nine months, she left Mr. Brooks's and took a house for herself in Leigham Court Road, Streatham Hill, she invited Mrs. Cox to live with her as her com- panion. As may be imagined, she was only too pleased to exchange the drudgery of her life as a daily governess for the easy duties of housekeeper and companion to a kind and generous friend. 6 THE BRAVO MYSTERY Mrs. Ricardo remained for about two years at the villa on Streatham Hill, “ Stokefield" as she called it, in memory, seemingly, of a house of that name which she had occupied at Malvern. At the end of that time she acquired the lease of a larger and more pretentious abode at Balham, to which she and Mrs. Cox removed in the spring of 1874. Although Mrs. Cox was in receipt of a salary of £100 a year, Mrs. Ricardo always treated her, not as a paid companion, but as a friend. In conversation both ladies invariably addressed one another by their Christian names and, generally speaking, they seem to have lived together on a footing of equality. It was through Mrs. Cox that Mrs. Ricardo, about this time, made the acquaintance of Mr. Charles Bravo. Not long after they had taken up their residence at The Priory—as the Balham house was named-Mrs. Cox wished to pay her respects to Mr. and Mrs. Joseph Bravo, to whom, as has been related, she was under considerable obligations. It was, therefore, arranged that Mrs. Ricardo, one day when she was driving into London, should drop her in Palace Green and call for her after she had finished her shopping and other business. This programme was duly carried out, but Mrs. Bravo hearing that her protégée's employer was at the door, in her carriage, begged her to come in. Thus Mrs. Ricardo was introduced both to Mrs. Bravo and to her son, Charles, who happened to be present. On this occasion, however, neither seems to have made any particular impression upon the other. In the autumn of the following year, Mrs. Ricardo, MR. CHARLES BRAVO THE BRAVO MYSTERY accompanied as usual by Mrs. Cox, paid a visit to Brighton. Soon after their arrival they were driving along the front when they caught sight of Mr. Charles Bravo. Not improbably they were only too glad to see anyone whom they could claim as a friend. In any case, Mrs. Ricardo ordered her coachman to stop and renewed her acquaintance with the young man. Mr. Bravo, in the King's Road at Brighton, was seemingly more susceptible than he had been in the family mansion on Palace Green. He now showed plainly that the meeting afforded him the keenest pleasure and, after making himself as pleasant as possible, begged to be allowed to see her again very shortly. His request was not refused and, during the next few weeks, wherever the two ladies went he was generally in attendance. It was clear that his attentions were not displeasing to Mrs. Ricardo and he was, accordingly, emboldened to make her a proposal of marriage. After some show of hesitation, on the plea that they scarcely as yet knew each other sufficiently, she accepted him, and thus when, early in November, 1875, they left Brighton they left as an engaged couple. It was a most suitable marriage to all outward appearances. Mrs. Ricardo had a comfortable fortune of her own and her fiancé, although for the present entirely dependent upon his stepfather, might reasonably expect to be a rich man some day. In such circumstances, the pecuniary arrangements and other matters of that kind were easily arranged, Mr. Joseph Bravo agreeing to settle £20,000 upon his stepson. What he thought about the match in THE BRAVO MYSTERY his innermost heart was never disclosed. But about his wife's feelings it is possible to speak with certainty. She unquestionably, from the first, regarded her future daughter-in-law with aversion. There are no grounds, however, for supposing that she knew anything to her discredit or had any good reason for disliking her. Not improbably, she would have felt very much the same about any other woman whom her son proposed to marry. There being no real obstacles matters proceeded rapidly. The engagement was, for those days, unusually short. After a visit to Palace Green, Mrs. Ricardo went to her father's house in Lowndes Square and, on December 7th, the marriage took place at All Souls, Knightsbridge. The bridegroom's mother, however, could not bring herself to attend the ceremony. For the present, she would only express the pious wish that some day she might come to feel differently about her daughter-in-law. After spending about a fortnight at Brighton, the newly married couple visited their respective parents at Buscot Park and Palace Green and, about the end of the first week in January, 1876, settled down at The Priory, which was to be their future home. The house in which Mr. Bravo's short married life was spent was a castellated stuccoed building erected, some fifty years earlier, when the sham Gothic style of architecture was very much the fashion. It consisted of about eleven bedrooms, a library, a morning-room, a drawing-room with a conservatory and a dining-room, and stood in its own grounds of ten acres, on the edge of Tooting THE BRAVO MYSTERY Common. The front gate, which was in the Bedford Hill Road, was flanked by a lodge, recently built by Mrs. Bravo, for the accommodation of her coachman and on the other side of the house-on the common itself—there was a second entrance, also provided with a lodge, known as the Lower Lodge. The house still exists, but its amenities are sadly diminished. The grounds, which poor Mr. Bravo often jestingly described as “the estate," are now completely built over. Nor can any traces to-day be seen of the two lodges which, if they have not been pulled down, must long ago have been converted into small residential villas. During her widowhood or at least since she had taken up her residence at The Priory, Mrs. Bravo always lived in considerable style. She was fond of horses and took great interest in her garden, for the upkeep of which she kept a gardener with two men under him. It was her practice to job her carriage horses, but she had a pair of cobs of her own which she herself drove in one of those low open phaetons, in which the footman sits in a dicky behind-a type of vehicle which must be familiar to every one who has turned over the pages of an old Punch. Her indoor establishment appears to have consisted of a butler, a footman and six women servants. But after her marriage her husband became apprehensive that they were living too extravagantly and, in deference to his wishes, she agreed to dismiss her maid and to be content with the services of her head-housemaid. With that exception, the house- hold arrangements at The Priory seem to have been 10 THE BRAVO MYSTERY carried on very much as they had been before her marriage. Most important of all, Mrs. Cox remained and continued to act as housekeeper. Indeed, she appears to have been on the same friendly and familiar terms with Mr. Bravo—whom she was also in the habit of addressing by his Christian name-- as she had been for the past four years with his wife. After he entered the married state and came to live at The Priory, Mr. Bravo attended to his professional duties as closely as ever. Between the beginning of January, 1876, and Easter, when the Courts rose, he went up almost every day to the Temple, his one complaint being that briefs came all too seldom. Meanwhile, those who saw anything of his domestic life were convinced that he was absolutely happy. Although somewhat careful in money matters, he was of a very sociable disposition and would often bring back a friend to dinner. In this informal and unpretentious way the Bravos seem to have entertained fairly frequently. But it was nearly always Mr. Bravo's fellow-barristers or other acquaintances who enjoyed the hospitality of The Priory. Outside her own family circle Mrs. Charles Bravo seems to have had few friends of either sex. The smoothness of their existence, during these four months, was only marred by two untoward events. Towards the end of January and again on April 6th Mrs. Bravo had a miscarriage. On this second occasion, she suffered a considerable amount of pain and discomfort and was obliged to keep to her bed for rather more than a week. It was consequently decided that, immediately MRS. CHARLES BRAVO 12 THE BRAVO MYSTERY Priory for luncheon. Mr. Bravo, in the meanwhile, partook of that meal at the St. James's Hall in the company of Mr. Ord, his wife's uncle. He was in excellent spirits, ate heartily and drank a pint of claret. There being nothing to detain him in London, after luncheon he set out on foot, about three o'clock, for Victoria, meeting in St. James's Street Mr. M'Calmont, a friend and fellow-barrister, who accompanied him to the station. As they strolled along together conversing on various topics, Mr. Bravo asked him to return with him and dine at The Priory. Owing to a previous engagement, he was unable to accept the invitation, but before they parted he promised to run down the next day and play a game of lawn-tennis. Mrs. Bravo was in the morning-room at The Priory when her husband returned. She told him that after he quitted her in Jermyn Street she went to the Stores and bought him some tobacco. He seemed very pleased by this little attention and left the room saying that he should smoke a pipe of the new mixture in the garden. Presently, however, he looked in again dressed, to her surprise, in boots and breeches and announced his intention of going for a ride. When, soon after six o'clock, he came back, he appeared to be tired out and sank into a chair. He had, he said, been quite unable to hold the cob, which had twice run away with him. When at last he contrived to stop him, he was so exhausted that he could scarcely muster strength enough to extract a shilling from his pocket to give to the boy who had picked up his hat. As he complained very THE BRAVO MYSTERY 13 much of stiffness, Mrs. Bravo recommended a hot bath and the butler was ordered to prepare one. Both of them shortly afterwards went upstairs to dress for dinner, which was to be, as usual, at half-past seven. While they were in their respective rooms, Mrs. Cox returned. Owing to the lateness of the hour, however, she did not change her dress and, directly she came down to the morning-room, they all went in to dinner which, on her account, had been kept back for a few minutes. Ever since April 6th, Mrs. Bravo had taken her evening meal in her bedroom, and this first dinner which she ate downstairs in her husband's company proved a somewhat dreary affair. In spite of his hot bath and of the fact that his wife was once more seated opposite to him, Mr. Bravo, who was generally full of talk and fun, seemed depressed and out of sorts. He had recently complained of toothache and neuralgia and was, in addition, in the opinion of the butler who waited at table, suffering from the effects of his unpleasant experiences while out riding that afternoon. Moreover, just before going into dinner he had received a letter from his stepfather which caused him considerable annoy- ance. He was fond of engaging in small dealings- they can hardly be called speculations-on the Stock Exchange, by which he might if fortune favoured him make a profit of a few sovereigns. The contract note of a recent operation of this kind, which had resulted in a loss of £20, had inadver- tently been directed to his stepfather, who was staying at St. Leonards, Mr. Bravo, senior, in 14 THE BRAVO MYSTERY sending it on, took the opportunity of expressing his disapproval of such transactions. Mr. Charles Bravo, however, resented these observations, which he considered were especially uncalled for, seeing that his stepfather had only become acquainted with the affair by accident. During dinner, he several times reverted to this grievance, declaring that he should certainly “write the governor a shirty letter.” So entirely did this business absorb his attention that he took but a languid interest in Mrs. Cox's account of her doings at Worthing and scarcely looked at the photograph of the house which she had selected for them. The dinner itself was short and uninteresting, consisting of whiting, lamb and a dish of eggs and bloater paste. Mr. Bravo declined the fish, but all three of them partook of the last two courses. During the meal, which lasted rather more than half an hour, he drank three glasses of Burgundy, while the two ladies between them disposed of nearly two bottles of sherry. As soon as dinner was over, they all went into the morning-room, where they remained until, at the end of about half an hour, Mr. Bravo suggested that his wife had sat up long enough. She agreed, and left the room, followed by Mrs. Cox, who offered to assist her to undress, Mary Anne, the housemaid, being still at her supper. Outside the door, Mrs. Bravo expressed the wish for a glass of sherry, which Mrs. Cox at once procured for her from the dining-room and carried upstairs. The first floor at The Priory consisted of five THE BRAVO MYSTERY 15 rooms. The principal bedroom faced the stairs and, under normal conditions, was occupied by Mr. and Mrs. Bravo. Since the miscarriage of April 6th, however, Mr. Bravo had been relegated to an adjoining room and it was Mrs. Cox who nightly descended from her room, on the second floor, and shared his wife's bed. His dressing-room was next to Mrs. Bravo's room, but since he had been sleeping alone he does not appear to have used it. Beyond it again was another small room which served Mrs. Bravo as a dressing-room and at the other end of the passage, opposite to Mr. Bravo's room, was a spare bedroom. Thus, anyone ascend- ing to the landing on the first floor would have in front of him the two bedrooms occupied by Mr. and Mrs. Bravo respectively and, on his right hand, the two dressing-rooms. Mrs. Bravo went to her dressing-room, where she drank her sherry and, with Mrs. Cox's assistance, proceeded to undress. Some twenty minutes later, while they were thus engaged, Mary Anne entered the room with a can of hot water. Having deposited it upon the washing-stand, she was about to leave the room, when Mrs. Bravo requested her to go downstairs and bring her up another glass of sherry. The girl complied at once, and as she was leaving the dining-room with a tumbler of wine in her hand Mr. Bravo came out of the morning-room and went upstairs to bed. It was barely half-past nine, but there was nothing unusual in his retiring for the night at this early hour. Contrary to his usual habit, however-for it was his practice to 16 THE BRAVO MYSTERY adopt a very friendly attitude towards his servants- he passed her without speaking, “ looking,” as she afterwards described it, “ queer and angry." He went straight to Mrs. Bravo's dressing-room, where, so Mrs. Cox afterwards deposed, he reproached her for taking too much wine. Already she had drunk nearly a bottle of sherry and now she had sent for more. He spoke these words in French, under the impression apparently that Mary Anne was close behind him. She, however, was dis- creetly waiting in Mrs. Bravo's bedroom, from which she did not emerge until she presently heard him pass along the passage and enter his own room. She then went out with the intention of rejoining Mrs. Bravo in the dressing-room, but on the landing outside she met her coming to bed. For the next ten minutes or so, Mary Anne was engaged in tidying the dressing-room and, having performed that duty, she returned to the bedroom to inquire whether her services were further required that night. By this time Mrs. Bravo appeared to have fallen asleep, but Mrs. Cox, who was sitting fully dressed by her bedside, told Mary Anne that there was nothing more for her to do. Accordingly, after removing the dogs, she left the room and was about half-way downstairs when the door of Mr. Bravo's room was suddenly thrown open and he appeared in his nightshirt upon the landing calling out loudly, “ Florence, Florence, hot water, hot water !” He was pale and agitated and the girl, realizing at once that something very serious had happened, ran back to Mrs. Bravo's room. THE BRAVO MYSTERY 17 Strange to say, Mrs. Cox had not heard Mr. Bravo's cries of distress, although the door of his room was only a few feet away and his voice had been raised to a fairly high pitch. But, when Mary Anne burst in with the news that he had been seized with illness, she at once went to his assistance without, however, arousing Mrs. Bravo. Mr. Bravo, by this time, had moved away from the door and was standing close to an open window through which he was vomiting copiously. Did he say anything to Mrs. Cox in explanation of his condition? That question was afterwards hotly debated and will need to be carefully considered, later on. For the moment, suffice it to say that Mary Anne, who had followed Mrs. Cox into his room, only heard him, in the intervals of his attacks of sickness, cry out again for hot water, which, by Mrs. Cox's orders, she at once went to fetch. When she returned, Mr. Bravo had sunk down upon the floor and Mrs. Cox was engaged in rubbing his chest. That lady was clearly of opinion that an emetic must be administered and Mary Anne was consequently again sent away in quest of mustard and camphor. A message that hot coffee was to be prepared was also despatched to the kitchen. Furthermore, Mrs. Cox herself went downstairs and, pushing open the pantry door, told Rowe, the butler, to send the coachman for Dr. Harrison, of Streatham, who had frequently attended Mrs. Bravo. Indeed, when the man transmitted the order to his fellow- servant he was under the impression that it was for his mistress that the doctor's services were suddenly 18 THE BRAVO MYSTERY required. But he was speedily undeceived. Mary Anne, in the course of seeking for some of the articles required by Mrs. Cox, had occasion to go to Mrs. Bravo's medicine cupboard. Finding that she was still asleep and seemingly unaware of all that had happened, she took upon herself to awaken her and informed her of the state of affairs. Mrs. Bravo rose at once and, hastily putting on a dressing-gown, ran into the next room. At the sight of her husband lying upon the floor almost unconscious, with Mrs. Cox stooping over him, she testified the liveliest concern. Hearing that Dr. Harrison had been sent for, she insisted that Dr. Moore, who lived only a few hundred yards away, must be summoned instantly. Nor would she entrust the message to Mary Anne or to anyone else, but, rushing downstairs, she begged Rowe, in a voice broken with sobs, himself to go for Dr. Moore and bring him back as speedily as possible. Mean- while, the mustard and water which Mrs. Cox had administered to Mr. Bravo had brought on renewed vomiting. Very soon, however, the unfortunate man lapsed into a state of unconsciousness and all that the women could do was to raise him up into a chair and await the arrival of the doctor. Dr. Moore, whom Rowe had found at home, was quickly upon the scene. Mr. Bravo, when he arrived, was leaning back in a chair completely insensible. The action of the heart was almost suspended and the doctor's first impression was that he was on the point of death. Neither Mrs. Bravo nor Mrs. Cox could assign any reason for his THE BRAVO MYSTERY 19 sudden and mysterious attack of illness. They talked of his misadventure while out riding that afternoon, and said that he had lately been worried about stocks and shares. Mrs. Cox, it appeared, had only given him an emetic because he had complained of a pain in his stomach. The doctor was completely puzzled and knew not what to do. For the moment, he could think of nothing better than to put him to bed, and, after that had been effected with Rowe's assistance, Dr. Harrison arrived. Before he was taken upstairs Dr. Harrison had a short conversation in the hall with Mrs. Cox, who was somewhat more communicative to him than she had been to Dr. Moore. Thus she related how Mr. Bravo had vomited out of his bedroom window, a circumstance which she had not seen fit to disclose to his colleague. Then, having enumerated the remedies which she had herself applied, she con- cluded by saying: “I am sure he has taken chloroform.” Mr. Bravo, having lately been suffering from toothache and neuralgia, had sought to alleviate the pain by rubbing his gums with chloroform. Accordingly, having consulted together, the two doctors proceeded to search the room to see whether they could " discover anything to account for the symptoms.” They found a bottle of chloroform a bottle of laudanum and a bottle containing a liniment composed of camphor and ammonia. In Dr. Harrison's opinion, Mr. Bravo's “ appearance and symptoms were closely allied to those that would be produced by taking chloroform.” But 20 THE BRAVO MYSTERY neither of them could detect the faintest smell of that drug in his breath and they were, in consequence, driven to look for the cause of trouble in some other direction. In these circumstances, the first con- clusion which they came to was that“ a large vessel near the heart had given way” and to stimulate its action they proceeded to inject brandy and water with a syringe, their patient being still unconscious and quite incapable of swallowing anything. Both of them, however, looked upon the case as wellnigh hopeless and they therefore suggested that further medical advice should be obtained. Mrs. Bravo fell in readily with this proposal and expressed the wish that Mr. Royes Bell, a Harley Street surgeon, should immediately be sent for. This gentleman was a cousin and a very intimate friend of Mr. Bravo and, moreover, had attended her in her recent illness. Dr. Harrison, consequently, wrote to him begging him “ to come at once and to bring some one with him, as Mr. Bravo was suffering from failure of the heart's action.” This note was given to the coachman with orders that he was to drive into London and bring back the doctors. During the two hours which had necessarily to elapse before the carriage could return, Mrs. Bravo appeared unable to control her impatience. At one moment she lamented that the cobs had not been sent instead of the carriage horses, and at another she threw herself down beside her unconscious husband and addressed him in terms of the fondest endearment. But, as she almost immediately fell asleep, Dr. Harrison was constrained to awake her THE BRAVO MYSTERY 21 and request her to remove herself from the bed, lest she should interfere with the sick man's breath- ing. About two o'clock, an important change manifested itself in Mr. Bravo's condition. His pulse rose and he began to vomit and to pass a bloody fluid. These symptoms, which betokened internal ulceration, were a clear indication to the doctors of the nature of his malady. Henceforward, they could feel assured that he was suffering from an irritant poison. About the same time as they made this discovery the carriage returned and Mr. Royes Bell and Dr. Johnson, of Savile Row, were brought up to the sick-room. Directly they were made acquainted with this last development, they likewise regarded it as an unmistakable sign that in some way or another Mr. Bravo had absorbed an irritant poison. Meanwhile, the unfortunate gentleman was beginning to recover consciousness. Directly their patient was in a condition to answer them, the doctors pressed him to tell them what he had taken. He had rubbed his gums with laudanum for neuralgia, he replied, and had possibly swallowed some accidentally. “ But laudanum," said Dr. Johnson, “ will not account for your symptoms.” He persisted, nevertheless, in declaring that he had taken no other drug. While they were thus engaged, Mrs. Cox took Mr. Bell aside and asked to speak to him in private. Together they went to Mrs. Bravo's dressing-room, where she made the astounding statement that, when he was i Johnson, Sir George (1818-1896), Physician, King's College, London. Knighted 1892. 22 THE BRAVO MYSTERY first taken ill, “ Charlie," as she called him, had confided to her that he had taken poison. It was while he was vomiting out of the window, and his exact words were “ I have taken poison, don't tell Florence.” Mr. Bell did not conceal his surprise that she should have withheld this information for so long. “ It is no good,” he said, “ sending for a doctor if you do not tell him what is the matter," and with that observation he left her and imparted this new and startling piece of news to Dr. Johnson. Dr. Johnson, after Mrs. Cox had repeated her story to him, immediately went back to the patient's bedside and said, “ Mrs. Cox tells us you have spoken to her of having taken poison-what's the meaning of that ?” “I don't remember,” he replied, “having spoken of taking poison.” “ But have you taken any?” insisted Dr. Johnson. Possibly laudanum, nothing else, he assured the assembled doctors and, press him as they might, he constantly adhered to that statement. On being apprised of Mrs. Cox's revelations, Dr. Harrison, not unnaturally, testified some annoy- ance that she had concealed Mr. Bravo's statement from him. In reply to his observations on the subject, however, she professed to be under the impression that directly he arrived she had told him everything. “ You certainly did not," retorted the doctor. “You told me you were sure he had taken chloroform,” and there the matter was allowed to rest for the present. About five o'clock, all the medical men returned to their respective homes, with the exception of Mr. Royes Bell, who announced THE BRAVO MYSTERY 23 his intention of remaining in the house. Dr. Johnson, however, who was in charge of the case, carried back with him to London a jar containing a specimen of rejected matter which he proposed to test for arsenic. After the departure of the doctors Mr. Bravo's condition underwent little change. He was fre- quently sick and suffered intense agony from pains in the stomach. Moreover, he was under no illusions as to the gravity of his situation. With the idea, apparently, that he might thereby be induced to tell them what he had taken, the doctors had let him see plainly that they entertained little, if any, hope of saving him. The sight of his wife appeared to be his chief consolation. More than once he asked her to kiss him and, about midday, feeling somewhat easier, he called for pen and paper and drew out a will by which he left her everything and appointed her his sole executrix. At the same time, he solemnly enjoined Mr. Bell to tell his mother, should she not arrive before he died, “ to be kind to Florence.” Later on, in the course of their rounds, both Dr. Moore and Dr. Harrison looked in, and about three o'clock Dr. Johnson arrived, and all of them in turn made renewed efforts to elicit from him the nature of the poison which he had swallowed. For unless Mrs. Cox had made a deliberately false statement—and they had no reason to suspect her good faith-it was plain that he must have knowingly taken some deleterious drug. But he replied always that nothing of a poisonous character, except possibly laudanum, had 24 THE BRAVO MYSTERY passed his lips and the only result of their impor- tunities was to irritate and annoy him. “Why the devil should I have sent for you, I if knew what was the matter with me?” Rowe heard him exclaim impatiently. Before Dr. Johnson left that afternoon, the dying man's mother and stepfather, who had been tele- graphed for from St. Leonards, reached The Priory. They were accompanied by Miss Bell, Mr. Royes Bell's sister, and by Amelia Bushell, an old maid of Mrs. Bravo's, who had known Mr. Charles since he was a boy. As soon as they arrived, Mrs. Bravo begged her daughter-in-law to allow her and Amelia Bushell to take complete charge of the sick-room. She had, hitherto, always nursed her son in all his illnesses and he was quite accustomed to be attended by her. Mrs. Charles made no difficulty about consenting. Indeed, to facilitate matters, she gave up her bedroom on the first floor to the old Bravos and herself went to sleep upstairs with Mrs. Cox. That night no improvement took place and when, at nine o'clock on Thursday morning, April 20th, Dr. Johnson visited his patient, he found that his condition, if it had changed at all, had changed for the worse. And unfortunately Dr. Johnson was still as much in the dark as ever as to the particular poison which had caused the mischief, the test for arsenic, to which he had submitted the specimens removed the day before, having given a negative result. This he only confided to Mr. Royes Bell, but, before departing, he felt it his duty to inform old Mr. Bravo that he regarded his stepson's case THE BRAVO MYSTERY 25 as hopeless. That gentleman at once broke the news to Mrs. Charles who, on learning that the doctors had definitely given up her husband, exclaimed, “ They have had their way and I as his wife will have mine.” She then proceeded to describe certain remedies which she had been advised would prove efficacious. She was a firm believer in homeopathy, and the treatment which she now advocated was of a homeopathic character. It consisted of a mustard plaster upon the spine, cold water applications to the stomach and small and frequent doses of arsenicum. Dr. Johnson, however, objected to the poultices, which would only subject the patient to useless suffering. But the arsenicum, in the form suggested, was perfectly harmless and he was quite prepared to allow it to be administered. Mrs. Charles Bravo did not say and, apparently, the doctors did not trouble to inquire from whom she had obtained this pre- scription. About three o'clock in the afternoon, Dr. Johnson returned accompanied by Dr. Henry Smith, a brother-in-law of Mr. Bravo, senior. Dr. Smith, however, had nothing to suggest and could only express his general concurrence with Dr. Johnson's view of the case. In the meantime, however, Mrs. Charles Bravo had taken upon herself to call in Sir William Gull- and had already sent Mrs. Cox to London with a note begging him to come at once. 1 Gull, Sir William Withey (1816–1890). Attended Prince of Wales 1871. Created Baronet 1872. Left personalty worth over £344,000 besides landed estates, 26 THE BRAVO MYSTERY The summoning of a new doctor in this unorthodox fashion was a serious breach of medical etiquette. Nevertheless, the matter was arranged amicably and, that evening, about six o'clock, Dr. Johnson and his famous confrère drove down to The Priory together. Ever since his successful treatment of the Prince of Wales, when he was lying at the point of death from typhoid fever, Sir William Gull had held a position in the public estimation which no other member of his profession has occupied since his day. But, apart from that particular instance of his skill, his penetration was remarkable and he was generally believed to exercise a veritable fascination over his patients. If it were true there- fore that Mr. Bravo was concealing some vital fact from his medical attendants, Sir William was of all men the best fitted to overcome his obstinacy. When he was taken up to the sick-room, Sir William expressed a wish that everybody should go out of it, except the doctors. Then, after a very short examination of the patient, he said to him, “This is not disease. You are poisoned, pray tell us how you came by it." Mr. Bravo, however, only repeated what he had so often said before, that he had rubbed his gums with laudanum and might have swallowed some.“ It is much more than that," exclaimed Sir William, who went on to adjure him solemnly to reveal to them what he had taken. It might enable them, he added, to find an antidote, but, checking himself, he said “ No, that would not be fair, I fear no antidote would do you good and it is not for me to press a dying man.” At this stage, THE BRAVO MYSTERY 27 Dr. Johnson, who was standing at the foot of the bed, interposed with the grave words, “ If you do not tell us more than we know at present, some one may be accused of being the cause of your death.” “ I cannot help that,” was the reply, “ I have taken nothing else.” There was no more to be said and the doctors went into the adjoining dressing-room to consult together. Before this, Sir William had directed that the matter which Mr. Bravo had vomited through the window on the night on which he was taken ill should be collected. It was still lying upon the leads below and no difficulty was experienced in carrying out Sir William's orders, but, while Dr. Johnson was sealing up the jar in which it had been placed, Miss Bell appeared at the door of the room in which the doctors were closeted and told them that “ Charlie” was calling urgently for Dr. Gull. Sir William at once returned to the sick man's bedside, only to discover, however, that he wished to repeat his former statement. As impressively as he could and in as loud and distinct a tone as his condition permitted, he now assured Sir William Gull, in the presence of Miss Bell, Amelia Bushell and Dr. Johnson, that he had told him the whole truth and nothing but the truth and that he made this assertion with the full knowledge that “ I am going to appear before my Maker." He next asked whether anything could be given him to relieve his pain and whether there was “ really no hope.” Sir William felt his pulse and heart and told him that he had very little life left in him and that he was in short “ half-dead” 28 THE BRAVO MYSTERY already. He then went downstairs and soon after- wards returned to London, his visit having only lasted about forty minutes. It was his opinion, and he made no secret of it, that Mr. Bravo would not live through the night. Nor was he mistaken. About four o'clock, on the morning of Friday, April 21st, the poor man's long-drawn-out agony came to an end. In such circumstances, there could be no question of granting a certificate of death, and Mr. Royes Bell immediately took steps to warn the Coroner and to arrange for a post-mortem examination. This last operation he entrusted to Dr. Joseph Payne, who performed it the following day-Saturday, April 22nd-in the presence of Dr. Johnson, Dr. Harrison, Dr. Moore and Mr. Royes Bell himself. Evidence of internal inflammation and ulceration was discovered, but no indication could be found of any natural disease which could cause death. As is usual in such cases, the contents of the stomach and intestines and various portions of the digestive organs were placed in jars, sealed up and sent off for analysis, in this instance, to Professor Redwood who, before this, had received specimens of the dejecta and of the vomited matter which Sir William Gull had directed should be collected from the leads below the deceased's window. Meanwhile, Mrs. Cox was in corre- spondence with Mr. Carter, the Coroner for East Surrey, on the subject of the inquest. Mrs. Bravo, wrote Mrs. Cox, was anxious that it should take place at The Priory itself, “where,” she added THE BRAVO MYSTERY 29 thoughtfully, “refreshments will be prepared for the jury.” Mr. Carter, apparently, saw no reason to decline so kindly an invitation. The inquest was opened on Tuesday, April 25th, 1876, in the dining-room of The Priory. There can be little doubt that it had been conveyed to the Coroner that it was a case of suicide and that the relations were very anxious that the investigations should be carried out as privately as possible Mr. Carter was an official of long experience who, it must be presumed, had hitherto satisfactorily performed his duties. On this occasion, he knew that the deceased was a barrister in very good circumstances and that his family and surroundings were eminently respectable. Under these con- ditions, he seems to have considered that he would be justified in confining his inquiry within the narrowest limits and in doing all in his power to avoid touching upon anything which might cause pain to the dead man's relatives and friends. Accordingly, no notification of the inquest was sent to the newspapers and none of their repre- sentatives were, consequently, in attendance. It must be remembered, however, that the reporters of that time were neither as pushing nor as ubiquitous as they are to-day. For, although everything was done to ensure the privacy of the inquiry, the proceedings, it is clear, were not carried on in a strictly closed Court. One or two neighbours contrived to secure admission and a Mr. Reid, a barrister and a friend of the deceased, was also present and, moreover, took notes of the evidence. 32 THE BRAVO MYSTERY the best of her belief he and Mrs. Bravo had always lived together most happily. Dr. Payne next described the result of his post-mortem examination which had disclosed no natural cause to account for death. The evidence of Dr. Theophilus Red- wood, professor of Chemistry to the Pharmaceutical Society of Great Britain, was to the effect that he had discovered antimony in all the specimens and organs submitted to him. In his opinion it could only have been administered in the form of tartar emetic, which was easily soluble in water and practically tasteless. The deceased's symptoms were those which a large dose of antimony might be expected to produce. From the food vomited through the window alone he had extracted ten grains of tartar emetic. He felt no doubt that the deceased's death was to be attributed to " antimony taken in sufficient quantity to cause death." Mr. Royes Bell stated that from the time when he first arrived at The Priory, in the early hours of Wednesday morning, he remained with the deceased until he died, on the following Friday. Although frequently pressed to say what he had taken, the deceased had always refused to admit either to him or to any of the other doctors that he had taken anything except laudanum. Mr. Carter, it appears, now considered that the jury were in possession of sufficient facts to enable them to return a verdict. His own notes and those of Mr. Reid are, however, the only records which exist of these proceedings. This much is certain, that he declined to hear Dr. Johnson and Dr. Moore, THE BRAVO MYSTERY 33 both of whom were present and anxious to depose. Nor would he allow Mrs. Bravo to be called. She was, he understood, prostrated by the shock of her husband's death and he could see no reason why they should add to her sufferings by asking her to give evidence. From disclosures subsequently made, it is clear that the Coroner's decision thus pre- maturely to close the inquiry by no means met with the approval of the jury as a body. Certain members of it, unquestionably, regarded Mrs. Cox's evidence as unsatisfactory and insisted on recalling her and on examining her sharply. The Coroner, however, who seems to have persuaded himself that it was a case of suicide, would not allow any further time to be devoted to the case. No account exists of his summing up, but it is reasonable to suppose that it accorded with his own prepossessions. Neverthe- less, when he had concluded and when the court was cleared, he took a very unusual step. Perhaps he was not altogether comfortable in his own mind or, possibly, he perceived that the jury were inclined to be restless and dissatisfied. Be the reason what it may, he sent for Mr. Joseph Bravo and asked him whether he entertained any suspicion that his stepson had been the victim of foul play. “No," was the answer, “but there are drugs in nearly every room of the house.” The verdict, which the jury shortly afterwards brought in, was “that the deceased died from the effects of poison-antimony -but that there was no evidence as to the circum- stances in which it had come into his body.” The next day, April 29th, the funeral took place 30 THE BRAVO MYSTERY TO wa Mr. Joseph Bravo was the first witness called. He formally identified the deceased as his stepson and stated that from the Wednesday, when he first saw him in bed, until the Friday morning, when he died, he never heard him suggest the cause of his illness. Mrs. Cox related how on the Tuesday night she had gone to Mr. Bravo's bedroom and how he had used the words, “ I have taken poison, don't tell Florence.” He had been suffering from neuralgia, and she concluded therefore that he had swallowed some of the chloroform or laudanum which he was in the habit of applying to his gums. When Dr. Harrison arrived she told him what the deceased had said to her. Mr. Bravo and his wife lived on the most affectionate terms and she knew of nothing which might have led him to commit suicide. Amelia Bushell described the sufferings of the deceased, who, however, remained conscious to the last. He had never accounted for his symp- toms to her, nor to anyone else in her hearing. So far as she knew, he had no reason for committing suicide. Dr. Harrison related the different episodes which had come under his notice and stated that the deceased had always denied to him and to the other doctors that he had taken anything, except possibly laudanum. His symptoms, however, suggested that he had absorbed an irritant poison. Until informed of it by Dr. Johnson, he was unaware that the deceased had admitted that he had taken poison. At this stage, the proceedings were adjourned to Friday, April 28th, presumably to enable Professor Redwood to acquaint the Court with the result of his analysis. THE BRAVO MYSTERY 31 Already on this Tuesday, April 25th, the Pro- fessor was in a position to inform Dr. Johnson that the tests to which he had submitted the specimens and the organs sent to him had revealed the presence of antimony in the form of tartar emetic. The news appears to have been passed on at once to Mr. Joseph Bravo who, taking the advice of his brother-in-law, Dr. Henry Smith, reported the matter to the police authorities at Scotland Yard. As a result of his communication, Inspector Clark, who was regarded as somewhat of an expert in poisoning cases, was instructed to make inquiries, presumably to ascertain whether the possession of antimony could be traced to anyone connected with the household at The Priory. Nevertheless, it would be a mistake to infer that Mr. Joseph Bravo was already convinced that his stepson had been murdered. There are grounds for supposing that he was rather inclined to think that he might have taken the poison accidentally. He knew that both his daughter-in-law and Mrs. Cox had medicine chests and that there were in the house innumerable bottles containing drugs, to which he gave the general name of “ poisons.” But he absolutely refused to entertain the notion that this unfortunate stepson had taken any noxious drug deliberately, and made no secret of his utter disbelief in Mrs. Cox's story. When the Court reassembled on April 28th, Mary Anne Keeber gave an account of the different episodes connected with Mr. Bravo's seizure, with which she had been concerned, and stated that to 32 THE BRAVO MYSTERY the best of her belief he and Mrs. Bravo had always lived together most happily. Dr. Payne next described the result of his post-mortem examination which had disclosed no natural cause to account for death. The evidence of Dr. Theophilus Red- wood, professor of Chemistry to the Pharmaceutical Society of Great Britain, was to the effect that he had discovered antimony in all the specimens and organs submitted to him. In his opinion it could only have been administered in the form of tartar emetic, which was easily soluble in water and practically tasteless. The deceased's symptoms were those which a large dose of antimony might be expected to produce. From the food vomited through the window alone he had extracted ten grains of tartar emetic. He felt no doubt that the deceased's death was to be attributed to “ antimony taken in sufficient quantity to cause death.” Mr. Royes Bell stated that from the time when he first arrived at The Priory, in the early hours of Wednesday morning, he remained with the deceased until he died, on the following Friday. Although frequently pressed to say what he had taken, the deceased had always refused to admit either to him or to any of the other doctors that he had taken anything except laudanum. Mr. Carter, it appears, now considered that the jury were in possession of sufficient facts to enable them to return a verdict. His own notes and those of Mr. Reid are, however, the only records which exist of these proceedings. This much is certain, that he declined to hear Dr. Johnson and Dr. Moore, THE BRAVO MYSTERY 33 both of whom were present and anxious to depose. Nor would he allow Mrs. Bravo to be called. She was, he understood, prostrated by the shock of her husband's death and he could see no reason why they should add to her sufferings by asking her to give evidence. From disclosures subsequently made, it is clear that the Coroner's decision thus pre- maturely to close the inquiry by no means met with the approval of the jury as a body. Certain members of it, unquestionably, regarded Mrs. Cox's evidence as unsatisfactory and insisted on recalling her and on examining her sharply. The Coroner, however, who seems to have persuaded himself that it was a case of suicide, would not allow any further time to be devoted to the case. No account exists of his summing up, but it is reasonable to suppose that it accorded with his own prepossessions. Neverthe- less, when he had concluded and when the court was cleared, he took a very unusual step. Perhaps he was not altogether comfortable in his own mind or, possibly, he perceived that the jury were inclined to be restless and dissatisfied. Be the reason what it may, he sent for Mr. Joseph Bravo and asked him whether he entertained any suspicion that his stepson had been the victim of foul play. “ No," was the answer, “ but there are drugs in nearly every room of the house.” The verdict, which the jury shortly afterwards brought in, was “ that the deceased died from the effects of poison-antimony --but that there was no evidence as to the circum- stances in which it had come into his body.” The next day, April 29th, the funeral took place 34 THE BRAVO MYSTERY at Norwood Cemetery, and, on the following Wed- nesday, May 3rd, Mrs. Bravo went to recuperate in lodgings at Brighton, at 38 Brunswick Terrace, which the ever useful Mrs. Cox had taken for her the week before. Prior to that the two ladies had not been alone. Mrs. Bravo's mother, Mrs. Campbell, and her brother, Mr. William Campbell, arrived before Mr. Bravo died; in fact, they were in time to see Sir William Gull—who was an old friend of the family. And after his stepson's death Mr. Joseph Bravo did not return with his wife to London, but stayed on at The Priory until after the post-mortem. By that time Mrs. Bravo's father, who had been too ill to come earlier, arrived and remained with his daughter until she went to Brighton. Mrs. Bravo's peaceful seclusion at Brighton did not endure for long. Her deceased husband had been extremely popular and his friends one and all were profoundly dissatisfied with the conduct of the inquest. Indeed, a certain Mr. Willoughby, a barrister, who had attended the funeral, went to Scotland Yard the next day, and brought to the notice of the police several suspicious circumstances connected with the death of his friend. But, al- though the matter was very freely discussed in the social circle in which deceased had moved, the Press, for more than another week, made no allusion to the affair. The first intimation of it which the public received was a paragraph in the World, headed 1 The World, May 1oth, 1876 (but it was apparently in the hands of the public the preceding day). THE BRAVO MYSTERY 35 “A Tragedy ? ” It was a tolerably accurate account of the principal incidents of the case, but no names were mentioned, Mr. Bravo being referred to as “ a young barrister rapidly gaining a position at West- minster Hall, who had recently married.” The following day, however, the Daily Telegraph was far more explicit. Under the title of “ Mystery at Balham,” it furnished its readers with the whole story of Mr. Bravo's fatal attack of illness and with the names of some of the doctors who had attended him. In a leading article, in the same issue, comment was made on the secret and generally unsatisfactory manner in which Mr. Carter had carried on his inquiry. And, from this time onward, the Telegraph began an active campaign in favour either of a new inquest or of reopening the investigations in some other way. It was very well informed and the public were soon in possession of the main facts of the case. The interest aroused was enormous. Every day letters appeared, not only in the Telegraph, but in the medical journals and other papers, from persons anxious to suggest how the fatal dose had been absorbed. The most popular theory was that there was poison in the Burgundy which the deceased gentleman drank at his dinner. A large quantity of tartar emetic, wrote one correspondent, could be introduced into that particular wine without fear of detection, while another asserted no less positively that Burgundy, by reason of the tannin which it con- tained, was a most unsuitable vehicle for the secret administration of antimony. Both Dr. Moore and Dr. Harrison related their experiences in the Daily 36 THE BRAVO MYSTERY Telegraph and Dr. Johnson supplied the Lancet with the medical history of the case. Before she had been a fortnight at Brighton, Mrs. Bravo was pain- fully aware that people were everywhere discussing the circumstances which had made her, once again, a widow. The language of the newspapers and their correspondents was, if unpleasantly suggestive, necessarily somewhat guarded, but the writers of the anonymous letters which she daily received stated their suspicions with brutal frankness. By the advice of her father she caused an advertisement to be issued, on May 16th, offering a reward of £500 to anyone who could prove a sale of antimony or tartar emetic, “ in such a manner as would throw a satisfactory light on the mode by which Mr. Bravo came by his death." Two days later, on May 18th, the Liberal member for Dewsbury, Mr. Sergeant Simon, having given the usual notice, asked the Home Secretary “whether your attention has been called to the unsatisfactory character of the Coroner's inquest on the late Mr. C. Bravo.” In reply Mr., afterwards Lord, Cross acknowledged that irregularities had been com- mitted. He was, he declared “ entirely dissatisfied with the way the inquiry had been conducted." He was not as yet in a position to say what action would be taken, but meanwhile all the papers were in the hands of the law officers of the Crown. Already, before the Home Secretary delivered this pro- nouncement, Mr. Stevenson, the Solicitor for the 1 Simon, Sir John (1818–1897), Sergeant-at-Law. Knighted 1886. Founder of Anglo-Jewish Association. THE BRAVO MYSTERY 37 Treasury, had been charged to hold a private inquiry. In addition to examining everybody who could be expected to throw light upon the matter, Mr. Stevenson, in pursuance of his instructions, directed Professor Redwood and Inspector Clarke to make a thorough search of The Priory. Before carrying it out, it had been necessary to obtain Mrs. Bravo's permission ; but this was readily given. Little hope, however, can have been entertained that a perquisition of this kind would lead to any useful discovery. Five weeks had elapsed since Mr. Bravo's death and, if a crime had been committed, the guilty party would surely, long before this, have removed or destroyed anything of an incriminating character. Two days, nevertheless, were devoted to the operation, but nothing of any importance was found. Both in Mrs. Bravo's and in Mrs. Cox's rooms there were homeopathic medicine-chests, besides a great quantity of loose bottles, but when their contents were tested they proved to be “ harm- less domestic medicines.” On May 27th, the Daily Telegraph announced that thirty witnesses had been examined and that the inquiry was at an end. The concluding sentence of this, apparently, inspired paragraph was significant : “For various reasons neither Mrs. Bravo nor Mrs. Cox, although ques- tioned by the police, has been asked to give evidence.” Both ladies, doubtless, realized that the public would draw ominous conclusions from their absence from the inquiry, and both, accordingly, asked to be allowed to make statements. Before consenting to hear what they had to say, however, Mr. Stevenson 38 THE BRAVO MYSTERY insisted that it must be clearly understood that they came forward voluntarily and that he should ask them no questions. Mrs. Cox's statement, dated June 2nd, which she drew up after consultation with Mr. Brooks, Mrs. Bravo's solicitor, was to the following effect. She had been a witness at the inquest on the late Mr. Bravo, but“ from a mistaken idea of shielding the character of Mrs. Bravo " she had not told" the full particulars.” As a fact, what Mr. Bravo had told her, when he was first taken ill, was, “I have taken poison for Gully, don't tell Florence. ... There was no reason for his thus desiring to commit suicide.” Mrs. Bravo, she was positive, had no communication with Dr. Gully since her marriage, and their acquaintance, before the marriage, was “though very imprudent,” she conscientiously believed, “ entirely of an innocent character.” Mr. Bravo was a man of violent and hasty temper. On Good Friday, four days before his fatal illness, he was annoyed because Mrs. Bravo wanted to rest after luncheon and did not wish him to remain in her room. That evening, she sought to pacify him, but he only replied that his wife was “ a selfish pig” and that he should go away and wished that he were dead. “Let her go back to Gully," he exclaimed more than once. She con- tinued, nevertheless, to try to appease him and at last becoming more reasonable" he kissed me on the cheek”and said, “ You are a good little woman,” and the next morning made up the quarrel with his wife. Some weeks earlier, he had had a similar altercation with Mrs. Bravo about something which 40 THE BRAVO MYSTERY his mother was interfering-requiring me even to put down my maid. ... He always met the postman himself, and took and read my letters.” He disliked the expense of the contemplated visit to Worthing, after her miscarriage. They quarrelled about it in bed and he jumped up and rushed into his dressing-room saying that he should cut his throat. On Good Friday, he flew into a passion, because she wished to be left alone to rest. “He was always reading Shakespeare, and we had a happy three weeks before then, and I got quite to like him and forgot his meanness, which had previously disgusted me.” Ever since she had been Dr. Gully's patient at Malvern, in 1870, in the lifetime of her first husband, the doctor had “ taken a great and increasing interest in me and my welfare and I became attached to him and grateful for his care.” He resided near her when she lived at Streatham, and when she moved to the Priory he took a house close by, in Bedford Hill Road. He was at that time a free man, having given up his practice at Malvern, in 1871. Before she married Mr. Bravo, she told him of her former “ attach- ment" to Dr. Gully and they made a compact that his name should never be mentioned. This "attachment,” however, had been “ quite innocent, and nothing improper had ever passed between us.”