T H E E T H N I C C H U R C H A N D I M M I G R A N T I N T E G R A T I O N : 
S O C I A L S E R V I C E S , C U L T U R A L P R E S E R V A T I O N A N D 

T H E R E - D E F I N I T I O N O F C U L T U R A L I D E N T I T Y 

by 

L A U R A J E A N B E A T T I E 

B . A . (Hons), U n i v e r s i t y of G u e l p h , 1996 

A T H E S I S S U B M I T T E D I N P A R T I A L F U L F I L L M E N T O F 

T H E R E Q U I R E M E N T S F O R T H E D E G R E E O F 

M A S T E R O F A R T S 

i n the 
F A C U L T Y O F G R A D U A T E S T U D I E S 

D e p a r t m e n t of G e o g r a p h y 

W e accept this thesis as c o n f o r m i n g 
to the r e q u i r e d s t a n d a r d 

T H E U N I V E R S I T Y O F B R I T I S H C O L U M B I A 

A u g u s t 1998 

© L a u r a J e a n Beattie, 1998 



In presenting this thesis in partial fulfilment of the requirements for an advanced 
degree at the University of British Columbia, I agree that the Library shall make it 
freely available for reference and study. I further agree that permission for extensive 
copying of this thesis for scholarly purposes may be granted by the head of my 
department or by his or her representatives. It is understood that copying or 
publication of this thesis for financial gain shall not be allowed without my written 
permission. 

Department of (3&0&^T\+^j 

The University of British Columbia 
Vancouver, Canada 

Date S q p f - I j ftft 

DE-6 (2/88) 



A B S T R A C T 

Consideration o f the significance o f religious institutions i n the experience o f immigrant 

settlement is, at best, marginalized i n immigration and church history literature. The limited 

amount o f research that has been carried out is limited i n time frame and/or by its lack o f 

consideration o f the wider social service functions o f the church. It is rarely recognized that for 

new immigrants, churches can function as critical access routes to the host society or as 

protective cultural communities. Churches provide stability in unfamiliar territory through the 

creation o f a sense o f community, a sense o f place and an extended family o f support. This 

research seeks to understand how the church has served the German ethnic and immigrant 

community; how the church has aided cultural preservation as w e l l as immigrant integration; and 

finally, how some churches have re-defined themselves i n the face o f member 'assimilation,' 

generational changes and neighbourhood transition. For some churches, their mission has been 

extended beyond their original German ethnic community to local neighbourhood residents, 

predominantly o f A s i a n origin. Unstructured interviews w i t h over twenty-five church leaders 

from ten German ethnic churches in Vancouver suggest that for many immigrants, the church 

provided stability and acted as a centre o f social networks through w h i c h , for example, 

employment and housing were found. However, the position o f the church i n maintaining 

culture is significantly more complex; often dependent upon various factors including church age 

and the histories o f immigrant congregations. This research demonstrates that churches have 

significant but generally unrecognized impacts on the immigrant settlement experience and that 

ethnic churches can, but do not necessarily, play supportive roles i n maintaining culture. 

Churches that have recognized the social changes impacting their congregations have found new 

models o f mission to integrate new immigrant communities. 



T A B L E O F C O N T E N T S 

A B S T R A C T p . i i 

T A B L E OF C O N T E N T S p . i i i 

L I S T OF T A B L E S p.v 

L I S T OF F I G U R E S p . v i 

A C K N O W L E D G E M E N T S p . v i i 

C H A P T E R O N E Introduction p . l 

C H A P T E R T W O A r r i v i n g i n the Promised L a n d : The History o f German 

Immigration and Settlement i n Vancouver p. 10 
2.1 Counting 'Germans' 10 
2.2 German Immigration to Canada 13 
2.3 R o l e o f Church Organizations i n German Immigration 

T o Canada 17 
2.4 German Immigration to B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a 18 
2.5 German Immigration to Vancouver 19 
2.6 Settlement Patterns o f Germans i n Vancouver 20 
2.7 Changes i n the South Vancouver Neighbourhood 36 
2.8 Conclusions 38 

C H A P T E R T H R E E Methods, M o d e l s and the Stories o f Vancouver's German 
Churches p.40 

3.1 Research Methodology 40 
3.2 Church Congregation M o d e l s 44 
3.3 German Churches i n Vancouver 52 
3.4 Issues Between German Immigrant Cohort Groups 57 
3.5 German Baptist Churches 60 

3.5.1 Ebenezer Baptist Church 62 
3.5.2 Bethany Baptist Church 64 
3.5.3 Immanuel Baptist Church 66 

3.6 German Lutheran Churches 68 
3.6.1 M a r t i n Luther Evangelical C h u r c h 69 
3.6.2 St. M a r k ' s Lutheran C h u r c h 70 
3.6.3 German Lutheran Church at Oakridge 71 