. Yet, although she never saw or communicated with Dr. Gully after her marriage, her husband “ was continually, morning, noon and night, speak- ing of him, always abusing him, calling him that wretch,' and upbraiding me for my former acquaint- THE BRAVO MYSTERY 41. ance with him.” On the morning of the day on which he was taken ill, he made a scene in the carriage as they were driving to London. It began when they were passing Dr. Gully's house. She told him that she thought " it was cruel of his always bringing up that name, I am not always talking to you about that woman.” He admitted that he was in the wrong and asked her to make it up and kiss him. But in a pet, she answered, “No, I won't," and he said, “ You will see what I will do when I get home.” His appearance was so deter- mined that she was frightened and kissed him. After his seizure, when he first recovered conscious- ness “ he looked up to me in the most piteous manner and said, 'Kiss me, my wife.'” Later on, he said to her, “ You must marry again, but not a word of the past." In the last hours of his life," he kissed me several times and repeatedly asked his mother to be kind to his darling wife. When we first married he thought I took too much sherry, and I gave it up to please him, for which he thanked me.” He never admitted to her that he had killed himself, nor did he charge anyone with having killed him. “He made no inquiry as to what had caused his illness." James Manby Gully, whose name was thus suddenly brought into the affair, was no obscure practitioner. He was in his sixty-eight year, having been born in Jamaica in 1808. As a young man, after studying in Paris, he passed on to Edinburgh, where he took his medical degree in 1829. About this time, his patrimonial estates in the West Indies 42 THE BRAVO MYSTERY were rendered practically worthless by the abolition of slavery in the British Colonies and he found himself, in consequence, almost wholly dependent upon his profession for a livelihood. Being con- vinced of the value of hydropathy he moved, in 1842, to Malvern, which in a great measure owes its prosperity as a watering-place to him. The 'fame of his cures spread far and wide and he could count devoted followers who believed that he had completely revolutionized the art of healing. Among them, seemingly, was Charles Reade, who introduced him into It's never too late to mend, one of the best known of his novels, in the character of Dr. Gullson. Dr. Gully himself was the author of numerous works, mostly on medical subjects, but among them was a play, adapted from Dumas' Mlle de Belleisle, which was produced at Drury Lane in 1839. He seems to have been a clever and intellectual man with considerable personal magnetism, whom women, especially, found most attractive, notwith- standing that he was short of stature and inclined to be stout. After receiving Mrs. Bravo's and Mrs. Cox's very remarkable statements, the authorities soon came to a decision as to the course which they should pursue. On June 19th, the Attorney- General, Sir John Holker,' made application to the Court of Queen's Bench for a writ to bring up the 1 Holker, Sir John (1828–1882), Q.C. 1866. Very successful in patent cases which constituted the larger part of his practice. Solicitor-General and knighted 1874. Attorney-General follow- ing year. wa El Gerald HL SAUS S UICY VA YERS SP 20 2: 42 ! 3 nh DR. GULLY THE BRAVO MYSTERY 43 Coroner's Inquisition, in order that it might be quashed, and for a rule nisi calling upon the Coroner to show cause why a fresh inquiry should not be held, before him or before Commissioners appointed by the Court. The sitting was a lengthy one, the Lord Chief Justice, Sir Alexander Cockburn, and his learned brethren on the Bench, showing some reluctance to comply, notwithstanding that the Attorney-General stated plainly that he suspected it “ to be a case of murder” and that, if a new inquiry was granted, “ facts might be elicited which would justify a charge against some one or other.” In these circumstances, Mr. Attorney was reluctantly compelled to read Mrs. Cox's statement from beginning to end, omitting only the name of Dr. Gully. The admissions contained in it that information of the first importance had been with- held from the knowledge of the Coroner's Court overcame their lordships' scruples and the rule was granted. A week later, it was made absolute and Mr. Carter was directed to hold a fresh inquiry with a fresh jury. The second inquest on the body of Mr. Charles Bravo was begun, on July 11th, 1876, in the billiard-room of the Bedford Hotel, which im- mediately adjoins Balham Station. It was opened under conditions very different from those i Cockburn, Sir Alexander (1802–1880). Knighted 1861. Solicitor and Attorney-General 1851. Prosecuted Palmer 1856. Lord Chief Justice of England 1859. In previous year succeeded to baronetcy. Twice declined a peerage. Represented British Government in Alabama arbitration at Geneva. Mr. Justice (Sir John) Mellor and Mr. Justice Field. 44 THE BRAVO MYSTERY which had surrounded the first inquiry. That had been a kind of family affair of which the public had no cognizance. Now, every inch of room which was not reserved for counsel or for the representa- tives of the Press was taken up by deeply interested spectators, while less fortunate persons, unable to gain admission, thronged the approaches to the Court. Mr. Carter, on this occasion, was assisted by Mr. Burleigh Muir, who took his seat as legal assessor to the Coroner. The Attorney-General in person, Mr., afterwards Sir John, Gorst, Q.C., and Mr., now Sir Harry, Poland represented the Crown. Sir Henry James, Q.C., afterwards Lord James of Herefordi and Mr. Biron appeared for Mrs Bravo, Mr. Murphy, Q.C., took charge of Mrs. Cox's interests, and Mr., afterwards Sir George, Lewis, at that time the junior member of the famous firm of Lewis and Lewis, solicitors, of Ely Place, watched the case on behalf of Mr. Joseph Bravo and his relations generally. After it had been constituted by the swearing in of seventeen jurymen, the Court was conveyed by train to West Norwood Cemetery, for the purpose of viewing the exhumed body. In order to render this formality as unobjectionable as possible, a small portion of the coffin lid had been cut away * James, Sir Henry, First Lord James of Hereford (1828–1911.) Q.C. 1869. Solicitor-General and knighted 1873. Attorney- General same year. Raised to peerage 1895. 2 Biron, Robert John, Q.C. Father of present Sir Chartres Biron, chief magistrate at Bow Street 3 Lewis, Sir George (1833-1911). Knighted 1892. His reputation was largely established by the Bravo case. THE BRAVO MYSTERY and a piece of glass inserted. As soon as the jury had thus complied with the law's requirements, they were taken back to the Bedford Hotel and the remainder of the day was devoted to the evidence of Mr. Joseph Bravo. Replying to Mr. Lewis, who examined him, Mr. Bravo described his stepson's early life and his subsequent career at the Bar. Outside his profession, he was greatly interested in surgery and would sometimes attend operations at King's College Hospital, of which the deponent was a governor. Nevertheless, he had no reason to suppose that, apart from surgery, he had more than a very general knowledge of medical matters. He had always lived on the most affectionate and intimate terms with the deceased and, knowing him as he did, he could not believe that he had committed suicide. His stepson was a man “ full of fun," and hitherto he had never doubted that his marriage had proved very successful. He and his wife appeared to be very fond of each other and, so far as he could judge, he seemed to be perfectly happy. Nothing had ever arisen to make him think that the deceased was jealous of anyone and, when directly questioned on the subject by Mr. Lewis, he replied emphatically that he had never heard the name of Dr. Gully mentioned. At this stage, three letters were put in which the deceased had written to the witness and to his mother, just before his fatal illness. If they were any indication of his state of mind, he was up to the last in the very best of spirits. In one, dated as late as Easter Sunday, April 16th, he described 46 THE BRAVO MYSTERY how, after putting up the lawn-tennis net he had had a game with the butler and afterwards “ a very vigorous one with Osman.” In short, as he put it, he had “ loafed vigorously and enjoyed ” himself thoroughly. Continuing his evidence, Mr. Bravo related the circumstances in which he became acquainted with Mrs. Cox.1 Soon after his marriage, his stepson consulted him about her. He said nothing against her, on the contrary, he admitted that she was very useful, but to retain her added £400 a year to the household expenses and that was a greater expense than he considered he was justified in incurring. “I agreed with him," said Mr. Bravo, “ and advised Mrs. Cox to return to Jamaica. She said she should not return.” Coming to the deceased's illness and death, Mr. Bravo stated that, when he and Mrs. Bravo arrived at The Priory, Mrs. Charles Bravo never suggested any explanation of her husband's alarming condition. On the follow- ing day, however, Dr. Johnson said, “I may as well tell you that Mrs. Cox informs me that he has taken poison.” To this he replied at once, “ There is no believing such a thing,” and he was firmly of that opinion still. His stepson was a singularly truthful man and he had heard him deny repeatedly that he had knowingly taken any harmful drug. Moreover, when he spoke thus, he knew that he was going to die, the doctors having told him that they could hold out no hopes. Questioned about Mrs. Charles Bravo's demeanour while her husband lay dying, Mr. Bravo replied, “ She did not appear much grieved in any way at the state of affairs.” 10. P. 5 THE BRAVO MYSTERY 47 Certain letters written by Mrs. Charles Bravo to the witness from Brighton, soon after the first inquest, were now put in. In all of them she ad- dressed him as “ Dear Father Joseph,” although in the first, dated May 5th, she complained angrily that he had caused “ dear Charlie's drawers to be sealed.” She must, therefore, remind him that “ nobody but myself has the power to touch one single thing belonging to him.” Her father, she warned him, “ will take care that I have all my dear husband left to me.” On the following day, she again wrote, in this instance, to tell him that “a letter received from Royes Bell fully confirms my suspicions as to poor Charlie's committing suicide. Hence his motive for reducing our expenditure, as he could not tell me how hard he had been pressed by that dreadful woman. I wish he had, poor fellow, for I should not have been hard upon him.” In a third communication, dated May 8th, she with- drew all she had said in her first letter, which was written under a misapprehension. She regretted it very much, having since she knew him only “ ex- perienced kindness and consideration.” In future, she hoped that he would think of her as his “ loving daughter” and cease to address her as “ Mrs. Florence Bravo.” It was only in legal documents that she should be so addressed. In reply to Mr. Lewis, Mr. Bravo declared that there was no truth in the suggestion that the deceased was pressed for money. As to the “ dreadful woman” referred to he knew of no woman who was pressing him. At an earlier stage of his examination, he had fully 48 THE BRAVO MYSTERY explained his stepson's pecuniary position. When he married he settled £20,000 upon him and since that he had given him about £1100. “ Practically speaking,” he allowed him," whatever he desired to have.” The deceased kept an account at the London and Westminster Bank and he told the manager never to let his credit balance fall below £100. In answer to Sir Henry James, Mr. Bravo allowed that he simply regarded the term “ that horrid woman ” as the “ expression of one woman about another.” Only after his stepson's death had it come to his knowledge that“ he had known a person at Maidenhead and that that woman's sister had left £500 in his hands,” and he was told elsewhere that " the woman had a boy thirteen or fourteen years of age, not his, but whom he had promised to educate.” Letters found after his death in the deceased's chambers were, the next day, put in which fully confirmed the witness's statements that no demands for money were being made upon his stepson, who, it was made perfectly clear, had parted from this unknown woman-her name was very properly not disclosed-on quite amicable terms. Incidentally, it may be mentioned that, three days later, Mr. M'Calmont stated in evidence that the deceased had discussed the matter of the Maidenhead lady with him and had said that “ everything had been arranged most satisfactorily and that she had behaved in the most exemplary manner.” Ques- tioned by Sir Henry James about his stepson's peculiarities, Mr. Bravo admitted that he “ was quick in temper.” Never, however, had he said THE BRAVO MYSTERY 49 that he had “ a horrible temper,” but it was true that he had said that “ he had a rough edge to his tongue when he was put out.” Before Mr. Bravo concluded his evidence, he was asked by Mr. Gorst about an incident to which he had alluded when under examination by Mr. Lewis. One day, early in March, about six weeks before his fatal illness, his stepson arrived, as he frequently did, about breakfast time at Palace Green. On this occasion, he was very pale and, in explanation of his appearance, said that he had been seized with a violent fit of nausea in the train between Balham and Victoria. So sick was he that he was afraid that the other persons in the carriage must have imagined that he had been drunk overnight. However, after drinking a glass of curaçoa he felt better and went on to Westminster Hall. It was a most unusual occurrence. Before his marriage, said Mr. Bravo, the deceased was never subject to attacks of vomiting. The next three days were devoted wholly to the medical evidence. Dr. Moore and Dr. Harrison described the condition in which they found the deceased, when they were called in, on the night of Tuesday, April 18th, and Dr. Johnson and Mr. Royes Bell related the history of the case from the time of their arrival, in the early hours of Wednesday, until the end came, on the following Friday morning. “ Directly the deceased recovered consciousness," said Dr. Moore," he asked his wife to kiss him. He was very affectionate in his manner to her and she appeared to reciprocate his affection.” As far as he could judge her attitude towards him was“ perfectly 50 THE BRAVO MYSTERY natural.” He had “never seen a case of poisoning by antimony” and had “ never heard of such a thing as suicide by antimony.” Vomiting, in his opinion, would set in about a quarter of an hour after a large dose had been swallowed. Dr. Harrison was posi- tive that during the four hours in which he was in the house before the arrival of Mr. Royes Bell and Dr. Johnson, Mrs. Cox never told him that the deceased had acknowledged to her that he had taken poison. But, had she said anything to that effect, Dr. Moore and he could scarcely have acted differ- ently from what they did. “To have used the stomach pump must have killed him instantly." He did not see“ the slightest sign of feigning or acting on the part of Mrs. Bravo. She seemed to be natural in her affectionate remarks to her husband.” He never knew of a case of suicide by antimony. He had once himself accidentally taken a fairly large dose of antimony and he only began to vomit two hours later. The evidence of Mr. Royes Bell and Dr. Johnson was mainly concerned with the symptoms of the deceased and with those incidents immediately pre- ceding his death which have already been fully described. In addition, however, both gentlemen gave the Court the benefit of their observations and general impressions, and these, needless to say, are deserving of careful consideration. Mr. Royes Bell knew the deceased intimately since he was a child and, on April 9th,“ the Sunday before Good Friday, spent the afternoon with him. He was then in perfect health and good spirits and full of fun.” THE BRAVO MYSTERY 51 Although not a religious man, before he made his will, on the Wednesday, the second day of his illness, he offered up an extempore prayer and invited all who were present to join with him in repeating the Lord's Prayer. He never perceived, said Mr. Bell, “ any trace in the deceased of a jealous or unkind feeling towards his wife. He often kissed her and called her by a pet name. After he had made his will, he was tossing about in his bed and I said to him," continued Mr. Bell, “. Charlie, have you anything on your mind ?' 'No,' he replied, “I have not led a religious life.' In my judgment,” added the witness," he was not at all a likely man to commit suicide.” Dr. Johnson had “ never seen Mrs. Bravo before this case and her usual manner was unknown to me." She appeared to be anxious for her husband to recover, and her conduct, generally, seemed to be perfectly natural. In one instance, however, her demeanour surprised him and gave him cause for reflection. “While talking in the presence of Mrs Bravo, I unintentionally,” said Dr. Johnson, “re- ferred to Mrs. Cox's statement that he had taken poison, and Mrs. Bravo, turning to Mrs. Cox, asked, ' Did he say that he had taken poison ?' Mrs. Cox replied, 'Yes, he did. Nothing more passed and I was astonished that Mrs. Bravo did not display more feeling than she did display when this was mentioned.” Questioned about Professor Redwood's report, Dr. Johnson declared that the deceased must have swallowed a large quantity of antimony, perhaps thirty or forty grains. It could hardly have been 52 THE BRAVO MYSTERY less, seeing that in the food vomited through the window ten grains were discovered. Had he swal- lowed such a dose“ in the earlier period of dinner, he would,” in Dr. Johnson's opinion, “ have been taken ill before he left the table. If thirty or forty grains were mixed with Burgundy a good judge of wine would detect the intrusion. The wine would become turbid.” With regard to Sir William Gull's visit, Dr. Johnson stated that he followed Sir William into the sick-room, when he returned to it at the special request of the deceased. He heard the poor man call upon God to be his witness that he had spoken nothing but the truth in denying that he had taken poison. “I was struck," said Dr. Johnson, “by his earnestness.” Neither Mr. Royes Bell nor Dr. Johnson had ever heard of a case of suicide by antimony. Sir William Gull, it was notorious, was disposed to think that the deceased had deliberately poisoned himself. Moreover, the account which he now gave to the Court of his visit to The Priory differed in several important particulars from that of Dr. Johnson. He was, consequently, somewhat severely cross-examined by Mr. Lewis, a proceeding which he resented greatly. When the deceased recalled him to his bedside, it was merely, stated Sir William, in order to inquire whether “I thought that he was dying.” Dr. Johnson was not present on that occa- sion. He could not recollect that the deceased had said anything to him to the effect that he had spoken the truth and nothing but the truth. He might have done so, indeed, he was not prepared to swear that THE BRAVO MYSTERY he had not. And when he made that admission, he complained angrily that he had not come into Court“ to prevaricate ” and that Mr. Lewis's ques- tions were “ unbecoming.” He had been called in, said Sir William after this outburst, to see the deceased " for disease,” and “on my own responsi- bility and without consultation I informed him that he was not suffering from disease but from poison.” To his astonishment he displayed no surprise. It was inconceivable "that a man should not exhibit surprise when such a statement was made to him, and I was, therefore, led to conclude that he knew it already.” He allowed, however, that, if the deceased had already been told he was suffering from poison, he might well receive the same news from him without expressing astonish- ment. Previous to this business, he had never met Mrs. Bravo herself, but he had known her family and her father for a long time past. In her note to him she merely said, “ My husband is dangerously ill. Could you come as soon as possible to see him?” “I think,” said Sir William, “ if Mrs. Bravo had the slightest conception that her husband was dying of poison she would hardly have written to me as she did.” In his opinion, it was impossible for a man to take forty grains of antimony without tasting it, but he had no personal knowledge of a case of poisoning by antimony. In consequence of the discrepancies between his evidence and that of Sir William, Dr. Johnson was recalled, at a later stage of the inquiry, and made a second deposition, to the following effect. When 54 THE BRAVO MYSTERY he drove down to the Priory with Sir William Gull, he not only imparted to him the whole history of the case, but told him what Mrs. Cox, had said. If after this conversation with him in the carriage, Sir William still expected to see “a case of disease" he must either have disbelieved him completely or have been “strangely forgetful.” And he had to complain of another inaccuracy. He was certainly present in the sick-room when Sir William returned to it, at the request of the deceased, who, in his hearing, asserted with great earnestness that he had kept nothing back but had spoken“ the entire truth.” It was about four o'clock in the morning of the Wednesday, April 19th, that he inadvertently re- ferred to Mrs. Cox's statement, in the presence of Mrs. Bravo. Undoubtedly, therefore, she was aware that her husband was supposed to be suffering from the effects of poison when, on the following day, she wrote to beg Sir William to see him. The greater part of Professor Redwood's evidence was merely a repetition of what he had said at the first inquest. But, on this occasion, after stating that the specimens submitted to him contained antimony, in the form of tartar emetic, he went on to make some explanatory remarks. The amount taken by the deceased could not, he considered “ have been less than twenty grains, and probably ranged between twenty and forty. A dose of one and a half or two grains would act as an emetic in half an hour. Taken in water twenty minutes would be the minimum time. Taken in Burgundy and with food the action might be delayed somewhat. THE BRAVO MYSTERY 55 I have experimented with Burgundy and other wines. There was no sensible difference in colour.” Then, turning to another aspect of the case, he“ produced a glass containing forty grains of antimony and four ounces of water, and observed that a small quantity of the mixture might be held in the mouth for a short time without any taste being perceived." To illustrate this, the witness took some in his mouth and Sir Henry James and several jurymen followed his example. No taste, they declared, was percept- ible. Frederick Rowe, the butler, was an important witness, inasmuch as he was the only person who might perhaps be able to explain what had happened to the Burgundy left undrunk at the deceased's last dinner. He seems to have been a well-disposed and truthful person, but, unfortunately, it was soon apparent that he was not a careful servant. He entered, he stated, Mrs. Ricardo's service about a month before she married Mr. Bravo. For dinner, on April 18th, he decanted two bottles of sherry, one of Marsala and one of Burgundy. The establish- ment was conducted on liberal lines and this was the usual scale on which wine was opened. His cellar book, it should be mentioned, fully bore out this last statement. The ladies, undoubtedly, drank a good deal of sherry, but Mr. Bravo seldom took more than a pint of wine. On this particular night, he drank, to the best of the witness's belief, about three glasses of Burgundy only. Had he emptied the decanter, he would have been greatly surprised and must certainly have noticed it. Any wine left THE BRAVO MYSTERY 57 gentleman, one of the kindest I ever knew.” In the witness's “mind” his sudden illness, on April 18th, “ was accounted for by the cob running away with him that afternoon." When the deceased went upstairs to dress for dinner, and to take the bath which the witness had prepared for him, he seemed to be in pain and moved stiffly. He, also, appeared out of sorts at dinner. “Now tell us,” said Mr. Gorst,“ do you think he was poisoned before dinner?” “I cannot tell,” answered Rowe after some hesitation, “ I think there was something wrong with the deceased's stomach at dinner. I put it down to the horse accident at the time.” Mary Anne Keeber, the housemaid, proved a most intelligent witness and gave a very clear and lucid description of all that happened when the deceased was first taken ill. What she had to say on that point, however, has been related on a former page. But in regard to other matters she also gave some important evidence. Prior to April 18th, she had been in Mrs. Bravo's service for about two years and three months, having come to her just before she moved from Streatham to The Priory. When, after her marriage, Mrs. Bravo gave up her maid, the witness, in addition to her other duties, waited on her personally. She had thus numerous opportunities of observing the newly married couple. They appeared to be very fond of each other and she never perceived the smallest sign of jealousy on the part of the deceased. Nor did she ever hear the name of Dr. Gully mentioned between them. Mr. Bravo was a kind and considerate master and she 58 THE BRAVO MYSTERY and all her fellow-servants were devoted to him. Before the marriage, Dr. Gully constantly came to luncheon and to dinner at The Priory and he was there at other times besides. But, since the marriage, she did not believe that he had ever been to the house. In reply to Mr. Gorst, she stated that when the deceased was sick, after Mrs. Cox had given him mustard and water, she held the basin. Afterwards, by Mrs. Cox's orders, she removed it, threw the vomited matter down the sink, washed the basin and brought it back to the deceased's bedroom. Mr. Bravo made a practice of cleaning his teeth three times a day. He certainly washed them when he dressed for dinner, on April 18th, and she filled up his water-bottle, when she was tidying his room, while he was at dinner. She could not say whether he was in the habit of drinking water from this bottle before he went to bed. Amelia Bushell, Mrs. Joseph Bravo's maid, re- peated what she had said at the first inquest. But, in answer to Mr. Lewis, she now added that she was present in the sick-room when Sir William Gull returned to it, and that she heard the deceased declare to him in the most solemn manner that he had taken nothing except laudanum. After Sir William left, the deceased repeated the Lord's Prayer and asked her and the other persons present to say it with him. On the Wednesday, the day of her arrival at The Priory, Mrs. Charles Bravo, who was crying, said to her, “What a dreadful thing, Amelia. The only thing by which I can account 1 o.p.30. THE BRAVO MYSTERY 59 for it is that Mr. Charles took lunch at St. James's Hall and had something cooked in a coppery pan.” From the witness's knowledge of the deceased, having lived in the same house with him for fifteen years and having seen him grow up, she could say that he was “a most unlikely person to commit suicide—the last man likely to do so.” Miss Ann Maria Bell's account of what took place, on the occasion of Sir William Gull's visit, was substantially the same as the last witness. On the previous afternoon, shortly after she arrived at The Priory, she walked round the garden with Mrs. Charles Bravo. Speaking of her married life, Mrs. Bravo said to her, “ We have been very, very happy and Charles says that he has never been so happy in his life. We have never had a word together.” She never, continued Miss Bell, hinted for a moment that the deceased was jealous or had cause for jealousy. Nor did she in any way account for his illness. “From my intimate knowledge of the deceased,” declared the witness, “ I can say that he was not a man at all likely to commit suicide." In answer to Sir Henry James, she said, “I did not know anything about Dr. Gully, and until public attention was directed to his name I never heard anything about him.” As soon as Miss Bell's deposition was concluded, George Griffiths was called—a witness who was to occupy the attention of the Court for the greater part of three whole days. But, when his evidence came to be tested, it was found to be of little value. Put very briefly it amounted to this. He drove Dr. 60 THE BRAVO MYSTERY Gully for about eight years, while he was in practice at Malvern, and was, subsequently, engaged as coachman by Mrs. Bravo-Mrs. Ricardo as she then was. He remained with her for about four years and, while in her employ, married Fanny Plascot, her former maid. Soon after that event, he quitted her service for a time, but came back to her at The Priory in the spring of 1875, about six months before she married Mr. Bravo. And, as he quite frankly told the Court, it was his impression that, had it not been for that gentleman, he would still be her coach- man. The deceased, however, considered that he was unsafe and, in consequence, he received notice to quit. He had, he acknowledged, come into violent collision with another vehicle, on the day of the Lord Mayor's Show, when he was driving his mistress and Mrs. Cox in Bond Street. Accordingly, on January 3rd, 1876, two or three days before Mr. and Mrs. Bravo returned from their honeymoon visits to Buscot and Palace Green, he left The Priory in a very aggrieved state of mind. The importance, however, which was attached to his evidence was due to the fact that he asserted that, while he was in the service of both Dr. Gully and Mrs. Ricardo, he was in the habit of administering tartar emetic to their horses, not“ black antimony" nor “ liver antimony,” but white tartar emetic, the very drug which had killed Mr. Bravo. Now, Griffiths had departed before the deceased took up his residence at The Priory, but, if it were true that for some time before that a supply of tartar emetic was kept at the stables, some of it might very well 62 THE BRAVO MYSTERY might have said “five or six months,” admitted Griffiths. “And what did you mean by that ? ” inquired Mr. Lewis. He meant nothing. “I said it in aggravation,” protested Griffiths. That was, doubtless, the truth, nevertheless, Mr. Stringer was sworn and related that, on the day on which Mr. and Mrs. Bravo were married, he had a brief con- versation regarding them with the last witness who, he was aware, was under notice to leave The Priory. “ Missus,” said Griffiths,“ will be sure to have a lot of brandy before she goes to the wedding. Poor fellow, I should not like to be in his shoes; he won't be alive in four months.” John Pritchard, Dr. Gully's butler for the last twenty years, was now called. It should be men- tioned that, while Griffiths was under examination, Mr. Archibald Smith informed the Court that he had been instructed to watch the case on behalf of Dr. Gully, in conjunction with his learned friend, Mr. Sergeant Parry. This step was, doubtless, considered necessary, in consequence of a suggestion which had been made to Griffiths that he had pur- chased tartar emetic at Malvern, not for his own purposes, but by order of the doctor, his master. There was a “ great attachment,” said Pritchard, “ between Dr. Gully and Mrs. Ricardo.” But, about the beginning of last November, they became, what he might call, “not so friendly,” and he received orders to refuse admittance both to Mrs. Ricardo and to Mrs. Cox. About the same time, Dr. Gully sent back to Mrs. Ricardo the key of the gate at The Priory, which he had hitherto had in THE BRAVO MYSTERY 63 his possession, and returned all the presents which she had made him. Mrs. Ricardo, on her side, acted in the same manner as regards the pictures and other articles which he had given her. On April 19th, the witness learnt that Mr. Bravo was very seriously ill and, on the following morning, Mrs. Cox came to the door and, in the circumstances, he took upon himself to admit her. At these words, there was an outburst of derisive laughter from certain persons in Court which caused Mr. Sergeant Parry to protest strongly against such behaviour. Mr. Gorst, he complained, had joined in the laugh, a remark to which the learned counsel replied by saying that he should smile when he chose, he was not going through the case with “ a wooden face.” This retort was so warmly approved of by the audience, that the Coroner was constrained to warn them that he should clear the Court, if there should be any further disturbance. Mrs. Cox, continued the witness after this interlude, was only with Dr Gully for about four or five minutes and he was not informed of the reason of her visit. He knew Mr. Bravo by sight and often saw him pass the house, on his way to the station. He did not appear to take any special interest in it and never looked up. After the deceased's death, Dr. Gully remarked to the witness that it was “a bad job and the last inquest was not satisfactory.” At this stage, several of the deceased's barrister friends were called to testify to various matters which had come under their notice. All of them, in turn, declared that it was inconceivable that the THE BRAVO MYSTERY 65 woman would make him take a painful and uncer- tain poison with the effect of which he was thoroughly acquainted.” Mr. Meredith Brown, a stockbroker and a member of the firm of Alexander and Co., deposed that he had carried out a number of small transactions for the deceased, whom he knew intimately. These, since the year 1873, resulted in a profit of £87. “The deceased was a very careful man and would no doubt be worried by losses. He was deeply interested in financial questions." Much of the evidence of Mrs. Campbell, Mrs. Bravo's mother, was concerned with the circum- stances and conditions of her daughter's life while she was married to Captain Ricardo, and had only a remote connection with the questions before the Court. Nevertheless, both the Attorney-General and Mr. Lewis elicited some interesting facts from her. When she and her son arrived at Balham Station, on the afternoon of Thursday, April 20th, they were met by Mrs. Cox with whom they drove to The Priory. From Mrs. Cox's manner and from what she said, the witness gathered the impression that her son-in-law had deliberately taken poison. But, when they reached the house, her daughter only spoke of the cooking vessels at St. James's Hall as the source of the mischief. At that time, her daughter appeared to know nothing about the sug- gestion of poison. It was not until an hour or two later, after Sir William Gull's visit, that she seemed “ to know it." Her daughter“ first learnt that it was tartar emetic the deceased had taken from the elder Mr. Bravo after the funeral. She said that 64 THE BRAVO MYSTERY deceased should have committed suicide. He had neither worries nor cares, to their knowledge, and seemed very happily married. Mr. M'Calmont stayed at The Priory, about February 14th, and had some conversation about Mrs. Cox with the deceased, who spoke of her with affection, and said she was“ very useful.” Mr. Edward Stanley Hope 1 dined at The Priory, on March 22nd, when the deceased made the same remark to him. He next saw him, on April 11th, in the Exchequer Court. He had a pen in his hand and appeared to be engaged upon some calculation Presently, he re- marked to him, “ After all, Mrs. Cox must be costing us £300 a year,” and the witness replied, “ Why, you might keep another pair of horses for that." In his opinion, the deceased was “ not fond of money, but liked to talk about investments.” Mr. Edward Carlyle Willoughby, the gentleman who, it has already been mentioned, communicated with Scot- land Yard after the funeral, deposed that the deceased had recommended him to follow his example " and get married.” Mr. T. Jepson Atkinson lived with the deceased for two years at Oxford and, more recently, stayed with him in London and in Paris. He always took, before going to bed, a deep draught of water from the bottle on his washing-stand. “ It was an inveterate habit of his.” The deceased had made a special study of medical jurisprudence, and the witness was certain that “no feeling for a 1 Afterwards Sir Edward Stanley Hope, K.C.B. Died February 15th, 1921. 2 v., p. 34. was THE BRAVO MYSTERY 65 woman would make him take a painful and uncer- tain poison with the effect of which he was thoroughly acquainted.” Mr. Meredith Brown, a stockbroker and a member of the firm of Alexander and Co., deposed that he had carried out a number of small transactions for the deceased, whom he knew intimately. These, since the year 1873, resulted in a profit of £87. “The deceased was a very careful man and would no doubt be worried by losses. He was deeply interested in financial questions." Much of the evidence of Mrs. Campbell, Mrs. Bravo's mother, was concerned with the circum- stances and conditions of her daughter's life while she was married to Captain Ricardo, and had only a remote connection with the questions before the Court. Nevertheless, both the Attorney-General and Mr. Lewis elicited some interesting facts from her. When she and her son arrived at Balham Station, on the afternoon of Thursday, April 20th, they were met by Mrs. Cox with whom they drove to The Priory. From Mrs. Cox's manner and from what she said, the witness gathered the impression that her son-in-law had deliberately taken poison. But, when they reached the house, her daughter only spoke of the cooking vessels at St. James's Hall as the source of the mischief. At that time, her daughter appeared to know nothing about the sug- gestion of poison. It was not until an hour or two later, after Sir William Gull's visit, that she seemed “ to know it.” Her daughter“ first learnt that it was tartar emetic the deceased had taken from the elder Mr. Bravo after the funeral. She said that 5 66 THE BRAVO MYSTERY she had never heard of that poison.” From about the time of Captain Ricardo's death, in April, 1871, until she became engaged to Mr. Bravo, in the autumn of 1875, her daughter was completely estranged from her family, owing to her intimacy with Dr. Gully which, Mrs. Campbell stated, had their “ entire disapproval.” She also had reason to remonstrate with her daughter about the amount of wine which she was in the habit of drinking. About this same time, her daughter brought a suit in Chancery against her father, in regard to certain matters connected with her marriage settlement. It was not, however, on that account that they declined to receive her, but solely because of her “ attachment "to Dr. Gully. Yet“ I did not accept my daughter's position with Dr. Gully as being criminal.” She merely thought that she “ enter- tained an extraordinary infatuation” for him. This unhappy state of affairs went on until, about the end of October, 1875, her daughter wrote to assure her father that she had given up Dr. Gully and that “the past " was for ever“ blotted out." Both she and her husband, said Mrs. Campbell, thoroughly approved of their daughter's second marriage and their relations with their son-in-law were always most friendly. When they were first engaged, he confided to her that her daughter had “ behaved most nobly ” and had told him about her former“ attachment " to Dr. Gully. It never “ struck” her that he understood by that that“ their intimacy had been of a criminal character.” She imagined that, like herself, he regarded it as “an THE BRAVO MYSTERY 67 innocent infatuation.” Nevertheless, she endeav- oured to persuade him to tell his mother all about it, but he would not accept her advice, and grew angry when she persisted in pressing it upon him. She was convinced that he was very fond of her daughter and she was equally sure that her daughter loved him and that “ her love for him remained - until his death.” She had every reason to think that their married life was perfectly happy. When the deceased was staying at Buscot, after the honey- moon, he spoke to her about an anonymous letter which he had received. He talked of it as “ a vile letter ” and said that he suspected that Dr. Gully had written it. Never at any time, however, did he lead her to suppose that he was uneasy on Dr. Gully's account. It was her daughter and Mrs. Cox who told her that he was very jealous of him and was “ unhappy when he passed his house." Her daughter never said to her that she had ceased to like her husband, or that she was “ disgusted with him," or that he was “ mean.” It was true that “ she thought him penurious and saving, mean- ness is according to people's ideas.” When her husband died, her daughter“ seemed quite stunned and exhibited every mark of sincere grief.” After the funeral, she went to Brighton with Mrs. Cox and, about the beginning of June, the witness took her home with her to Buscot. Her daughter was “mentally excited,” owing to “ the newspapers and the wicked anonymous letters which were sent to her.” Mrs. Cox did not accompany her to Buscot. That lady was now staying in Manchester Street and 68 THE BRAVO MYSTERY “ intended going to Jamaica, as soon as the inquiry was over." Her daughter and Mrs. Cox were still on good terms. The witness did not think that the deceased was a likely man to commit suicide. In reply to a member of the jury, she described him as having“ a money mania.” He constantly spoke of “the cost of things, the cost of carriages and such- like.” She was aware that, although her daughter inherited a fortune from her first husband, she refused to pay the debts which, she supposed, they contracted together. It had come to her knowledge, the witness understood, that when Captain Ricardo died at Cologne“ there was some woman with him.” There was a great stir in the densely, crowded Court, as in response to the summons, “ Call Mrs. Cox," a middle-aged woman of somewhat in- significant appearance, dressed entirely in black and with spectacles upon her nose, made her way to the table. Apart from any question of her veracity, Mrs. Cox was not a good witness. She spoke in a low and not very distinct voice and, when an awkward question was put, developed a habit of looking down and of reflectively brushing the table with her gloved hand. In answer to Mr. Murphy, she told the story of her early life and related how she had been be- friended by Mr. Bravo, senior, and how her inti- macy with Mrs. Ricardo had begun. She was about to recount the incidents of Mr. Charles Bravo's courtship at Brighton, when Mr. Lewis interposed with the remark that she was certainly capable of speaking louder. This observation was 1 v. p. 5. MRS. COX THE BRAVO MYSTERY 69 received with noisy approval by the audience, an irregularity which evoked angry protests from counsel representing the different parties. “ This is monstrous,” said Sir Henry James, while Sergeant Parry's indignation knew no bounds. “ Applause in a Court of Justice !” he exclaimed. “ It is terrible, it is fearful. There is a sort of reign of terror in reference to everybody who is called.” “ It is not surprising," complained Mr. Murphy, “ that the witness cannot be heard, if she is subjected to demonstrations like that." After the Coroner had issued his usual warning, that the Court would be cleared should anything of the kind occur again, Mrs. Cox proceeded in a somewhat louder tone. Even before she was formally engaged to him, Mrs. Ricardo was perfectly frank with the deceased about her former "attachment " to Dr. Gully, and the witness herself advised him to tell his mother about it. But“ he would not hear of it.” Before this, Mrs. Ricardo had completely broken with Dr. Gully and, when she returned to The Priory from Brighton, sent back all the presents which he had made her, receiving in exchange those which she had given him. Before the marriage took place, the deceased told the witness that, as regards herself, nothing should be changed, and he cordially expressed the wish that she would stay on at The Priory. After the honeymoon, he spoke to her of an anonymous letter. It contained something to the effect that he had married Dr. Gully's former mistress for money. He showed it to her and asked her whether the writing was Dr. Gully's. She replied that she did not think so. 70 THE BRAVO MYSTERY Undoubtedly, the deceased was greatly disturbed by this letter. After the marriage, she herself, Mrs. Cox went on to state, saw Dr. Gully, on several occasions. Once, towards the end of February, she met him close to the Army and Navy Stores. They had a friendly conversation and he asked her to send him back a book of press cuttings, which Mrs. Bravo had for- gotten to return. At this time, the witness was frequently obliged to go up to London to see after matters connected with her house in Lancaster Road and, before long, she met him once more close to Balham Station. Again, they stopped and talked and she took the opportunity of telling him that Mr. Bravo suspected him of writing anonymous letters. He absolutely denied, however, that he was the author of any communications of that kind and she then asked him to send her his “ treatment" for Jamaica fever. About two days later, as she was going out of the gate at The Priory, Mr. Bravo, who seemed to be waiting for her, gave her two letters which he had taken from the postman. The address of one of them was, he said, in Dr. Gully's writing and he must ask her to let him see the contents. In effect, one of them did contain the" treatment" and she allowed him to look at it, although she resented his behaviour. It was a mystery to her how the deceased was able to recognize Dr. Gully's writing. On another occasion, a few days later, she met Dr. Gully and asked him to let her have his“ treatment " for the ague, which generally precedes Jamaica fever and, in order not to upset the deceased, she requested THE BRAVO MYSTERY 71 him to forward it to her house in Lancaster Road. Shortly after Mrs. Bravo's miscarriage, on April 6th, she again saw Dr. Gully at Balham Station. He inquired after Mrs. Bravo and she told him that she suffered from insomnia and pains in the back. He recommended spinal washes and cold sitz baths, morning and evening, and promised that he would think it over and suggest some remedy for her sleeplessness. He proved as good as his word for, on April 10th, she found awaiting her in Lancaster Road the “ treatment ” for the pains and a small bottle of “cerasee " or laurel-water for sleeplessness. The word “ treatment,” the witness explained, was a term always used by hydropathists. Mrs. Bravo followed out the "treatment,” but never tried the laurel-water, as she was once more sleeping fairly well. About this time, the witness received a letter from an aunt, from whom she had expectations, suggesting that she should go out to Jamaica. She discussed the matter with the deceased, who was of opinion that she ought to go. But he assured her that he would gladly receive her back, on her return, and that, while she was away, he would undertake to look after her boys. She made up her mind to go and was only prevented from carrying out her intention by Mr. Bravo's death. She was perfectly certain that, after her marriage, Mrs. Bravo neither saw nor held any communication with Dr. Gully. Mrs. Cox was now asked to relate the incidents referred to in her statement of June and, and to describe the different events in which she had been 72 THE BRAVO MYSTERY concerned connected with the deceased's illness. Having spoken of the deceased's hasty temper and most unreasonable jealousy, she proceeded to re- count his matrimonial quarrels, in all of which she had, with more or less success, played the part of peacemaker. Passing on to April 18th, she explained the measures which she had taken to relieve him when he was seized with sickness and, after relating her conversations with the doctors, carried on the story of the case down to its fatal termination. She never mentioned the word “poison ”to Dr. Moore, because she thought the deceased would recover and would be very angry, were he to find out that a Balham doctor had been told that he had attempted to commit suicide. On the Wednesday, on the first occasion on which she was left alone in the sick-room, the deceased turned to her and said, "Why did you tell them? Does Florence know I have poisoned myself ?” She answered, “I was obliged to tell them, I could not let you die.” Nothing further passed between them and he never referred to the matter again. She did not mention that she had had this conversation with the deceased to any of the doctors or to anybody else, because she thought, “ He did not wish me to." Early on the Thursday morning, she went at Mrs. Bravo's urgent request to see Dr. Gully. She told him that the deceased had said to her that he had taken poison, and described his symptoms. He recommended the homeopathic treatment which, half an hour later, Mrs. Bravo described to Dr. Johnson and Mr. Royes Bell with the words, “ You have had your way, and I as his THE BRAVO MYSTERY 73 wife will now have mine."1 Dr. Gully's name was not mentioned because “it would not have been a pleasant name to mention there.” She could not say whether the deceased was in the habit of drinking a glass of water in his bedroom before going to bed. After her husband's death, Mrs. Bravo requested her to throw away the laurel-water which she had never had occasion to use. At the first inquest, when relating what the deceased had said to her, when he was first taken ill, she omitted the words “ for Gully.” She saw“no harm in it," seeing that the deceased's jealousy of Dr. Gully was baseless and that to have brought in his name would have injured Mrs. Bravo's reputation. Dr. Dille was the first person to whom she confided that the deceased had taken poison, on Dr. Gully's account. She told him about it when she went down to Brighton, at the time of the first inquest, to secure the Brunswick Terrace lodgings. Dr. Dill knew all about Dr. Gully's “ attachment” to Mrs. Bravo. This con- cluded what may be termed Mrs. Cox's examination- in-chief. It had occupied the Court for more than two days. The first part of the Attorney-General's cross- examination was directed to establishing the nature of Dr. Gully's relations with Mrs. Bravo during her first widowhood. He elicited that it was their practice to make frequent trips to the Continent and to seaside resorts and other places in England. On these occasions, the witness generally accompanied them, but, in some instances, notably in the case of 10. p. 25. ? A well-known Brighton doctor. 74 THE BRAVO MYSTERY a visit to Kissingen, in 1873, they went alone. When Mrs. Ricardo was at home, whether in the Leigham Court Road or, later on, at The Priory, Dr. Gully was constantly in the house. In these circumstances, asked Mr. Attorney, had it never occurred to the witness that "they were something more than friends”? A suspicion to that effect had, she admitted, crossed her mind. Dr. Gully, however, was long past sixty. He had been separated from his wife for thirty years and the witness was prepared to concede that, “ if he had not been married, it might have been a match.” “Now," inquired Mr. Attorney,“ do you think Mr. Bravo would have married her if he had known as much as you have told us?” “Yes, indeed, he would,” declared the witness. He was told everything there was to tell. In October, 1875, there was no quarrel between Mrs. Ricardo and Dr. Gully. She merely wrote to tell him that she intended to be reconciled to her family and she must, therefore, give up her acquaint- ance with him. They had an interview at Brighton. He was much grieved and she was deeply pained. Just before the marriage, she had another farewell interview with him at The Priory, not in the house, but in the Lower Lodge. As regards the laurel- water, Mrs. Bravo asked her to throw it away, “or they will say it is poison.” She said that, because Mr. Joseph Bravo called all homeopathic medicines “poison.” It was true that, when the deceased was sick, she told Mary Anne Keeber to remove the vomit. She did not save it, because she wanted the basin to be clean in case he should again be sick. THE BRAVO MYSTERY 75 Although the deceased had admitted to her that he had taken poison, it did not occur to her that the doctors ought to see the vomited matter. She had no doubt that it was on account of Dr. Gully that the deceased had poisoned himself. She was cer- tainly under the impression that she had told Dr. Harrison that the deceased had admitted taking poison. Possibly, chloroform being in her mind, she might have said " chloroform" instead of “ poison.” At that time, she did not think the deceased was dying. “ Dr. Harrison did say that he did not expect that he would live long.” When she went to see Dr. Gully, on the Thursday, she did not tell him that the deceased had taken poison on his account. She had not seen Dr. Gully since that day. After Mr. Bravo's death, he wrote to express his sorrow. Sir John Holker 1 had put his questions in the somewhat persuasive style which was habitual to him, but Mr. George Lewis, who now took the witness in hand, adopted a sharper tone and more aggressive methods. And his tactics proved more effectual. In a short time, Mrs. Cox was fain to admit that, at Brighton, in the autumn of 1875, at the time of her engagement to Mr. Bravo, Mrs. Ricardo had confided to her the intimate character of her former relations with Dr. Gully. Mr. Lewis then drew her attention to her statement, dated June 2nd, 1876, in which she said that “ their acquaint- 1 He was known as “sleepy Jack Holker,” but he was a very successful advocate. He was at this time supposed to be making £22,000 a year. 76 THE BRAVO MYSTERY ance, although very imprudent, was, I conscienti- ously believe, entirely of an innocent character." “How came you to say that ?” he asked. “I did not say “I believe,'” was the reply, “but 'I be- lieved' and so I did, before she told me to the contrary.” Mr. Lewis did not pursue the subject, but turned to other matters. The deceased, the witness affirmed, most certainly“ knew everything” when he received the anonymous letter. Indeed, he knew all about Dr. Gully before the marriage, and, in proof of what she said, she related how, in the course of a conversation at his stepfather's house, he asked her whether she thought that his intended wife would “ go wrong again "? As may be sup- posed, she answered, No, whereupon he emitted the remark that he thought that " a woman who had once gone wrong would be all the more particular afterwards.” The witness remembered the occasion on which Dr. Johnson, in Mrs. Bravo's presence, inadvertently spoke of the deceased's admission that he had taken poison. She maintained, however, that Mrs. Bravo did not fully understand what Dr. Johnson meant, as she was very tired and exhausted at the time. Replying to Sir Henry James, the witness said that it was out of “ gratitude to Mrs. Bravo " that she had been reluctant to disclose the nature of her relations with Dr. Gully. “ Dr. Gully was a very fascinating man, one who would be likely to interest women very much.” The witness did all in her power“ to restrain Mrs. Bravo from her habit of drinking, but not with much success." Mrs. Bravo seemed to feel her estrangement from THE BRAVO MYSTERY 77 her mother and family very keenly. She did not associate much with persons in her own position in life in the neighbourhood. Questioned by Sergeant Parry, the witness readily acknowledged that “ Dr. Gully perfectly fulfilled his engagement not to communicate with Mrs. Bravo, after her marriage.” She“ knew Mr. Charles Bravo's temper and cha- racter. He was a man likely to act upon some sudden uncontrollable impulse of passion.” Mrs. Cox's examinations had extended over five days, and she was succeeded at the table by Mrs. Bravo, who, dressed in full widow's mourning, entered the Court accompanied by her brother, Mr. William Campbell. She was a small and decidedly pretty woman with a soft and winning expression, but it was the singular beauty of her chestnut coloured hair which especially attracted attention. Unlike Mrs. Cox, she invariably spoke in a firm and distinct voice, and her general demeanour, under a very severe ordeal, won for her much public sym- pathy. Sir Henry James, after taking her through the history of her marriage with Captain Ricardo, brought the story of her life down to the time of her first widowhood. From about the summer of 1871, until the autumn of 1875, Dr. Gully, she stated, was her constant, almost her only, companion. When she was staying with Mr. Brooks, on Tooting Common, he took lodgings close at hand. When she settled at Streatham, in Leigham Court Road, he came to live opposite to her and, when she eventually moved to the Priory, he followed her and took up his quarters in Bedford Hill Road. In the summer 78 THE BRAVO MYSTERY of 1875, she made up her mind to break with him. Her mother, she learnt, was in very delicate health and, on that account especially, she determined to put an end to their estrangement. She did not, however, immediately communicate her intention to Dr. Gully. He was abroad with some members of his own family and she did not wish to disturb his holiday. But, in October, while she and Mrs. Cox were at Brighton, she wrote to tell him that their acquaintance must cease. He came down to see her and she had two very painful interviews with him. He behaved very well, however, and assured her that he was ready to acquiesce “ in whatever is for your happiness.” Mr. Bravo, at that time, had not yet proposed to her and his name was not men- tioned. Later on, when Dr. Gully heard of her engagement, he wrote to her in anger, but soon afterwards he came to look at the matter in a different light and withdrew what he had said. After her return from Germany, in 1873, she had a miscarriage which was the result of her intimacy with Dr. Gully. She suffered very much and Dr. Gully alone attended her. She was very anxious that the cause of her illness should not transpire and she kept it a secret, even from Mrs. Cox. Her intimate relations with Dr. Gully were confined to this visit to Kissingen. “I was never on those terms with him before and I never was again.” Before she finally engaged herself to Mr. Bravo, she told him everything, not omitting the miscarriage. But, on the following day—the nineteenth day of the inquiry–when she reappeared in Court, she ex- THE BRAVO MYSTERY 79 pressed a wish to correct her former evidence. Weeping bitterly, she explained that she had been anxious to conceal the fact that she had been Dr. Gully's mistress for a long period of time. It was not true that their intimate relations began at Kis- singen. But on her oath she adhered to her first declaration that she was never afterwards on those terms with him. The remainder of her examination was concerned with matters more relevant to the issue before the Court—the story of her married life with the deceased, including his illness and death, as set forth in her statement of June and, which was now for the first time made public. It was only after Sir William Gull's visit, on Thursday, Aps that the witness knew that her husband was dying of poison. Had she realized it earlier, she would not have sent for him. She only begged Sir William to come, in order that he might decide what was the matter. The morning before, when Dr. Johnson said in her hearing that her husband had taken poison, she understood him to mean that he had taken an overdose of laudanum or chloroform. At that time, it never entered her mind that there was any question of poison taken deliberately. On the Thursday morning, when she described Dr. Gully's "treatment "to the doctors, she did not mention his name“ because it would have been very distasteful to my friends and to Mr. Bravo himself.” Knowing that all the “ regular practitioners ” who had seen her husband had given him up, she invoked Dr. Gully's advice. He was in her opinion“ the cleverest medical man in the world.” But, when Mrs. Cox 80 THE BRAVO MYSTERY asked Dr. Gully to prescribe for her, she did so on her own responsibility. not at the witness's request. Replying to Mr. Lewis, the witness acknowledged that, with the exception of Mrs. Cox, she knew of no one in her house who had ever heard the deceased speak of Dr. Gully. During their short married life, whenever they were separated, the deceased wrote to her every day. Fifteen letters were, accordingly, put in which he had written to her, while she was away on visits to Buscot and St. Leonards or while he was on circuit. All of them were couched in the most affectionate language and were full of lamentations that she was not with him, and not one of them con- tained a reference to Dr. Gully. “Now," said Mr. Lewis,“ having heard those letters read, do you still mean to tell the jury that your late husband was always, morning, noon and night, speaking of Dr. Gully ?” “I do," replied the witness. “I told others besides Mrs. Cox that he was always abusing Dr. Gully. I told my mother." On her oath she declared that she had never been on intimate terms with Dr. Gully during the lifetime of her former husband. Prior to his death, their relations at Malvern were those of an ordinary friendship. Mr. Lewis, thereupon, handed her a letter which she had written, on November 16th, 1870, to a woman named Laundon, who had been her maid. It con- tained these two sentences. “ I hope you will never allude in any way to anyone of what passed at Mal- vern. Let all be buried in the past and if anybody questions you, please refuse to answer any inquiries.” “Now, Mrs. Bravo, what did that refer to ?” asked THE BRAVO MYSTERY 81 Mr. Lewis. “It was to my attachment to Dr. Gully, but not to a criminal attachment then,” answered the wretched woman and, bursting into tears, she appealed to the Coroner to protect her. Her“ attachment to Dr. Gully had nothing to do with the death of Mr. Charles Bravo.” But, in spite of her protest, with which it is impossible not to sympathize, and, notwithstanding that she declared her intention of refusing to reply, several other similar questions were put to her to which she was obliged to return some kind of an answer. Only, when he considered that he had applied the right amount of “moral torture,” to quote the words of Sergeant Parry, did Mr. Lewis pass on to more relevant matters. Inviting the witness's attention to her letter, of May 6th, 1876, to Mr. Joseph Bravo, in which she spoke of that “ dreadful woman ” and “ how hard she was pressing him for money” he inquired whether she considered that that had driven him to commit suicide. “When she wrote thus, she really believed that the woman was pressing him and she, therefore, thought that that was one of the causes and jealousy was another.” Mr. Lewis, however, confronted her with a letter written to her mother, as late as April 16th, 1876, two days before the deceased's fatal attack, in which she said, “ Charlie is walking about with a book under his arm as happy as a king.” Having thus described him, how could she now maintain that he was in so acute a state of misery from jealousy that, two days later, he killed himself? It was only at Brighton, after the first 82 THE BRAVO MYSTERY inquest, that Mrs. Cox told her that her husband had poisoned himself on account of Dr. Gully. Under examination by Mr. Gorst, she explained the reason of her interview with Dr. Gully at the Lower Lodge, just before her marriage. She had had an unpleasant difference of opinion with Mr. Bravo, who had told her plainly that he should not marry her, if her furniture, horses and carriages and other goods and chattels were included in the settlement. In this dilemma, she resolved to abide by Dr. Gully's advice and she sent Mrs. Griffiths, the coachman's wife, to beg him to come round to see her at once. She met him at the Lower Lodge, where the Griffithses lived, and talked the matter over with him in their parlour. He counselled her to comply with Mr. Bravo's wishes and she, accordingly, instructed her lawyer to that effect. When she made her statement at the Treasury she had no idea that it would be made public. She imagined it would only be used “ to throw light upon the mystery.” In re-examina- tion by Sir Henry James, she said that there were passages relating to Dr. Gully in the letters to which Mr. Lewis had called her attention. In the letter of February 15th the words “bitter trouble" and “ memory of our sorrow” referred to her confession of her former intimacy with Dr. Gully. And, in the letter of March 11th, when her husband wrote, “I should be glad if I never saw The Priory again,” he used those words because Dr. Gully lived in the immediate neighbourhood. Charles Maddox, the assistant of Mr. Smith, a Balham chemist, deposed that, on April 8th, Dr. THE BRAVO MYSTERY 83 Gully came to the shop and asked for a bottle of laurel-water or aqua lauro-cerasi. He supplied him with a half-ounce bottle containing 240 drops. Laurel-water was generally used as a lotion, but it was occasionally administered internally, in from five to thirty drops. It was sometimes prescribed for sleeplessness. Dr. Moore and Dr. Harrison were recalled, in the hope that they might be able to furnish some information about the condition of the water-bottle in the deceased's bedroom. Neither, however, could throw any light upon the matter. They searched the room for poison, but they did not trouble about the water-bottle. Dr. Harrison recollected that, about midnight, he himself drank a draught of water which, to the best of his belief, he procured from a bottle standing upon a small table. He certainly felt no ill effects, but, whether that bottle had originally been on the washing-stand, he could not say. The butler brought up some brandy and warm water for the injection on a tray. He might have brought up some cold water as well. Mr. Brooks, Mrs. Bravo's solicitor, stated that he drew up the settlement. Mrs. Bravo's fortune-$40,000 left her by her first husband and £20,000 settled on her by her father—was settled on herself. She also instructed him to include in the settlement her furniture, horses, carriages and lease of The Priory. The deceased, however, was very angry on hearing of her decision on this last point. He should break off the marriage, he declared, rather than place him- self in the position of having to sit at a table or upon a chair which did not belong to him. Mrs. Bravo, THE BRAVO MYSTERY was in face of his attitude, cancelled her first instructions and her goods and chattels were, consequently, left outside the general settlement. He offered the deceased his congratulations when, on November 15th, he for the first time came to his office. The reply which he received was “ Damn your con- gratulations ; I only want the money.” The witness was so disagreeably impressed by his behaviour that when he again called he would not see him and referred him to one of his partners. In reply to Mr. Lewis, he admitted that, on that occasion, the deceased, who did not employ a solicitor, appeared to be in a hurry. Possibly, he only meant to convey that he came for business, not to receive congratula- tions. “ It is not usual for persons in our branch of the profession to give congratulations.” Dr. Gully was the last witness to be called at this long drawn-out inquiry. As he had recently been ill, he was allowed, like the female witnesses, to remain seated, while giving his evidence-a conces- sion against which some of the audience and certain members of the jury openly protested. He was not, however, intimidated by the hostile atmosphere in which he found himself, but replied frankly and clearly to all the questions put to him. After saying that it was entirely at his own wish that he was there to be examined, he admitted, in reply to Sergeant Parry, that Mrs. Bravo's statement about their former intimacy was “ too true, too true.” He felt his position bitterly in having to acknowledge it. He had heard of “the rumours and suspicions which have been aroused and I now declare upon my solemn THE BRAVO MYSTERY 85 oath that I had nothing whatever to do, directly or indirectly, with the death of Mr. Charles Bravo." Since her marriage he had had no communication whatever with Mrs. Bravo. From that time, until the beginning of March, he was away from Balham, on a series of visits. After his return, he saw Mrs. Cox on five different occasions. The first four of these interviews were quite accidental, three took place at the railway station. Hearing from her that Mrs. Bravo was suffering from sleeplessness and knowing that “ she was driven frantic by ordinary opiates " he bethought him of laurel-water. Mrs. Cox had told him that she was going to her house in Lancaster Road, and, as he was himself going that way to see his son who lived in Queensborough Terrace, he left the bottle for her. He gave his name at the door with a message that the bottle came from him. It was in precisely the same state as when he received it. “ I had no tartar emetic to place in that bottle and any suggestion that I did so, from whatever quarter it may have come, is a wicked and infamous falsehood.” In answer to Mr. Lewis, the witness said that, when he prescribed the sitz baths, he was not aware that Mrs. Bravo had had a miscarriage. It was not with the idea of keeping the matter a secret that “ he took the bottle of laurel- water to Mrs. Cox's house." He did not send it to The Priory, because “ I regarded all communication with that place as forbidden to me." When he saw Mrs. Bravo, Mrs. Ricardo as she then was, at the Lower Lodge she said, “I have told my future husband all that has occurred between us,” and he 86 THE BRAVO MYSTERY answered, “ I hope that will turn out well.” The first definite news of her engagement was conveyed to him by Mrs. Cox in a short note either on the 9th, 10th, or 11th of November. He had heard, however, at Brighton that Mr. Charles Bravo “ was approaching her.” Mr. Lewis now proceeded to question him about his early intimacy with Mrs. Ricardo, in spite of Sergeant Parry's protests against this “ kind of moral torture," a remark which was greeted by the audience with applause mingled with hisses. No misconduct, the witness declared, had taken place between them at Malvern, while Captain Ricardo was still alive. On the occasions on which he had met Mrs. Cox, after the marriage, she had never suggested to him that it would be well were he to leave Balham. Nor did she ever say that the deceased was jealous of him. On the contrary, she always led him to believe that "he was getting on very well” with his wife. He had never seen the deceased and he was not aware that the deceased had ever seen him. At the conclusion of Dr. Gully's evidence, the proceedings were adjourned for a day to enable the Coroner and his Assessor to prepare their summing up to the jury. Of that charge which was delivered, on August 12th, when the Court met for the last time, it is unnecessary to say more than it was a mere recapitulation of the depositions. Mr. Carter, however, pointed out that “the only evidence that antimony had been administered was that antimony had been found in the body” and that, as regards its administration, “ by any other person or persons, THE BRAVO MYSTERY there was no direct evidence bearing upon the sub- ject.” Lastly, he warned the jury that, before they could bring in a verdict of “murder,” they must be satisfied that that person or those persons wilfully administered the poison. Mere suspicion or conjec- ture was not enough. After conferring together for about two hours and a half, the jury returned to Court with a verdict" that Mr. Charles Delaunay Bravo did not commit suicide, that he did not meet his death by misadventure; that he was wilfully murdered by the administration of tartar emetic, but there is not sufficient evidence to fix the guilt upon any person or persons.” The next day, all the papers contained articles on the case which, according to the Standard, “ had aroused even more intense interest than the Tich- borne trial.” The general opinion was that the verdict was the only one which the jury, in the circumstances, could have returned. Necessarily, however, the public Press, in reviewing the evidence, was obliged to speak guardedly. But “ the man in the street " was not so circumspect and the very definite conclusions which he formed can be best described by a parody of Goldsmith's well-known lines which became very popular at the time : “When lovely woman stoops to folly And finds her husband in the way, What charm can soothe her melancholy What art can turn him into clay ? The only means her aims to cover And save herself from prison locks And repossess her ancient lover Are Burgundy and Mrs. Cox.” 88 THE BRAVO MYSTERY Since the days when people repeated those long- forgotten verses, nothing has transpired, either to confirm or to refute the suspicion to which they gave expression. No one has received the reward of £250, offered by the Government, in consequence of the verdict of the Coroner's jury, for “ informa- tion leading to the discovery and conviction of the murderer or murderers.” The persons chiefly con- cerned in the affair have all passed away-Mrs. Bravo herself by common report only surviving it by little more than a year--and they have carried with them to the grave the secret of Mr. Bravo's death. The mystery which the best legal brains of forty-seven years ago could not unravel is still to-day as insoluble as ever. Nevertheless, it is now per- missible to discuss it with a freedom which was impossible at an earlier date, and no study of the case would be complete which did not attempt to show whether there were justification for the suspicions cast upon Mrs. Bravo, Mrs. Cox and, in a lesser degree, upon Dr. Gully, by the very significantly worded verdict of the jury. Mr. Bravo's death can be explained by one of two theories only. Either he took tartar emetic deliber- ately, for the purpose of killing himself, or it was wilfully and maliciously administered to him by some other person. The possibility that he swallowed it by misadventure can be dismissed at once. Large doses of antimony are not left lying about accident- ally. Nor can they find their way accidentally into either food or drink. But these are not the only fundamental considerations which must be kept in THE BRAVO MYSTERY mind. Had he wished to poison himself, it is in- conceivable that an educated man such as Mr. Bravo, a barrister who had made a special study of forensic medicine, could have selected antimony for the purpose. It is a drug notoriously wayward in its effects and death brought about by its agency would almost certainly be preceded by intense physical suffering. And as regards the alternative that he was murdered, the alternative adopted by the jury, it was made perfectly clear that the servants liked him and it is almost preposterous to suppose that any one of them had any reason for wishing to do away with him. Yet the murderer must have been a member of the household at The Priory and, if none of the servants were guilty, who but either Mrs. Bravo herself or Mrs. Cox could have committed the crime ? From the moment of her husband's illness, Mrs. Bravo's behaviour bore all the appearance of inno- cence. Unlike other persons who have been strongly suspected of administering poison she made no attempt to keep away the doctors or the sick man's relations and, more important still, no charge of procuring a noxious drug, under some palpably false pretext, can be made against her. On the contrary, on the fatal night, directly she was aroused from sleep and realized the situation, she insisted that Dr. Moore, the Balham practitioner, must be summoned, because he lived so near at hand, although she was told that Dr. Harrison of Streat- ham had been sent for already. Moreover, she at once assented to Dr. Harrison's suggestion that 90 THE BRAVO MYSTERY further medical assistance should be invoked and, finally, on her own initiative, she called in Sir William Gull, the most famous physician of his time. Meanwhile, neither the doctors nor the relations, nor the servants, who saw her in the sick-room, perceived anything which made them think that her grief and her anxiety were not perfectly genuine. Alone Mr. Joseph Bravo spoke of her " as not much grieved in any way,” while Dr. Johnson acknow- ledged that, in one instance, when he inadvertently mentioned that her husband had admitted taking poison, he was disagreeably impressed by her com- posure and lack of surprise. Lastly, as regards the essential point, the question of the poison itself, not a shred of evidence was forthcoming that she had tartar emetic in her possession, and that remark applies equally to Mrs. Cox and Dr. Gully. That Mrs. Bravo, in the first instance, should speak of a “coppery” saucepan or the riding mis- adventure as the probable cause of her husband's illness is perfectly natural. But the matter assumes a different complexion, when she continued to hold the same language, after Dr. Johnson had said in her presence that he was undoubtedly suffering from poison and had admitted that he had taken it. Is it possible to believe her story that she did not realize the full import of his words ? On the other hand, later on she seems to have been unduly eager to ascribe her husband's death to suicide.1 But more 1 v. p. 47. The letter of May 6th, 1876, is in this respect very important. It is to be found in Balham Mystery, p. 9, and D. T., July 12th, 1876. THE BRAVO MYSTERY 91 suspicious still is the consistent support which she gave to Mrs. Cox's statements. For the more closely that lady's conduct is examined the more difficult it becomes to place an innocent interpretation upon it. Even before Mr. Bravo's illness, her proceedings are open to severe stricture. On several occasions, she met and conversed with Dr. Gully. On his part these interviews were certainly accidental, whether they were equally so on hers is open to doubt. Now, according to Mrs. Cox's own story, that gentleman's former relations with Mrs. Bravo were a constant source of discord between her and her husband. In such circumstances Mrs. Cox had been surely well advised had she confined her remarks to common- place topics. Yet it had been excusable had she merely let drop a hint that, by leaving the neighbour- hood, he would promote the happiness of the newly married couple. In point of fact, however, she acted very differently. Not content with talking to him about Mrs. Bravo's health she actually invited him to prescribe for her. Was she naturally a mischiev- ous woman or had she some secret motive for desiring to revive his interest in his former mistress ? Mrs. Cox was clearly a woman who had had experience of sick-rooms and knew how to act in a case of sudden illness. Too great importance should not, perhaps, be attached to the fact that she sent to Streatham for Dr. Harrison, although Dr. Moore was living only a few hundred yards away in Balham. But, when it is remembered that, according to her own statement, she had learnt from Mr. Bravo himself the cause of his illness, it is certainly very 92 THE BRAVO MYSTERY strange that she should not have warned the doctor that his services were required for a case of poisoning. Surely, even the most ignorant person must have realized how necessary it was that he should come provided with a stomach pump or other means of dealing with an emergency of that kind. And in a house like The Priory there was certainly no defici- ency of basins. Yet she gave as her reason for ordering the vomited matter to be thrown away that she wished to have a clean basin at hand, in case the sick man should again need to use it. It is not, however, by such proceedings, significant as some of them are, that Mrs. Cox should be judged, but by her statement that, when she first went into Mr. Bravo's room, he said to her, “ I have taken poison, for Gully; don't tell Florence." Mrs. Cox, it must never be forgotten, only de- scribed this incident in its entirety in the latter stages of the case. Her much-debated story de- veloped gradually and wears a suspicious appear- ance of having been made to meet the different exigencies of the situation, as they arose. Thus, she said nothing, for at least four hours, while Dr. Moore and Dr. Harrison were vainly endeavouring to ascertain the cause of Mr. Bravo's mysterious illness. It was only after the arrival of Mr. Royes Bell and Dr. Johnson, that she disclosed, omitting the words " for Gully," what he had revealed to her. By that time, he had begun to vomit and to pass blood and the doctors were, consequently, almost certain that he had absorbed some irritant poison. Mrs. Cox, who was “in and out of the sick- THE BRAVO MYSTERY 93 room ” all night, undoubtedly knew this, and her action suggests that she hoped to put a stop to inquiries and awkward questions by telling a story which would account for the dying man's condition. The doctors were of opinion that he had only a short time to live and there was little fear, therefore, that he would ever be in a state to be confronted with her. At the Treasury, on June 2nd, she amplified her first statement by adding to it the words “ for Gully.” Matters were then growing very serious. Public interest was aroused, the theory of suicide was discredited and people every- where were saying that it was a case of murder. Without question, her conduct suggests that, when she thus brought in the name of Dr. Gully, she did so for the purpose of showing not only that Mr. Bravo took his own life, but that he had a reason for committing suicide. Her story reached its final development at the inquest, when she asserted that Mr. Bravo, on the second day of his illness, re- proached her for “ telling them ” and inquired whether “ Florence knew” that he had poisoned himself? Up to that moment, she had never, she admitted, mentioned this last incident to anyone. She did not inform the doctors of what the deceased had said because she thought that he did not wish me to.” 1 The jury, by returning a verdict in which they specifically declared that the deceased had not com- mitted suicide, undoubtedly meant to convey that in their opinion Mrs. Cox had sworn falsely. And 1 o. p. 72. 94 THE BRAVO MYSTERY the more carefully her statement is considered the more impossible does it become to attach any cred- ence to it. According to her, Mr. Bravo was, above all things, anxious that the fact that he had taken poison should not be revealed to his wife. Yet only two minutes earlier, he was shouting loudly, “ Flor- ence, Florence, hot water.” Was that the act of a man who desired to conceal from his wife that he had deliberately swallowed poison? And, if that were his wish, is it conceivable that he would have entrusted this secret to her devoted companion and confidant ? For what possible reason should he admit taking poison to Mrs. Cox, and yet solemnly deny it, when adjured to speak the truth by the doctors and his lifelong friend, Mr. Bell? Without doubt the unfortunate man received the news that he was dying of poison with a calmness and a lack of concern which is somewhat remarkable. In that respect, his behaviour made a considerable impression upon Sir William Gull and, apparently, inclined him to adopt the theory of suicide. But his indifference is not so astonishing when it is remembered that he was under the depressing influence of antimony and that, in the words of Dr. Johnson, his condition was that of a man “suffering all the horrors of sea- sickness with the addition of the torturing effects of an irritant poison upon his stomach.” A further question must now be considered. If it be untrue that Mr. Bravo confided to Mrs. Cox that he had poisoned himself, is the story of his jealousy, as she and Mrs. Bravo told it, equally un- true ? From Mrs. Bravo's letter to him, of October THE BRAVO MYSTERY 95 21st, 1875, 1 and from his subsequent conversation with her mother, it is clear that Mrs. Bravo did know, when he married her, that she had had an “ attachment ” to Dr. Gully. According to Mrs. Bravo, after she had told him “everything,” and he, notwithstanding, still desired to marry her, they made a compact that neither of them would ever utter Dr. Gully's name. But this promise he never kept. “Morning, noon and night,” he reverted to him, abusing him and reproaching her for her former connection with him. They had other subjects of dispute. Instigated by his mother, he was always seeking to reduce their household expenditure and, in addition, he greatly disliked her fondness for sherry. Their quarrels about such matters were sometimes violent; indeed, on one occasion, he actu- ally struck her, but it was his retrospective jealousy of Dr. Gully which was at the bottom of all their troubles. Mrs. Cox, who, if she can be believed, was the confident of both husband and wife deposed to the same effect. Yet in spite of these scenes, none of the servants at The Priory seem to have had a suspicion that all was not well between their master and mistress and none of them had ever heard the name of Dr. Gully mentioned. Mr. Bravo, senior, had no reason to think that his stepson suffered from jealousy or was not perfectly happy. Relations and guests at The Priory, who saw the married couple together, carried away the impression that the ménage was most united and contented. Mr. Bravo's barrister- 1 D.T., July 19th, 1876. Balham Mystery, p. 15. 96 THE BRAVO MYSTERY friends all regarded him as a very fortunate and happily married man. “He recommended me," related Mr. Willoughby,“ to get married.” All the letters which he wrote to his wife during their short married life were produced and no allusion to Dr. Gully is to be found in any of them. Mrs. Bravo, it is true, was able to point to a passage, in which he said something to the effect that he would be glad were he never again to see The Priory He wrote this, she explained, because Dr. Gully lived in the neighbourhood. That may be the correct interpreta- tion of his words, but it is, on the whole, more prob- able that he meant to convey that The Priory was too expensive a residence and that he disliked it, on that account. Nothing, however, is so suggestive of the untruth of the two women's accounts of his sentiments and general behaviour than a letter which he wrote to his mother, on Good Friday. On that day, according to Mrs. Bravo, he flew into a great passion because, being still an invalid, she wanted to rest after luncheon. Mrs. Cox told the same story, adding that his anger endured until the following morning, when she contrived to pacify him. In his fury he uttered, she declared, all kinds of threats and talked of leaving his wife for ever, exclaiming, “ Let her go back to Gully." Yet Mr. Bravo, writing on the very day on which he is sup- posed to have acted in this unreasonable manner, says, after some humorous allusions to the laying capacities of the hens at The Priory, “ Florence is better but very cross. ... She has finished a pair of slippers for me in a rage and is now slanging me 98 THE BRAVO MYSTERY future.1 Is it conceivable that this same man can ever have suffered so acutely from retrospective jealousy that he was driven to put an end to his existence ? The evidence showed almost conclusively that Mr. Bravo either swallowed the fatal dose in his Burgundy or in the water which, there were grounds for thinking, he habitually took in his bedroom before going to bed. On that particular night, no coffee was served after dinner and there was no reason to suppose that, after leaving the dining-room and before going upstairs, he drank anything whatever. Unfortunately, the butler was unable to say what became of the wine which Mr. Bravo left unfinished. This not unnaturally raised a suspicion that the guilty party might have removed it from the dining- room after dinner. Be that as it may, there was no evidence of any suspicious proceedings of that kind on the part of either of the two ladies. It appears to have been the practice of the butler to decant the wine and place it upon the table, about half an hour or twenty minutes before dinner. Assuming that she had the poison in her possession, there was nothing to prevent Mrs. Bravo, before she went upstairs to dress, from introducing a dose of it into the wine which her husband would probably drink. Obviously, however, it must have been a very dangerous undertaking. Mrs. Cox had been all day at Worthing, and only reached The Priory about ten minutes before the hour fixed for dinner. In these circumstances, it is scarcely conceivable that, 1 v. p. 76. 100 THE BRAVO MYSTERY part, of her first widowhood. At the same time, however, it was no less conclusively proved that, in the autumn of 1875, she summarily and uncere- moniously dismissed him, for no other reason, apparently, than that she had grown weary of an equivocal position. And not a tittle of evidence could be produced to show that, after her marriage, she ever sought to renew her relations with him. Once, and once only, did she hold any communica- tion with her former lover. She invoked his assist- ance when her husband lay at the point of death and his medical attendants could hold out no hopes of saving him. There was no concealment about the matter, Mrs. Cox, who carried the message, present- ing herself at his door like an ordinary visitor. Their former relations, explained Mrs. Bravo, never entered into the question. She simply regarded Dr. Gully as the cleverest doctor “ in the world,” and what more natural than that at such a crisis she should seek to obtain his opinion ? And that is all that can be said about the incident. No great importance should, seemingly, be attached to it. Her conduct in the matter is obviously consistent with her complete innocence. Nevertheless, if she were guilty, she may well have calculated that to act as she did might, some day, allay suspicion. In spite of her protestations to the contrary, it may be regarded as certain that Mr. Bravo fully intended to dispense with Mrs. Cox's services, and he was not a man to be easily turned from his purpose. In these circumstances, Mrs. Cox, who 10. p.71. THE BRAVO MYSTERY 101 naturally did not wish to lose her comfortable home, had much to gain by his death. Yet it is very diffi- cult to believe that he was poisoned on that account. It is hardly conceivable that for such a reason Mrs. Bravo can have been a party to her husband's murder. For it is impossible to dissociate the two women. In all matters connected with Mr. Bravo's death they told the same story and maintained the same attitude, while, for a fortnight before the fatal event, they actually shared the same bed. If one be guilty the other cannot be innocent and, without question, some of their proceedings are terribly suspicious. Nevertheless, after a prolonged inquiry into their private affairs, nothing was discovered which can be regarded as an intelligible motive for so horrible a crime. It is incredible that Mrs. Bravo can have killed her husband in order to return to " the ancient lover” whom she had discarded a few months before. Nor is it reasonable to suppose that she can have countenanced his murder, simply because he wished to send away Mrs. Cox. And counsel for the Treasury could suggest no other motive. Was there a secret in the lives of these people which the investigations failed to discover ? The question opens up a wide field of conjecture and the best answer to it would seem to be the remark of a famous judge, in reference to another case of poisoning. “It is sometimes said,” wrote Sir James Fitzjames Stephen, “ that there is no need to look further for a motive when the parties are man and wife. . . . Married people usually treat each other with external decency, good humour and cordiality, 102 THE BRAVO MYSTERY but what lies under the veil is known only to them- selves, and the relation may produce hatred, bitter in proportion to the intimacy which it involves.” 1 Notwithstanding his straighforward evidence and his complete refutation of the insinuations made against him, public opinion has been very severe on Dr. Gully. Having pleaded guilty to the grave professional offence of embarking upon an intrigue with a woman who was his patient, he had to submit to see his name removed from all the medical societies of which he was a distinguished member. Nor was this the only consequence which the revelations at the inquest entailed. Henceforward, he was to figure in the popular imagination as the wicked old doctor, who, if he did not actually con- trive, most certainly connived at, a monstrous crime. Yet nothing can be more unjust. No fact emerged more clearly from the inquiry than that his liaison with Mrs. Bravo came to an abrupt end at Brighton, in October, 1875. And, once broken off, neither of them showed the smallest inclination to renew the connection. In the first instance, Dr. Gully, un- doubtedly, displayed some irritation at the summary manner in which his mistress dismissed him, not- withstanding that he had given up his practice and devoted the past five-years to her service. But all the available evidence seems to indicate that, on cooler reflection, he came to the conclusion that he had no cause to regret her decision. He was sixty- seven years of age and his relations with Mrs. Bravo must have entailed many worries and troubles. In i Sir J. Stephen. History of the Criminal Law, III, p. 441. THE BRAVO MYSTERY 103 addition to her immoderate liking for sherry, she was certainly very selfish and, not improbably, exacting. “ They often quarrelled,” deposed Prit- chard, his old butler, who was clearly of opinion that his master was well rid of the lady. Everything points to the truth of the account which Dr. Gully and Mrs. Bravo gave of their last interview, at the coachman's lodge, at The Priory. It will be remem- bered that, on that occasion, he advised her not to break off the marriage, but to accept Mr. Bravo's conditions about the settlement. “ So in fact,” commented Mr. Gorst,“ it was Dr. Gully who made the match at last.” The remark was ironical, yet it may not have been so far from the truth as counsel wished to imply. Without being guilty of gross incivility, Dr. Gully could not refuse Mrs. Cox's request to him to prescribe for Mrs. Bravo. Thus he was induced to send the bottle of laurel-water to her house in Lancaster Road. It was an unfortunate step, because it made an innocent transaction assume a clandestine appearance. For his explanation of why he addressed it to her in London, instead of directing it to her at The Priory, appears to be perfectly satisfactory. In any event, it is beyond the bounds of possibility that the dose of tartar emetic which killed Mr. Bravo can have been in the half-ounce bottle which Dr. Gully left at Mrs. Cox's hall door in Bayswater. Without doubt, Dr. Gully committed an error of judgment in staying at Balham, after Mrs. Bravo's marriage. But there are no grounds 1 v. p. 82. 