3.7 Mennonite Brethren Churches 73 
3.7.1 Vancouver Mennonite Brethren 75 
3.7.2 Fraserview Mennonite Brethren 76 
3.7.3 Culloden Mennonite Brethren 77 

3.8 H o l y F a m i l y Catholic Church 78 

i n 



3 . 9 Conclusions 7 9 

C H A P T E R F O U R The R o l e o f the Church i n Service Provision, Settlement 
and A d j ustment p. 8 1 

4 . 1 Social Functions o f the Church 8 2 
4 . 2 Overall Social Significance o f the German C h u r c h 8 8 
4 . 3 Formal Programs and Services 9 0 
4 . 4 Informal Service Functions 9 9 
4 . 5 Sense o f Community and Belonging 1 0 7 
4 . 6 N e w Social Service Roles 1 1 0 
4 . 7 Conclusions 1 1 2 

C H A P T E R F I V E Ethnic Preservation or Immigrant Adjustment? p. 1 1 4 
5.1 The Debate: Encouraging Preservation or Adaptation 1 1 5 
5 . 2 Preserving/Maintaining Ethnic Identity 1 1 9 
5.3 Encouraging Adjustment to Canada 1 2 6 
5 . 4 D o i n g B o t h : Preserving Culture and Facilitating 

Adjustment 1 2 8 
5 . 5 Church Denominational Organizations and the 

Ethnic Church 1 3 1 
5 . 6 Issues o f Cultural Preservation and Adaptation 

i n Other Ethnic Churches 1 3 8 
5 . 7 Conclusions 1 3 9 

C H A P T E R S I X Changes i n the Ethnic Church: F r o m M o n o - to M u l t i - E t h n i c ? p. 1 4 1 
6.1 F r o m Generation to Generation? 1 4 6 
6 . 2 M o v i n g Out and M o v i n g In: Neighbourhood Change 1 5 1 

6 . 2 . 1 Out-Migration 1 5 2 
6 . 2 . 2 In-Migration 1 5 9 

6 . 3 Secondary Factors Affecting German Culture i n the 
Church 1 6 2 

6 . 4 N e w Faces?: Responses to Change 1 6 8 
6 . 5 Optional M o d e l s to R e - b u i l d the Neighbourhood 

Church 1 7 2 
6 . 6 Successful ' A d a p t i n g ' Strategies o f Case Study 

Churches 1 7 6 

6 . 7 Conclusions 1 8 4 

C H A P T E R S E V E N Conclusions p. 1 8 6 

R E F E R E N C E S p. 1 9 1 

A P P E N D I X p. 1 9 8 

iv 



L I S T O F T A B L E S 

Table 2.1 German Immigration to Canada, 1901-1970 p. 17 
2.2 Population o f German O r i g i n , B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a , 1901-1971 p.19 

3.1 Summary o f Characteristics o f the Ten German Churches p.58 

v 



L I S T O F F I G U R E S 

Figure 2.1 Percentage o f Population o f German O r i g i n , 1951-1996 p.22, 26 
2 8 , 2 9 

2.2 Concentration o f Mennonite Population i n South Vancouver, 
1960 p.23 

2.3 Residential Pattern o f Church Members o f T w o Mennonite 
Brethren Churches, 1960 p.24 

2.4 Percentage o f the Total Population using German Language 
i n the H o m e , 1971-1996 p. 3 0 , 3 1 

33 
2.5 Percentage o f the Total Population born i n Germany, 1971, 

1981 and 1996 p.34, 35 

3.1 Y e a r o f Church Establishment p.53 
3.2 A n n u a l Membership o f Three German Churches p.54 
3.3 O r i g i n a l Locations o f German Ethnic Churches p.56 

4.1 Photos o f Various Church Choirs, Sunday School and Y o u t h 
Groups p.95-97 

6.1 Residential Location o f Members o f Ebenezer Baptist Church, 
1963, 1987 and 1997 p.154-156 

v i 



A C K N O W L E D G E M E N T S 

There are so many people who have helped to make this thesis a reality either through 

their direct contributions or their supportive words o f encouragement. I want to first thank my 

supervisor, D r . D a v i d L e y for his thoughtful, insightful and timely comments! H i s confidence 

i n me as w e l l as his consistent interest and encouragement has meant a great deal. I w o u l d also 

like to thank my reader, D r . John Zimmerman for his thorough reading and helpful guidance. 

There w o u l d be little substance to this thesis without the w i l l i n g participation and generous 

contributions o f the ten churches and the over thirty interviewees and informants who gave up 

their time to share their thoughts and experiences on a very personal and often emotional subject 

matter. I hope that this thesis adds encouragement and ideas to their work and visioning 

processes. I must also thank the Metropolis Project (Research on Immigration and Integration -

R U M ) for their generous funding and support as w e l l as Greg Cunningham for the production o f 

the 1996 maps. 