104 THE BRAVO MYSTERY whatever for supposing that he decided to remain in the neighbourhood with the idea of reopening communications with her. It is probable that he simply did not attach much importance to the matter and did not wish to be at the trouble and expense of moving. He was an old man and, to use his own words, had “ only eighteen months before furnished my house from top to bottom.” It was a mistake for all that and one for which he was destined to pay dearly. Whether Mrs. Bravo be regarded as a guilty, or as a cruelly maligned, woman she must be admitted to have brought singular ill-luck to the three men with whom she was associated. At the age of twenty- eight Captain Ricardo died abroad, under very unhappy conditions. Almost exactly five years later, when he had been married to her for hardly more than four months, her second husband was poisoned mysteriously, while, by reason of his former connection with her, Dr. Gully ended his days, not only in professional disgrace, but under the shadow of an unjust suspicion. THE NORTHUMBERLAND STREET TRAGEDY N the last sixty years, the neighbourhood of Charing Cross has undergone great changes. In 1861, the Thames Embankment had not yet been laid out, nor had Northumberland House and its gardens yet been destroyed to make room for Northumberland Avenue. Hungerford Market still occupied the site upon which Charing Cross Station now stands, while the river, where it is crossed to- day by the railway, was then spanned by a suspen- sion bridge known as Hungerford Bridge. A pier or landing-stage abutted upon it at which the penny steamboats stopped to take up and set down passen- gers. Northumberland Street, which now runs from the Strand into Northumberland Avenue, at that time ran directly to the river parallel with Craven Street, with which it was connected by a passage, leading into Hungerford Market. This passage, called Craven Passage, still exists, although widened and altered in other respects of late years. Northum- berland Street itself, in 1861, had already ceased to be a residential street, most of the houses being divided off into business chambers and offices. This was especially the case with No. 16, which was styled Northumberland Chambers. It was a dingy, old-fashioned building with high narrow windows 105 106 NORTHUMBERLAND ST. TRAGEDY standing upon the east side of the street, between the passage into Hungerford Market and Craven Wharf. Between 11.30 and 12 o'clock on the morning of Friday, July 12th, 1861, several of the inhabitants of this house, No. 16 Northumberland Street, heard two pistol shots. But the reports which followed one another at an interval of about five minutes excited no alarm, it being the habit of Mr. Roberts, a money- lending solicitor, who occupied the first floor cham- bers, to divert his leisure by practising with a pistol. Strange to say nobody seems to have objected to this form of amusement which had been going on intermittently for the last month at least. Thus Mr. Preston-Lumb, a civil engineer, whose offices were on the second floor, heard both shots, but in the circumstances paid no attention to them. Soon after the second one, however, a very unusual sound seemed to proceed from the floor below. He after- wards described it as the noise which might be expected to be caused by some very heavy instru- ment striking a mattress or other soft substance.” He had never heard anything of the kind before, “it was a dead, dull noise, yet loud, like some one beating a soft substance very heavily.” It was unaccom- panied, however, by any cries or sounds of scuffling and it never entered his mind that a life and death struggle was going on in the rooms beneath him. Mr. Clay, who described himself as the manager of the Catalonian Cork-Cutting Company, had often to go to No. 16 Northumberland Street on business 1 It has now been demolished. NORTHUMBERLAND ST. TRAGEDY 107 and on this particular morning was, for some reason or another, in the back-yard when the two shots were fired. But being well acquainted with Mr. Roberts's unprofessional habit of practising with a pistol, he was no more disturbed by the sound than was Mr. Preston-Lumb. Some five or six minutes after the second shot, however, the back window on the first-floor was thrown up and a gentleman, his face covered with blood and having in his hands an umbrella and a pair of tongs, put his foot on to the sill, as though he were about to jump into the yard. “For God's sake, what is the matter ? ” cried Clay. “ Murder has been done,” said the wounded man. Mr. Clay, promising at once to go to his assistance, begged him not to think of escaping by the window under which was an area surmounted by iron railings. Then, having sent one of his men for the police, he entered the house from the back and ran up to the first-floor landing. Finding that both the doors leading into Mr. Robert's chambers were locked and that his efforts to force them were ineffectual, he mounted to the second floor, where he gave the alarm. At that moment, he heard a sound of glass breaking and saw that the injured gentleman had successfully leaped into the yard and, shaking off a workman who sought to detain him, had climbed over the wall into the next house. Miss Mary Lines, a dressmaker, whose rooms were at the back of No. 15, took no notice of the two reports of the pistol to which, owing to their fre- quency during the past fortnight, she had grown accustomed. A few minutes later, however, she 108 NORTHUMBERLAND ST. TRAGEDY heard the sound of men's voices raised in anger followed by a crash of broken glass and saw a man covered with blood, after a short struggle with another who tried to impede his progress, “ clamber over the wall ” into the back premises of No. 15. The man ran across the yard leaving a track of blood behind him and disappeared from view through a door which opened into the passage leading to Craven Street. The word “ Murder !” had gone forth and already a crowd was collecting in Northumberland Street. The first persons to arrive opposite No. 16 had scarcely reached the spot, before they saw a hatless and blood-stained man emerge into the street from Craven Passage. To those who pressed round him he cried out that an inhabitant of No. 16 had tried to murder him. Perhaps he has escaped suggested some one ? "No," said the man, “ I have served him out too much for this for him to escape.” Meanwhile Mr. Preston-Lumb and a Mr. Ransom, who also occupied chambers at No. 16, had reached the street door. On his way downstairs, Mr. Lumb met young Mr. Roberts on the landing outside his father's offices. “Oh, Mr. Lumb," exclaimed the young man, “ some one has been and murdered Father !” At the door, Mr. Ransom saw a gentle- man, bleeding profusely from a wound in his neck, standing in the midst of a group of persons. He was plainly somewhat light-headed for, when he ad- dressed him, he replied by asking for his umbrella that he might get away to his office.“ But you are badly wounded,” said Mr. Ransom. “Am I?" NORTHUMBERLAND ST. TRAGEDY 109 was the reply. “Indeed, you are fearfully wounded," repeated Ransom. “It's that d- fellow Grey, upstairs,” said the injured man. Mr. Ransom assured him that nobody called Grey lived at No. 16. But, if he meant the person with whom he had seen him enter the house about half an hour ago, his name was Roberts. “He told me,” said the gentle- man, “ that his name was Grey.” Mr. Ransom had no diculffity in persuading the wounded man of the necessity of seeking medical assistance. Accordingly, followed by a crowd of curious spectators, they first visited a neighbouring chemist and then proceeded to Charing Cross Hospital. Before this, several policemen had arrived in Northumberland Street. To each one of them, as soon as he saw him, the wounded stranger called out that some person on the first-floor of No. 16 had sought to murder him and, speaking with the assurance of a man accustomed to give orders, bade the officer “ go there and take him into custody." The symptoms of light-headedness which he had at first displayed had now completely disappeared With the utmost coolness, as they walked along together, he gave Mr. Ransom a lucid account of the events of the morning. His name, he said, was Murray-Major William Murray, late of the roth Hussars. That morning, having been in the City on business he took, for the purpose of returning to the West End, the penny steamboat at London Bridge. After landing at Hungerford Bridge, he was proceeding through Hungerford Market towards the Strand when he was accosted by a stranger who, 110 NORTHUMBERLAND ST. TRAGEDY after asking him whether he was Major Murray, a director of the Grosvenor Hotel Company, began to talk to him about a financial matter and, finally, invited him to step round the corner to his office in Northumberland Street. He had previously in- formed him that he was a solicitor of the name of Grey. Murray complied and allowed himself to be con- ducted to the chambers at No. 16, where the two of them sat down at a table and continued the conversa- tion begun in Hungerford Market. Presently, the so-called Grey, on the pretext that he desired to look for some document, left his seat and passing behind him fired a pistol into the back of his neck. The impact of the bullet caused him to fall from his chair. But, although paralysed and unable to stir hand or foot, he retained full possession of his senses. After lying on the floor in this condition for two or three minutes, he began to recover his power of movement. Scarcely had he raised himself on to his elbow, however, before his assailant, who had momentarily left the room, returned and, seeing that he was still alive, placed the muzzle of a pistol against his head and fired a second shot into him. The blood poured over his face, but in other respects this fresh wound appeared to afford him actual relief. Grey, however, was stooping over him watching to see whether life were extinct, and he judged it prudent to pretend that he was dead. This stratagem succeeded. His would-be murderer, after observing him closely for a minute or two, rose up and turned his back upon him. He, thereupon, 22 SA HUNGERFORD BRIDGE FROM SAVOY WHARF IN 1861 NORTHUMBERLAND ST. TRAGEDY III sprang to his feet and fell upon him with a pair of tongs which he had seized from the fender. A fierce struggle ensued, in the course of which he used not only the tongs but a bottle and, indeed, anything which came to his hand. Having at last succeeded in over- powering his antagonist and in reducing him to impotence, he threw up the window, shouted for help, and, jumping down into the yard, escaped into the street. On no previous occasion, and on that point he was most positive, had he ever seen the man Roberts, who called himself Grey, nor could he suggest any reason why he should have inveigled him into his rooms and have attempted to murder him. By the time this story was concluded, they had reached Charing Cross Hospital, where Mr. Skegg, the house surgeon on duty, examined the Major and, pronouncing him to be dangerously wounded, directed that he should be immediately put to bed. While Major Murray was being conducted to hospital, the police had been endeavouring to gain admittance to Mr. Robert's chambers. Both doors on the landing, however, were so strong and so securely fastened that they had to abandon the idea of forcing them. Another door which communi- cated with young Mr. Roberts's office in the next house, No. 17, was also locked and resisted all their efforts to open it. In these circumstances, they procured a ladder and, setting it up in the yard, effected an entrance into the backroom through the. window from which Major Murray had let himself down. Traces of his passage were discernible in 112 NORTHUMBERLAND ST. TRAGEDY bloody finger marks both upon the window-sill and upon a wooden water-pipe which ran beneath it. The first officers who penetrated into the room found it in a state of indescribable disorder. Blood was upon the floor and the walls were plentifully be- sprinkled with it, while there was scarcely an article of furniture which was not overturned and broken. But nothing was to be seen of Major Murray's assailant or opponent, for it was still impossible to say which designation should be applied to him. The folding-doors, however, which divided the front from the back room were unlocked, and when the officers pushed them open they saw a man huddled up against the wall, half-sitting and half- lying down, with his hand upon the handle of the door communicating with young Mr. Robert's office. He was terribly injured about the head and face, and when they raised him up and placed him in a chair he only begged them to let him “ sit down and die." In answer to their inquiries as to who had treated him in this fashion, he muttered something to the effect that “the man who went downstairs did it.” Meanwhile, the doors on to the landing having been opened, he was recognized as Mr. Roberts, the bill- discounter, the occupier of the chambers. He appeared to be in a dying condition and was immedi- ately conveyed to Charing Cross Hospital. After Mr. Roberts's removal, the police proceeded to make a thorough examination of the premises. They consisted of two apartments—a large drawing- room, the three windows of which faced Northum- berland Street and, divided from it by folding-doors, NORTHUMBERLAND ST. TRAGEDY 113 a rather smaller room looking on to the back yard. Both were extremely well furnished in the style which became the fashion under Louis Philippe. Ranged about the front room were ormolu tables and boule cabinets on most of which were statuettes and other ornaments under glass cases, while on the walls were brackets and water-colour drawings. But all these articles, the cabinets, the glass shades, the picture frames were encrusted with the dust and dirt of years, Mr. Roberts employing no one to keep the place clean. Indeed, in his absence nobody, not even his son, could obtain access to the premises. In the drawing-room, in front of the marble mantel- piece—which from its damaged appearance seemed to have served as a target for his pistol practice-was a great heap of torn and crumpled papers extending almost into the middle of the room. Like the dust and dirt upon the furniture this mound of waste paper had been allowed to accumulate undisturbed. In this front room there were few if any signs of a struggle. It was remarkable only on account of its dirty and neglected condition. It was the back room which bore witness to the terrible character of the encounter of which these chambers had been the theatre. In it, wrote the Times correspondent, “The dust has been beaten down and the gloomy richness of the room disturbed by the most desperate of all contests-a contest where strong and angry men struggle to tear and beat each other down with what- ever weapon they can seize in their frenzy. If two wild beasts had been turned loose to kill each other in this appartment it could not have presented traces 114 NORTHUMBERLAND ST. TRAGEDY of a more prolonged or deadly contest. The furni- ture is overturned and broken in hideous confusion. The walls, the gilded tables, backs of chairs and sides of dirty inlaid cabinets are streaked and smeared about with bloody fingers. One may almost trace where blows were struck by the star-shaped splashes of blood along the walls, while over the glass shades of the ornaments and doors of the cabinets it has fallen like rain, as if a bloody mop had been trundled round and round.” Hardly less horrible was the appearance of the improvised weapons which Major Murray had used in his desperate fight for life. In a pool of blood lay a shattered wine-bottle, while scattered about the room were pieces of the tongs which he had wielded with such terrible effect, “ actually coated with flesh and blood.” In the area were found the handle and “the stumpy fragment " of this implement which he had let fall as he jumped from the window. That he successfully contrived to leap from a height of twenty feet into a small paved yard, between two areas protected by iron railings, was not the least remarkable incident of this extraordinary affair. The only dangerous injury which Murray had sustained was the wound at the back of his neck. On probing it, Dr. Canton had no difficulty in locating and in extracting the bullet which had lodged against the spine. The other wound was of a superficial character, the bullet having merely grazed the side of his head and his cheek. It was clear that the two shots had been fired at very close quarters, both the Major's hair and whiskers being NORTHUMBERLAND ST. TRAGEDY 115 singed by the explosion of the powder. The removal of the bullet afforded him great relief and, once it was taken out, he was able to converse most ration- ally with the various persons who were brought to his bedside. To Inspector McKenzie he repeated, in greater detail, the story which he had previously told to Mr. Ransom. Among his other visitors was young Mr. Roberts, the mention of whose name, at first, appeared to convey nothing to him, for he asked, “ What Roberts ? ” “ Why, the son of the Roberts who shot you,” said Mr. Ransom, who seems to have introduced the young man to him. “ Why, d-- him," said the Major," he ought to be hanged for shooting a man on the ground !” After this not unnatural explosion of feeling, he asked the young man whether he knew him. “No," was the reply.“ Did you ever hear anyone speak of me ? ” inquired Murray. “Yes," answered the youth, “ I have heard my father mention you.” No more appears to have been said and the interview was brought to an end. Later on, however, young Mr. Roberts saw fit to tell a different story of his previous acquaintance with the Major. While there was every prospect that Murray would recover completely, the condition of his antagonist, who lay in another room in the same building, was hopeless from the first. It was sur- prising, wrote the Lancet in speaking of the affair, that he should not have died on the spot, “ the injuries inflicted on him being essentially of a mortal nature. The anterior portion of the temporal bone was literally smashed in, and the membranes of the NORTHUMBERLAND ST. TRAGEDY 117 same evening, communicated to Major Murray by Inspector McKenzie and Dr. Canton. The doctor, apparently, considered it necessary to break it to him gently. In the first instance, accordingly, he merely said, “ A person in whom we take some interest has gone on from bad to worse.” “ Who is that?” asked the Major. “Mr. Roberts,” said the doctor, and, having told him that, he proceeded to say that he had just died. “ Died, by Jove, has he ? " exclaimed Murray. “I have nothing to reflect on that man's death. He was no man.” He displayed, however, some curiosity as to whether he had seen a clergyman and as to whether he had made a statement. “ Yes,” replied McKenzie," he saw a clergyman and he has made a statement.” As may be supposed, the affair aroused the most intense public interest. Under such headings as “Affray in Northumberland Street,” “ Tragedy in the Strand," " Desperate Encounter in Northumber- land Street,” the newspapers devoted considerable space to descriptions of Mr. Roberts's chambers and to the latest news about the condition of the two injured men. In strange contrast, however, to their methods at the present time, they confined themselves rigidly to topics of that kind and made no attempts to furnish their readers with any particulars about the private life of either Major Murray or Mr. Roberts. This omission is not so surprising as regards the last named, who was simply an obscure, although fairly prosperous, money-lender, but it is curious that no reputable paper appears to have alluded to Major Murray's military career, un- 118 NORTHUMBERLAND ST. TRAGEDY eventful as it appears to have been. The history of his life, of which it may be convenient at this stage to give some details, can be told in a few words. He was the second son of Walter Murray, of Garland Grove, Jamaica, his mother being a Miss Tharp, a niece of John Tharp of Chippenham Park, New- market. He was born on December 12th, 1819, and on March 9th, 1838, obtained by purchase a cornetry in the 10th Hussars. Two years later, he rose to the rank of a lieutenant and, in 1845, accompanied his regiment to India, where it remained until dis- patched to the Crimea, in 1855. There is reason to think, however, that Murray was at home at this time, employed, not improbably, at the depot. Certain circumstances of his private life, which will be related later on, suggest that he cannot have been on foreign service when war broke out. Whether he ever went to the Crimea is doubtful. In any case, Hart's Army List shows that he was not granted the medal. Nevertheless, at the conclusion of the peace, he was promoted a brevet major, by reason of the fact, apparently, that he was by this time the senior captain in his regiment. A few months later, how- ever-on May ist, 1857–he exchanged into the 12th Lancers with the famous Valentine Baker and at the end of the same year sold his commission and retired from the Army. It is probable that he never actually served with the 12th, it being his invariable custom to speak of himself as “ late roth Hussars." His exchange was, apparently, one of those arrange- ments which were not uncommon in the days of purchase. NORTHUMBERLAND ST. TRAGEDY 119 But, if the newspapers were silent about the private affairs and the previous history of Major Murray and his opponent, they did their utmost to explain how the conflict between them had originated. The Times was of opinion that the Major's account of the treacherous attack made upon him was true, while utterly disbelieving his assertion that before that fatal morning his antagonist was completely un- known to him. “It might be accepted as a fact,” it went on to declare, “ that the examination of the papers in Mr. Roberts's chambers had supplied the police with a clue which would probably lead to the complete elucidation of the mystery." Before this, the Daily Telegraph informed its readers that “there was little reason to doubt that there was a lady in the case,” and, on July 20th, it professed to be in a position to describe the actual circumstances which had brought the two men into collision. “In Hun- gerford Market," so the account ran, “ Major Murray saw a lady who has been permitted to enjoy the use of his name greet Mr. Roberts familiarly and accompany him to his chambers. Major Murray having watched the pair indoors gained an entrance. The rest seems plain. The pseudo Mrs. Murray departed in haste and an encounter soon followed, by whom begun it will be very hard to prove." Stories of this kind could not but increase a thousand- fold the public curiosity to hear the disclosures which the inquest on Mr. Roberts was bound to bring forth. The Spectator, without doubt, gave expression to the very general belief, when it talked, in an article headed “Murder,” of “ two men 120 NORTHUMBERLAND ST. TRAGEDY mad with jealousy quarrelling for some letters and proceeding to blows and then to a death grapple.” On Monday, July 22nd, Mr. Bedford, the Coroner for Westminster, opened his inquiry, the Court sitting in the board-room of Charing Cross Hospital which, notwithstanding its size, was densely crowded throughout the proceedings. Mr. Sleigh,- instructed by Mr. Thomas Roberts, the brother of the deceased, watched the case on behalf of the widow, while the interests of Major Murray, who was not present, were in the hands of Mr. Humphreys, his solicitor. This first sitting of the Court was devoted exclusively to formal evidence of identification and to the depositions of the surgeons and of such witnesses as Mr. Clay, Mr. Ransom and the policemen who had been present at Northumberland Street, on the fatal Friday. The substance of what they had to tell has already been given and need not be repeated. It was not until the following day, when Inspector McKenzie was called, that anything was said which tended to throw a light upon the causes of the affray. After describing the condition of Mr. Roberts's chambers, the inspector stated that he had made a minute examination of all the papers in both rooms without finding in any of them the slightest trace of a correspondence between Mr. Roberts and Major Murray. But on a sheet of white blotting-paper, 1 Sleigh, William Campbell (1818–1887). Created Sergeant- at-Law 1868. Had a large practice at the Old Bailey. In 1860 published a work entitled Personal Wrongs and Legal Remedies. NORTHUMBERLAND ST. TRAGEDY 121 much stained with blood, he had been able to make out the following address : Mrs. Murray Elm Lodge Talbot Road Tottenham There were other stains and marks upon the paper and the words “I cannot rest” and “send by bearer.” He also found three letters from Mrs. Murray to the deceased, two of them being in one envelope in the waste-paper-basket. At this point he was interrupted by Mr. Sleigh, who objected to the reading of them. “The case,” he pleaded,“ is already sufficiently painful without bringing other parties into it without excuse.” He was so far successful that the Coroner decided that the question should stand over for the moment. To the great disappointment of most of those present this part of the case was not pursued any further. In the course of the day, however, some curious evidence was given tending to show that, on the morning of the affray, Mr. Roberts had been at pains to send away on some pretext or other anyone who would be likely to interfere with his proceedings. Richard Timms, a house painter, deposed that on July 12th he was employed to wash down the back of No. 16 Northumberland Street. About 12 o'clock -- he could not fix the time exactly, but it was before the two shots were fired—the deceased called to him and asked him whether he would carry a message for him. On his replying that he was willing, Mr. 122 NORTHUMBERLAND ST. TRAGEDY Roberts requested him to go to the top of St. Martin's Lane and buy a linnet. For this purpose he gave him a shilling saying that the cost of the bird was ninepence. He went and when he returned found the place in possession of the police. Young Mr. Roberts, it will be remembered, had on the afternoon of the affray declared at Major Murray's bedside that he had never in his life seen him before. Nevertheless, on this second day's sitting of the Coroner's Court, he swore, not only that he had known him by sight for some time past, but that, in the previous month of April, he had seen him “on the landing going to knock at my father's door." His father, he asserted, had often told him that he had been out with the Major. “ In fact, Murray's name was more often mentioned in the office than anybody else's." He had posted letters from his father to Mrs. Murray and had seen letters from her addressed to his father. She had first called on his father last October. She was in the habit of coming “ once or twice a week.” On his oath he had never said that he did not know Major Murray. Fortu- nately, Mr. Ransom and several medical students had been present at his interview with the Major and all of them were able to swear that he had de- clared, not once but repeatedly, that he did not know him nor had he seen him on any previous occasion. As soon as it was thus established that no credence could be attached to young Roberts's statements on this point, Dr. Canton was called and described the nature of Major Murray's injuries. In regard to the wound in the neck, he was satisfied that it could not NORTHUMBERLAND ST. TRAGEDY 123 have been self-inflicted nor could it have been sustained in the course of a struggle. The downward path taken by the bullet indicated that the Major, who was taller than his antagonist, had been shot while he was sitting down. In short, on medical grounds everything pointed to the truth of his account of the affair. After hearing some evidence that on the morning of July 12th Mr. Roberts was loitering about near Hungerford Pier, apparently waiting for some one, the Court adjourned. At the resumed sitting on Thursday, July 25th, it was evident that the public interest in the case was keener than ever. The room was densely crowded, while numbers of persons unable to obtain admis- sion waited about in the street outside. As soon as the proceedings began Mr. Preston-Lumb described the strange noises which he had heard on the morn- ing of the encounter—those“ dull dead sounds as though some one were beating a soft substance very heavily.” Inspector McKenzie was then recalled and recounted what had passed when the Major was told of the death of his antagonist. When his evi- dence was concluded a thrill of expectation ran through the audience. The moment for which most of those present had been waiting so anxiously had come at last. A closely veiled woman“ plainly dressed in the ordinary walking dress of a lady of means " had been conducted to a seat at the foot of the table. She was very nervous and appeared to be struggling to control her emotion. " It was painful to look at her," wrote the Times correspondent, so great was the distress under which she was labouring. 124 NORTHUMBERLAND ST. TRAGEDY In answer to the Coroner's question, she inquired whether she must give her real name, and when he told her that that was necessary she said in a voice which was almost inaudible that her name was Anne Maria Moody. It was then intimated to her that she must raise her veil. After a moment's hesitation she complied, disclosing the features of a remarkably pretty woman, apparently about twenty-five or twenty-six years of age. Miss Moody's evidence-most of which was elicited in response to questions put to her by Mr. Sleigh-was given in a very low tone. At the same time she expressed herself very clearly, notwithstand- ing that any mention of Major Murray's name plainly caused her the greatest distress and that, on one occasion, when referring to him she broke down completely. Some seven or eight years ago, she told the Court, she left her family to live under Major Murray's protection and since about '55 had called herself” Mrs. Murray.” Recently, the Major took for her Elm Lodge, Tottenham, where she now resided. Her acquaintance with Mr. Roberts began three or four years ago. She went to his office, in the first instance, to obtain a loan. The occasion was soon after her baby was born. The Major was most generous to her, but he had had heavy expenses to meet and she was unwilling to ask him for money. He always treated her “ in the most noble-hearted manner” and his disposition was most “ amiable and kind.” Having heard of the deceased from a friend, she went to him and borrowed £15, for which she gave him a bill for $20 at three months. From NORTHUMBERLAND ST. TRAGEDY 125 that moment, he never ceased to force his attentions upon her. When she was out with the Major he would often follow them. He constantly pressed her to leave Major Murray and to go away with him to Scotland. She frequently went to his chambers in Northumberland Street. But her “ visits were never of an intimate nature in the improper sense." At the Surrey Gardens Music Hall, when Mr. Spurgeon was preaching, the deceased introduced her to his wife and, on two or three occasions after- wards, they all went together to the Crystal Palace. She had never been able to discharge her debt to him. All she could contrive to do was to pay the quarterly interest, which amounted to five pounds. He often offered to release her if she would consent to his proposals. She never told the Major of her relations with Mr. Roberts. Without doubt, it would have annoyed him greatly to hear that she had been to a money-lender. Major Murray had never been in the deceased's company, “ Never, never." It was most improbable that he had ever heard his name. Although she always repulsed Mr. Roberts's advances she dared not break with him completely. She was afraid that he would inform the Major about her indebtedness and make her " home unhappy." That was the secret of the hold which he had over her-she was fearful that he would tell the Major and ruin her happiness. The deceased, went on to say Miss Moody, never expressed any animosity towards Major Murray She remembered, however, that he had once said that he had pistols and that he might use them if she NORTHUMBERLAND ST. TRAGEDY 127 The concluding sentences, however, were more warmly expressed. “ I assure you,” ran the final lines of this other- wise very commonplace production, “ that I cannot express my heartfelt thanks for the pleasure your note has given me. In fact, when I sat down to write this I fancied I could have filled sheets of paper with love to you, but somehow I now feel that my thoughts are checked and I only want to lie [sic] my head on your shoulder and cry tears of joy (not unmixed with sorrow) for the many happy days I have passed with you. “Ever yours, “ Anne." The second letter was also a letter of thanks for another present which the deceased had given her baby. There was nothing remarkable about it. It was the kind of letter which any young woman in her station in life might be expected to write in similar circumstances. It contained such sentences as “ Oh, how pretty my pet will look in that darling bonnet, so purely elegant,” and “ The idea of your thinking of my little darling has quite taken me aback.” The signature, also, was altogether differ- ent, “ Yours truly, A. M. Murray” now took the place of “ Ever yours, Anne ” of the first letter. The third note was of an even more colourless description. It began, “Mr. Roberts, Dear Sir,” and was signed “ Yours obediently, A. M. Murray.” It was to the effect that the writer had four seats to view the opening of Parliament by Her Majesty, which being more than she required she suggested 128 NORTHUMBERLAND ST. TRAGEDY that some of Mr. Roberts's family should accompany her to the ceremony. She proposed to go to his chambers at 12 o'clock the next day “ to know the result.” In addition to this correspondence, the police produced portions of the rough drafts of two letters, clearly intended for “Mrs. Murray,” which had been found in the waste-paper-basket in Northum- berland Street. They were torn and certain pieces were missing. Both were undated and neither contained anything of much importance. In one, the deceased spoke of “the torture of mind” he was enduring on account of “your anger for which my folly of Saturday ” was responsible. The other, obviously written a few days later, was in the same strain. "If I am still in anger in your mind,” it ran,“ can you forgive me? You hold my destiny and if your anger stands then I know but one thing in life to look to. If you will bring the olive branch, say by 2 o'clock, you will brighten that which is now gloomy.” When the reading of these letters was concluded, “ Mrs. Murray ” was recalled and certain questions were put to her by Mr. Sleigh. She wrote the first letter, she replied, “ about two and a half years ago, that was ten months after the deceased first made his dishonourable proposals to me." Although she expressed herself so affectionately she felt, at the time, nothing but disgust for him. “ I have never felt happy in his company nor have I ever had an hour's enjoyment in his society. I have never been 130 NORTHUMBERLAND ST. TRAGEDY morning, July 12th, I left London Bridge by the penny boat for Hungerford Bridge. I crossed the bridge about half-past eleven. As I was going down the right side of the market, a man came up to me from behind on my left and said, 'I believe I am speaking to Major Murray.' I said, “ Yes, that's my name.' He then said, 'I believe you are a director of the Grosvenor Hotel Company ?' I said, 'Yes, I am, pray who are you?' He said, “ My name is Grey.' I asked, “How do you know me?' Grey said, 'I have seen you at the meetings of the com- pany.' I said, “ Are you a shareholder ?' He said, * No, but I have attended the meetings.'”. Some conversation then took place about a loan, into the details of which it is unnecessary to enter. Suffice it to say that the so-called Grey, after saying that he was a solicitor and that one of his clients would be prepared to lend the company £50,000, invited Major Murray to go“ just round the corner" to his office in Northumberland Street to discuss the matter. “He showed me," continued the Major, “ into a back room on the first-floor and requested me to be seated. I never was in the house before, most positively never. I took a seat and he then said, • You will excuse me for one instant,' and left the room. I sat with my back to the folding-doors in front of the table. On my left was the fireplace. The folding-doors were shut when he left the room. I took a look round and thought it was the most extraordinary place I had ever seen-torn papers, bottles, pictures lying about, a most disreputable- NORTHUMBERLAND ST. TRAGEDY 131 looking place. In a moment or two he came back and took a seat in front of me with a pen in his hand and asked what interest we proposed to give. I said I was not in a position to say, but would hear what his client proposed to ask. He said, “Oh, then the proposal is to come from us. I said that in any circumstances we should not give more than five per cent. He replied, “That will do very well. I asked him for his card of address. He said ' Imme- diately,' and walked round behind me and began rummaging among some papers in a desk. Pre- sently, I felt a slight touch at the back of my neck. There was a report of a pistol and I dropped off the chair on to the ground. I was perfectly paralysed, I could not move any part of my body. My head, however, was quite clear. I was lying with my face to the fender and after he fired I believe that he left the room. I soon felt returning life in my leg and arm, and I was just raising myself on my elbow, when I heard a door open and he came in again. He immediately walked up behind me and fired a pistol into my right temple. I dropped back on the carpet and the blood gushed all over my face and eyes and mouth in a regular torrent. He either stooped or knelt close behind me, for I could feel his breath and he watched close to see if I was dead. I then made up my mind to pretend to be so. I felt that the bleeding was bringing me back to life fast all over my body, which was tingling to the finger- ends. I knew if I could get on my feet I could make a fight for it. After he had knelt behind me for some short time, he got up and walked away, and I then 132 NORTHUMBERLAND ST. TRAGEDY opened my eyes and took a look round and saw a pair of tongs within a few inches of my head. Feel- ing that my strength was returning to me and that there was the whole length of the room between us, I seized the tongs and sprang to my feet. He was then at the window. Hearing me move, he turned and faced me. I at once rushed at him and made a heavy blow at him with the tongs, which missed. I then seized them short by the middle and made a dash into his chest and face which knocked him over on to his back. I got my knee on to his chest and tried to smash his head with the tongs. They were too long and he got them in both his hands firmly. I struggled hard for some time to get them away, but he was as strong as I and I could not do it. I looked round for something else to hit him with and, close to my right hand, I saw a large black bottle, which I caught in my right hand and, shaking the tongs with my left to keep him occupied, I hit him full with all my force on the middle of the forehead and smashed it (the bottle) to pieces. That made him quiver all over, but still he did not let go the tongs, so I caught hold of a metal vase and dashed it at his head with all my might, but I missed him. Then, as I saw there was nothing else at hand, I set to work desperately to get the mastery of the tongs which he was holding on to all the time. During all this time he was on his back, close under the window, nearest the door. After a long struggle I got the tongs. As they came into my hand, I lost my balance and fell back, but was up again in an instant and, by that NORTHUMBERLAND ST. TRAGEDY 133 time, he was rising into a sitting position, which gave me a fair full blow at his head with the tongs, and I gave it him with all my might and main. I repeated it three or four times. He hid his head under the table to escape my blows and then I hit him on the back of the neck and, in order to disable his hands, I hit him hard over the wrists. I then thought he was sufficiently disabled and tried to get out, but the door of the room was locked. I went through the folding-doors into the front room and tried that way, but that door was locked too. In coming back through the folding-doors, I met him again face to face walking towards me. I took a step back, in order to get a full swing, and hit him on the head again with the tongs. He fell forward on his face through the folding-doors as though he were dead. I pushed his feet through the doors and shut them and then threw up the window. I saw two men in the yard and called to them to come to my assistance. At the same time, I got on to the window-sill. They told me not to get out of the window as they would come and open the door. At first I was inclined to believe them, but I thought that men who could listen to pistol shots and to such a fight as had been going on and take no notice of it might be in league with the murderer, so I did not like to trust them. As I heard them coming up into the house, I looked for a way of escaping from the window. I first tried to get down a square wooden pipe, but found I could not do it, so I hung on to the window-sill with my hands, got my feet on the win- dow frame below and took my measure for a spring 134 NORTHUMBERLAND ST. TRAGEDY Id into two baskets in the yard below. I sprang into them, clambered over the wall into the next house, got through a passage, opened the door and went into the street. I saw a policeman and called to him to take charge of a man who had been murdering me on the first floor. Some one then came up and said I was badly wounded and that I had better go to a surgeon. He took me to a chemist's and they told me to go to the Hospital, so I came on here. That is all I have to say. I have not the slightest notion in the world why he should attack me. I never had any communication with the man, good, bad or indifferent. I did not even know that such a man was in existence.” Major Murray's statement was so clear and com- plete that Mr. Humphreys asked him but few ques- tions. The loss of blood from the second wound, he said in answer to one of them, gave him positive relief, it brought back his powers. In reply to Mr. Sleigh, he stated that, although the man who accosted him in Hungerford Market was a complete stranger, it never crossed his mind that there might be danger in accompanying him to a house in a respectable street such as Northumberland Street. Neither of them called out while they were fighting, but, in the course of the struggle, his assailant “ made use of one or two expressions.” When he threw the metal vase at him and missed him, he said, “ That won't do, Master William," and, while he was hitting him on the head with the tongs he said, “Come, come, give me fair play.” “Mrs. Murray" was aware that his company proposed to raise a loan. NORTHUMBERLAND ST. TRAGEDY 135 Mr. Sleigh then put it to him that it was strange that, when attacked as he had described, he should not have screamed out for help. “ I did not scream out," was the reply," and I recommend you, sir, if you ever have to fight for your life to fight in silence and not to waste your breath by calling out.” Mr. Sleigh did not pursue the subject. Major Murray's evidence practically concluded the inquiry. It was not even necessary for the Coroner to sum up, the jury intimating that they had no desire to hear any more and that they were all agreed about their finding. Accordingly, after listening to a short explanation of the law in regard to a case such as the one they had been investigating, they then and there brought in a verdict of “justifi- able homicide,” finding that the deceased had been killed by Major Murray who was defending his own life. Amidst great applause the Coroner declared that it was a verdict with which he heartily con- curred. “ Have any novelists of our days,” wrote Thackeray, “ a scene and catastrophe more strange and terrible than this, which occurs at noonday wthin a few yards of the greatest thoroughfare in Europe ? The brave Dumas, the intrepid Ains- worth, the terrible Eugene Sue, the cold shudder inspiring Woman in White never invented anything more tremendous than this.” And that remark, made when the affair was fresh in men's minds, might equally be made to-day. In any of the sensational stories which have been written since Thackeray's time, is there to be found a situation to 136 NORTHUMBERLAND ST. TRAGEDY compare with that silent death struggle, amidst the dusty ormolu tables and boule cabinets of those chambers in Northumberland Street ? Has any hero of romance, in an emergency, ever displayed greater presence of mind and determined courage than Major Murray, when he felt “ the touch” at the back of his neck and heard the report of the would-be murderer's pistol ? And, in the whole range of fiction, is there a character to equal Mr. Roberts, the infatuated bill-discounter, for ruthlessness and reckless disregard of conse- quences ? In the excellent account of this affair to be found in the Annual Register, the theory is advanced that Roberts did not inveigle Major Murray into his office with the idea of murdering him. The crime, it is suggested, was the result of “ a sudden impulse," it being “ more than probable that he desired to entangle the Major in a usurer's toils and to force or purchase from his necessities the object of his desires." It is true that the pistol practice points to premeditation and is a highly suspicious circum- stance. Nevertheless, it may be that he simply derived amusement from shooting and that he did not indulge in it with the ulterior motive of accus- toming his neighbours to the sound of firearms. But, if this view of the case be considered seriously, it will be found to be altogether untenable. Can it have been a sudden impulse which prompted him to despatch Richard Timms, the house painter, on a fool's errand to the top of St. Martin's Lane ? Let the sequence of events speak for themselves. NORTHUMBERLAND ST. TRAGEDY 137 No sooner had he succeeded in inducing the Major to enter his chambers than he sent this man away, on the first pretext which entered his head, lest he should interfere with his criminal intentions. It will be remembered that in his evidence Murray states that, after inviting him to be seated and before they began to discuss the loan, Roberts begged to be excused and left the room for a few minutes. Then it was that he spoke to Timms and gave him his commission to execute. Moreover, the pretence on which Major Murray was brought to Northumberland Street was that Roberts had a client who was prepared to advance money to the Grosvenor Hotel Company. The idea of a loan for Major Murray's personal benefit was never mooted and there could, therefore, be no question of seeking “ to entangle him in a usurer's toils.” It is probable that Miss Moody's story of her dealings and relations with Roberts was substantially true. At the same time it is possible, indeed, it is more than likely, that, when she realized the power of fascination which she exercised over him, she, in the first instance, encouraged him to a far greater extent than she acknowledged in her evidence. Nevertheless, it is unlikely that her indiscretion went further than that and she may be believed, without doubt, when she declared that she had never acceded to his proposals. But, at the time, the theory of her innocence does not appear to have been universally accepted, for the Daily Telegraph ob- served sarcastically, “ Can Roberts rise from his grave to say whether she was faithless to her para- 138 NORTHUMBERLAND ST. TRAGEDY MO mour ? ” Far more in accordance with probabilities, however, was the view taken by the leader-writer of the Times, in a remarkable article which appeared two days after the inquest. “ It is unnecessary," he wrote, “ to say what, or rather who was, the one great object in Mr. Roberts's scheme of happiness, the absence of which con- verted all the worldly comforts and success of a prosperous middle-aged bill-discounter into gall and bitterness and finally precipitated him into chaos. In this case we have the romance of uncontrollable passion. Some people, as soon as they hear that word, expect something great, refined and sublime, but this is not at all necessary for romance. Mr. Roberts's pursuit of Mrs. Murray was as coarse, disgusting and brutal an affair as can be imagined and yet, with the horrible death struggle in the rooms, it is a romance, because at the bottom of the whole lies his powerful, absorbing and uncontrollable passion. He was under that influence which may overcome the greatest blackguard in the world—the influence of an overwhelming fascination. He made no attempt to resist it. In vain was there a Mrs. Roberts, a young Roberts, a family circle, a prosper- ous business, all the happiness of life went for nothing, unless a particular treasure, which we need not specify, was possessed and Mr. Roberts was thus converted into a perfect colossus of romance with a will like that of a Titan. His object was not achieved, inasmuch as he caught a Tartar in Major Murray and the end of it all was the tragical death of the most impassioned, enthralled, romantic, OVO NORTHUMBERLAND ST. TRAGEDY 139 demoniacal, atrocious and miserable of all bill- discounters.” 1 Major Murray survived his awful experience in Northumberland Street by more than forty-five years, and it was not until March 28th, 1907, that he died at the age of eighty-eight in his own home and amidst his own family. Few of his contemporaries still survived to recall the strange story of which he had been the hero and most people learnt for the first time, from the obituary notices in the papers, the particulars of the extraordinary adventure which had befallen the veteran officer whose death was that day recorded. i The Times, July 27th, 1861. THE DUKE OF CUMBERLAND'S VALET IN the years between the accession of George I and that of Queen Victoria there were three Dukes of Cumberland. The dukedom has a somewhat unfortunate history. Sentimental sympathy with the Highland Jacobites has caused William Augustus, Duke of Cumberland, to be remembered with detestation. There is nothing pleasing to record of Henry Frederick, a foolish and insignificant son of Frederick, Prince of Wales, upon whom the title was conferred after the death of his uncle, the victor of Culloden. But Ernest Augustus, the fifth son of George III, who was created Duke of Cumberland in 1799 was a man of a different stamp. In his early life in the wars of the French Revolution he proved himself a brave and capable soldier. Nevertheless in his maturer years, although he was intellectually greatly the superior of any of his brothers, he was not given a high command in the British Army. Probably his personal unpopularity rendered it inadvisable to employ him in an impor- tant position. Be the reason what it may, it was not until 1837, when by the operation of the Salic Law he became King of Hanover, that he was able to show that he was possessed of qualities of a high order. From his accession until his death in 1851 he ruled his Kingdom so wisely and so prudently 140 DUKE OF CUMBERLAND'S VALET 141 that in 1848 it remained almost undisturbed, while nearly every other continental state was in the throes of a violent revolution. “ The Duke of Cumberland,” wrote Mr. Lytton Strachey in his recent biography of Queen Victoria, “ was probably the most unpopular man in England. Hideously ugly, with a distorted eye, he was bad tempered and vindictive in private, a violent re- actionary in politics, and was subsequently suspected of murdering his valet and of having carried on an amorous intrigue of an extremely scandalous kind.” That he was unpopular and that his countenance was displeasing admits of no dispute. Yet in fairness to him it should be mentioned that the distortion of the eye, which so greatly enhanced his ugliness, was the result of a wound honourably received in action. As regards his politics, from the year 1799, when the Dukedom and a Peerage were conferred upon him, he always voted in the House of Lords with the High Tory party, over the counsels of which he is believed to have exercised considerable influence. He was naturally, therefore, bitterly opposed to such mea- sures as Catholic Emancipation and Parliamentary Reform and on that account may be described as a reactionary. Of the two grave insinuations against his personal character which Mr. Strachey has made, the one is an allusion to a very unpleasant family scandal the true circumstances of which are never likely to be published—while the other refers to the suspicion that he was the murderer of his Italian valet. This last charge differs totally from the first The death of the man in question was the subject of 142 DUKE OF CUMBERLAND'S VALET a judicial inquiry and the matter is one which can be discussed without intruding upon the private affairs of the Royal Family. In 1810, the Duke of Cumberland lodged in that set of apartments in St. James's Palace which is commonly, but incorrectly, spoken of as York House. More recently these rooms have been the abode of the Duchess of Cambridge and of their present Majesties, the King and Queen, while to-day they are occupied by His Royal Highness, the Prince of Wales. The entrance to them is in Ambassadors Court, which in 1810, however, went by the humbler name of Kitchen Court. The Duke's bedroom, which looked on to Cleveland Row, was on the first floor at the extreme west end of his apartments. Next to it was a dressing-room and a garde-robe in which were two cupboards of considerable size, large enough, as it afterwards proved, to enable a man to stand upright in them. Besides the doors into the dressing-room and the garde-robe His Royal Highness's bedroom contained two other doors, one of which communicated with a sitting-room, known as the West Yellow Room, and the other with a narrow passage leading directly to the pages' waiting- room. The ordinary entrance to this waiting-room was in the long gallery, facing Kitchen Court, from which both the main and the secondary staircases descended to the ground floor. At its eastern end the gallery was closed by a green baize door, which separated the Duke's lodgings from the next set of apartments. Adjoining the waiting-room was a small servant's bedroom, situated immediately be- A PLAN SPART OF S:JAMESS PALACE. CLEVELAND Bow Ꭰ Ꭰ . - Eure Kalle Rose Tallon Room A. AN EE KITCHEN COURT A. DUKE'S BEDROOM B. BED ALCOVE C. BEDROOM OF VALET ON DUTY D. PASSAGE FROM DUKE'S BED- ROOM INTO PAGE'S WAITING ROOM DD. BALL ROOM E. DOOR FROM DUKE'S BEDROOM INTO WEST YELLOW ROOM F. FIREPLACE IN DUKE'S BEDROOM 6. PLACE WHERE DUKE'S SABRE WAS FOUND KK MAIN STAIRCASE LL PPPGALLERY M. LOBBY BETWEEN SELLIS' BED. ROOM AND STEWARD'S ROOM N. DOOR FROM SELLIS' ROOM INTO 0. SELLIS BEDROOM (LOBBY QQ BAIZE DOOR ACROSS GALLERY R. LOBBY LEADING TO BALL ROOM S. DOOR INTO BALL ROOM T. DOOR U. DOOR FROM SUMMER DRESSING ROOM INTO SELLIS' ROOM V. SELLIS' BED w. STEWARD'S ROOM X. DOOR OF STEWARD'S ROOM Y. CUPBOARD IN WHICH SELLIS WAS CONCEALED z. GARDE ROBE aa, STEPS LEADING DOWN TO SELLIS' BEDROOM bbce. REMOTEST WINDOWS IN BALL ROOM 88. VALET'S BED hh. DOOR FROM PAGE'S WAITING ROOM INTO GALLERY ii. BUREAU IN WHICH SELLIS KEPT HIS RAZORS N.B - The sinyle dotted line represents course taken by Sellis in his flight; the double dorted line that of the Duke and Neale when they went to arouse the hall.porter. DUKE OF CUMBERLAND'S VALET 143 hind the recess in which the Duke's bed was placed. It was always occupied by the valet on night duty and could be entered only from the waiting-room. As may be supposed, the Duke, in ordinary circum- stances, never used the door communicating with the servants' quarters, but would enter or leave his room by the door leading into the West Yellow Room. This was one of a suite of three drawing-rooms, looking on to Cleveland Row, the other two being known respectively as the Ball Room and the East Yellow Room. Each of these rooms communicated with the other and each of them had a door giving access to the gallery. Beyond the East Yellow Room was a small room, described as an armoury, and beyond that again was a spare bedroom with a dressing-room, known to the members of the Duke's household as the “summer” room. Leading out of the “summer ” dressing-room was a small dingy servant's room, of the same type as the one adjoining the Duke's bedroom, its solitary window, which looked on to the gallery, being high up in the wall above the bed. It was habitually reserved for Joseph Sellis, the Duke's Italian valet, who slept in it on those occasions when he had to accompany his master on a journey necessitating an early start. In addition to his ordinary staff of servants, the Duke had four personal attendants—three valets and a German, Mathew Graslin, who was styled the Jäger. The valets were named Cornelius Neale, Joseph Sellis and James Paulet respectively. The last-named, who was a Frenchman, seems to have been in a position somewhat inferior to the other two. SI 144 DUKE OF CUMBERLAND'S VALET Nevertheless, he always took his turn with them to act as “ page-in-waiting” on every third evening. This involved sitting up until His Royal Highness retired for the night and sleeping in the little bed- room leading out of the pages' waiting-room. Neale, whose real name was McNeale, had been in the Duke's service for about twelve years and Joseph Sellis for very much the same length of time, interrupted, however, by a short absence, during which he had been in another place. Sellis, there can be no doubt, was the Duke's favourite attendant. It was he who shaved His Royal Highness and, for that reason, doubtless, usually accompanied him on his journeys. The Duke, who was of a hasty temper and somewhat rough of speech, appears always to have treated him with the greatest consideration. Thus, when Sellis in a fit of ill-humour left his service, he was allowed to return and resume his old duties, as soon as he asked to be taken back. Again, when he complained of the cold on a journey, the Duke, on several occasions, allowed him to travel with him inside his carriage. Moreover, at the christening of his youngest child, the Duke and the Princess Augusta, his sister, stood sponsors by their proxies and, since that event, Mrs. Sellis had been the recipient of presents both from the Queen and from other members of the Royal Family. Nor was it only by acts of condescension such as these that His Royal Highness displayed his kindly feelings for his servant. Hearing that he was put to great expense to find lodgings for his family, he arranged that rooms should be assigned to him in the palace. DUKE OF CUMBERLAND'S VALET 145 These were situated over the gateway leading from Cleveland Row into Kitchen Court and were, consequently, outside the Duke's apartments. Sellis, however, was allowed to have a key of the green baize door in the gallery and could thus proceed from his house to his work, without going out of doors. Yet Sellis was neither a contented nor a well- disposed man. He would not appear to have nourished any especial grievance against His Royal Highness himself, except that he complained that he had not supported his application for a messenger- ship and that he resented the fact that his wife was not employed in the royal household, whereas Mrs. Neale held the post of housekeeper. So notorious was it that he was a person whom nothing could satisfy that one of the Duke's equerries is related to have said that, “ Were His Royal Highness to give him Pall Mall, he would ask for Piccadilly, and were he to give him Piccadilly, he would not be satisfied without Bond Street.” The main source of his discontent was, without doubt, his insensate jealousy of Neale. Indeed, some two years before the occur- rences which it is proposed to relate, he went the length of writing to the controller of the Duke's household to accuse his fellow-servant of dishonest practices. The charges were investigated and were found to be altogether groundless. No great importance seems to have been attached to the affair, which was looked upon, apparently, as a mere foolish ebullition of temper on Sellis's part. A few words of caution and a recommendation that he should seek 146 DUKE OF CUMBERLAND'S VALET to be happy and not concern himself further with the matter appears to have been the only notice that was taken of his conduct on this occasion. It is clear, however, from certain words which he let drop in conversation with some of his friends, that he had no intention of acting upon this advice. This par- ticular attempt to ruin his rival had failed, but he nursed his wrath and resolved to await some other opportunity of gratifying his malice. In other respects, Sellis was a well-behaved and sober man who kept himself very much to himself and was never on intimate terms with any of his fellow- servants. Such friends as he had were mostly foreigners and not members of the Duke's house- hold. On the afternoon of Wednesday, May 30th, 1810, the Duke, who was President of the Royal Naval Hospital, dined at Greenwich with the commissioner and officers of that establishment and, on his return, dressed with Sellis's assistance and went to a concert. That evening, the ordinary domestic arrangements of the household followed their usual course. Sarah Varley, the head-housemaid, closed the shutters in the sitting-rooms and in the “ summer" bedroom, but, adhering in this to her habitual custom, without troubling to secure them by adjusting the bar. She then proceeded to the Duke's bedroom to arrange it for the night. Removing the two bolsters and the coverlid, which “ dressed ” the bed by day, she placed them in one of the two cupboards in the garde-robe which was always used for the purpose. After thus disposing of them, she locked the cup- DUKE OF CUMBERLAND'S VALET 147 board door, leaving, in accordance with her general practice, the key in the lock. Sellis was now free for the rest of the evening. It was not his turn to wait up for His Royal Highness and he therefore betook himself to his own lodgings. According to the story afterwards told by his wife he had been suffering from a cold for the past month, but, that evening, he felt better and appeared to be in unusually good spirits. During supper, he talked about the clothes which his children were to wear on the King's birthday and, at the conclusion of the meal, expressed his intention of sleeping “ downstairs ” as the Duke was going to Windsor the next day. At an earlier hour that evening, he had, it was subsequently discovered, desired Mar- garet Jones, one of the under-housemaids, to place sheets upon the bed in the little room which, it has already been mentioned, he always occupied on these occasions. Now, when these matters came to be inquired into, it was found that no single person in the establishment had heard from anybody, except Sellis, that the Duke proposed going to Windsor and, in point of fact, His Royal Highness never had any intention of the kind. It is clear, therefore, that Sellis must have invented the story in order to furnish himself with an excuse for sleeping“ down- stairs," as he termed it. Sellis, accordingly, bade his family good night and departed, carrying away some clean clothes over his arm intending, he told his wife, to bring back his soiled linen the next day. Meanwhile Margaret, the under-housemaid, having carried out her orders 148 DUKE OF CUMBERLAND'S VALET to prepare his bed, was engaged, about 10 o'clock, in tidying the stewards' room, the door of which faced the room which Sellis was to occupy, when she saw him come along the passage and enter his room. The doors of both rooms being open, she asked him whether the Duke were going to Windsor the next day. In the morning, he replied, His Royal Highness had expressed an intention to that effect, but, in the evening, he had not again referred to the matter. While speaking, he was actually undressing and had already divested himself of his coat, waistcoat and shoes and had drawn aside the curtains of the bed. Then, having imparted the information he bade her good night and closed his door. Yet, it is evident that Sellis did not go to bed, because shortly before eleven o'clock Thomas Strickland, the under-butler, whose duty it was to carry up the Duke's night drink, found him in His Royal Highness's bedroom. The man was in no way surprised to see him there at that hour, conclud- ing that he was “page-in-waiting.” Neither of them spoke, but Sellis gave his fellow-servant a pleasant smile of recognition. About half-past eleven, the Duke returned and at once went upstairs to his bedroom. While he un- dressed, he was waited upon by Neale, who was on duty for the night. The usual procedure was carried out in all particulars. As soon as the Duke was in bed, Neale turned the key in the lock of the door leading into the West Yellow Room and, having placed a lamp behind a screen in such a manner that it diffused a faint light about the room, retired to the DUKE OF CUMBERLAND'S VALET 149 little bedroom, where, as“ page-in-waiting,” it was his duty to sleep. The events which followed are thus described by the Duke in his affidavit. Between half-past two and three o'clock, he was awakened by a disagreeable feeling that a bat was in the room and that its wings were beating against his head. A shower of blows, however, with a sharp, cutting instrument speedily convinced him that something more serious was the matter. In the dim light he could not make out his assailant and could see only the bright flashes of the weapon, a sword apparently, which he was wielding. His bed being on a raised dais in a recess of the wall, he could not escape from his would-be murderer on the side farthest away from him and, in the meanwhile, in his endeavours to protect his head and to lay hold of his assailant's sword, his arms, hands and wrists were being cut severely. Clearly, therefore, to remain where he was would be simply to allow the miscreant to work his will on him at pleasure. Accordingly, he leaped from the bed and, calling loudly to Neale for help, rushed to the door communicating with the pages' waiting- room, pursued by his assailant, who continued to strike him with his sword. The last blow dealt him appears to have been somewhat in the nature of a thrust which, besides wounding him severely in the thigh, left a deep mark upon the woodwork of the door. Neale had been awakened by his master's first cries for help and, jumping out of bed, promptly ran to his assistance. At the door he met the Duke and, supporting him in his arms, led him to a chair in the pages' waiting-room. Here he left him and, 150 DUKE OF CUMBERLAND'S VALET entering the bedroom, seized the poker and prepared to confront the robber who, he imagined, must still be somewhere on the premises. In the room itself he could see no one, but, the door into the West Yellow Room, which he had locked three hours before, being now open, he concluded that the man had fled in that direction. Close to the door he stepped upon something which, when he picked it up, proved to be a sword. Arming himself with this weapon, he was about to explore the adjoining rooms, when a cry from the Duke brought him back to his side once more. Although faint from loss of blood and some- what unnerved, the Duke had by no means lost his presence of mind. It was essential, he told Neale to arouse the hall-porter and bid him warn the sentries to stop any person who might attempt to leave the house. And, as he was reluctant to remain alone while Neale departed on this mission, he contrived to accompany him downstairs to the front hall. Here they awakened Benjamin Smith, the hall-porter, who was aghast to see his master covered with blood and to hear that he had been the victim of a murderous attack. Having given the man his instructions, His Royal Highness expressed a wish to return to his room and, with Neale's assistance, contrived to ascend the stairs. By this time, the alarm was general and in the gallery they found most of the servants, who had come down from their quarters on the second floor, huddled together in a state bordering upon panic. Alone Mrs. Neale appears to have retained some self-possession. By DUKE OF CUMBERLAND'S VALET 151 her orders two footmen were despatched to summon Sir Henry Halford, the King's physician, and Mr., afterwards Sir Everard, Home, the surgeon, to come round at once. Meanwhile, she assisted her husband to conduct His Royal Highness to his bedroom and to make him as comfortable as circum- stances would permit. The Duke, who was evidently much surprised that Sellis, his favourite valet, had not come forward to proffer his services, asked repeatedly why he stayed away. Mrs. Neale accordingly set out to find him, accompanied by Smith, the hall-porter, who was now armed with a sword. Proceeding along the gallery, they turned into the passage facing the steward's room, and knocked anxiously at the door of the little bedroom which Sellis was believed to be occupying. It was securely locked, however, and their rappings met with no response. It was in vain that they shouted his name through the keyhole and that Smith beat the door with the hilt of his sword. In this dilemma, some one suggested that Sellis must have returned to his lodgings and was not, as they supposed, sleeping“ downstairs.” The Jäger, Graslin, was therefore despatched to inform him of what had happened and to tell him that the Duke was inquiring for him. As no one had a key of the green baize door in the gallery, the man had to go out into Kitchen Court in order to reach Sellis's 1 Halford, Henry (1766-1844). Created baronet 1809. President College of Physicians. ? Home, Everard (1756–1832). Surgeon, Lecturer on Anatomy. Created baronet 1813. DUKE OF CUMBERLAND'S VALET 153 any moment. Their apprehensions on that score were not realized, but on the threshold of the “summer” dressing-room they were appalled to hear a sound of “guggling” and of “ gurgling." It resembled, some of them afterwards deposed,“ the noise of water in a man's throat.” “Good God!” exclaimed the porter, “ they are murdering Mr. Sellis !” At these words the whole party turned and fled and never stopped until they had crossed the gallery and descended the stairs into the hall. In their subsequent evidence both the porter and the Jäger euphemistically referred to this flight as “ going back to obtain further assistance.” In the entrance hall they found Sergeants Crighton and Davenhall and four men of the Coldstream Guards who were on duty at the King's Guard, the guard room of which was on the south side of Kit- chen Court, opposite the Duke's residence. “ The house,” cried the terrified servants," was full of thieves and Mr. Sellis has just been murdered in his bed.” Sergeant Crighton wasted no time in ques- tioning them, but, directing a footman who carried a candle to lead the way, went upstairs accompanied by a file of the guard to investigate matters on the spot. When they entered the “ summer ” dressing- room not a sound was to be heard. The noise of “guggling ” and of “gurgling ” which, a few minutes earlier, had so alarmed the servants was audible no longer, notwithstanding that the door into Sellis's room was, as Sergeant Crighton after- wards described it, “on the jar.” By this time their guide, the footman, was in so abject a condition of 154 DUKE OF CUMBERLAND'S VALET terror that the light would assuredly have fallen from his trembling grasp had not Private Creedy, of the Grenadier Company, taken it from him. Holding it high above his head, he passed quickly through the narrow doorway and down the three steps into the little bedroom, followed closely by his comrade and by Sergeant Crighton. A gruesome spectacle con- fronted them. With his throat cut from ear to ear Sellis, fully dressed but for his coat and shoes, was half sitting, half lying upon the outside of the bed against the back of which his head was resting. He was not yet cold, as the soldiers perceived when they examined him, and the blood“ all in a froth was still running from his neck.” In the wash-hand basin the water was so discoloured as to leave no doubt in their minds that some one had sought to cleanse his blood-stained hands in it. On the floor, about two feet from the bed, lay an open razor smeared with blood. “ Yes, he is dead enough,” said Sergeant Crighton as he picked it up and placed it upon the table. By this time Mr. Home, the surgeon, and Sir Henry Halford had arrived and were proceeding to examine the Duke's injuries. His wounds were both numerous and severe. Nevertheless, there was every reason to think that they would not prove dangerous, although the cavalry sabre, the Duke's own regi- mental sword, with which they had been inflicted was almost as sharp as a razor. Neale, it will be remembered, had picked it up close to the door into the West Yellow Room after the flight of the would- be assassin. In the opinion of the doctors, there were two circumstances which accounted for the DUKE OF CUMBERLAND'S VALET 155 comparative harmlessness of his injuries, although caused by so formidable a weapon. In the first place, in accordance with the fashion of the time, the Duke was wearing a thickly wadded nightcap, while, in the second, the network fringe hanging down in festoons from the cornice of his four-poster had afforded him considerable protection. Its damaged condition showed conclusively that, when his assail- ant raised his sword to strike, it came into contact with, and became entangled in, this ornamentation. Thus, the blows descending upon his head had been turned from their direction and, at the same time, their strength had been greatly diminished. As soon as the news of Sellis's condition was conveyed to the doctors in the Duke's bedroom, Mr. Home went off to attend to him. In a short time, he returned saying that the man was unquestionably dead, and that he had little doubt from the appear- ance of the wound that he had taken his own life. Later on, another surgeon, Mr. William Jackson, made a more prolonged examination of the body and emitted the same opinion. Meanwhile, before four o'clock that morning, it was known at Brooks's that a serious attempt had been made to assassinate the Duke of Cumberland. It was the fashion to keep late hours and several members, including the Duke of Devonshire, Mr. Sheridan and Mr. Hervey Combe, had not yet left the Club. On hearing what had happened, Mr. Sheridan at once went off to Carlton House to inform the Prince of Wales, who rose immediately and proceeded without delay to the palace. The Duke of Sussex was no less prompt. 156 DUKE OF CUMBERLAND'S VALET Thus, within a comparatively short space of time, both royal princes were by their brother's bedside. An investigation into the circumstances of the mysterious events of the night was at once begun under the personal direction of the Duke of Sussex. Already, a thorough search of the apartments, carried out by Sergeant Crighton and his men, had failed to discover the presence of any stranger upon the premises. Every window by which such a person could have escaped, after his attack upon the Duke, was found securely shut, while the green baize door in the gallery, the front door and the area door were all locked. As the inquiry proceeded, it became increasingly evident that the criminal must have been a member of His Royal Highness's own household. Had he not, when interrupted in his bloodthirsty business, fled by the only one of the four doors in the Duke's bedroom by which he could possibly have made his escape ? Was not this an indication that he was perfectly familiar with the disposition of the royal apartments ? And there were other circumstances all pointing in the same direction. The shutters in the three drawing-rooms, the armoury and the “ summer” bedroom, which Sarah Varley had closed overnight, were now ajar. Evidently the would-be murderer had thus opened them, in order that after the commission of his crime he might see his way clearly in his flight from room to room. And had he not for additional security, as Mrs. Neale discovered when she tried it, locked the door between the gallery and the East Yellow Room? That his line of retreat had lain through DUKE OF CUMBERLAND'S VALET 157 these rooms admitted of no doubt. On all the door posts, but always on the side towards the Duke's bedroom, was a tell-tale smear, suggesting that a man whose clothes were wet with blood had brushed against them. Nor did this trail, by which it was possible to follow the would-be murderer in his flight, end at the “ summer” rooms. The same ominous marks of his passage were discernible in the narrow doorway leading down to the little bed- room, where Sellis now lay dead. And in another quarter evidence was soon forthcoming which pointed indubitably to this wretched man as the guilty party. The large cupboard or press in the garde-robe, which Sarah, the head-housemaid, had locked the night before, was not as she had left it. The door was open and inside the bolsters bore the appearance that a man had recently used them as a seat. And these were not the only traces of the pres- ence of some person within the cupboard that night. It now contained such articles as a pair of slippers, a dark lantern, a water bottle and the scabbard of a sword, which the housemaid was positive had not been there when she had locked the door, the previous evening. These slippers, when examined, were found to be distinctly marked in ink with Sellis's name, and the scabbard proved to be that of the Duke's regimental sword, with which the assault upon him had been committed. By ten o'clock, on the morning of May 31st, the Coroner presented himself at the Duke's residence. No question of sending for the police had arisen, for the simple reason that, in the modern sense of the 158 DUKE OF CUMBERLAND'S VALET word, there was no police with which to communicate. The only body of men which as yet existed for the detection of crime and the unravelling of mysterious cases consisted of “the runners ” attached to the Bow Street and the other police offices. When a death took place under conditions such as those which surrounded the death of Sellis, the inquiry, from the first, would be in the hands of the Coroner. An ancient statute of Henry VIII, however, pre- scribed the procedure to be adopted whenever a death necessitating investigation should occur in a royal palace. Before the Coroner could assemble the Court, the matter must be brought to the cognizance of the Privy Council and the members of the jury must all be yeomen officers of the King's household. In order to comply with the first of these regulations, Mr. Read, the chief magistrate at Bow Street, was summoned to the palace, where, for the greater part of the day, he was engaged in hearing the depositions of the doctors, the servants, the guardsmen and of any other persons who could throw some light upon the manner of Sellis's death and upon the circumstances of the attack made upon His Royal Highness during the night. Their state- ments taken down in writing were, together with the Duke's affidavit, submitted to the Privy Council, which met later on in the afternoon. At that meet- ing the proceedings appear to have been of an entirely formal character, but they were attended by Lord Ellenborough, the Lord Chief Justice. 1 Law, Edward, ist Baron Ellenborough (1750-1818). Lord Chief Justice 1802. Had seceded from the Whigs. DUKE OF CUMBERLAND'S VALET 159 The office of Coroner of the King's Household was purely an honorary one, inasmuch as the small salary attaching to it was absorbed by the necessity of feeing a marshalman and a clerk. In 1810 the post was filled by Mr. Samuel Thomas Adams, a solicitor of Great Russell Street, Bloomsbury. Whether upon his own initiative or, as seems not improbable, in consequence of a hint which he received, he decided that the jury should not be composed as the statute directed. In any event, it must have proved a difficult task to find twelve persons, eligible to serve, who could be described as “yeomen officers of the King's household.” Apart from that, how- ever, there was another reason which made it highly inexpedient to adhere literally to this ancient statute. Already, the town was full of rumours of the strange events which had taken place at the palace, and it was therefore in the highest degree important that the jurors should be men whom the public would regard as independent of the Court. Mr. Adams's powers to summon jurymen was limited, however, to residents within what was termed" the verge 1 of the Court," and this had been defined in the days when the King's palace was at Whitehall. His jurisdiction, consequently, extended only to Charing Cross, a few houses on the western side of St. Martin's Lane and part of Cockspur Street and Spring Gardens. But, if this area were limited in extent, it was inhabited mainly by well- to-do tradesmen eminently qualified to serve as jurymen. All of them were Westminster electors 1 Jurisdiction. 160 DUKE OF CUMBERLAND'S VALET and the great majority of them were warm support- ers of Sir Francis Burdett.1 It had, indeed, been difficult to find a set of persons less amenable to Court influence and more disposed to probe to the bottom of any affair in which a prince of High Tory sentiments was concerned. The most prominent of them, not only by reason of his material prosperity, but because of his acute intelligence and his political zeal, was Francis Place, the tailor, or, as he was still officially described, the“ man's mercer” of Charing Cross. Nothwithstanding that a Life of Francis Place has been written within the last twenty-five years, his name is almost unknown, except to the comparatively few who have made a study of the political history of the early part of the last century. Yet, although content always to remain in the background he played no inconsiderable part in the struggle of which the passage of the Reform Bill was the first and the most notable triumph. He was an entirely self-educated man who, having been apprenticed to a breeches-maker, had by his own industry and talents risen to the position of owning, while still compara- tively young, a flourishing tailor's business. Politics had always a great attraction for him and, in addition, he seems to have had a genuine and honest desire to improve the condition of the working classes and to correct abuses. In his youth he had been a member of the Corresponding Society, but he was never in 1 Burdett, Sir Francis (1770-1844). M.P. for Westminster 1807-1837. Advocate of Parliamentary reform, went over to the Conservative party after the passing of the Bill. 162 DUKE OF CUMBERLAND'S VALET Romilly, “ a very strong natural understanding and possesses great influence at Westminster, such influence as almost to determine the election of Members of Parliament. I need hardly say that he is a great admirer and disciple of Bentham.” It was, undoubtedly, with considerable satisfac- tion that Place received from the hands of the Coroner's marshalman the summons to attend, the next day," at the Duke of Cumberland's house at St. James's Palace, to inquire, on His Majesty's behalf, touching the death of Sellis.” It was his lifelong practice to keep a minute record of current events and to set down every evening anything of interest which came to his notice during the day. Of the 150 volumes containing his notes, his news- paper cuttings and much of his correspondence, which are now at the British Museum, several are concerned exclusively with the Sellis case. Among other matters he has carefully written down the different stories about the tragedy at the palace which came to his ears, in the course of this Thurs- day, May 31st. All of them were of a highly scandal- ous character and all of them more or less imputed foul play to the Duke. The most generally credited, and the least offensive, version of the affair was that Sellis, having surprised his wife in a compromising situation with his royal master, had assaulted him and had himself been killed in a struggle in which the Duke had not escaped unhurt. It had been difficult, so general was the idea that the valet's death was connected with some discreditable business in which his master was implicated, to find an impartial DUKE OF CUMBERLAND'S VALET 163 jury. Place acknowledges readily that he himself was strongly prejudiced against His Royal Highness. Place had several times before served on a jury and, on each occasion, had been invited to act as foreman. It was very probable, he thought, that the next day he would again be asked to officiate in that capacity. He had no objection ; on the contrary, he was anxious to undertake the task, feeling confident that an attempt would be made to stifle the inquiry and to screen the Duke. This he was determined to prevent and the next morning accordingly, two o'clock being the time fixed for the inquest, he paid a visit to Mr. Henry Clifford 1 at his chambers in Lincoln's Inn. With this gentleman, who was a distinguished writer on legal matters and an advanced Liberal in politics, he had often worked on the Westminster Committee. Having obtained his advice and having, in addition, consulted some other legal friends about the various points which might arise, he set out for the palace. When he arrived twelve out of the twenty-four persons who had been summoned to attend had already presented them- selves. In ordinary circumstances, they would have constituted the jury, the later arrivals being told that their services would not be required. Place, how- ever, was determined to serve and he insisted on being sworn in. Mr. Adams made no objection and, in the end, seventeen jurymen were empanelled, Place, as he had expected, being asked to act as their foreman. These preliminary proceedings had been held in 1 Clifford, Henry (1768-1813). Barrister, legal writer, 164 DUKE OF CUMBERLAND'S VALET one of the rooms on the first floor of the Duke's residence, and, as soon as they were concluded, Mr. Adams invited the several strangers present, some of whom were representatives of the press, to withdraw. To this place at once objected. The Court, he main- tained, was an open one and the Coroner was over- stepping his powers in seeking to conduct the investigation in private. An altercation ensued, but in the end Place carried his point. Indeed, from this moment, Mr. Adams appears completely to have abandoned the direction of the inquiry to the master- ful foreman of the jury. The Duke, about whose condition of health a bulletin had been issued that morning, had been removed the evening before to Carlton House. No question of disturbing him could arise and the witnesses could, in consequence, tell their stories in the rooms in which the events which they were describing had actually taken place. Before calling them, however, the jury proceeded to view the body which lay in the little servant's room, between the “summer ” rooms and the gallery, in the exact position in which it had been found. The space being limited, Place arranged that each of them should enter in turn, by the narrow doorway at the top of the three steep steps and, after taking a good look at the body, pass out by the door leading into the gallery. Sellis reclined, he records in his notes, upon the outside of the bed, his arms stretched peacefully by his side, nothing about him presenting the smallest appearance that his death had been preceded by a struggle. His head rested against the back of the bed and, were it not for the hideous gash DUKE OF CUMBERLAND'S VALET 165 in his neck, it might be imagined that he had fainted quietly. He had removed his coat and neckcloth and his waistcoat was unbuttoned, but “ his panta- loons were neatly tied round his ankles over his stockings.” His shirt, indeed the whole front part of his body, was a mass of blood from the wound in his throat, which was, however, the only injury which he had received. “We compared,” says Place, “the marks of blood upon the body and on the bed- clothes and were satisfied the man had died on the spot and in the position in which we now saw him. There was no blood under the projection of the shoul- der bones, nor on some other places under the body.” In arriving at their conclusions, the jury, he goes on to say, were assisted by the surgeons, who, having previously seen the body, were now invited “to examine it more particularly " and to give the Court the benefit of their professional knowledge. The wound, the men of skill declared, was of an abso- lutely fatal character. The windpipe was severed and death must have supervened almost instantane- ously. Sergeant Crighton was then called and related how he had found the dead man still warm to the touch and with “ the blood still running in a froth from his neck.” Furthermore, he pointed out the 1 Neither from Place's notes nor from the Minute Detail, nor from the meagre reports in the newspapers of the inquest is it possible to discover who they were. The only one mentioned by name is William Jackson (Examiner, June 3rd, 1810). Was Home called ? Place more than once talks of " the surgeons," therefore there must have been others besides Mr. Jackson. 166 DUKE OF CUMBERLAND'S VALET exact spot upon the floor, about two feet from the bed, where the blood-stained razor was lying. It was one of a pair belonging to Sellis, its fellow being in the now open drawer of a little bureau standing in the corner of the room. This question of the razor raised a very important point. In the position in which it had been found it was upon Sellis's left hand, as he reclined or sat upon the bed. It fol- lowed therefore that, if he had cut his own throat with it, he must have performed the act with his left hand. In view of the very precise finding which they subsequently returned, it is plain that the jury must have obtained evidence, which they considered conclusive, that Sellis was a left-handed man. Un- fortunately, none of the reports of the inquest say from whom they derived this information and Place himself throws no light upon the matter. In a note in The Minute Detail 1 it is stated that "he was equally adroit with his left hand in the use of the razor," that he was, in short, what is known as “ ambidextrous.” Sellis's blue coat, notes Place, was thrown over the back of a chair which stood some six feet from the bed. Both the sleeves of this garment were plentifully stained with blood. Yet there was no blood upon the floor, in the space between the chair and the bed, except a spot or two where the razor had fallen. All the blood which had flowed from Sellis's wound had gushed out in a straight line, 1 Minute Detail, etc., p. 85 (note). At the trial of Josiah Phillips in 1833, for a libel on the Duke of Cumberland, Place swore that Sellis was left-handed. AIOUS. DUKE OF CUMBERLAND'S VALET 167 towards the foot of the bed. Not a drop had spurted out at an angle, that is, in the direction of the chair. The stains upon Sellis's sleeves could not consequently have been caused by his own blood, but by that of some other person, and must that person not have been the Duke who had been so grievously wounded by a mysterious assailant during the night? And there was another curious circumstance both about this coat and the pantaloons, which Place, with his professional eye, had observed were so “ neatly tied at the ankle.” They were not the clothes, good evidence upon that point was forthcoming, which Sellis had been wearing while he had been in attendance upon the Duke, or while he had been supping with his family. They were, it was ascertained, old clothes which he had ceased to use for some time past. When, therefore, he went to his room and in the sight of Margaret, the housemaid, made as though he were about to undress for the purpose of going to bed, he must, in reality, have simply changed into another, and an older, suit of clothes. Close to the chair, over the back of which the blood-stained coat had been cast, lay Sellis's neck- cloth. Strange to say it was found to be completely cut through, “ the edges of the inner fold being tinged with blood.” Its appearance indicated plainly that Sellis, before removing it, had made a first attempt to cut his throat. After seeing it, the jury could feel no doubt that he had died by his own hand. Had he been murdered, was it conceivable that his assassin, after failing in an endeavour to do 168 DUKE OF CUMBERLAND'S VALET the business through the folds of his neckcloth, should have been able deliberately to lay bare his throat and then have proceeded to sever his wind- pipe ? The presence of some blood-stained water in the wash-hand basin might, at the first moment, seem to suggest that he had been the victim of foul play. But, when considered in connection with the other circumstances of the case, was it possible to doubt that it was Sellis himself who had thus dis- coloured the water, in seeking to remove from his own hands the traces of his criminal attack upon his master ? In the Duke's bedroom there were numerous splashes of blood, not only upon the walls, but upon a picture of General Pichegru which hung several feet away from the bed. It was plain that his assailant must have been freely besprinkled, and it was easy to understand why the doors of the rooms, through which he had passed in his subse- quent flight, should bear the traces of his passage. On the one leading towards the pages' waiting- room was a deep indentation, into which the point of the sword with which the Duke had been wounded fitted exactly. How the weapon had also come into contact with the ornamental hangings at the top of the bed, was plainly discernible, and each member of the jury could see for himself that to that circum- stance the Duke, not improbably, owed his life. It has already been mentioned that the long cavalry sabre with which the deed was committed was the Duke's own regimental sword. It was entirely by mistake, deposed Neale, that it had been sent away DUKE OF CUMBERLAND'S VALET 169 to be sharpened. Soon after its return from the sword-makers, however, it was placed in readiness for the Duke who was to hold an inspection of his regiment. The parade was counter ordered, but Sellis, whether by accident or of set design, he could not say, did not remove the sword with the rest of the Duke's accoutrements and military effects and, for several days before the attempt upon His Royal Highness, it lay upon a sofa in his bedroom. As the different witnesses gave their evidence, the whole story of Sellis's movements during the evening preceding the outrage was unfolded. It was made clear that, for the purpose of carrying out his sinister design, he had falsely ascribed to the Duke an intention of starting for Windsor at an early hour the next day. Thus, without exciting remark, he had been enabled to occupy the little bedroom which he always slept in on such occa- sions. But his intention to spend the night there was a mere pretence, seeing that in fact he put on an old suit of clothes and secreted himself in a cupboard in the Duke's garde-robe. With regard to that, Sarah Varley described the condition in which she had found the bolsters which she had deposited in the cupboard and spoke to finding in it a lantern, a pair of slippers marked with Sellis's name, the scabbard of a sword and a water-bottle, none of which articles had been there overnight. Sellis in 1 The Hanoverian regiment of which the Duke was Honorary Colonel was known as the Cumberland Hussars. It behaved very discreditably at Waterloo. DUKE OF CUMBERLAND'S VALET 171 which he had intended should be deadly, became in effect almost harmless. When he realized this he apparently lost his head, and, instead of shortening his sword and closing with the Duke while there was yet time, he allowed him to rise and gain the door, contenting himself with a parting thrust as he passed through it into the passage. Then he took to his heels, leaving behind him, in the cupboard in which he had been concealed and upon the doors through which he fled, the clearest proofs of his guilt. The two Neales, the porter, the Jäger and the Coldstream guardsmen carried on the story from the time the household was aroused until they entered the room in which Sellis, a few minutes earlier, had cut his throat. From their narrative and from the condition of the room itself, the jury could without difficulty depict for themselves what had happened, after the wretched man rushed from the scene of his attempted murder.1 His first care, it was clear, was to wash away the blood with which his hands were covered. It had been his intention, without doubt, to divest himself of the old suit which he had put on overnight and, having hidden it away, to go to bed. Then, if any search were instituted, he would be found reposing peace- fully, with the clothes which he had been wearing during the day beside him, and they would be free 1 The account of the inquest is taken from Place's own notes, Some of which are to be found among his papers at B.M., numbered 35, 144 ; others, in two books called Inquest on Sellis, numbered 27, 851. 172 DUKE OF CUMBERLAND'S VALET of all incriminating stains. But events moved too quickly to enable him to carry out his programme. Within a few minutes of the first alarm, his fellow- servants were beginning to assemble in the gallery and, shortly afterwards, Mrs. Neale was calling to him through the keyhole and Smith, the porter, was rapping at his door with the hilt of his sword. Without doubt, he believed that all was discovered and did not realize that they were as yet merely inquiring for him, because the Duke desired the services of his favourite valet. But it is certain that he did not immediately resort to his last act of desperation. For some ten minutes, at least, he must have remained motionless, listening to their voices and afraid even to undress, lest they should hear him stir. His final resolution was taken only when he heard Mrs. Neale say that they must seek to gain admission to his room from the “ summer" dressing-room. It will be remembered that the suggestion to try the other door was made after Smith came back with the news that Sellis was not at his private lodgings, but was sleeping “ down- stairs” at the Duke's. Once those who were seeking him were to enter the “summer" rooms, his last chance of eluding discovery would be gone. He had in his pocket-it was taken from his body a few hours later by order of the Coroner--the key of the green baize door leading to his family apartments. But to fly in that direction was to expose himself to the full view of all the persons collected in the gallery and was, consequently, out of the question. DUKE OF CUMBERLAND'S VALET 173 Place's notes make it clear that the Court fully realized the importance of establishing, as near as possible, the hour at which Sellis actually died. If it could be shown that he was alive after the house- hold was aroused, it was plain that the Duke could not have killed him, seeing that he was himself wounded and bleeding and that, from that moment, Neale and Paulet, the valets, remained with him until the arrival of the doctors. Now Mr. Home and the other surgeons who examined Sellis were of opinion that he could not have survived the wound in his throat more than about two minutes. It will not have been forgotten that, when the porter and the Jäger were approaching his room, they heard a ghastly sound of “guggling ” and of “gurgling” which caused them to retreat hurriedly. Sergeant Crighton, whom they encountered in the hall, thereupon, at once went upstairs with a file of his men and found Sellis quite dead but not yet cold, and with the blood still “ frothing" at his neck. To the Court, Sergeant Crighton declared that, when he thus ascended to the first floor, half an hour had elapsed since the message was brought to the guardroom that the Duke had been attacked and seriously wounded. On the other hand, the servants were disposed to think that Sellis was found dead only a quarter of an hour after the first alarm was raised. In view of all that happened, it is probable that the Sergeant's estimate was the more correct. But, in any case, it is certain that Sellis was alive at least ten minutes after the attempt upon the Duke. And that being so, did not the fact that DUKE OF CUMBERLAND'S VALET 175 described to the Court the impression which he had made upon them recently. He seemed " dis- satisfied with the Duke,” said Frederick Grivel, the Duke of Cambridge's valet, and expressed a bitter animosity to Neale, whom he spoke of as “ a great scoundrel.” Antonio Panzera, the Duke of Sussex's servant, deposed that the dead man had used similar language to him and had told him that he intended to leave the Duke's service, as he could not endure to live under the same roof as Neale. Ferdinand Burzio, a jeweller of Charles Street, Grosvenor Square, testified that the deceased, whom he had known for the past thirteen years, had not long ago asked him to help him to obtain another situation. He pointed out to him, however, the folly of leaving a good place and did all in his power to persuade him to remain with the Duke. Mrs. Neale, also, in her capacity as housekeeper, gave the Court the benefit of her observations. Her experience of Sellis was that he was an 'obstinate and quarrelsome man, who could“ not bear contra- diction even from His Royal Highness.” The Duke, nevertheless, invariably treated him with the greatest kindness and consideration. On account, presumably, of the scandalous stories which were current, she was questioned about Sellis's domestic life. “ He was," she declared, “on good terms with his wife and did not appear to be jealous of her.” Lastly, two women and a man came forward who, about the year 1798, had been fellow-servants with the deceased, when he was valet to a Mr. Church in New York. At that time he consorted, 176 DUKE OF CUMBERLAND'S VALET they declared, with a French cook who was a notorious Jacobin, and was himself in the habit of speaking very disrespectfully of Kings, in general, and of His Majesty King George, in particular. One night, Mr. Church's desk was broken open and a considerable sum of money was stolen. Sus- picion fell on Sellis, in consequence of which Mr. Church dismissed him, the evidence being insufficient to admit of criminal proceedings being taken against him. By this time it was nearly ten o'clock at night and the list of witnesses was exhausted. Place, accordingly, asked his fellow-jurymen whether they were satisfied, or whether there were any points upon which they desired to be enlightened further. The Duke had not been heard in person, but his account of the affair, in the form of an affidavit, had been laid before the Court. Place, however, made it very clear that, if any of them should think it advisable, they could meet the next day at Carlton House, where the Duke could depose orally and reply to any of their questions. This he put to each man individually and each in turn answered unhesitatingly that no adjournment was necessary. Their minds, they declared, were fully made up and they would not even trouble the Coroner to sum up the evidence. Place, however, when they presently retired, read out to them the notes which he had made in the course of the proceedings. “ Every one of the seventeen jurors,” he records, “ was perfectly satisfied that it was not even possible for his (Sellis's) throat to have been cut by any one DUKE OF CUMBERLAND'S VALET 177 but himself and, as there was not a tittle of evidence to show that he was insane, they had no choice, however much they might, as most, if not all of them did, reprobate the barbarous custom of burying a man at a cross-road, but to say Felo de se." In the legal jargon of the time the finding was to the effect that “ Joseph Sellis not having the fear of God before his eyes, but being moved and seduced by the Devil did then and there feloniously, volun- tarily and of malice aforethought strike himself upon the throat with a certain razor, value one shilling, which the said Joseph Sellis then held in his left hand and, then and there, giving himself one mortal blow with the said razor upon the throat of the breadth of five inches and of the depth of one and a half inches. ... And so the said jurors on their oath say that the said Joseph Sellis, then and there, voluntarily, feloniously and as a felo de se murdered himself.” The consequence of this verdict was that, on Sunday, June 3rd, the next day but one after the inquest, Sellis's mortal remains were removed from the Duke's residence to a mortuary near Oxford Street in a hearse “which drove away furiously.” About midnight, they were again placed in the same conveyance and taken to the neighbourhood of Charing Cross, where they were “interned in a hole nearly opposite the egg-warehouse and the lime wharf at Scotland Yard. Notwithstanding so much secrecy was observed,” runs the contemporary account in the Times, “ and it being midnight, about thirty persons were collected.” 