The Department o f Geography has been my home for the past two years and I am so 

pleased to have enjoyed the camaraderie and friendship o f so many fellow graduate students and 

faculty. There are a few friends I w o u l d like to thank i n particular: A a r o n and Margaret have 

been wonderful office-mates, Vincent was my computer hero i n times o f crisis, N e i l and E m m a 

have been wonderful supporters and Jenny has listened to the events o f my good and bad days 

w i t h love and encouragement. There are a few people I want to thank from outside o f the 

department: Jen, K a r e n and A l l i s o n - my crazy Planning friends, my Auntie E r n a - my mother 

away from home, and my friends i n the Graduate Christian Fellowship group at U B C who have 

prayed for me and challenged my faith to grow enormously over the past year. This thesis is 

dedicated to my parents and my sister K a r e n who have, without question, been my greatest 

motivators and inspiration. Their love has been unending and without their wise words and 

unconditional support I w o u l d not be who I am. F i n a l l y , I thank G o d for H i s grace, love, mercy 

and faithfulness. H e has truly provided for all my needs and warmly blessed my life. M a y H i s 

k i n g d o m grow through the work o f H i s church. 



C H A P T E R O N E 

I N T R O D U C T I O N 

D u r i n g our annual visits to Vancouver my family always stayed at my mother's oldest 

sister's house i n East Vancouver i n the heart o f what was, i n the 1950s and 60s, the German 

neighbourhood. M y grandparents were ethnic Germans who immigrated to Canada i n the 1920s 

from Russia, and first settled, like many ethnic Germans, i n Winnipeg. M y grandparents and 

their children moved to Vancouver i n the late 1950s and bought a house on 49th Avenue just off 

Fraser Street. M y aunt consequently purchased a home only a few blocks to the south where she 

still lives. The whole family attended the church at the end o f the street. It was the social centre 

for every member o f m y mother's family. The church housed a German speaking congregation, 

but by the late 1960s it had become 'Canadianized' (compared w i t h the other German churches) 

w i t h E n g l i s h as its language o f worship, although most o f the members remained o f German 

heritage. I remember visiting my aunt's neighbours and church friends across the street, across 

the back lane, next door and around the corner to take over some extra garden tomatoes or to 

deliver something for the church luncheon on Sunday. M a n y o f my aunt's neighbours were a 

part o f her church community and the larger German immigrant population. 

In the last ten to fifteen years there have been enormous changes i n the South Vancouver 

neighbourhood. Fewer and fewer o f my aunt's neighbours are the German people she has k n o w n 

and most are new immigrants from South and East A s i a n countries. It was during the 1980s that 

'For Sale' signs became increasingly common on neighbourhood front lawns. A r o u n d the time o f 

Expo'86, when m y family was visiting, stories were told in my aunt's l i v i n g r o o m about the buses 

o f A s i a n investors seen driving up and down the streets o f East Vancouver; business people 

p i c k i n g out properties on w h i c h they w o u l d make offers to purchase. M y aunt's neighbours are 

1 



n o w almost a l l South A s i a n and Chinese immigrants who have bought or are renting homes 

along her transformed street, where close to half o f the war-time stucco bungalows have n o w 

been replaced by larger, more exotic looking fenced i n houses. M y aunt attends the church at the 

end o f her street, as do most o f her friends and while many have moved away, a core remain 

active. The church o f course has lost a lot o f members over the years as the neighbourhood has 

been emptied o f its German cohort, but it has made a decision to try to minister to its new 

neighbours regardless o f their nationalities or origins. The story o f the German ethnic church is 

the subject o f this thesis. It examines ten churches, a l l begun by German immigrants i n South 

Vancouver, and their historical roots, developments and present ministries. M o r e generally the 

thesis is about ethnic churches and their place in neighbourhoods that experience ethnic 

transition. The ten institutions it studies have been facing enormous challenges i n ministry, some 

because they still c l i n g to their original cultural identity, and others, w h i c h have shed their ethnic 

heritage, because they are looking for means to evolve into multicultural or 'Canadian' churches. 

This thesis aims to bring together several strands o f research on the themes o f religion, 

ethnicity, immigration and neighbourhood by examining the role that the ethnic church has 

played i n the German community i n Vancouver. O n a general level it examines the role that 

religious institutions play i n immigrant settlement and more specifically investigates the 

significance o f the church i n the German community. It also considers the changing role o f the 

church i n a neighbourhood that has experienced an out-migration o f Germans and in-migration 

o f several other ethnic groups. Research was carried out through a literature review, by 

examining census data, by selectively analysing church records, and through qualitative 

interviews w i t h church leaders and pastors i n the German ethnic churches. The thesis 

investigates three themes: the church as a provider o f social services; the church as a venue for 

2 



maintaining an ethnic culture; and the church as an institution experiencing and constructing a 

new cultural identity. 