178 DUKE OF CUMBERLAND'S VALET Yet this finding, although it had been arrived at after a most diligent inquiry into all the attending circumstances, did not put an end to the rumours of foul play. There are various reasons to account for the suspicion that the real story of Sellis's death had still to be revealed. Unquestionably, the Duke's unpopularity and his reputation as a man of strong passions and violent temper readily disposed people to listen to any tale to his discredit. Never- theless, had the papers given a full and connected account of the proceedings at the inquest, all fair- minded men must have been forced to admit that, in this affair at any rate, he was deserving of nothing but commiseration. Place, it will be remembered, had been at pains to insist upon the admission of the representatives of the press. It may be that none of the persons who, in consequence of his inter- vention, were permitted to be present in Court were able to take down the evidence in shorthand. In any case, the reports which subsequently ap- peared in the principal London papers were singularly meagre and incomplete. Yet the Royal Family appear to have been only too anxious that the public should be given the opportunity of learn- ing the details of the affair. For several days after the inquest, everybody who inquired for the Duke was invited to go upstairs and visit his bedroom, as well as the room in which Sellis actually killed him- self, “ both being in the same state as when the assassination was attempted,” and thousands of persons are said to have availed themselves of this permission. It may be doubted, however, whether DUKE OF CUMBERLAND'S VALET 179 an exhibition of that kind was calculated to serve any useful purpose. Sellis's motive for seeking to murder the Duke is the one puzzling feature of the affair. According to the anonymous author of the Minute Detail, whose account of the case is, says Place, singularly accurate and trustworthy, he undoubtedly intended to rifle His Royal Highness's jewel-case. But, at the same time, he regards it as improbable that he committed the crime primarily with that object. It was hatred of Neale, in his opinion, which impelled him to attack his master. Were the Duke to be robbed and murdered during the night, suspicion, he calculated, would necessarily fall upon the servant who slept in the adjoining room. Whether this theory be correct or not, it is difficult to suggest any better explanation of the only point in the whole business about which it is impossible to speak with absolute certainty. It was one to which the Duke's many enemies were fond of reverting. Indeed, two years later, His Royal Highness was con- strained to prosecute a disreputable Sunday paper called the Independent Whig for a series of articles, in the form of letters, which practically charged him with the murder of his valet. The paper was owned by a certain White and a printer named Hart and was carried on by them with the assistance of White's son and an individual known as “ Pat” Duffin who kept a gaming-house at Denmark Court in the Strand. The younger White, was, however, registered as the sole proprietor and, when the Duke's patience was exhausted, it was against him 180 DUKE OF CUMBERLAND'S VALET alone that proceedings could be taken. The case came on before the Lord Chief Justice, Lord Ellen- borough, and a special jury at the Guildhall, on March 5th, 1813, and White having been duly convicted was sentenced to fifteen months' im- prisonment and a fine of £200. This campaign against the Duke was, in Place's opinion, begun with no other object than that of levying blackmail, but in its later stages it was, he greatly fears, subsidized by Mr. Brooks, the treasurer of the Westminster Committee, and by Alderman Wood, who was a few years later to earn great notoriety for his championship of Queen Caroline. It was probably on account of the letters in the Whig that, in the same year, Sir Everard Home was moved to publish a detailed statement about the affair.” This distinguished surgeon was, it has already been related, the first medical man to see Sellis after he was discovered with his throat cut. From the aspect of the wound and from the position in which he found the dead man, it was physically impossible, declared Sir Everard, that he could have died by any other hand than his own. Had this evidence been forthcoming three years earlier, it would doubtless have had an excellent effect. But, appearing as it did long after the event and a few months only after a baronetcy had been conferred upon the deponent, it probably did more harm than good. i Wood, Mathew (1768-1843). Lord-Mayor 1815-1816 and 1816–1817. M.P. City of London 1817–1843. Created baronet 1837. ? Annual Register, 1813, p. 21, DUKE OF CUMBERLAND'S VALET 181 Twenty years later, at the time of the Reform Bill, the Sellis case was again revived in a particu- larly odious form. On both sides very bitter lan- guage was used, but the propaganda of the Whigs far surpassed in unscrupulousness anything which can be traced to their opponents. The Duke of Cumberland, as an Ultra-Tory and as a man about whom scandalous stories were current, was a natural target for scurrilous attacks. Early in 1832, an anonymous work appeared entitled The Authentic Records of the Court of England during the Past Seventy Years. It was published by T. Phillips at 13 Wellington Street, Strand, and so exclusive was the information which it purported to contain that the high price of one guinea was asked for a copy. A notice upon the title page gave the reader some idea of what he might expect to find within the book itself. “The editors of this work," it ran, “ have given a fair outline of the facts and occurrences of the above period, during which baseness of every kind was practised and crime became an everyday occurrence, deception and villainy were esteemed virtues, while incest and adultery proved passports to Court favour and promotion. Amongst many other crimes the following are fully explained. ... Sellis v. the Duke of Cumberland.” The Duke, according to the Authentic Records, was a man of the most depraved tastes, and Sellis, who had surprised an infamous secret, was murdered by him and by his minion, Neale. It being im- possible to pretend that their victim had died a natural death, it was inevitable that an investigation 182 DUKE OF CUMBERLAND'S VALET should, in appearance at any rate, take place. The aid of Lord Ellenborough, the Tory Lord Chief Justice, was consequently invoked and it was not invoked in vain. Witnesses who could have thrown a very different light upon the affair were never called, and only evidence which had been carefully prepared beforehand was submitted to the Coroner's Court. Nevertheless, the first jury, because they were not allowed to see the body undressed, refused to return a verdict. A second jury, however, all of whom were directly or indirectly connected with either the Court or the Government, were hastily empanelled and proved more amenable. In proof of these allegations, the signed deposition of a person named Jew was printed in full. Stated briefly, it was to the effect that, in 1810, the deponent was one of the Duke's valets and on the night of the tragedy it was his turn to undress His Royal High- ness. After performing this duty, he retired to rest, but during the night he was aroused by Neale, who told him that the Duke had been nearly mur- dered. Yet, when he presently entered His Royal Highness's bedroom, he found him “ quite cool and composed.” There was a little blood, it was true, upon his shirt, and on the floor he perceived a sword covered with blood, which the Duke himself had told him, a few days before, to place upon a sofa. He was ordered to go for Sir Henry Halford and, on his return, was present while the Duke's wounds were examined. None of them “ were of a serious nature or appearance.” Nevertheless, the surgeons devoted no less than two hours to dressing DUKE OF CUMBERLAND'S VALET 183 them, during which period neither Neale nor Sellis was in the room, which struck him as “a very unaccountable circumstance.” When at last the task of the doctors was concluded, the Duke bade him “ call Sellis." He went to Sellis's room and found him in the dreadful condition which has been described, and it was his firm conviction that, while the Duke's wounds were being attended to, “ Neale was absent, in obedience to arrangement, and was employed in laying out the poor wretch's body in the form in which it was discovered.” He then proceeded to describe the part played by Lord Ellenborough in the affair and to explain how it became necessary to call together a second jury. He himself was never summoned as a witness, at either the first or the second inquest, although he could have given evidence of the highest importance. After “ this dreadful business,” he was approached “ by some noblemen," who implored him “ to make a full disclosure of all the improper trans- actions” which had come to his knowledge. For a long time he declined to speak and he only, at last, consented to break his silence, “ under a binding engagement ” that he should " not be left destitute of comforts or abridged of liberty.” On the Duke's behalf, Sir Charles Wetherell,1 the famous Tory lawyer, at once “moved for a rule to show cause why a criminal information should 1 Wetherell, Sir Charles (1770-1846). Solicitor-General 1824. Recorder of Bristol, where his appearance in 1831 caused the famous Bristol riots, one of the most celebrated episodes of the Reform Bill time. 184 DUKE OF CUMBERLAND'S VALET not be filed against a person, named Phillips, for a gross and infamous libel. ...” At the same time, inquiries were set on foot, and Jew, the alleged deponent, was speedily discovered. He was prob- ably of French birth or, at least, of French descent, for his real name was Joseph Joux, which had been corrupted into that of Jew by which he was commonly known. He had been with the Duke, not as a valet, but as a footman, and had subsequently gone abroad and entered the service of Prince Leopold of Saxe- Coburg, who, in 1832, had recently been elected King of the Belgians. When approached by the Duke's legal advisers, he stated unequivocally that he had never, at any time, made a deposition regarding Sellis's death. The whole story, as told in The Authentic Records, was, so far as he was concerned, false from beginning to end. In 1810, on the night of the tragic event at the Palace, he had been sent to summon Sir Henry Halford, that was the only part he had played in the affair. Never had he been asked by “ some noblemen to make a full disclosure of the improper transactions which had come to his knowledge." The law in those days moved slowly and it was not until June 25th, 1833, that the trial of Josiah Phillips was begun. Mr. Daniel Wakefield 1 had been retained for the defence and Sir Charles Wetherell, Mr., afterwards Sir David, Pollock, K.C.2 1 Wakefield, Daniel (1776-1846). Barrister, writer on politi- cal economy, equity draughtsman. ? Pollock, David (1780–1847). K.C. 1833, Chief Justice Supreme Court of Bombay 1846–1847. Knighted 1846. DUKE OF CUMBERLAND'S VALET 185 Mr., afterwards Sir William, Follett, and Mr. Jelf appeared for the Duke of Cumberland. Mr. Adams, the Coroner, deposed that there was not a word of truth in the statement that any of the witnesses had been examined by Lord Ellenborough and it was no less false to say that the first jury had been dismissed because they refused to return a verdict. After explaining the ancient statute in regard to deaths in the King's Palace, and giving his reasons for not adhering to it strictly, he declared emphatically that the jury, as a body, had no connection with the Court. The only person among them who could be described as associated with it in the remotest degree was a Mr. James Gray, who was grocer to the Duke of Kent. Place spoke very much to the same effect and laid particular stress upon the extremely careful manner in which the circumstances of Sellis's death had been investigated. The Duke of Cumberland himself went into the witness-box and told the story of the murderous attack made upon him and ex- hibited to the jury the scars which he still bore upon his head and wrists. Lastly, Jew gave a complete and absolute denial to the statements put into his mouth by the writer of The Authentic Records. For the defence, Mr. Wakefield did not contend that the allegations for which his client was responsible were true. To attempt to plead anything of that kind was clearly hopeless and he, therefore, confined his efforts to arguing that the case was one for a civil 1 Follett, Sir William Webb (1798-1845). Solicitor-General 1834-1835 and in 1841. Attorney-General 1844. Statue in Westminster Abbey. 186 DUKE OF CUMBERLAND'S VALET action, not for a criminal prosecution. In his sum- ming up, the Lord Chief Justice, Sir Thomas, after- wards Lord, Denman paid a high tribute to the care and diligence of which all concerned had given proof at the inquest and expressed the opinion that "a more independent jury never sat to investigate any circumstance.” Directly his lordship had con- cluded, the jury, without leaving the box, brought in a verdict of “ Guilty," whereupon Phillips received a sentence of six months' imprisonment. But, according to a reviewer in the Quarterly, of April, 1838,“ he evaded punishment by forfeiting his bail and flying the country.” Incidentally, it may be mentioned that it was Place's opinion that Phillips, or rather those for whom he was acting, had ascribed the pretended “ deposition ” to Jew, because they were under the mistaken impression that he had died abroad. It was, doubtless, a very disagreeable surprise, when he appeared in the flesh to confound them. In the same year as The Authentic Records were published another book of the same kind was brought out, called The Secret History of the Court of England from the Accession of George III to the Death of George IV. The accounts of the Sellis affair are precisely similar in both works, except that the in- famous charge against the Duke and Neale is not 1 Denman, Thomas, ist Baron Denman (1779—1854). De- fended Queen Caroline 1820. Attorney-General 1830. Drafted Reform Bill 1831. Lord Chief Justice 1832–1850. ? The extreme leniency of the sentence imposed by the Whig, Denman, is worthy of remark. DUKE OF CUMBERLAND'S VALET 187 stated openly, but is merely referred to incidentally. Jew's alleged deposition, however, is reproduced in exactly the same words as in the earlier volume. The main difference between the two books is that The Secret History is not an anonymous work, inasmuch as it purports to have been written by Lady Anne Hamilton, whose name appears upon the title-page. She was a daughter of the fifth Duke of Hamilton and had been lady-in-waiting to Queen Caroline, whose cause she never abandoned. Thus it was to her house in Portman Street that the Queen repaired when, shortly before her trial, she returned to this country from the Continent. Now, all through those unpleasant proceedings, the Duke of Cumberland, whose influence over his brother, the King, was notorious, made no secret of his extreme hostility to the Queen. He was necessarily therefore regarded with the most intense dislike by all her friends and adherents. Moreover, Lord Archibald Hamilton, Lady Anne's brother, was not only an ardent reformer, but was an old enemy of the Duke, having strongly opposed in the House of Commons any increase of His Royal Highness's allowance at the time of his marriage, in 1815. Lady Anne, however, always assured her friends that she was not responsible for The Secret History and professed indignation that her name should have been associated with it. The question of the author- ship of this work and of The Authentic Records has been the subject of discussion in the pages of Notes and Queries. According to Mr. Thoms, the founder 1 Notes and Queries, 3rd Series, XI, p. 89. 188 DUKE OF CUMBERLAND'S VALET of that invaluable medium of communication,“ both came from the active and unscrupulous pen of Mrs. Olivia Serres.” This woman, who had acquired some small reputation as a novelist and a poet, was the daughter of a house painter at Warwick. Never- theless, in 1820, she set up the impudent claim that she was the legitimate daughter of Henry Frederick, Duke of Cumberland, and, in consequence, began to call herself the Princess Olivia of Cumberland. It is by no means certain, however, that Mr. Thoms was right in attributing to her the authorship of either The Authentic Records or The Secret History. But for the purposes of this inquiry the matter need not be pursued any further. The most cursory examination of the two books will be sufficient to satisfy anyone that both have a common origin, and, as regards the actual authorship, it is surely very strange that Lady Anne should never have publicly disavowed her responsibility for The Secret History, unless, indeed, she had had a hand in compiling it. The conviction of Phillips entailed the suppression of both The Authentic Records and The Secret History. But so many copies of the last-named work continued to be sold clandestinely, that, in 1838, a reviewer in the Quarterly deemed it necessary to warn his readers of the folly of paying a guinea for so worthless a production. After apologizing for “expending even a few lines upon so contemptible a subject,” he expressed the fear that “ if contem- poraries will not take the trouble of recording their evidence against such publications their present impunity may give them some degree of authority DUKE OF CUMBERLAND'S VALET 189 hereafter." His words may have served a good purpose in his own time and have put an end to the illicit traffic of which he complained. But, un- fortunately, they did not prevent the reproduction of this odious work“ hereafter.” In 1876, a reprint of The Secret History appeared and it was followed, in 1883, by a cheap edition in one volume, while another and more expensive edition, in two volumes, was brought out in 1903. In all these successive editions the name of Lady Anne Hamilton appears upon the title-page and, what is of more importance, Jew's alleged“ deposition” is set forth at full length, notwithstanding that he had solemnly repudiated it in the witness-box. Verily, there is wisdom in the proverb that “lies take a great deal of killing." AN AFFAIR OF HONOUR LTHOUGH the trend of fashion towards the boulevards had already set in, some of the most famous of the Paris restaurants were still to be found, in the middle of the last century, under the arcades of the now deserted Palais Royal. At one of these, Les Trois Frères Provençaux, especially renowned for the excellence of its wines, a party of eighteen or twenty persons met for supper, in a private room, on the evening of March 7th, 1845. It was an entertainment of the kind which has often been described in novels deal- ing with the lighter side of Paris life. Two-thirds of those present were men, while the ladies belonged to the class so happily named the demi-monde, by the younger Dumas, a few years later. There was neither host nor hostess, it being arranged that every one partaking of supper should pay fifty-five francs as his or her share of the evening's entertain- ment. Without question, this gathering at Les Proven- çaux differed little from the ordinary supper party consisting of gay ladies and their lovers and com- panions. Two men, however, were present who were not simply viveurs or gamblers, for the evening was to conclude with a game of lansquenet, 190 AN AFFAIR OF HONOUR 191 Roger de Beauvoir ce poète dandy, ce héros de boudoir C'est Alfred de Musset avec les cheveux noirs, as Mme de Girardin 1 once wrote of him, was a regular attendant at festivities of this kind. It was in company such as this that he contrived to dissi- pate the handsome fortune with which he began life. He was famous for his gorgeous waistcoats and eccentricities of dress. But he was, at the same time, a clever talker, a charming companion and a great favourite with women. As a poet and a novelist he had some reputation, having achieved a considerable success with his historical romance, L'écolier de Cluny, the only one of his works which to-day is not completely forgotten. But the most important person present, especially in the eyes of the ladies, who were all more or less connected with the theatrical profession, was M. Dujarier, the part pro- prietor and general manager of La Presse. On this occasion, he was the invited guest of Mlle Lièvenne, of the Vaudeville, and was the only one of the party who did not contribute his share of the expenses. La Presse had been founded, about nine years earlier, by Emile de Girardin. It was the first half- penny paper to make its appearance in Paris and proved a great success. In political and contentious questions, however, La Presse invariably used violent and aggressive language and its proprietor had, in 1 Mme de Girardin, wife of Emile de Girardin (1804– 1855), wrote poetry, novels, and plays under her maiden name, Delphine Gay; her political articles were signed Vicomte de Launay. * Girardin, Émile de (1806–1881). Founder of cheap press in France. AN AFFAIR OF HONOUR 193 Yet, notwithstanding that this modest salary con- stituted his only assured income, he regularly fre- quented the restaurants of the boulevards and the Palais-Royal and was constantly to be seen in the company of fashionable courtesans. His ability to live in so extravagant a manner can be accounted for only by his persistent good fortune at the card table. Alexandre Henri Dujarier was only twenty-nine years of age, and owed his position entirely to his own industry and talents. Like many other successful men he was not without enemies. In truth, he had a certain curtness of manner and on occasions an aggressiveness of speech which offended many people. In his business dealings, he bore the reputa- tion of being an honourable, straightforward and generous man, while, in private life, he spent his money freely and perhaps even ostentatiously. At the time of the supper at Les Provençaux, he was living with the famous Lola Montez, 1 who, however, had not yet achieved the celebrity which she was to acquire as the Countess of Landsfeldt, the mistress of a reigning Sovereign. She was still merely a third-rate danseuse who, probably through her lover's influence, had recently obtained an engage- ment in La Biche aux Bois, a musical comedy, about to be produced at the Porte-Saint-Martin. 1 Marie Dolores Eliza Rosanna (1818–1861), daughter of Ensign Gilbert of 44th Foot. Married Captain James of the East India Company's Service, 1837. Divorced from him 1842. Appeared in London as a dancer 1843, under the name of Lola Montez. 194 AN AFFAIR OF HONOUR In her Autobiography she says that she and Dujarier were to be married very shortly. It must be remem- bered, however, that that exceedingly untrust- worthy work was compiled in America and was intended for American readers. It is most im- probable that either of them ever entertained any idea of that kind. In Paris, in 1845, ladies of her class were not in the habit of regarding a liaison as a stepping-stone to matrimony. According to the evidence which she afterwards gave in Court, she had expressed a wish to accompany Dujarier to Les Provençaux, but he had declined to take her. Her statement on that point is, doubtless, true. Was it, however, as she insinuated, because he looked upon the company as too mixed, or was it because he had some other reason for desiring that his fiery- tempered mistress should not be present at the supper table on this particular night? Dujarier, although seemingly in boisterous spirits, was in a somewhat aggressive mood when he sat down to supper. The shafts of his wit and his powers of ridicule were all directed against Roger de Beauvoir. In such circumstances, however, that gentleman could take very good care of himself and the table was, doubtless, entertained by a brilliant exchange of repartee. But, while Roger de Beauvoir was always perfectly good-humoured, there was something about Dujarier's banter which created an impression that he wished to be disagreeable. And it was not only in this encounter with Roger de Beauvoir that he showed a disposition to disturb the harmony of the evening. Not content with 198 AN AFFAIR OF HONOUR troubled him. Although he only talked vaguely, she gained a distinct impression that some un- pleasantness had occurred and that it might have further consequences. If it be true, as she after- wards alleged in Court, that he feared trouble, his foreboding was fulfilled. That afternoon, while he was at the offices of La Presse, two gentlemen, the Comte de Flers and the Vicomte D'Ecquevilley, called to see him and announced that they were the representatives of M. de Beauvallon who had cause to complain of his behaviour at the card-table the night before. They were instructed to ask for a full apology, failing which they were to demand the usual satisfaction. According to their subsequent account of this interview, Dujarier showed no desire to be conciliatory, on the contrary, his manner was almost insolent. “Grandvallon, Duvallon, Beau- vallon,” he repeated more than once. “What does the gentleman want with me?” However, he eventually referred them to two friends of his own, MM. Charles de Boigne and Arthur Bertrand. Before leaving D’Ecquevilley informed him that he was also acting for M. Roger de Beauvoir, who likewise considered that he had been rudely treated. The following day, March 9th, was a Sunday, and no meeting of the seconds seems to have taken place. M. Bertrand, however, came to breakfast in Dujarier's rooms, a meal at which Lola Montez was present. By this time, she was well aware that her lover had an “affair " on his hands, but she did not know with whom he had quarrelled and she was not AN AFFAIR OF HONOUR 199 enlightened on this occasion. The subject was not referred to at breakfast, although the old dispute with M. Granier de Cassagnac was discussed, and, so soon as they had had their coffee, M. Bertrand, in what she describes as“ his usual brusque fashion,” told her “ to be off to her rehearsal, as they had to talk of business with which a woman has no con- cern.” Later on in the day, however, M. Napoleon Bertrand, that gentleman's brother, presumably, confided to her that Dujarier and Roger de Beauvoir had fallen out, a piece of news which did not disturb her greatly. With Roger she felt sure that the difficulty could be arranged without blood- shed. The next morning, Monday, March 1oth, the seconds met by appointment in M. Bertrand's apartment. The specific acts of which M. de Beauvallon had to complain were now set forth explicitly. They were three in number. In the first place, in the course of the game of lansquenet, at Les Provençaux, M. Dujarier had, in more than one instance, treated him with a great lack of cour- tesy. Secondly, to insist on discharging his debt to him, while leaving other persons unpaid, was little short of an insult. The third grievance related to a certain Mme Albert who was supposed to have said, some months before, that M. Dujarier had told her that he could not come to see her, because he would not run the risk of meeting M. de Beau- vallon. As soon as he learnt that the other party had nothing but these trivial matters to bring forward, M. de Boigne declared emphatically that 200 AN AFFAIR OF HONOUR they did not constitute a sufficient reason for a hostile meeting. This was a view, however, which M. de Beauvallon's seconds were not prepared to accept and, after further discussion, they decided upon a short adjournment, in order that they might have an opportunity of talking over the position with their respective principals. At their second meeting, which took place in his rooms, in the Rue Pinon, M. de Boigne announced that he was in a position to assert that M. Dujarier had not used the words imputed to him by Mme Albert. Beauvallon's seconds, however, received this statement coldly and without comment. Their attitude was now far more uncompromising than it had been in the morning. M. de Beauvallon, they declared, was determined to obtain satisfaction. If M. Dujarier considered that the reasons he had adduced were insufficient, he could supply him with others. He was even prepared, intimated D’Ecque- villey, to go to the length of personally assaulting him. After hearing these words, de Boigne realized that all hope of avoiding an encounter was at an end. But, while accepting the inevitable he resolved to obtain for his friend the full benefit of the changed situation. Hitherto Beauvallon had posed as the affronted party, but D'Ecquevilley's threat com- pletely reversed the position. This, he insisted, must be recorded in a document to which they must all affix their signatures. D'Ecquevilley made no objection. Indeed, he appears to have been indifferent to every consideration, so long as he could avoid a peaceful settlement. The Comte de AN AFFAIR OF HONOUR 201 Flers was entirely dominated by him and seems to have been content to acquiesce in everything he proposed. The statement drawn up by de Boigne was as follows : “ We the undersigned declare that, after a dis- cussion, M. de Beauvallon challenged M. Dujarier in language which has made it impossible for him to avoid a hostile encounter. We have spared no efforts to reconcile these gentlemen, and it is only because of M. de Beauvallon's insistence that we have accepted the mission of acting for them.” The immediate consequence of this declaration was to give Dujarier, as the injured party, the choice of weapons. Now, it was notorious that he was wholly inexperienced in the use of sword and pistol, while his adversary could handle both with equal skill. So generally was his inferiority recognized that the Comte de Flers, at an early stage of the discussions, had conveyed a private and unofficial intimation to M. Bertrand that his man, should swords be chosen, would be quite content merely to disarm his opponent. There can be no doubt that Beauvallon's seconds were empowered to propose swords. The matter, however, no longer rested with them and another short adjournment now took place, in order that Dujarier's wishes might be ascertained. Directly he was informed that the selection lay with him, he unhesitatingly pronounced himself in favour of pistols. It is clear that both his seconds and his friend, Alexandre Dumas, endeavoured to make him reconsider his 202 AN AFFAIR OF HONOUR DS decision. “When Beauvallon,” said Dumas, “ sees how completely you are at his mercy, he will be obliged from very shame to spare you. . . . More- over, my son tells me he is a thorough gentilhomme. But with pistols, who can say what may happen?” The argument may have been sound, but it is possible that with a proud and obstinate man like Dujarier it only served to stiffen his determination. Be that as it may, he adhered to his resolution and his seconds were obliged to inform the other party that their man had chosen pistols. The duel, it was decided, should take place, the following day, in the Bois de Boulogne. No specific hour was named, because, before proceeding to the scene of action, the seconds were to meet at nine o'clock in M. de Boigne's rooms, to settle both that matter and the conditions under which the men were to fight. All through this Monday, March 10th, Dujarier had necessarily to keep in close touch with his seconds, but he was much in the company of Alexandre Dumas. He seems to have anticipated the worst, and to have had a pathetic longing to spend what might prove to be his last hours with the friend to whom he was so devoted. But, although his forebodings were of the gloomiest, his resolution to fight never wavered. He scouted, said Dumas, in his evidence, any idea of an arrange- ment at the eleventh hour. He looked upon this duel as a necessity of his position. He seemed to think it almost an anomaly that he, the manager of such a paper as La Presse, should never have had an AN AFFAIR OF HONOUR 203 “affair.” It was “ a baptism of fire ” which he felt he must undergo. “ Once he had fought with a man of tried courage, such as Beauvallon, they would leave him in peace.” At the same time, he always insisted that he was going “out” on a perfectly frivolous pretext. There was no real cause of disagreement between him and his op- ponent. It was purely “ une affaire de boutique.” “ The quarrel was not between M. Dujarier and M. de Beauvallon, but between La Presse and Le Globe.” Dujarier remained to dinner with the Dumas, father and son. The younger man was about twenty years of age and was, already, studying life in those circles from which he was to select the chief character in the most celebrated of his plays.1 During the day, he had taken Dujarier to a shooting gallery, where his performance had not been encouraging. In twenty-four attempts, he contrived, on two occasions only, to hit the mark. When dinner was over, Dujarier returned to his rooms, where the elder Dumas was to rejoin him, after he had been round to Les Variétés. M. Dumas was deeply distressed at the serious turn which events had taken. As soon as he had been placed in possession of the complete circumstances of the case, he had urged that the seconds should insist upon priority being given to the affair with Roger de Beauvoir. His personal influence over him was, he knew, sufficient to ensure that it would be amicably settled. And, if he should prove accom- 1 La Dame aux Camélias, published as a novel in 1848. 204 AN AFFAIR OF HONOUR modating, it would be an awkward matter for the Beauvallon party to be more exacting. In any case time would be gained and that was important. Unfortunately, twenty-four hours after the supper at Les Provençaux, Roger received the news of the death of his mother. This not only affected him deeply, but, by compelling him to leave Paris, caused him to abandon the idea, if he had ever really entertained it, of embarking upon a quarrel with Dujarier. In these circumstances it became im- possible to try this promising experiment. On returning to the Rue Laffite, Dujarier wrote a letter which, in the event of the worst befalling him, was to be sent to his mother, whose sole support he was. He then proceeded to make his will, a work upon which he was engaged when Alexandre Dumas arrived. Dujarier, he relates, appeared reluctant to talk about the duel and turned a deaf ear to his entreaties that he would alter his decision about the choice of weapons. As regards the actual pistols which were to be used, he appeared to know nothing, having left all such details to be arranged by his seconds. After warning him of the danger of the hair-trigger in the hands of one so inexperienced as he was, he offered to lend him his own pistols, should the toss of the coin go in his favour. Dujarier seemed indifferent, but, as he raised no objection, Dumas departed and, presently returning with them, placed them at his disposal. Dujarier now recollected that he owed his friend a thousand francs. Not having that amount of ready money about him, he gave him a cheque on Laffite's. AN AFFAIR OF HONOUR 205 “ It is drawn,” he said, “ on my personal account, therefore cash it early. The duel will be over by eleven o'clock. Believe me,” he repeated earnestly, “cash it before that hour. It may be that by eleven my credit will be dead.” About midnight, Dumas left him and went home with a heavy heart. Scarcely had he gone, when Lola Montez came in. On the stairs she crossed M. Dumas and perceived that he was labouring under some deep emotion, but they passed each other in silence. She found Dujarier very pale sitting writing at his table. He strove to appear unconcerned and pointed out to her a flattering paragraph about her dancing, which was in the evening papers. He then told her that she could not stay, as he was very busy. The pretext that he had work to do did not deceive her for a moment. She charged him with being about to fight a duel and he did not deny it absolutely, but spoke of it as an unimportant affair, an altogether “trifling matter.” Nevertheless, the smile which accompanied his words was “a very sad one." He insisted, however, that she must leave him and she obeyed, after he had promised to go to see her early in the morning. The next day, Dujarier rose about seven o'clock, and was engaged in drinking a cup of soup, when he received a message from Lola Montez, reminding him of his promise of the night before and begging him to come as soon as he was dressed. He told her maid, who brought it, to say that he would be with her very shortly. But, directly the woman was gone, he wrote her a short note which he gave to AN AFFAIR OF HONOUR 207 de Boigne's pair should be used. A gold coin was spun and D’Ecquevilley by a lucky call obtained the decision in favour of his own pistols. De Boigne's conduct in rejecting the inferior weapons is quite inexplicable. It is clear that with a clumsy and indifferent pair Beauvallon's skill would be neutralized to some small extent. On the other hand, the employment of pistols of great accuracy and precision considerably increased his already enormous advantage. Later on, when these matters were under investigation, de Boigne explained that he acted as he did, because the use of duelling pistols made the affair more deadly and therefore increased the chance that a reconciliation might, even at this stage, be effected. But was the reasoning sound ? Admitting that there was still a remote possibility of arranging a peaceful settlement, would it be assisted by the fact that this additional advan- tage had been conceded to Beauvallon ? On the contrary, would it not tend to make both him and D'Ecquevilley, for de Flers scarcely counted, take up an even more uncompromising attitude than they had hitherto adopted ? By this time, surely, de Boigne should have begun to realize the class of men with whom he had to deal. Without doubt, he was actuated by the best of motives, but, in this instance, his judgment seems to have been singularly at fault. The question of the pistols having been settled, it remained only to determine the conditions under which the men should exchange shots. Apparently, without much discussion, it was agreed that they 210 AN AFFAIR OF HONOUR Devismes' shop, in order to procure powder and bullets. De Boigne did not pursue the subject. It was very far from his desire to embark upon any- thing in the nature of an altercation. He had always intended to make a last attempt to settle matters peacefully. It were useless, he knew, to expect assistance from D’Ecquevilley, while, as for de Flers, he appeared content in all matters to follow the lead of his colleague. Disregarding therefore the etiquette prescribed on these occasions, he determined to address himself to Beauvallon in person. “ M. de Beauvallon," he said, “M. Bertrand and I have been concerned in similar affairs both as principals and as seconds. We do not consider that any just or sufficient cause exists for this duel. I entreat you most solemnly to forgo your intention of fighting. For God's sake abandon it. Dujarier over there has no idea that I am talking to you thus. Your reputation for courage is well established. Pause, I implore you, before it be too late. All your life long you may have cause to regret having persisted with this business.” This earnest appeal met with no response. After coldly remark- ing that it was most unusual to seek to arrange an affair upon the ground, Beauvallon said that he, for his part, considered that there were amply sufficient reasons for an exchange of shots. His mind was quite made up on that point, “ events,” he added, “had developed as he had always hoped that they would.” After this truculent declaration there was nothing more to be said. When the ground had been paced and marked 212 AN AFFAIR OF HONOUR The fact remains, nevertheless, that he was not prepared to assume the grave responsibility of refusing to accept D'Ecquevilley's statement, to the truth of which he pledged his word of honour. In these circumstances, he raised no further objec- tions and resumed his interrupted task of loading Dujarier's pistol. As soon as that business was completed, the combatants were posted, the condi- tions were again explained to them and, when they had announced that they were ready, the signal to begin was given. Dujarier, taking a step forward, discharged his pistol wildly and then, having thrown it to the ground, stood immovable confronting his antagonist. Beau- vallon, coming to an immediate standstill, brought up his pistol and covered him deliberately. Too deliberately, thought Dujarier's friends, to whom every moment seemed like an hour. “ Shoot man, damn you, shoot !” cried de Boigne, unable any longer to contain himself. Beauvallon fired. Dujarier made no movement and, for one short instant, it seemed as though he were untouched. Then suddenly he fell to the ground like a log and lay motionless. The surgeon and his seconds hastened to his assistance and raised him up into a sitting position. The bullet had struck him close to the bridge of the nose and, at a glance, M. de Guise perceived that he was mortally wounded. But, as he appeared conscious, he affected to treat the matter lightly. Bending over him, de Boigne inquired whether he was in pain. He tried to murmur something and then his head fell back and PE ALL MUS WITH ONS ES THE DUEL IN THE BOIS DE ROULOGNE 214 AN AFFAIR OF HONOUR It occurred to her that M. Dumas might know something and she accordingly set out for his house. At an earlier hour, M. Dumas himself had been to Dujarier's rooms, but he had already gone out when he arrived, and he was in consequence unable to exchange a last word with him. On the landing he noticed a few spots of blood. Being of a superstitious turn of mind he was greatly disturbed. It was an evil omen that, on this particular morning, he should see stains of that kind upon Dujarier's own staircase. It was from Alexandre Dumas that Lola learnt for the first time that Beauvallon was her lover's antagonist. At the mention of his name, she uttered a cry of alarm and exclaimed that Dujarier was “ a dead man.” Had she guessed that the duel was with Beauvallon, she would have communicated with the police and gone to any lengths to stop it. It is not absolutely clear whether she was personally acquainted with the man. At the subsequent trial, she certainly let it be understood that she knew him by name only. And it is probable that she spoke the truth. Nothing was ever elicited to suggest that relations of any kind had existed between them. But it is very possible that she had heard of his skill both with sword and pistol. It was, doubtless, also within her knowledge that he was the brother-in- law of the editor of Le Globe, with whom Dujarier had a long-standing feud. She may very well have anticipated the worst, if she suspected—as she did apparently—that behind Beauvallon with his deadly skill stood the implacable Granier de Cassagnac. From M. Dumas' house she returned to Dujarier's 216 AN AFFAIR OF HONOUR by the immunity which the law, in practice if not in theory, accorded him, it was essential that the affair in which he had been concerned should have been conducted properly. If there were any departure from prearranged conditions, or if there were the smallest suspicion of foul play, the business at once assumed a different aspect. And, as regards this duel in which Dujarier lost his life, very ugly stories were going about, from the moment that his seconds brought back his dead body to his rooms in the Rue Laffite. Although, at the time, M. Bertrand accepted the reason advanced by D’Ecquevilley to explain the fouling of the pistols, he was clearly very far from comfortable in his own mind on the subject. In the carriage, in the course of their melancholy return journey from the Bois de Boulogne, with Dujarier's lifeless body beside them, he showed his blackened finger to M. de Guise, the surgeon. In Paris he exhibited it to Dr. Veron and to M. Emile de Girardin. And, at the same time as he drew these gentlemen's attention to its appearance, he gave them to understand that he had little doubt that, in violation of the rules laid down for the duel, the pistols had been tried. The inequality of the conditions under which the antagonists had met had from the first aroused some unfavourable comments. But it was soon bruited abroad that, not content with the advantage which his superior skill conferred upon him, Beauvallon had practised for hours with the actual pistols which were after- wards used in the duel. The story came to the ears AN AFFAIR OF HONOUR 217 of the authorities, and a judicial investigation was begun, in consequence of which, some three weeks after the fatal event of March 11th, both Beauvallon and D'Ecquevilley judged it prudent to leave Paris and to cross the frontier into Spain. But the inquiry, although it lasted for some time, was never conducted with vigour and, early in July, La chambre des mises en accusation found that no grounds existed for a prosecution. The two fugitives accordingly returned, under the impres- sion that all danger that proceedings would be taken against them was at an end. But in that they were mistaken. Beauvallon, who on arriving in Paris had placed himself at the disposal of the authorities, was dis- agreeably surprised to discover that he was not merely complying with an empty formality. The finding of the Paris Court was quashed by the Cour de Cassation, which, at the same time, directed that the case should be reopened at Rouen. This second inquiry was of a far more searching character and led to some important results. No direct evidence, it was true, was obtained that the accused had practised with the pistols which were subse- quently used. But the investigations into his acts and movements, in the hours which preceded the encounter in the Bois de Boulogne, tended greatly to strengthen the suspicion that he had been guilty of resorting to some unfair proceeding of that kind. In addition, the true history of the pistols themselves was dragged to light. These, it will be remembered, had been accepted by Dujarier's seconds in the 218 AN AFFAIR OF HONOUR belief that they belonged to D'Ecquevilley and that Beauvallon himself had never handled them. But, when they were shown to Devismes, the gunsmith, he at once identified them as a pair which he had sold, about eighteen months before, to M. Granier de Cassagnac. There was no refuting this evidence which, seeing the intimacy existing between the brothers-in-law, raised a strong presumption that they were weapons with which Beauvallon for some time past had been in the habit of practising. After a lengthy magisterial investigation, the Court, in which the power to decide such questions was vested decreed that he should be indicted on a charge of wilful and premeditated murder. Beauvallon's trial began, on March 26th, 1846, in the ancient Palais de Justice at Rouen. M. Letendre de Tourville presided over the Court and M. de Rieff appeared to prosecute. The interests of the parti civil, of Mme Dujarier mère, who claimed damages, were entrusted to M. Léon Duval, who was assisted by a junior member of the Rouen bar and by M. François, the dead man's brother-in-law. For his defence, the prisoner had retained the services of M. Berryer, the legitimist deputy, who was reputed the greatest master of forensic oratory in France. The case excited a widespread interest and, throughout the proceed- ings, the Court was densely crowded. The ladies of Rouen and the neighbourhood were present in large numbers, although, for the most part, they cared little about the points at issue. Their interest was centred almost exclusively in the appearance in the AN AFFAIR OF HONOUR 219 witness-box of such well-known persons as M. Alexandre Dumas, who was at the very height of his popularity. And, at the same time, they could enjoy the prospect that their less legitimate curiosity would be gratified by the sight of Lola Montez and of the more or less notorious women who had taken part in the unfortunate supper party at Les Provençaux. After the acte d'accusation had been read M. de Rieff, the prosecutor, addressed the Court. It is unnecessary, however, to say anything about his speech, seeing that he was content merely to expound his view of the law, in regard to duelling, and made no attempt to review the facts of this particular case. When he sat down, the President at once took the accused in hand. After question- ing him about the early incidents of the affair, he made some severe comments upon his conduct in deliberately converting a mere difference of opinion at the card-table into a serious quarrel. Moreover, it was really immaterial whether there were any- thing provocative about Dujarier's attitude that evening. The challenge and a very brutal challenge had come from the accused and not from his victim. That fact was admitted and recorded in a document, to which both sets of seconds had appended their signatures. It was clear that Dujarier was recognized as the insulted party, seeing that he was allowed the choice of weapons. To this Beauvallon could only reply that he had simply instructed his friends to obtain an apology at all costs. That was the meaning of the words 220 AN AFFAIR OF HONOUR “ insistence of M. de Beauvallon " in the paper to which the President had alluded. Most certainly he had never “ insisted ” that, happen what might, a duel must take place. It was not his fault, he pleaded, that pistols had been used. If an armed encounter were to become inevitable, he had always hoped that swords would be chosen. He had a certain skill, he admitted, with the foils and he proposed merely to disarm his antagonist. Indeed, he had consulted Grisier, the famous maître d'armes, on that very subject. It may be well to say at once that this last statement was confirmed by Grisier himself in the witness-box. Nevertheless, it would seem that this question might fairly have been put. If it were true that on Monday he was animated by these generous and humane sentiments towards his antagonist, why should he on Tuesday deliberately shoot him through the head, when he was defence- less and completely at his mercy ? Having sufficiently dealt with this part of the case, the President went on to question him about the pistols. They belonged, he was now forced to acknowledge, to his brother-in-law, M. Granier de Cassagnac. But he declared most positively that he had never used them on any previous occasion. They were kept at Devismes' shop and were brought to his house presumably by his brother-in- law's servant. In any case, he found them there when he returned home, about 12 o'clock, on the night preceding the duel. The following day, he rose early and going out, about 7 o'clock, took them 10. p. 201. AN AFFAIR OF HONOUR 221 to M. D'Ecquevilley, who lived some distance away, at Chaillot. At this point, the President interrupted him with the remark that the concierge had stated, before the investigating magistrate, that he had left the house at an earlier hour than that. Beauvallon, however, insisted that the woman was mistaken and that the time which he had mentioned was correct. He was then asked why the fact that the pistols belonged to M. Granier had been so studiously concealed from the other party. Not having been present at the meeting in M. de Boigne's rooms, he could not say precisely what had passed between the seconds. But he could quite under- stand that M. D'Ecquevilley should have been anxious to keep his brother-in-law's name out of the business. Continuing the story of his move- ments, he stated that after leaving Chaillot he took the omnibus to the Rue Saint-Lazare, where he spent some time with a friend, M. de Bérard. On returning to his rooms, he found his seconds impatiently awaiting him. To his surprise, for he had not expected that they would arrange so early a meeting, they told him that the duel was to take place immediately and that his opponent and his friends had already set out for the Bois de Boulogne. He was obliged, however, to change into black clothes, and when they at last started off they were com- pelled to call at Devismes' shop to obtain powder and bullets. Thus, it came about that they were late in arriving at the place of meeting. It should, perhaps, be explained that it was the custom of the combatants in a duel always to dress in black and 222 AN AFFAIR OF HONOUR to button up their coats to the throat, in order to avoid showing any white linen, which might serve as a mark for their opponent's aim. As regards M. de Boigne's personal appeal to him at the eleventh hour, he regretfully acknow- ledged that he had not met it in as conciliatory a spirit as he should. He was of opinion at the time, that, once the two parties were upon the ground, it was too late to talk of a peaceful settlement. But, while he was prepared to make this admission, he stoutly denied that he had ever used any words to the effect that he was glad that events had developed as they had. The incident of M. Bertrand's blackened finger only came to his knowledge after the duel. The seconds had certainly tested the pistols with a cap and possibly with a few grains of powder, before loading them. He was certain that he had returned his adversary's fire as quickly as possible. Directly he had brought his pistol up to the level of his eye, he had pressed the trigger. It was true that M. de Boigne had shouted to him to fire. He firmly believed, however, that he had no other object in view than to put him off his aim. His conduct was irregular, but he did not blame him, because he was sure that he was actuated by purely humane motives. In a French criminal trial it is the business of the President to bring to the notice of the jury any discreditable affair in which the accused has been concerned. No previous convictions were recorded against Beauvallon, but the police inquiries into his past life had brought to light a disreputable episode AN AFFAIR OF HONOUR 223 of his student days. It appears that on some occa- sion, when he was desirous of going to a fancy dress ball, he was short of money, and, in order to provide himself with the sum of which he stood in need, he took a watch belonging to his aunt to the pawnbroker's. The theft was promptly discovered and he was forced to confess his guilt. The circum- stances of the affair, however, were not allowed to transpire beyond the family circle and, after a time, his aunt forgave him. But the President now invited him to carry his mind back to that un- pleasant business. It was in vain that he protested that it was irrelevant to the points at issue before the Court. One by one the squalid details of the affair were relentlessly extracted from him. When the whole of the wretched story had been unfolded, he broke down completely and was told that he could sit down, his examination was at an end. The evidence of the witnesses need only be re- ferred to very shortly. It is from their account of the different episodes of the affair that the story of the duel, as told in the earlier pages of this narrative, has been compiled. Roger de Beauvoir described the supper party and the somewhat disagreeable attitude which Dujarier assumed towards him. He spoke of the familiar tone which the unfortunate man adopted towards the women and caused some amusement by repeating the unseemly declaration which he addressed to Mlle Lièvenne. That lady and her fair companions of the supper-table were called to testify to the same class of events. With a singular lack of good taste all of them saw fit to 224 AN AFFAIR OF HONOUR present themselves before the Court attired in the latest fashions and in the brightest colours. And when they entered the witness-box their sense of memory failed them completely. None of them could recollect anything, either about the supper or about the game of lansquenet. Indeed, but for the interest which they aroused in the audience, they might with advantage have stayed away altogether. Alexandre Dumas, on the other hand, appears to have been a loquacious witness. “I should describe myself as a dramatist,” he said to the President, “were I not addressing you in the birthplace of Corneille.” After delivering himself of this exor- dium, which drew from the President the reply, " that it was all a question of degree,” he related with great minuteness his conversations with Dujarier on the day preceding the duel. Nor did he confine himself exclusively to those matters which had come under his notice, in connection with the affair before the Court. On the ethics of duelling generally he had much to say, and he took this opportunity of expounding his views at length. In the witness-box Lola Montez presented a pleasing contrast to Mlle Lièvenne and her friends. She was becomingly, but at the same time very quietly and appropriately dressed and, moreover, expressed herself with intelligence and feeling. In relating certain episodes she displayed an emotion whch was doubtless genuine, it being the opinion of her most recent biographer that she was more attached to Dujarier than to any of the men with AN AFFAIR OF HONOUR 225 whom at various times she was associated. M. de Bérard corroborated Beauvallon's statement that, on the morning of the duel, after leaving the pistols with D’Ecquevilley, he spent some time with him. Furthermore, he related an incident of the visit. While they were talking, his grandmother, Mme de Villiers, entered the room and, on seeing M. de Beauvallon, exclaimed, “I congratulate you, sir. You were just now at the Church of Notre-Dame- de-Lorette, I saw you there.” “ That is so,” inter- jected the prisoner from the dock," although I saw no reason to speak of it before, I have been reli- giously brought up. Well, I was on the point of going out to fight and I went into the church.” “ It is a pity,” retorted the President dryly, “ that your devotions did not have more influence on your conduct later on in the day.” Mme de Villiers, how- ever, when called in her turn, gave a different account of the affair. It was not she, but Beau- vallon himself, who said, “ You are just come from Notre-Dame-de-Lorette. I saw you, I was there before you." The discussions which preceded it and the duel itself were described by MM. de Boigne, Bertrand and de Flers. The last-named gentleman, who gave his evidence very frankly, acknowledged that he had never considered that there was a sufficient reason for an armed encounter. He had, however, he admitted, been content to play a very secondary part in the negotiations. Bertrand told the story of his blackened finger, and de Boigne, in reference to the pause which had taken place between the two 226 AN AFFAIR OF HONOUR shots, now declared that he was inclined to think that he had over-estimated the length of time which elapsed before Beauvallon returned his opponent's fire. He had certainly called out to him to shoot, but his nerves at that moment were overwrought and he was hardly in a condition to judge matters coolly. The evidence of these three gentlemen was supplemented by that of the surgeon, M. de Guise, who, in addition, described the incidents of their cold and dreary wait in an alley of the Bois de Boulogne. It is worthy of remark that none of the witnesses for the prosecution showed any dis- position to press the case against the accused. Even Alexandre Dumas, Dujarier's most intimate friend, declared that he believed Beauvallon to be a man of honour. It was clear that, if Beauvallon were guilty of unfairly trying the pistols, the Vicomte D'Ecque- villey must have connived at his proceedings. In an English Court of Justice, in such circumstances, he would have had to undergo a severe cross- examination, at the hands of the counsel for the prosecution. But the French system is different and depends, for eliciting the truth, upon the confrontation of witnesses with each other and with the accused. Nevertheless, after he had given his version of the duel and of the different events connected with it, D'Ecquevilley had to answer some searching questions, which were put to him by the President. How was it that he had told MM. de Boigne and Bertrand that the pistols it was proposed to use belonged to him ? It was a 228 AN AFFAIR OF HONOUR he had been carrying them under his coat against his chest. When the last witness had been heard, M. Duval, representing the parti civil, reviewed the case for the prosecution in a witty and reasoned address. Questions of space, however, render it impossible to do more than to allude very briefly to that portion of it which deals with Beauvallon's proceedings on the morning of the duel. According to his own story, said M. Duval, the accused found the pistols in charge of the concierge when he returned home, about midnight, and the following morning, about seven, took them to his second, M. D’Ecquevilley. But, contended counsel, unless he had some sinister purpose in view, why not hand them over to M. de Flers, who lived almost next door to him? Why be at the trouble of conveying them all the way to Chaillot? It must not be forgotten, however, that the Rue de Bataille, at Chaillot, was close to the Rond-Point-des-Champs-Élysées, where Reinette's shooting ground was situated, and that the prisoner was a regular frequenter of that establishment. Did he visit it on the morning of the duel ? Was this the true explanation of this otherwise un- accountable expedition to Chaillot ? The meeting at M. de Boigne's rooms was to take place at nine o'clock. The accused could therefore practise for at least an hour, before his friend, M. D’Ecque- villey, need set out with the pistols to keep his appointment in the Rue Pinon. And who, asked M. Duval, was this person styling himself the Vicomte D'Ecquevilley? Who could say anything 230 AN AFFAIR OF HONOUR possession of the true facts. He and Beauvallon, however, were connected by old ties and associa- tions. Both belonged to families which had been settled in the French West Indies for two or three generations, and only recently he had stood second to M. Granier de Cassagnac in his duel with M. Lacrosse. So long as Beauvallon was in peril of his life, he appears to have made up his mind that he would not testify against him. But, once he was acquitted, he was no longer restrained by the same considerations, and on his return journey to Paris he unburdened his mind to M. de Guise. On the day before the duel, he told the surgeon, Beauvallon confided to him that he had “an affair" on hand and asked him to accompany him the next morning to Chaillot, where he intended to practise with a pistol. Meynard agreed and Beauvallon accordingly called for him, soon after six o'clock, and took him to the house in which M. D'Ecquevilley lodged at Chaillot. Here, in the garden, Beauvallon proceeded to fire a number of shots against a wall upon which Meynard himself marked out a target with a stone. On this occasion he used a pair of duelling pistols and a pair of horse pistols belonging, he was told, to D’Ecquevilley. With both sets of weapons his shooting was remarkably accurate and Meynard congratulated him on his skill. About half-past eight, D'Equevilley went off to meet the other seconds at M. de Boigne's, whereupon Mey- nard departed with Beauvallon, who presently left him and entered an omnibus going in the direction of the Rue Saint-Lazare. Very soon after the duel, AN AFFAIR OF HONOUR 231 Meynard was obliged to go to the West Indies on business of urgent importance. Consequently, he heard nothing of the rumours of foul play which began to circulate in Paris almost immediately after the affair, and it was only on the eve of Beauvallon's trial that he returned to France. In explanation of Meynard's story, it should be pointed out that Beauvallon had a perfect right to practise before meeting his antagonist. The allega- tion of foul play brought against him was based on the suspicion that he had practised with the particu- lar pistols afterwards used in the duel. Meynard, when he watched his performance in the garden at Chaillot, had no idea that he was witnessing a most unlawful proceeding. Needless to say, he was not informed that D’Ecquevilley proposed to declare to Dujarier's seconds that the pistols which Beauvallon was handling so skilfully were a pair with which he had never fired a shot. Nevertheless, even under these conditions, it is truly extraordinary that Beau- vallon should have run the unnecessary risk of taking M. de Meynard with him to Chaillot. It is quite impossible to suggest any reasonable explanation of his conduct, on this occasion. Presumably, it should be set down to that unaccountable aberration of intellect which so often seems to overtake the criminal and bring about his undoing. M. de Guise, who was, apparently, not pledged to secrecy, talked freely about Meynard's disclosures and the authorities once more were moved to take action. An inspection of the wall in the garden of D’Ecquevilley's house, revealed the presence of AN AFFAIR OF HONOUR 233 seems to have comported himself with even more than his usual insolence. Not content with stalking defiantly about the precincts of the Court and with staring aggressively at the witnesses for the prosecu- tion, he went the length of addressing one of them in threatening language. The man complained and M. Granier received a severe rebuke from the Court. But Beauvallon escaped less easily. After he had flatly denied a statement made by M. de Meynard, the President committed him for perjury. Shortly afterwards, D'Ecquevilley was found “Guilty” and received a well-deserved sentence of ten years' imprisonment. Beauvallon's trial for perjury took place in Paris, on October 8th, 1847. On this occasion, M. Yancia- comi officiated as President, while the prisoner was defended by M. Capo de Feuillide, who was rather a journalist and a man of letters than a trained lawyer. In reply to the President, the prisoner per- sisted in denying that he had fired any practice shots in the garden of the villa at Chaillot. In regard to that Meynard's story was a mere tissue of lies. When his examination was concluded, the further proceed- ings consisted largely in a repetition of the evidence which had been given at Rouen. The Vicomte d'Alban was, however, called to show that Beau- vallon was a fitting associate of D’Ecquevilley, the sharper. He related how at the Casino at Madrid he had been present when he was caught with a card secreted in his sleeve. Devismes, the gunsmith, deposed that Granier de Cassagnac's pistols were perfectly clean when they were removed from his 234 AN AFFAIR OF HONOUR shop, but that they were very dirty when they were returned the next day. Far dirtier, he evidently wished it to be understood, than he would have expected to find them after a single exchange of shots in a duel. It was clear, however, from the first that the issue of the trial would depend upon the amount of credence which the jury would be prepared to attach to M. de Meynard's story. In confirmation of it, Mlle Valory, his mistress, swore that at an early hour on the morning of the duel Beauvallon called and carried off her lover to Chaillot. Could the accused, inquired the President, suggest any reason why his former friend should seek to ruin him by describing a series of events which had never taken place ? Jealousy was at the bottom of it, he replied, they were rivals in a love affair. Both had courted the same married woman and, in proof of his assertion, he handed in two of the lady's letters. These were read out in Court and, although they contained some mention of Meynard, there was not a word in them which lent colour to the prisoner's assertion that he harboured any vindictive feelings towards him. The President, who was at no pains to conceal his opinion that these letters should never have been put in, declared that the incident was closed and that no further reference to it could be made. It is plain that Meynard impressed all who heard him with his perfect sincerity. And, as M. de Thorigny, in his closing address for the prosecution, explained to the jury, if they believed him they must necessarily come to the conclusion that the accused had sworn falsely AN AFFAIR OF HONOUR 235 at D'Ecquevilley's trial. In the present case they were not concerned with the conditions laid down for the duel. It was immaterial to them whether the prisoner did, or did not, fully understand the stipula- tions to which his seconds had subscribed. The question for them to decide was simply whether he had, or had not, practised with a pistol in the garden of D’Ecquevilley's house, on the morning of the duel. The jury when they retired were not long in making up their minds on that point. After an absence of ten minutes only, they returned to Court with a verdict of “ Guilty”; in consequence of which Beauvallon was sentenced to eight years' imprisonment. Beauvallon and D'Ecquevilley were serving their time in the Conciergerie, when the revolution of February, 1848, broke out. Like the other inmates both regained their liberty when the republicans, in celebration of their victory, threw open the doors of the prison. D'Ecquevilley disappeared from this moment and nothing appears to be known about his subsequent fate. Beauvallon, however, returned to the family plantations in Guadaloupe and, when the Second Empire was established, set up a claim for rehabilitation. Under the new régime- of which he was a devoted adherent-Granier de Cassagnac became a person of some im- portance in the journalistic and political world. But the influence which he may be presumed to have exerted on behalf of his brother-in-law was un- availing. On April 21st, 1855, the Cour de Cassa- tion rejected his appeal and declared that his 236 AN AFFAIR OF HONOUR conviction for perjury must stand. The decision was final and after that the public heard no more of M. de Beauvallon. The story of this duel throws a curious light upon what may be termed Bohemian life in Paris and upon the habits and customs of journalists in the last years of the reign of the “ Citizen King.” The unfortu- nate Dujarier, a talented and gifted man, was clearly of opinion that as manager of La Presse it was a necessity of his position that he should have been concerned in an affair of honour. As he told his friend Dumas, once he had been “out,” they would leave him in peace. It was under the influence of some such idea that he went to the party at Les Frères Provençaux. His refusal to allow his mistress to accompany him and his own behaviour at the supper table suggest that he may have desired to pick a quarrel with Roger de Beauvoir. The dispute with Beauvallon, during the game of lans- quenet, was perhaps an accidental affair. Neverthe- less, he must have known that he was on the staff of Le Globe and was the brother-in-law of his arch- enemy, Granier de Cassagnac. In such circum- stances, unless he wished to provoke a quarrel, it behoved him to be very careful in his dealings with him. He had, however, drunk freely and was, probably in addition, one of those men who invari- ably display their most unpleasant characteristics at the card-table. “M. Dujarier,” said Collot, the proprietor of Les Provençaux, in his evidence, “ was a most amiable person, but I have always been told that he was very disagreeable at cards.” Nor do the AN AFFAIR OF HONOUR 237 facts of the case appear to justify the presumption that Beauvallon came to the supper with the deliberate intention of quarrelling. The next day, however, he doubtless told his brother-in-law and his friends at Le Globe that Dujarier had not been very polite to him the previous evening at Les Provençaux. It may safely be presumed that Granier de Cassagnac at once realized that his opportunity for revenge had come. He had numerous old scores to settle with Dujarier for which he could not himself demand satisfaction, by reason of the money question which had arisen between them. But it is hardly open to doubt that he urged his brother-in-law to make the dispute at the card-table a pretext for calling him to strict account. Thus the unfortunate man was confronted by the alternative of subscribing to a humiliating apology or of meeting a skilled antagonist in a duel. In the subsequent proceedings, the dishonourable behaviour of Beauvallon and D’Ecquevilley has been fully related and calls for no further comment. When Dujarier fell in the Bois de Boulogne with a bullet through his head he was the victim of a dastardly conspiracy. Only in irony can it be said that he met his death in “ an affair of honour." GEORGE IV AND THE JOCKEY CLUB T rare intervals a copy of a curious work entitled Genius Genuine, by Samuel Chifney, of Newmarket, finds its way into the sale room. On these occasions, it is stated in the catalogue that it was suppressed by the Prince Regent. The fact that it is a scarce book suggests that this description may be correct although it contains nothing offensive to His Royal Highness. It is probable that no great number of copies were printed, seeing that five guineas was asked, in the first instance, for the book, which consists of 170 pages only and is little more than a pamphlet. It is, however, the only detailed account which exists of the Escape affair—the business which in the words of Thackeray “created so much scandal ” in its day. Biographers of George IV and turf historians have all referred to the case and most of them, including Thackeray himself, have declared that no blame attaches to His Royal Highness. As regards his jockey, Samuel Chifney, they are hardly so unanimous. Writers on turf matters, however, have, on the whole, shown a strong disposition to give him the benefit of the doubt. In his memoirs of George IV, Robert Huish suggests that the scandal originated with certain highly connected 238 GEORGE IV & THE JOCKEY CLUB 239 villains whom the Prince justly suspected of cheating with false dice. Having succeeded in avoiding actual detection, they in revenge put about stories that the Prince had been guilty of malpractices on the turf. These came to the ears of the stewards of the Jockey Club and influenced their decision, when they held their inquiry into the running of Escape. A tale so absurd would not be worth the trouble of mentioning, were it not that “ Nimrod” in The Chase, the Turf and the Road, Sir Theodore Cook in his History of the English Turf, and an anonymous writer in the Quarterly Review have emitted the opinion that the facts do not warrant the unfavourable verdict upon Chifney's proceed- ings passed by Sir Charles Bunbury and his two fellow-stewards. All the great classic races, the Derby, the Oaks, the St. Leger, the 2000 and the 1000 guineas date from the reign of George III. Prior to his time, the sport was the amusement of a comparatively few gentlemen. But it is only necessary to glance at the Racing Calendar for 1791, the year of the Escape scandal, to see how greatly the love of racing had developed and how numerous were the meetings held all over England. Many of these have dis- appeared, but Newmarket, Epsom, Ascot, Chester, York, Doncaster and several others have survived with undiminished popularity down to the present day. A further reference to the same work, the publishing of which was already a monopoly of the Weatherbys, shows, however, that the races them- selves differed considerably from “the events” 240 GEORGE IV & THE JOCKEY CLUB which in these days make up the race-card. The running of two-year-olds had only recently been sanctioned, handicaps in the modern sense of the word had no existence and selling races had not yet been invented. The programme, consequently, was made up chiefly of sweepstakes and subscrip- tion stakes for three-year-olds and upwards, supple- mented, possibly, by a King's Plate of 100 guineas. Matchmaking, however, was a very popular amuse- ment and, at Newmarket especially, several "events" of that kind generally helped to swell " the card” which to modern eyes seems singularly meagre. As racing developed, the bookmaker, known as a “ blackleg” or more usually simply as a “leg " made his appearance. In earlier days the wagering was often very heavy, but gentlemen had to carry it on among themselves and there were obvious objections to that. Hence the Jockey Club, far from frowning upon the professional betting man, appears to have encouraged him to ply his business. The number of these persons, consequently, increased rapidly and, at the time when George, Prince of Wales, was upon the turf, a man could back his horse to win a large stake under far more favourable conditions than he could to-day. And in those times every owner betted, the non-betting owner is a product of comparatively recent years. But the ring as an institution brought certain evils in its train. The regular betting man was not necessarily a mere mechanical layer of the odds, he was some- times a backer of horses. Highly convenient as a gentleman might find it to have at hand a set of 242 GEORGE IV & THE JOCKEY CLUB ably a member of the Jockey Club in 1786. In this same year, however, his pecuniary affairs reached a crisis and he was obliged to sell his horses. But, when Parliament agreed to pay his debts and to increase his income, he returned to the amusement which, throughout his life, always afforded him the keenest pleasure. He never was, and, probably, never at- tempted to be, what is known as a judge of racing. Questions of weights and distances, the art of " putting horses together," did not appeal to him. He was always content to leave those important matters to his able stable manager, Mr. Warwick Lake, the brother of the Indian general and administrator, who, in 1804, was raised to the peerage under the title of Baron Lake of Delhi and Leswaree. But, if he troubled little about the intellectual side of racing, His Royal Highness was a genuine lover of horses and took the greatest interest in their training and management. Under the guidance of Mr. Lake, he rapidly formed a most successful stable. In 1790, Neale, his trainer, still described as a “training groom,” had under his charge at Newmarket a string of some of the best horses in England. It was a day of very small stakes, nevertheless, by 1792, his winnings, which included the Derby of 1788, amounted to over 30,000 guineas. In July, 1790, Samuel Chifney 1 Warwick Lake, the younger brother of the ist Viscount Lake of Delhi, was a sinecurist, being a Commissioner of the Stamp Office and a gentleman of the Privy Chamber. He appears to have been a member of the Jockey Club. He died unmarried in 1821, aged 76. GEORGE IV & THE JOCKEY CLUB 243 was retained at an annual fee of 200 guineas to ride for the stable. Samuel Chifney was about thirty-eight years of age and was probably the most accomplished horse- man of his time. It has been said of him that he had finer “ hands ” than any jockey that ever lived, not excepting George Fordham himself. He was, moreover, the inventor of the “ waiting race," the art of reserving a horse's powers for a supreme effort at the finish. Nevertheless, “ the Chifney rush," which became a proverbial expression in racing circles, referred not so much to his methods as to those of his son, the younger Samuel. In his career he had been very successful, having won, at various times, most of the principal races—the Derby of 1789 on the Duke of Bedford's Sky- scraper, the Oaks of 1782 on Lord Grosvenor's Ceres, a performance which he repeated, the follow- ing year, for the same owner, on Maid of the Oaks, and, in 1790, he won this race, for the third time, on the Duke of Bedford's Hypolita. It is probable that Chifney was in many respects in advance of his day. But it is impossible to read his book without coming to the conclusion that he was a singularly vain and conceited man. His remarks on the subject of riding and training speak for themselves. “In 1775," he writes, “ I could train horses for running better than any person I ever yet saw. Riding I learned myself, and training I learned from Mr. Richard Prince; and where horses are trained by dolts that have been brought up under cobblers, there is much room for me to know more of the 244 GEORGE IV & THE JOCKEY CLUB horses being fit or unfit for running, that they train, than they do themselves, if nothing unfair. I don't talk to grooms (trainers) about horses; what I have to say about horses, I say to the noblemen and gentlemen. This has occasioned me to be very much hated and abused by those of this profession and their colleagues." Very soon after he had engaged himself to the Prince, Chifney went to York to ride the five-year- old Escape. This horse was by Mr. Tattersall's famous stallion, Highfiyer by Herod, and had been bought from a Mr. Franco by His Royal Highness, after he had somewhat unexpectedly won the Town Plate at the Newmarket First October Meeting, of 1788. The following year, he only ran once, when he was matched for 200 guineas to give 5 lbs. to Lord Barrymore's Nimble, Across the Flat (11 miles), a task which he accomplished easily. And, in the Craven week of 1790, he improved upon this performance by beating, over the Beacon Course (4 miles), the Duke of Bedford's “ crack ” Grey Diomed, from which he was receiving 5 lbs. But, two months later, in the Oatlands Stakes, at Ascot, he just failed to give 18 lbs. to Mr. Fox's four-year- old, Seagull. It will be seen, therefore, that up to this point, when he had been ridden by South or some other jockey,' his “ form” was very good and very consistent. His defeat at Ascot should not be regarded as detracting from the general excellence of his performances. On that occasion, he was 1 The old calendars do not give the names of the jockeys unless they were gentlemen riders. GEORGE IV & THE JOCKEY CLUB 245 attempting to concede many pounds more than the weight-for-age scale prescribes to a horse which was greatly" fancied.” That Seagull was regarded as exceedingly “smart” is proved by the fact that, a few weeks later, Lord Barrymore paid 2000 guineas for him, a very high price at that time. Chifney himself was not at Ascot that year, but he always maintained that, from all he had heard, Escape would certainly have won, had his jockey waited with him, in the earlier part of the race. At York, Escape was entered in the two Great Subscription Stakes of 295 guineas which were to be run on Wednesday and Thursday, August 5th and 6th. It was not the Prince's intention to attend the meeting. The year before, both he and the Duke of York had been present, throughout the race week, which became famous in Yorkshire annals for the magnificence of the entertainments given in honour of the royal brothers. But, on this occasion, the Prince decided to remain at Brighton, where Mrs. Fitzherbert was installed, for the autumn, in her house upon the Steyne. Neverthe- less, Chifney learnt, before he left Newmarket, that“ His Royal Highness had taken three thousand to two thousand, in one bet, that Escape won both the Great Subscriptions." Immediately upon his arrival at York, Chifney saw Casborne, Neale's head-lad apparently, who had charge of the horse and asked him whether he were fit to run. Casborne declared himself per- fectly satisfied with him, but Chifney could not agree. He does not give his reasons very clearly GEORGE IV & THE JOCKEY CLUB 249 At Tattersall's, Mr. Lake informed Chifney that he had heard from Neale that the Oatlands Stakes horses were well. The race was a sweepstakes of 100 guineas each for starters and was never worth less than 2000 guineas. Moreover, it was always a great betting race and this year the gambling on it was exceptionally heavy. His Royal Highness had four horses entered, the seven-year-old, Pegasus, the two six-year-olds, Escape and Baronet, and the four-year-old, Smoker. The last named was a mere pony of a quite different class from the others, and it is surprising to find that he was entered in such company. Pegasus, by Eclipse, however, was a good horse having a month earlier, at the Newmarket First Spring meeting, won the King's Plate, beating the Duke of Bedford's Cardock. Baronet, by Vertumnus by Eclipse, enjoyed a high reputation at home. The Prince had bought him, early in 1790, from Sir Walter Vavasour for 1500 guineas, and had named him Baronet in honour of his former owner. Soon after the Prince purchased him, he ran un- backed and unplaced in a sweepstakes at Newmarket. But with that exception he had not been seen in public in the royal colours. In the Oatlands Stakes, however, he had 20 lbs. the best of the weights with the penalized Escape. The Ascot meeting was to begin on the 28th, and Mr. Lake proposed to have a trial at Newmarket, in the course of the next few days. Chifney no sooner heard these words than he objected. It were wiser, he considered, to bring the horses south at once and try them upon Epsom 250 GEORGE IV & THE JOCKEY CLUB Downs. Mr. Lake displayed some annoyance and a rather acrimonious discussion ensued. Finally, however, he gave way and it was decided that the horses should be galloped at Epsom, on June 21st, over a two-mile course, at the weights which they would have to carry in the Oatlands. It is impossible to say whether Chifney had some ulterior motive for desiring that they should be tried in the vicinity of London rather than under their trainer's eye, at Newmarket. In view of what subsequently hap- pened it is not improbable that he had. In his book, he says, that it was a matter for Mr. Lake to decide. He simply gave his opinion and felt it his “ duty to persist " in it. Unfortunately, he forgets to mention his reasons for holding that opinion. At dawn, on June 21st, Chifney, who had spent the night at Mickleham, met Mr. Lake at the stables at Epsom, where the horses were standing, under the charge of Bill Price. He describes this man as “ His Royal Highness's second training groom.” As will be seen, however, he also rode when required and, probably, in this trial had the mount on either Escape or Baronet. Chifney had arrived prepared himself to ride Escape. But, directly he heard of his intention, Mr. Lake sharply exclaimed, “ No, I meant you to ride Pegasus; but I don't care what you ride." Chifney said nothing, but changed his weights and made ready to ride as Mr. Lake desired. He considered that he had been subjected to “ unfair usage," but he was afraid “ to recoil against it," lest it might “put a stop to [injure ? ) the Prince's business.” As soon as the GEORGE IV & THE JOCKEY CLUB 251 light permitted, the horses were started and galloped with the following result :- Escape 6 years, gst. rolb. . . . I Baronet 6 years, 8st. 41b. . . . 2 Pegasus 7 years, 9st. . . . . 3 Smoker 4 years, 7st. . . . . 4 Won by a neck. A bad third. Smoker tailed off. Mr. Lake it may be assumed was very elated. The two “ cracks” had simply “ lost ” Pegasus, a recent winner, and he was justified in anticipating with confidence that the stable would play a great part in the Oatlands. In addition, there was the comfortable prospect that a large stake could be landed. Escape stood at 30 and Baronet at 20 to 1. The three-year-old Vermin, who had been second to Rhadamanthus in the Derby, was all the rage. He was owned by Lord Foley, the racing confederate of Mr. Fox, and if they “ fancied ” one in their stable they “ simply piled on” the money. When Mr. Lake set out to ride back to London, Chifney, who proposed to take up his quarters for Ascot at Egham, accompanied him as far as Sutton. On the road they discussed the trial and the coming race. It was Chifney's opinion that, had his jockey not made the running with him, Escape would have beaten Baronet by three lengths, at least. He felt sure that he would run a great horse at Ascot and asked Mr. Lake to allow him to stand fifty guineas on him. But he accompanied this request with a curious stipulation. The next day was a Thursday and, therefore, a betting day at Tattersall's. Strange to say, however, he expressed a wish that his money 256 GEORGE IV & THE JOCKEY CLUB their carriages or from temporary stands which had been erected for the race week. These were simply scaffoldings covered over with canvas and were spoken of as “ booths.” So numerous were they as to form“ an absolute town.” In some of them“ 30 or 40 yards in length" were to be seen “as many as 300 females, among them being beauties of the first distinction. ... On the ground floor and in the annexed marquees provisions were to be obtained with every delicacy which the season can afford.” In truth, concludes the descriptive writer of the Sporting Magazine, there was " every accommoda- tion for the peer, the peasant and the lady of quality or of less rigid virtue.” On Tuesday morning, June 28th, the first day of the races, and the day of the Oatlands Stakes, Chifney went over to Ascot from Egham in good time. Soon after his arrival, His Royal Highness accompanied by Mr. Lake rode on to the course. Chifney placed himself in his way and, directly he saw him, the Prince called him to his side.“ Sam Chifney,'” said he, “I shall run Escape and Baronet only; which do you ride ? Ride which you please, say which you ride, I am in a hurry.'” Chifney replied that Baronet was his choice. These, he says, were the first words which he had as yet exchanged with the Prince about the Oatlands horses. The Prince made no comment, but turning to Mr. Lake bade him tell Bill Price that he was to ride Escape. He and Mr. Lake then rode on up the course. Presently, however, His Royal Highness returned alone and inquired of him why he wished GEORGE IV & THE JOCKEY CLUB 257 to ride Baronet, he had been given to understand that Escape was to be his mount. Chifney replied that that had been the case in the first instance, but he now considered that the horse was “ not well to run." ".Sam Chifney,'” said the Prince, “' Bill Price and Warwick Lake assure me that Escape is as well to run as a horse can be.'» "Bill Price,'" answered Chifney, “‘is an honest fellow,'" but “' he knows no better.'” He then pressed His Royal Highness to strike Escape out of the race. The ground was hard and it were a pity to run the risk of hurting him. He was a better horse than Baronet at the weights and he had little doubt that he was the best horse in England. The Prince did not enter into this question and soon rode away, but, later on, Chifney saw him for a third time. On this occasion, he told him that he had again talked the matter over with Mr. Lake and with Bill Price and that both of them continued to assert most positively that Escape had never been better, “' therefore, I must run him, Sam Chifney, as I shall win such a great deal of money if Escape win.” His Royal Highness next inquired of him what he thought about Baronet. Chifney replied cautiously that the field would number eighteen and that some of them were horses of the highest merit. Nevertheless, he considered that the horse had a good chance. The Prince expressed great pleasure at hearing these words, for he stood to win a large stake on him also, and, in answer to a question as to the amount, which Chifney took the liberty of putting, he named the sum of £17,000 “ as nigh as His Royal Highness 258 GEORGE IV & THE JOCKEY CLUB could guess." Chifney then told him that he had himself backed the horse, a piece of information which seemed to afford the Prince great satis- faction. His Royal Highness saw Baronet saddled and was present at the scales, when Chifney weighed out, to wish him good luck. It proved a close race, but, in the end, Baronet won cleverly from Mr. Barton's Express with Lord Barrymore's Chanticleer third. Escape and the favourite, the heavily backed Vermin, were unplaced. His Royal Highness must have had an exceedingly good day, inasmuch as he won the next race, the Prince's Stakes for three-year-old fillies, over the new mile, with Amelia, by Highflyer. Nevertheless, Chifney was not the recipient of those congratulations and civilities which it might have been expected that the stable manager would lavish upon him, after so successful an afternoon. On the contrary, the only words which passed between them appear to have been of an acrimonious cha- racter. Seeing him standing outside one of the booths Chifney went up to him, whereupon Mr. Lake emitted the opinion that their trial had come out fairly right, as Escape could have been second in the Oatlands. Chifney was amazed to hear him give vent to so false a statement. Escape, as Mr. Lake knew well, was not what is termed “second best,” in fact, he had run very badly, and, if he can be believed, he was moved to reply rather sharply. He could guess Mr. Lake's motives for making an assertion which so ill accorded with the facts. It was clearly his intention to make the Prince believe THE RACE FOR THE OATLANDS STAKES AT ASCOT IN 1791 258 GE could go himself which factior His prese to w in t' Ex ORGE IV & THE JOCKEY CLUB 259 had been right in saying that Escape was fit his race in the Oatlands, Escape was put by ; engagements in the autumn. But before z to the deplorable affair at Newmarket, it is ary to mention that Chifney's riding of two is Royal Highness' horses, Traveller and ver, at York, gave rise to much talk and "se criticism. It is unnecessary to go into Is ; suffice it to say that, when he reached York, ney pronounced Traveller to be unfit. On the r hand, he expressed himself satisfied with eper and wrote to His Royal Highness at Brighton ising him to back the horse in London. Accord- to Chifney, lack of condition sufficiently accounts · Traveller's poor performances, but Creeper's ter inability to beat the Duke of Hamilton's Walnut ok him completely by surprise. So confident was e that he would win, that he betted no less than oo guineas on him, part of which was put on by Mr. Lake and part by Vauxhall Clark. When it came to saddling him, however, he saw at once that something had happened and that he was seriously amiss. “ His carcase was swelled in so extraordinary a manner," in fact, he had never before seen a horse in the same state. But what could he do? It were better, he considered, that all of them should lose their money than that a complaint of keeping the field waiting at the post should be lodged against him. He “ dared not go to the betting stand,” to tell Mr. Lake, and there was nobody at hand to whom he could entrust such a message. In the race GEORGE IV & THE JOCKEY CLUB 259 that he had been right in saying that Escape was fit to run. After his race in the Oatlands, Escape was put by for his engagements in the autumn. But before coming to the deplorable affair at Newmarket, it is necessary to mention that Chifney's riding of two of His Royal Highness' horses, Traveller and Creeper, at York, gave rise to much talk and adverse criticism. It is unnecessary to go into details ; suffice it to say that, when he reached York, Chifney pronounced Traveller to be unfit. On the other hand, he expressed himself satisfied with Creeper and wrote to His Royal Highness at Brighton advising him to back the horse in London. Accord- ing to Chifney, lack of condition sufficiently accounts for Traveller's poor performances, but Creeper's utter inability to beat the Duke of Hamilton's Walnut took him completely by surprise. So confident was he that he would win, that he betted no less than 200 guineas on him, part of which was put on by Mr. Lake and part by Vauxhall Clark. When it came to saddling him, however, he saw at once that something had happened and that he was seriously amiss. “ His carcase was swelled in so extraordinary a manner," in fact, he had never before seen a horse in the same state. But what could he do ? It were better, he considered, that all of them should lose their money than that a complaint of keeping the field waiting at the post should be lodged against him. He “ dared not go to the betting stand," to tell Mr. Lake, and there was nobody at hand to whom he could entrust such a message. In the race 260 GEORGE IV & THE JOCKEY CLUB Creeper could scarcely gallop and was, of course, beaten easily. Creeper, Chifney asserts most positively, was the victim of foul play and he accuses Casborne, who again this year was in charge of the Prince's horses at York, of poisoning him. Now, in fairness to Chifney, it should be said that Casborne appears to have been a rogue. Some few years later, he is said to have been implicated in an undoubted case of horse-poisoning and to have lost his situation. But is it credible, if Creeper were “ swelled " and in the condition which he describes, that Chifney could not have found some means of communicating with Mr. Lake ? It is very improbable that the saddling paddock at York was at any great distance from the betting-stand. Doubtless, it was too late to hedge or to save the stable money. But was it not his duty, was it not, indeed, essential for the sake of his own reputation, to call Mr. Lake's attention to Creeper's extraordinary appearance ? Can anyone believe that an honest jockey, in such a situation, would not have contrived to find a messenger whom he could trust ? Even at the risk of incurring the anger of the starter, he would surely, in some way or another, have managed to apprise Mr. Lake that the horse had suddenly developed a mysterious ailment. In 1791, there were more racing days at New- market than there are now, notwithstanding that there were only seven meetings, as against eight, at the present time. A week's racing at Newmarket, however, then began on Monday and did not GEORGE IV & THE JOCKEY CLUB 261 conclude until Saturday. Races were habitually run on no less than nineteen different courses, the majority of which are now seldom, if ever, used. Practically speaking no stands existed, although contemporary prints prove that some box-shaped erection was set up at “ the top of the Town” and Chifney speaks of a “stand-house ” on the Round Course. Every spectator, whether he were a gentleman or whether he were “ a leg," had his hack. He might drive up to the course in a carriage and might sit in it between the races, but it was on horseback that he made his bets and watched the running. In the neighbourhood of the different courses“ betting posts” were put up, around which “ the legs” on their hacks would assemble and form a ring, a scene which Rowlandson has so graphically portrayed. Very few ladies were to be seen upon the heath. Indeed, in those years in which the Prince of Wales so constantly visited Newmarket, their numbers appear rather to have diminished than to have increased. Before she ran away from her first husband, Sir Charles, Lady Sarah Bunbury, as is shown by her letters, frequently attended the races and found much to amuse her. “ Newmarket was charming, all the charming men were there,” she wrote not long after her marriage. The Duchess of Bolton, who apparently took a real interest in racing, is said to have introduced Lord Barrymore to Newmarket. A few years later, on the occasion of the great match between Hamble- 1 The Round Course was on what is known as the July Course. The Stand at the top of the town was called the Duke's Stand. 262 GEORGE IV & THE JOCKEY CLUB tonian and Diamond, the Sporting Magazine records that another Duchess, the Duchess of Gordon, was present, having driven over from Culford. It is evident, however, that generally speaking ladies of quality did not go to Newmarket. And if any of “ less rigid virtue,” to quote again the words of the Sporting Magazine, visited the town during a race week, they, doubtless, kept discreetly in the back- ground. The Jockey Club, in 1791, was only beginning to assume its legislative functions and had not yet fully acquired the authority which has since been vested in it. Many of its members, who certainly numbered over 100, still regarded it simply as a social club, enabling owners of horses to meet and discuss their affairs in comfort. It does not appear to have been unduly exclusive, although a proper discretion was exercised over the admission of members. Thus, greatly to his indignation, Dennis O'Kelly, the owner of Eclipse, never succeeded in becoming a member, but at his death no opposition seems to have been raised to the election of his nephew and heir, Andrew O'Kelly. About 1750, the need of some headquarters at Newmarket was felt and the Club, accordingly, leased a plot of ground on which a house was built, for the accom- modation of those members who were without residences of their own in the town. A portion of this building consisted of a coffee-room, to which the name of the New Coffee Room was given, and gentlemen who did not belong to the Jockey Club were under certain conditions allowed to use it. GEORGE IV & THE JOCKEY CLUB 263 Before they could enjoy this privilege, however, they had to be proposed by a member and to emerge successfully from the ordeal of a ballot. Later on, members of White's and Brooks's Clubs were admitted without election. In 1792, an anonymous work appeared entitled The Fockey Club, or a Sketch of the Manners of the Age. The author was a Mr. Charles Pigott who, throughout his life, appears to have been known by the elegant nickname of “the louse.” He had himself been a member of the Club, but being com- pletely ruined had been forced to retire from it. In despite, he brought out his book, which purports to give an account of the members and to describe their characteristics. In point of fact it is simply a scurrilous attack upon a number of men, the majority of whom had, presumably, been his friends. For some of his assertions there may be a foundation of truth, but his book as a whole may be regarded as utterly worthless. It was an age of loose morals and of great extravagance and the members of the Jockey Club, were, doubtless, neither better nor worse than the generality of men of their class. So far as racing was concerned, they certainly carried it on in the true spirit of sport. With few exceptions they were acute judges of racing and were thoroughly conversant with the art of training, as it was under- stood in their day. Some of them, such as the Dukes of Queensberry and Bedford, Lord Sackville, Lord Barrymore, Mr. Delmé Radcliffe, and Captain Vernon were, or had been in their youth, noted gentlemen riders. The last-named was a great 264 GEORGE IV & THE JOCKEY CLUB Newmarket character, and in his obituary notice, when he died in 1800, at the age of eighty-five, he is spoken of as “the father of the turf.” In White's betting book, on the occasion of a wager laid him by Lord March, the Duke of Queensberry, "Old Q” that was to be, he is described as “ Captain Dick Vernon," alias “ Fox," alias “ Jubilee Dicky,” while Horace Walpole alludes to him as “ Mr. Vernon, the jockey." His career was remarkable and cer- tainly goes to prove that his reputation for astuteness was thoroughly justified. Having begun life as an ensign in the First Guards, with a modest patrimony of £3000, he died in possession of a “useful string” of racehorses and, it is said, a fortune of £100,000." Sir Charles Bunbury of Great Barton, near Mildenhall, was, in 1791, the senior steward of the Jockey Club. It was, undoubtedly, owing to the proximity of Great Barton to Newmarket that he held the office for so long that he came to be described as the Club's “ perpetual President." He was chiefly responsible for the abolition of the practice of running races in heats, for the shortening of the lengths of courses and for the introduction of two-year-old races. He had a remarkable know- ledge of all the details of horse-breeding and of racing and as an owner achieved some notable successes. The opening line of the famous Receipt for Making a Jockey, “ In Queensberry's head put Bunbury's eyes,” is an allusion to the keenness of 1 ist Guards. Richard Vernon, Ensign and Lieutenant 22nd November, 1744. Lieutenant and Captain 12th January, 1747. Retired October 30th, 1751. 266 GEORGE IV & THE JOCKEY CLUB as was known as “ the Bloomsbury Gang.” For all that, it is clear that the young Duke was endowed with much natural shrewdness, and, if he generally deferred to “old Dickie's " advice, it is but another proof of his innate good sense. It is to be regretted that more of the Prince's friends did not resemble him. Among the chief frequenters of Newmarket, at this time, there is no more displeasing figure than that of Sir John, “ Sir Jehu," Lade, as he was nicknamed. Readers of Boswell's famous biography may remember that he was the ward of Dr. Johnson's friend, Mr. Thrale, and they may also remember the Doctor's satirical verses on the occasion of his coming of age. Ruin overtook him, as Johnson had foretold, and for the last twenty years of his life- which was prolonged until 1838—he was a pensioner upon the royal bounty. The date of his election to the Jockey Club is not recorded, but Piggott's book shows that he was a member in 1791. As an owner of horses he would not appear to have been very successful, such celebrity as he achieved, in the sporting world, being due to his skill as a coachman. It was as “a whip” that he attracted the favourable notice of His Royal Highness, who seems to have been so entertained by his eccentricities, that he made him into a kind of master-of-the-horse. In deportment and language it was his constant am- bition, says Raikes, to resemble a groom and it was only in keeping with his general habits that he should marry his cook. But Raikes appears to have taken too charitable a view of the case. It is highly GEORGE IV & THE JOCKEY CLUB 267 improbable that Lady Lade ever followed so respectable a calling. According to popular report, she was simply a woman of the town, whose title to fame lay in the intimacy of her relations with Jack Rann, the highwayman, “sixteen-strings Jack," as he was called, who ended his career at Tyburn. After her marriage she acquired considerable pro- ficiency with “ the ribbons," while in the use of coarse and vituperative language not even Sir John himself was her equal. She is said to have challenged another lady coachman to drive four horses eight miles across Newmarket Heath, for 500 guineas. The match for some reason or another never took place, but, if it be true that it was ever proposed, it seems to indicate that Lady Lade was in the habit of accompanying her husband to Newmarket. In 1788 Richard, 7th Earl of Barrymore, was introduced to Newmarket by, it is said, the Duchess of Bolton. He was a young man not yet quite twenty years of age, the owner of great estates and the possessor of a large sum of ready money, the fruits of a long minority. By an arrangement with the money-lenders he was enabled to embark upon his career of extravagance and folly before he had completed his twenty-first year. Unlike Lade, how- ever, he had considerable personal charm and natural abilities. It was his misfortune that he loved notoriety and became his own master at too early an age. Circumstanced as he was, he was enabled to devote his short existence--for he was killed by the accidental discharge of a gun in 1793-exclusively to racing and race riding, to the prize ring, which he 268 GEORGE IV & THE JOCKEY CLUB brought into fashion, and to his passion for acting and theatricals. The profusion of his entertain- ments at Wargrave, where he built himself a private theatre, and the stories which were told of his practical jokes and pugilistic encounters made him the talk of the town, and won for him the celebrity which he prized so highly. His friendship with the Prince of Wales began early in his career, and developed into the closest intimacy. Whether or not he was present at Newmarket, on the memorable occasion when Égalité d'Orleans, greatly to his indignation, was immersed in a fish-pond, he was certainly associated with the Prince in many other diversions of that kind. The nicknames of the Barry family, which are said to have been invented by the Prince, are sufficiently curious to bear reproduction. Barrymore himself was called “ Hell- gate” and his lame brother, Henry, afterwards the 8th Earl, “ Cripplegate.” On another brother, Augustus, who was a clergyman, the sobriquet of “ Newgate ” was bestowed, apparently, because he had not as yet been an inmate of that gaol, whilst their sister Caroline, the Comtesse de Melfort, as she became on her marriage, was known by the, possibly, appropriate name of " Billingsgate." When he met with his fatal accident, Barrymore, although he was not yet twenty-five years of age, was practically a ruined man. According to the Sporting Magazine, however, he had not been a loser upon the turf, having quickly mastered the inticacies of racing, and nobody being cleverer than he at“putting horses together.” Unfortunately, at Newmarket, GEORGE IV & THE JOCKEY CLUB 269 his winnings upon the course were generally dissi- pated at night at the card-table. That Barrymore was a gainer by his racing transactions may well be doubted, although he unquestionably made some successful matches. Nevertheless, it is very possible that he lost more at cards than he did by his betting- book. At Newmarket, the wilder spirits might find occasional relaxation in hoaxes and practical jokes, but it was to play that their evenings were mainly devoted. Buck Whaley records the result of a visit to the town, during a race week, and of his introduc- tion to the Prince and his friends. Irrespective of betting, it cost him £8000, the greater part of which was lost to the Duke of York, who was a far more inveterate gambler than his brother, the Prince of Wales. At the First October meeting, Escape was matched against Grey Diomed for 1000 guineas, over the Beacon Course (4 miles). The year before, in receipt of 5 lbs. he had, it will be remembered, beaten the Duke of Bedford's horse, but he had now to meet him at even weights. Chifney, when he was informed of the conditions, expressed the greatest confidence in Escape's ability to win, and recom- mended the Prince to back him heavily. However, not long before the day of the race, Escape was galloped across the Flat (14 miles) with two stable companions, Don Quixote and Lance, and was beaten easily. On this occasion, Chifney rode Don Quixote, but he does not mention, possibly he did not know, the weights which the different horses carried. Be that as it may, this trial, in his opinion, showed that GEORGE IV & THE JOCKEY CLUB 271 and again reverted to the subject, he gave way. As it was “ his particular wish,” he told Mr. Lake, that he should have a bet, he would ask him to put him twenty guineas on Escape, on whom, at the betting- post, odds of 6 to 4 were being laid. But he only consented “to oblige him," and not because he “ fancied " the horse's chance. He sincerely hoped that he would make that quite clear to His Royal Highness. According to Chifney's account of the match, Escape proved the stouter horse and contrived, after a severe race, to win, almost in the last stride, by a head. As he was returning from the scales, the Prince rode up to him and “ did me the very high honour of taking me by the hand, saying, “Sam Chifney, no person but you shall ride for me.'” Pleased and flattered as he was by His Royal Highness's condescension, his words caused Chifney some uneasiness. It was clear to him that people had been talking about him and that they had been endeavouring to prejudice the Prince against him. It had gone hard with him, he had reason to fear, had he failed to bring Escape home a winner. More- over, Mr. Lake's anxiety that he should have a bet was inexplicable and disquieting. Now, if Chifney's story of the trial be true, it is evident that there were circumstances connected with it which were not disclosed to him. It is possible that Escape's gallop with his two stable companions was not the trial which Chifney believed it to have been. Mr. Lake's unshaken confidence in the horse's ability to win his match, unquestionably, suggests that he attached no 272 GEORGE IV & THE JOCKEY CLUB importance to what took place that morning. More than that it is impossible to say. Chifney's narrative has been reproduced, as he tells it, and the reader must draw his own conclusions. But this much appears certain. Mr. Lake was growing more and more suspicious of the stable jockey. Two days later, on October 5th, Escape and Grey Diomed fought out their battle again in a Subscrip- tion Stakes, over the same course and at the same weights. On this occasion, Chifney was able to tell, when still a long way from“ home," that Escape had the race in hand. He did not, however, allow him to win easily, but was satisfied to let him secure the verdict by so narrow a margin that the judge's decision was by“ a head only.” After weighing in, he was perfectly frank with Mr. Lake, assuring him that he could now safely match Escape to give 5 lbs. and even more to Grey Diomed. Their horse was, he was confident, “ coming on" every day. On the evening of October 19th, the Wednesday of the Second October Meeting, Chifney was in Mrs. Brett's bar, in company with his friend, Vaux- hall Clark, and several other persons. Presently, a man came in who was furnished with “ the card ” of the next day's racing, which he proceeded to read over. It was in this manner, relates Chifney, that he learnt that Escape had been entered for a sweep- stakes to be run on the morrow. The news came as a surprise to him and caused him “ an unpleasant sensation, for I was fearful that he should be beaten, being doubtful he was not quite fit to run." When he went out, Vauxhall Clark followed him, GEORGE IV & THE JOCKEY CLUB 273 and, as they walked along, inquired whether Escape would win. Undoubtedly, if he were well, was the reply. “Why, is he not well ? '" asked Clark. "'Yes,'” said Chifney, “' he is well, or what they are pleased to call well, otherwise the Prince would not let him be entered ; but I mean if he be well to run, he will win, but if he be not well to run he is likely to be beaten, for there is a strong field against him.'” In a footnote, Chifney adds these words, “I did not think it little or none improper of Mr. Clark asking me this, as the Prince knowing he some- times betted for me, and a public horse like this.” • This explanation appears almost superfluous. If this were all that passed between them, Chifney has no need to excuse himself. The next morning, October 20th, when he arrived upon the heath, His Royal Highness, who was on horseback, bade him approach and said, “"Sam Chifney, Escape is sure of winning to-day, is not he ? '» Chifney, however, expressed some doubts and advised the Prince not to back him, “ . for the odds are likely to be high upon him ; that His Royal Highness might lose a deal of money to winning very little.'” At these words, His Royal Highness “turned short ” from him saying, “' No, I shall not bet upon him, but he is sure of winning.'” Nothing more was said, as the Prince immediately rode away with some gentlemen in the direction of the “ turn of the lands.” i Chifney, however, 1 This conversation evidently took place at the “ top of the town," H.R.H. riding away towards the site of the present Rowley Mile Stand. 274 GEORGE IV & THE JOCKEY CLUB considered the matter anxiously. It had been his intention to tell His Royal Highness that, in his opinion, Escape was not fit to run. For all that, he was so good a horse that he might win, although he had to meet two opponents of good class in Coriander and Skylark. In that event, if he had expressed doubts about his condition, he would certainly “be represented by some as mischievous.” He was greatly troubled and knew not what to do; “My limbs went from me in so extraordinary a manner, I never felt any thing equal to it before.” When the hour for the race drew near, the Prince called him up to the carriage in which he was sitting with Lord Barrymore, and said to him," Sam Chifney, I wish you to make very strong play with Escape, but I will not compel you ; providing there should be good play made by any other horse, you may wait with Escape. . .. I hope you, Sam Chifney, perfectly understand.'” His Royal Highness then ordered the carriage to drive to the betting-post. While he had been talking, “ Mr. Lake had been standing with his horse in his hand, near to the carriage ” and, when the Prince went away, he asked him whether he had received any orders. He answered that he had and repeated them, but did not comment upon them. Only, when Mr. Lake asked him whether he agreed with them, did he reply that he thought that they were wrong. “ If I had my life depending upon Escape's winning to-day,'” he told Mr. Lake, “'I should wish Escape to wait by all means, but as His Royal Highness told me he should not bet upon him, and as I am so often contradicting GEORGE IV & THE JOCKEY CLUB 275 my orders, and as I was not asked my opinion, I thought it would be impertinent of me to offer to give His Royal Highness any more trouble.'” To this Mr. Lake replied, “ “ Well, Chifney, I think, as you do, that Escape had better wait, so you will wait, at all events; and I see the Princes' carriage ; I will go immediately and make everything perfectly pleasant.'” It will be observed that Chifney never conveyed the smallest hint to Mr. Lake that Escape was not in a proper condition to run. After these matters had been settled, Chifney went to superintend the saddling of Escape and, while he was thus engaged, inquired, presumably either of Neale, the trainer, or of his head-lad, whether the horse had had a sweat since he last ran. If he can be believed, he was told that he had had nothing of that kind, since his race with Grey Diomed, a fort- night ago. At the betting-post, however, he was a warm favourite, “the legs ” asking for odds of 2 to i about him, while offering to lay 4 and 5 to 1 against his chief opponents, Mr. Dawson's Coriander and Lord Grosvenor's Skylark. The race, which was over the two-mile course, known as “ Ditch-in," was, in its earlier stages, run slowly and, it was only when the “ turn of the lands" i was reached that the pace became severe. At this point, Chifney discovered that it was not in Escape's power to go 1 The course known as “ Ditch-in” starts at the ditch and finishes at “the top of the town.” The “turn of the lands" would be reached almost directly after passing the present Rowley Mile Stand, and would be about half a mile, therefore, from the winning post. 276 GEORGE IV & THE JOCKEY CLUB - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - up to Skylark and Coriander. Press him as he might, he found that he could not bring him level with the two leading horses, and he, accordingly, dropped his hands and took no further part in the race, which was won by Coriander, Skylark being placed second and Lord Clermont's Pipator third. Scarcely had he pulled Escape into a walk, before the Prince rode up, exclaiming that he had thrown the race away, through not following his instructions, In reply, Chifney expressed a hope that he had not lost his money. “No,'” said the Prince, “'I have not lost a stiver, but that don't argue, for Escape certainly would have won, if you had made strong play with him as I desired you ; and I do tell you, Sam Chifney, that I am a better jockey than Mr. Lake and you both.'” Nothing more was said, at the time, but, while he was changing his clothes, Chifney received a message that His Royal Highness wished to see him. He found him sitting on his horse in company with Mr. Lake, near " the farther winning-post of the Beacon Course." Without stretching the imagination too far, it seems reason- able to suppose that Mr. Lake had been explaining to the Prince that he could not account for Escape's defeat, and that he must, in consequence, beg him to question Chifney sharply. Neale, the trainer, was perfectly satisfied that the horse was well and fit to run. Nevertheless, he had succumbed easily to the five-year-old, Coriander, to whom he was merely conceding 4 lbs. for the difference in their ages. And about Coriander's form no mistake could be made. Only a fortnight before, on October 6th, - - - - . . - - - - 278 GEORGE IV & THE JOCKEY CLUB losing six or seven hundred ; and I wish you to back him, Mr. Lake, and I will back him. Had Escape not run to-day, I should not have wished your Royal Highness to back him to-morrow, for this sharp rally to-day will not fatigue him ; it has caused a good perspiration, so as to lighten him of his flesh, and opened his pores, that he will run both faster and longer to-morrow.'” On the following day, Friday, October 21st, the Prince came up to Chifney on the Round Course, near “the gap," and explained how he wished Escape to be ridden. As his orders, on this occasion, were precisely the same as those which he had given him for the race the day before, they need not be repeated. After he had said all he had to say and had concluded with the words “God bless you," Chifney expressed a hope that His Royal Highness would back the horse. " Yes, I will,'” he called out, as he rode away. Chifney then went to the “Round Course Stand-house and waited till Mr. Lake came down." Having informed him of the orders which he had received from the Prince, he told him that he would “thank him” to put him twenty guineas on Escape. "No,'” replied Mr. Lake, “ . I will have nothing to do with it, there are so many unpleasant things happen.'” It might be supposed that Chifney would indignantly demand some explanation of his words. Apparently, how- ever, he made no observation of any kind. Accord- ing to his account, he was chiefly concerned to think that, owing to Mr. Lake's refusal to bet for him, he might be unable to fulfil his promise to His Royal GEORGE IV & THE JOCKEY CLUB 281 most unpopular. There was no hostile demonstra- tion. Under the conditions which then existed at Newmarket, no scene of that description could, in any circumstances, take place. It may be, however, that the amazement, amounting almost to consterna- tion, which the Prince saw depicted upon the faces of his friends was as expressive as the roar of an angry mob upon a provincial racecourse. And if he failed to realize the seriousness of the situation from the demeanour of those around him, its full gravity must have been brought home to him by Mr. Lake's first words, as he came up : “ I give your Royal Highness joy, but I am sorry the horse has won ; I would sooner have given a hundred guineas.' ” At the same time, Neale, the trainer, rode “ amongst the noblemen and gentlemen, saying that he hoped their eyes were open now; that it was plain enough now that he was robbed of forty guineas that he had betted yesterday upon Escape.” Before he left the scales, Chifney was aware that serious trouble was in store for him. The Prince sent for him immediately, and repeated Mr. Lake's words to him, adding that he would have to explain them. “ Yes, your Royal Highness,'” replied Chifney, “ it is very necessary that he should explain himself.'”. Nothing more, however, was said on the subject that afternoon. The next morning, Chifney was summoned to attend upon His Royal Highness, while he was still in his dressing-room. It is evident that Sir Charles Bunbury, the evening before, had had a serious talk with the Prince. It may be presumed that he told him that he and his fellow-stewards were very 282 GEORGE IV & THE JOCKEY CLUB suspicious of his jockey, not only by reason of the inconsistencies in Escape's running, but because of certain other circumstances which had come to their knowledge. The nature of some, at least, of this information can be deduced from Chifney's account of what passed, when His Royal Highness rejoined him in the room to which he had been conducted, after he had left the royal dressing-room. Beginning with the words, “ I have sent for you upon very unpleasant business,' " the Prince went straight to the point. He had been informed that, after the race two days ago in which Escape had been beaten, Chifney had received 600 or 700 guineas, and that yesterday he had won very much the same sum, in the race in which he had been successful. In both these transactions Vauxhall Clark was said to have been his agent. And there was another affair in which he had been concerned with him. “'I am told, Sam Chifney,'" said the Prince, “' that you were arrested, at Ascot Heath, for £300, and that Vauxhall Clark paid the money for you.'” It was the first he had heard of any intervention by Mr. Clark on his behalf, he assured His Royal Highness. There was not a word of truth in the whole story. Nor was there any foundation for the charge that he had won a large sum of money through Escape losing his race. He had not profited by his defeat to the extent of a shilling, and in the second race his only bet had been one of twenty guineas, which was made for him by Mr. Vauxhall Clark. If that were so, asked the Prince, would he consent to take an affidavit to that effect ? He would do so readily, 284 GEORGE IV & THE JOCKEY CLUB parted from Sir Charles and rode towards the betting-ring, where he sat upon his horse deep in thought for a few minutes. Presently, however, he addressed Chifney saying, “ 'Sam Chifney, this business should be explained.'” “'Your Royal Highness."" answered Chifney, " I don't know how to explain it.'” Shortly afterwards, before racing was concluded, the Prince rode off the heath and returned to town, and Chifney, following his example, went home. It has already been pointed out that the stewards, in 1791, had not the authority which they have since acquired. A jockey was simply a servant of his employer and was not, as now, a person who, in order to ride, must be in possession of a licence which the stewards could revoke at any time It is true that the stewards could then disqualify a man who disobeyed their rules from riding at Newmarket, but, in theory at least, their jurisdiction over him did not extend beyond that. In practice, however, their powers were, doubtless, considerably more extensive. Nearly all the principal owners belonged to the Jockey Club and, should the stewards pro- nounce a rider to have been guilty of serious mal- practices, few, if any, members of the Club would “ put him up,” and he would, in consequence, be deprived of his livelihood. It will be observed that Chifney was not summoned to appear before the stewards, but was asked whether he would consent to submit himself for examination. The date of Chifney's appearance before the stewards, Sir Charles Bunbury, Mr. Panton and GEORGE IV & THE JOCKEY CLUB 285 Mr. Ralph Dutton, is not recorded, but it probably took place about ten days later, during the Houghton meeting. According to him, the business was very quickly concluded. In compliance with his promise to the Prince, he had embodied his statements, respecting his bets and his relations with Vauxhall Clark, in an affidavit which the stewards had before them. So long as Sir Charles confined his inquiries to the matter contained in that document, he made no objection to answering them. But, when he pro- ceeded to question him about his riding and to ask why he had waited with Escape, he appears to have adopted a tone which was little short of insolent. Had he, he explains, gone fully into his reasons for riding Escape as he did, he had been obliged to speak of private trials and other matters which Sir Charles had no right to expect him to divulge. Now, admitting for the sake of argument, that the relative merits of Escape and Baronet were so important a stable secret that it could not be revealed, even on such an occasion as this, it was plainly unnecessary to enter into that matter at all, in order to answer Sir Charles's question. And if it were true, as Chifney asserts, that Escape was unfit to run and that he was, in consequence, obliged to treat him tenderly, why should it have been “ improper " to disclose the fact to the stewards, who had been instructed by the Prince, his master, to inquire fully into all the circumstances of the case ? The futility of Chifney's excuses is so transparent that the matter need be pursued no further. The stewards, it may be assumed, finding that Chifney 286 GEORGE IV & THE JOCKEY CLUB was not prepared to answer them frankly, and being in no mood to bandy words with him, simply drew their own conclusions from his attitude and dis- missed him from their presence. Not long afterwards, Chifney received a letter from Sir John Lade desiring him to wait upon the Prince at Carlton House. His Royal Highness, when he presented himself before him, told him that Sir Charles Bunbury had been with him and had communicated to him the result of the inquiry which he and his fellow-stewards had held at Newmarket. In regard to Chifney's riding of Escape, the conclu- sion to which they had come was so unfavourable that they were constrained to inform him that, if he should continue to employ him, no gentleman would run his horse against him. He had protested strongly against this verdict and had loudly proclaimed his belief in Chifney's honesty, but nothing which he could say appeared to make any impression upon Sir Charles. In these circumstances, as he was resolved not to sacrifice his jockey, he had no alternative but to sell his horses and to retire from the turf. A day or two later, Chifney was summoned to Sir John Lade's house in Piccadilly, where His Royal Highness, in the presence of Sir John and of Mr. F. C. Phillips, “ put his hand upon his bosom and said, that he believed that Sam Chifney had been to him very honest” and that he wished him to know that he proposed to continue his salary of 200 guineas a year for his life. “ I cannot,'” he explained, “' give it for your life, Sam Chifney, I can only give it for my own life.'" GEORGE IV & THE JOCKEY CLUB 287 No official record exists of the inquiry' and, were it not for Chifney's book, it would be im- possible to form any opinion about the justice of the verdict. But, after a perusal of it, no impartial person can think that the stewards could have arrived at any other conclusion. No man ever went into the witness-box and convicted himself out of his own mouth more effectually than Chifney in Genius Genuine. How damning is the evidence which he supplies against himself at almost every page. What an extraordinary story he tells of Escape's trial for the Oatlands. Can he seriously expect to be believed when he says that he could perceive at a glance, on entering his box at Ascot, that the horse was amiss. Yet neither Mr. Lake nor Bill Price could see that anything was wrong with him. On the contrary, they were perfectly satisfied that he had never been better in his life. And if he honestly believed that all was not well with the horse, why did he not communicate his fears to Bill Price, who was in charge of him, and inform Mr. Lake ? It is true that he wrote to that gentleman, the next day, but it was only for the purpose of telling him that he no longer desired to stand any money on Escape. He did not, however, ask him to back Baronet for him, but entrusted that business to his friend, Vauxhall Clark. Would it be assuming too much to suggest that Escape in the Oatlands was sacrificed to this man's betting-book ? 1 I take this opportunity of thanking Mr. Weatherby for the great courtesy with which he informed me that no records exist of inquiries, etc., in these early days. 288 GEORGE IV & THE JOCKEY CLUB It seems highly probable that, inspired by Chifney, he had “ got on ” to Baronet at an early date. Chifney, it will not have been forgotten, purposed himself to ride Escape in his trial, but owing to Mr. Lake's objections had to forgo his intention. Once Escape had won the gallop, he would naturally be Chifney's mount in the race itself, while Baronet, the horse which carried his and his friend's money, would suffer the disadvantage that some inferior jockey would ride him. It is hardly possible to doubt that it was to provide himself with a plausible reason for electing to ride Baronet that he pretended that Escape was amiss. Mr. Lake, it will be remem- bered, greatly to Chifney's indignation, maintained that Escape, with Bill Price on his back, ran remark- ably well in the Oatlands and could have been close up at the finish. Without doubt, he was right. It is probable that at Ascot Chifney himself could have won on either Escape or Baronet. Neale, Chifney contends, was incapable of pre- paring a horse to run on some particular day. It necessarily happened, therefore, that Escape being often short of a gallop ran much better on his second appearance than he did on his first. This, he main- tains, is the simple and natural explanation of how he came to be beat, on October 20th, and to win the following day. In truth, what occurred during the Second October Meeting was but a repetition of what took place a fortnight earlier. In the match on October 3rd, Escape could only just manage to beat Grey Diomed by a head. Nevertheless, forty- eight hours later, he met him at the same weights GEORGE IV & THE JOCKEY CLUB 289 and defeated him easily, although Chifney, not wishing to expose him unnecessarily, made it appear that the finish was a close one. This argument would be deserving of very serious consideration, were it not that Chifney's story that Escape “ came on ” so much in the interval between his first and second race with Grey Diomed rests entirely upon his own word. In regard to the events of October 20th and 21st, Chifney maintains that Escape had not had a sweating gallop since his race on October 5th. He personally was aware of the true state of the case, or, at least, strongly suspected it, when, on the evening of the 19th, he had his conversation with Vauxhall Clark in the public-house. Moreover, any doubts which he had on the subject were set at rest by the answer which he received to the question which he put to Neale, or to whoever had charge of the horse, when he was saddling him before the race. It is, however, quite impossible to believe that he was told, as he says he was, that since his race with Grey Diomed Escape had done no real work. While the Prince's horses were under the care of Neale, of whom Chifney speaks so contemptuously, they won an unusual number of races. Mr. Lake, moreover, exercised a close supervision over the stable and Chifney does not suggest that he was a fool, although he disliked him greatly. Nevertheless, he wishes it to be believed that they were both so ignorant of the rudiments of training that they sent Escape to the post in an unfit condition, and were surprised to see him beaten. Indeed, Neale betted forty guineas of his own money upon this horse 290 GEORGE IV & THE JOCKEY CLUB which, according to Chifney, he knew had not had a good gallop for the past fortnight. The suggestion is absurd and does not deserve to be considered seriously. There can be no reasonable doubt that Chifney deliberately lost the race on Escape on October 20th. Sir Charles Bunbury had, doubtless, pene- trated into the innermost heart of the business when he warned the Prince of Wales that his jockey was under a money obligation to Mr. Vauxhall Clark. Extravagance was a family failing of the Chifneys, and the elder Samuel was as improvident as his sons. It is highly probable that he was more or less in the power of this gentleman who had "made betting a science.” As has happened in similar cases, it was the astute wire-puller who prospered and grew rich, while his unfortunate tool was brought to ruin and disgrace. And it may be that poor Chifney was only half a rogue. It was clearly very repugnant to him that His Royal Highness, to whom he appears to have been genuinely attached, should put his money on a horse which was not intended to win. On such occasions, he would generally find some pretext for persuading him to abstain from betting. It is probable that, when he first rode Escape at York, it had been arranged that he was not to win the Great Subscription Stakes. It was too late to prevent His Royal Highness from backing him, but by impressing upon Mr. Lake that the horse was amiss he succeeded in inducing him to lay off nearly the whole of the Prince's money. Chifney's reputation never recovered from the 292 GEORGE IV & THE JOCKEY CLUB ing to note, Vauxhall Clark's daughter. Like his brother, the younger Samuel, the jockey, extrava- gance was his undoing and, when he died, he was in very straitened circumstances. Meanwhile, about 1806, the elder Chifney finally quitted Newmarket and took up his abode in London, where he was almost immediately arrested for a debt of £300, at the suit of Latchford, the saddler. He did not, however, long survive the loss of his liberty. The following year he died in great poverty and misery within the Rules of the Fleet. By the end of the year 1792, Escape and all the Prince's horses had been sold and his connection with racing came to an end, for the time being. Some eight years later, however, he again began to form a stable and, from about 1800 onwards, he never ceased to own and to run horses. But, although he thus returned to the turf, it was with the fixed determination of never entering a horse at Newmarket or of setting foot upon the heath. And both as Prince Regent and as King he always adhered to this resolution, notwithstanding that the Jockey Club petitioned him to reconsider his decision. His motives for adopting this course can only be surmised. Was he to the day of his death convinced of Chifney's integrity and did he, in consequence, regard himself as bound to make some 1 Sporting Magazine, XXVI, p. 235. The petition was drawn up after a full meeting of the Club at Brighton, during the August meeting of 1805. It contained the words “the members deeply regretting your absence from Newmarket earnestly en- treat the affair may be buried in oblivion." GEORGE IV & THE JOCKEY CLUB 293 protest against an unjust verdict ? Was he simply affronted that the stewards, without consulting him, should have passed an unfavourable judgment upon his jockey? These and other questions can be asked, but no answer can be returned to them. Without doubt, it was an unfortunate decision, be the reasons for it what they may. It gave rise to the legend, which still survives, that as Prince of Wales he was involved in his jockey's malpractices and was warned off Newmarket Heath. It is said that as George IV, in the course of a journey, he once drove rapidly through the town. What thoughts of old days must the sight of the Heath and the High Street have evoked. What recollec- tions it must have conjured up of good horses that were gone and of friends and associates who were no more, of Bedford and Égalité, of Charles James Fox and Barrymore. THE END INDEX ADAMS, Samuel Thomas, Coroner | Bertrand, Arthur, 198, 199, 200, of the King's Household, 210, 211, 216, 222, 225, 159, 163, 164, 172, 174, 185 226, 227 Alban, Vicomte d', 233 Bertrand, Napoleon, 199 Albert, Mme, 199, 200 Biron, Robert John, Q.C., 44 Amelia, race-horse, 258 &n. Annual Register, The, 136 Biron, Sir Chartres, 44 n. Ascot Races, 239, 244, 245, 249. Black Act, The, 241 251, 254, 255, 256 an. Boigne, Charles de, 198, 199, 200, Atkinson, T. Jepson, 64 201, 206, 207, 209, 210, Authentic Records of the Court of 212, 215, 222, 225, 226, 228 England .. : 181-4, 186-8 Bolton, Duchess of, 261, 267 Bravo, Charles Delaunay Turner, BAKER, Valentine, 118 1, 2 sqq. Balzac, Honoré de, 215 Bravo, Joseph, 3, 5, 7, 13-14, 24, Baronet, race-horse, 249, 250, 251, 30, 31, 33, 34, 44, 45 599., 253, 256, 257, 258, 277, 287, 65, 70, 90 288 Bravo, Mrs. Charles, née Camp- Barry, Hon. and Rev. Augustus, bell, formerly Mrs. Ricardo, 268 3 599., 77 599., 88, 89 Barrymore, Henry. 8th Earl Bravo, Mrs. Joseph, 6, 8, 24, 34. of, 268 58, 67, 69, 96 Barrymore, Richard, 7th Earl of, Brooks's, 155 244, 245, 258, 261, 263, Brooks, Mr., 5, 77, 83-4, 97 267-9, 279, 293 Brooks, Mr., 180 Barton, Mr., 258 Brown, Meredith, 65 Beacon Course, Newmarket, 269 Bugeaud, Marshal, 215 sqq., 276 Bunbury, Lady Sarah, 261 Beauvallon, Rosamond de, 192-3, Bunbury, Sir Charles, 239, 261, 196, 197, 200, 201, 202, 264-5, 281, 283–4, 286, 290 203, 204, 206 sqq., 216 399., Burdett, Sir Francis, 160 & n., 161 223, 225, 226, 227, 228, 229 Buscot Park, Berkshire, 3, 8, 67 Beauvoir, Roger de, 190-I, 194. Bushell, Amelia, 24, 30, 58 195, 196, 198, 199, 203-4, Byron, Lord, 291 236 Bedford, Francis, 5th Duke of, CAMBRIDGE, H.R.H. the Duke of, 243, 244, 247, 249, 263, 174, 175 265-6, 269, 293 Campbell, Florence, see Bravo, Bedford, Mr., Coroner, 120, 135 Mrs. Charles Bell, Miss Ann Maria, 24, 27, 59 Campbell, Mrs., 34, 65 sqq., 78, Bell, Royes, 20, 21, 22, 24, 28, 80, 81 32, 47, 49, 50-1, 52, 72, 92 Campbell, Robert, 3, 34, 53, 66 Bentinck, Lord George, 241 Campbell, William, 34, 65 Berard, M. de, 221, 225 Canton, Dr., 114, 117, 122, 129 Berryer, Antoine, 218, 229 Capo de Feuillide, M., 233 295 296 INDEX Cardock, race-horse, 249 Denman, Sir Thomas, 186 & . Caroline, Queen, 180, 186 n., 187 Derby, the, 239, 242, 243, 251, 265 Carrel, Armand, 192 Despard, Colonel, 161 Carter, Mr., Coroner, 28-9, 32-3, | Devismes, 206, 210, 218, 220, 221, 35, 43, 44, 63, 81, 86-7 233-4 Casborne, 245, 246, 260 Devonshire, Duke of, 155 Ceres, race-horse, 243 Diamond, race-horse, 262 Chanticleer, race-horse, 258, 279, Dill, Dr., 73 280 “Ditch-in," race-course, 275&n. Chase, The, the Turf and the Road, Doncaster Races, 239 by " Nimrod," 239 Don Quixote, race-horse, 269 Chester Races, 239 Dubskelper, race-horse, 246 Chifney, Samuel, 238, 241, 242-3 Dujarier, Alexandre Henri, 191, sqq., passim 192, 193 sqq., 208 sqq., Chifney, Samuel, junior, 243, 292 passim Chifney, William, 291-2 Dujarier, Mme, 218, 232 Church, Mr., 175-6 Dumas, Alexandre, 195, 201 599., Clark, Inspector, 31, 371 56 206, 208, 213, 214, 215, Clark, Vauxhall, 253–4, 259, 272–3, 219, 224, 226 279, 282–3, 289, 290, 292 Dumas, fils, 190, 203 Clay, Mr., 106–7, 120 Dutton, Ralph, 265, 285 Clermont, Lord, 276 Duval, Léon, 218, 228, 232 Clifford, Henry, 163 &n. Cochrane, Admiral Lord, 161 &n. ECLIPSE, stallion, 249, 254, 262 Cockburn, Sir Alexander, 43 &n. Ellenborough, Lord, 158 & H., 180 Collot, M., 197, 236 181, 183, 185 Combe, Hervey, 155 Epsom Races, 239 Cook, Sir Theodore, 239 Escape, race-horse, 238, 239, 244, Cookson, Mr., 291 245, 246, 247, 248, 249, Coriander, race-horse, 274, 275-7, 250–3, 256-9, 269, 270 279 sqq., 287 sqq., 292 Cox, Mrs. Jane Cannon, 5, 6, 10 Express, race-horse, 258 sqq., 34, 37, 38-9, 46, 54, 62, 63, 64, 65, 67, 68 sqq., FIELD, Mr. Justice, 43 & n. 80, 81, 86, 88, 89, 90, 91 Fitzherbert, Mrs., 245 s99., 100-1, 103 Flers, Comte de, 198, 200-1, 207, Craven meeting, 244, 247 225, 228, 229 Creeper, race-horse, 259-60 Foley, Lord, 251, 265 Crighton, Sergeant, 153, 154, 156, Follet, Sir William Webb, 165-6, 173 185 &n. Cross, Lord, 36 Fordham, George, 243 Cumberland, H.R.H., Ernest Fox, Charles James, 244, 248, Augustus, Duke of, later, 251, 265, 293 King of Hanover, 140 sqq. Franco, Mr., 244 Cumberland, H.R.H., Henry Fred François, M., 218 erick, Duke of, 140, 188 Cumberland, H.R.H., William GASCOIGNE, 252 Augustus, Duke of, 140, 254 Genius Genuine, by Samuel Chi- ney, 238, 287 DAILY TELEGRAPH, The, 35-6, 37, George IV (see also Wales, Prince 119, 137 of), 187, 238, 240-2, 244-6, Davenhall, Sergeant, 153 248, 250, 252, 254, 256-61, Dawson, Daniel, 241, 275 268 sqq., 273 sqq., 289 599. D'Ecquevilley, Vicomte de, 198, Girardin, Emile de, 191 & n., 192, 200, 206-7, 210 599., 217, 215, 216 218, 221, 225, 226 sqq. | Girardin, Mme. de, 191&n. INDEX 297 266 Globe, Le, 192, 203, 214, 236, 237 | INDEPENDENT WHIG, THE, 179–80 Gordon, Duchess of, 262 Gorst, Sir John, Q.C., 44, 49, 57, | JACKSON, William, 155, 165 n. 58, 63, 103 James, Sir Henry, Q.C., 44 & n., Granier de Cassagnac, M., 192, 48, 55, 59, 69, 77, 82 196, 199, 214, 218, 220, | Jelf, Mr., 185 221, 227, 232, 233, 235, Jew, Joseph, see Joux, Joseph 236, 237 Jockey Club, the, 239, 240, 241, Graslin, Mathew, 143, 151-2, 153, 242 & n., 248, 262 sqq., 171, 173 266, 282, 283, 284, 285-6, Gray, James, 185 291, 292 & n., 293 Great Subscription Stakes, 245, Jockey Club, The, by Pigott, 263, 290 Grey, Mr., see Roberts Johnson, Dr. George, 21 & n., 22, Grey Diomed, race-horse, 244, 269, 23, 24 sqq., 28, 32–3, 36, 270, 271, 272, 275, 277, 46, 49, 50, 51-2, 53-4, 72, 279, 280, 288 sqq. 76, 79, 90, 92, 94 Griffiths, George, 59 sqq. Johnson, Dr. Samuel, 266 Griffiths, Mrs., 82 Joux, Joseph (called Jew), 182, Grisier, 220 184, 185, 186, 189 Grivel, Frederick, 175 KEEBER, Mary Anne, 15 999., Grosvenor, Earl, 243, 247, 275 31-2, 57-8, 74, 99 Guise, M. de, 208, 209, 212, 216, Kingston, Duke of, 247 226, 231 Guizot, M., 215 Knapton, Mr., 246 Gull, Sir William, 25&n., 26–8, LADE, Lady, 266–7 34, 52 599., 58, 59, 65, 79, Lade, Sir John, 266–7, 286 90, 94 Lake, ist Viscount, 242 &n. Gully, Dr. James Manby, 4, 38, Lake, Warwick, 242 &n., 246, 247, 39, 40-2, 43, 45, 56, 57, 249–50, 251–2, 253, 256, 60, 62-3, 66, 67, 69 sqq., 257, 258, 259, 260, 269, 84-5, 88, 90, 91, 95, 96, 270, 271-2, 274 sqq., 287, 97, 99, 102 599. 288, 289, 290 Lance, race-horse, 269 HALFORD, Sir Henry, 151 & n., Lancet, The, 36, 115-16 154, 182 Leigh, Colonel, 291 Hambletonian, race-horse, 261-2 Leigh, Mrs., 291 Hamilton, 5th Duke of, 187, 259 Leopold I, King of the Belgians, Hamilton, Lady Anne, 187-8 Hamilton, Lord Archibald, 187 Lewis, Sir George, 44 & n., 45, 49, Hanover, Ernest, King of, see 53, 61, 65, 68, 80-1, 82, 84 Cumberland, Duke of Lièvenne, Mlle, 191, 195, 223, 224 Harrison, Dr., 17, 18, 19, 28, 35, Lines, Miss Mary, 107 49, 50, 75, 83, 89, 91, 92 Louis-Philippe, 236 Herod, stallion, 244, 254 Highflyer, stallion, 244, 248, 258 M'CALMONT, Mr., 12, 48, 64 History of the English Turf, by McKenzie, Inspector, 115, 116, Sir T. Cook, 239 117, 120 Holker, Sir John, 42 & n., 65, 73-5 Maddox, Charles, 82-3 an. Maid of the Oaks, race-horse, 243 Home, Mr.,afterwards Sir Everard, March, Lord, 264, see Queensberry, 151 & n., 154, 155, 173, 180 Duke of Hope, Edward Stanley, 64 & n. Melfort, Comtesse de, née Lady Huish, Robert, 238 Caroline Barry, 268 Humphreys, Mr., 120, 134 Mellor, Mr. Justice (Sir John), Hypolita, race-horse, 243 43 an. 184 298 INDEX Méry, Joseph, 215 Phillips, T., 181 Meynard, M. de, 229 599. Pigott, Charles, 263, 265, 266 Montez, Lola, 193 & n., 192, Pipator, race-horse, 276 197-8, 199, 205, 213-15, Place, Francis, 160 sqq., 173, 176, 219, 224-5 180, 185, 186 Moody, Miss Anne Maria (“ Mrs. Poland, Sir Harry, K.C., 44 Murray "), 119, 121, 122, | Pollock, Sir David, K.C., 184&ni. 123, 124 599., 134, 137 Polyanthus, race-horse, 291 Moore, Dr., 18, 28, 32-3, 35, 49, Presse, La, 191, 192, 198, 202, 50, 83, 89, 91, 92 203, 236 Murphy, Mr., Q.C., 44, 69 Preston-Lumb, Mr., 106, 107, 108, Murray, Major William, 107, 108, 123 109 sqq., 118 sqq., 129 899., Price, Bill, 250, 253, 256, 257. 136, 138, 139 287, 288 "Murray, Mrs.," see Moody, Miss Prince, Richard, 243 Priory, The, Balham, 6 Neale, Cornelius (valet), 143, 144, Pritchard, John, Dr. Gully's 145, 148, 149, 150, 154, butler, 62-3, 103 168, 171, 174, 181, 182, 183, 186 QUARTERLY Review, The, 186, Neale, Mrs., 145, 150-1, 152, 156, 188-9, 239 171, 172, 175 Queensberry, Duke of, 247, 263, Neale (trainer), 242, 245, 276, 264 281, 288, 289 Newmarket Races, 239, 240, 241, RACING CALENDAR, 179, 239 244, 249, 260-2, 269 sqq., Radcliffe, Delmé, 263 288, 291, 292, 293 Rann, Jack, 267 Nimble, race-horse, 244 Ransom, Mr., 108-9, 115, 120, 122 “ Nimrod," 239 Read, Mr., 158 Noble, Derby winner, 265 Reade, Charles, 42 Norfolk, Duke of, 246 Redwood, Professor (Dr. Theo- Northumberland Chambers, 105-6 philus), 28, 30, 31, 32, 37, Northumberland Street, 105 51, 54-5 Notes and Queries, 187-8 Reid, Mr., 29, 32 Reinette, Gaston, 228 Oaks, the, 239, 243 Rhadamanthus, Derby winner, Oatlands Stakes, 244, 249, 251, 251 252, 254, 256-8 Ricardo, Captain Alexander Louis, O'Kelly, Andrew, 262 3, 4, 65, 66, 68, 99, 104 O'Kelly, Dennis, 262 Ricardo, Mrs., see Bravo, Mrs. 1000 Guineas Race, 239 Charles Ord, Mr., 12 Rieff, M, de, 218, 219 Orleans, Philippe, Duc d' (Egalité) Roberts, John, 106, 107, 109, 112, 268, 293 117. 119, 124 99.136, Oxford, Lord, 291 138-9 Roberts, Mrs., 120, 125, 138 PANTON, Thomas, 265, 284 Roberts, Thomas, 120 Panzera, Antonio, 175 Roberts, William, 108, 111, 112, Parry, Mr. Sergeant, 62, 63, 69, 115, 122, 139 77, 81, 84, 86 Romilly, Sir Samuel, 161-2 Paulet, James, 143, 173 Rowe,' butler to the Charles Payne, Dr. Joseph, 28, 32 Bravos, 17, 18, 19, 24, Pegasus, race-horse, 249, 250, 251 55-7, 98, 99 Phillips, F. C., 286 Phillips, Josiah, 166n., 184, 186, SACKVILLE, Lord, 263, 291 188 Saint-Agnan, M. de, 196, 197 CASANOVA IN ENGLAND By HORACE BLEACKLEY Illustrated. Demy Svo. 15/– net. The story of Casanova's twelve months' residence in London in 1763. Casanova recounts his numerous amours with English beauties with amazing naïveté; he describes the innumerable celebrities he met during his stay in London. Mr. Bleackley has been a careful student of Casanoviana and has identified all the nobility, littérateurs and courtesans whose names are mentioned in the course of the story, and has thrown much light upon incidents that hitherto have been obscure or misunderstood. There will be many hitherto unpublished illustrations from rare prints and portraits. CASANOVA ADVENTURER AND LOVER. BY JOSEPH LE GRAS. Translated with an Introduction by Francis STEUART. Illustrated. Demy 8vo. 12/6 net. “The perfect lover.”—Daily Graphic. “Wrecker of hearts."-Daily Express. “The super-lover.”—Daily Chronicle. “The man who kissed and told." - Glasgow Evening Times. "The paragon of rogues and rakes.”—Pall Mall Gasette. “That amazing old scoundrel." —Bystander. “Casanova's Memoirs form one of the most fascinating books."-Daily Telegraph. " An amorous adventurer."-Truth. "1 "The Germanic Faust,' 'The Romanic Don Juan,' and •The Wandering Jew. in his own personality Casanova embodied much of these three types. The Prince of adventurers.'"-Outlook. “A boasting, amusing, unscrupulous, lying, delightful old scoundrel.”-New Witness. JOHN LANE THE BODLEY HEAD LTD. VIGO STREET, W.1 THE PRIVATE LIFE OF LOUIS XV. With notes by MOUFFLE D'ANGERVILLE. Translated by J. Lewis May. Annotated and am- plified by quotations from original and unpublished documents by ALBERT MEYRAC. Illustrated. Demy Svo. 16/- net. EARLY REMINISCENCES. 1834–1864. By S. BARING-GOULD. With 32 Illustrations. Demy 8vo. 16/- net. Extract from Preface. - It is with diffidence and hesitation that I allow my “Early Reminiscences” to appear in public. Being in my eighty-ninth year, and having spent much of my life in youth abroad, I venture to think that some account of the social changes that have taken place there, as well as in England, may eventually prove of interest." SOME VICTORIAN WOMEN. BY HARRY FURNISS. With Illustrations by the Author. Demy 8vo. 12/6 net, An interesting volume of personal recollections. The char- acters introduced include Lady Wilde, Miss Florence Marryat, Lucas Malet, Mrs. Oliphant, Ada Cavendish, Kate Vaughan, Mary Anderson, Mrs. Humphry Ward, Lady Tree, Kate Greenaway, Lady Butler, Mrs. Brown Potter, Mrs. Cornwallis West, Lady Jeune, Miss Florence Nightingale, and many other fascinating personalities. JOHN LANE THE BODLEY HEAD LTD. VIGO STREET, W. UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN 3 9015 03320 8235 Filmed by Preservation 1995