The rationale for choosing the German population is threefold. A s the greatest period o f 

German immigration to Vancouver was just prior to and after the Second W o r l d War, the 

churches established at the time o f arrival are now aging thus providing a longer term perspective 

on the role o f the church i n balancing ethnic preservation versus social integration over several 

generations.1 Second, the spatial dispersion and social integration o f the German population has 

increasingly deprived the churches o f their ethnic constituency, and led to deep and sometimes 

anguished reflection on their present and future ministry. Third, and more personally, this is a 

community to w h i c h I had access through my extended family but w h i c h I could study without 

feeling compromised as I have not actively participated i n it. The focus o f the research is on the 

churches and less on the German community as it extends beyond the church. Though a 

substantial amount o f time is devoted to German immigration and settlement i n Vancouver, it is 

necessary to establish this context i n order to examine the role o f the church w i t h i n that 

community and to understand both the generalities o f the role o f the church as w e l l as the 

particular circumstances that may only be characteristic o f the German churches because o f 

historical events. 

The church as an institution that aids and affects immigrant settlement is a topic that has 

been overlooked i n much o f the work on immigrant integration and ethnic churches2 but there 

1 The research is a part of a larger study on ethnic churches in Vancouver funded by the Metropolis 
Project. Two other studies by Dr. John Zimmerman (Carey Theological College) and Dr. Edwin Hui (Regent 
College) are respectively studying the Korean and Chinese churches in the Lower Mainland. These two groups of 
ethnic churches w i l l provide an alternative perspective through documenting social services and cultural 
preservation in much more recently established churches. The Chinese and Korean churches are currently at much 
earlier stages of their life cycle than the German churches discussed here. 

2 See Warner (1998) for greater elaboration. 



has been some more general research examining the influence o f religion i n the experience o f 

immigration. Palinkas (1989) examined the significance o f the church for Chinese immigrants i n 

the United States, W i l l i a m s (1988), the integration o f Indian and Pakistani religions into the 

A m e r i c a n urban landscape, while in Warner's (1998) edited book over a dozen transplanted 

religious communities and groups are presented by various A m e r i c a n researchers o f religion. 

There are several reasons why research presented i n this thesis is valuable in the context o f the 

larger body o f literature on ethnic churches. W h i l e several authors have reported on the 

significance o f the ethnic church i n immigrant life (for example M i n 1992; Henry 1994; 

K a n t o w i c z 1995) few have examined the ethnic church from a long term perspective. A s 

M u l l i n s (1989) notes, religion often influences the maintenance o f ethnicity but few researchers 

have analyzed the "long-term effectiveness o f ethnic churches as agents o f cultural preservation" 

( M u l l i n s 1989:5). Part o f the uniqueness o f this study is that it profiles an ethnic community 

over a longer time period than most studies are able to offer; the age o f my case study churches 

range from thirty to over seventy-five years. A s a result o f the age o f these institutions, they 

have had the opportunity to move through a life cycle o f growth, development and decline. Thus 

their experiences over the long term open a valuable window through w h i c h to v i e w the church's 

experiences i n dealing w i t h generational changes and local neighbourhood transformation. 

A second contribution o f this thesis is its comparison o f cultural issues across church 

denominations that have the same immigrant base, thus allowing for an examination o f the 

influence o f denominational bodies on the preservation o f culture w i t h i n the church. Nagata 

(1986; 1987) was the only other author to explore the role o f churches i n the integration o f 

South-East A s i a n immigrant groups by comparing different denominational policies or attitudes. 

In most o f the w o r l d there is a close geographic relationship between religion and 

4 



ethnicity. Indeed geographers o f religion, though they are few, have attempted to draw 

relationships specifically between landscape and religion, examining social, cultural and 

environmental associations and effects. R e l i g i o n as a human institution and the relationship 

between religion and human and physical settings have dominated the literature o f the geography 

o f religion (Park 1994; see also Isaac 1961, Sopher 1967, K o n g 1990). D r a w i n g a l i n k between 

religion, geography and immigration is quite natural because migration is the primary vehicle for 

the diffusion o f religion and religious institutions at varying scales (Park 1994). Park identifies 

ways that religious landscapes are altered through migration; first, when groups are driven to 

new territories by religious persecution and second, when groups who are motivated to migrate 

for socio-economic reasons carry their religious beliefs and institutions to their new homeland as 

a part o f their cultural identity. Integrating the theme o f immigration w i t h ethnicity and religion, 

several calls have been made, most commonly by sociologists (Hexham 1993; K i v i s t o 1993) but 

also by Park (1994), to consider ethnicity i n studies o f the sociology o f religion and examine the 

role o f immigration and ethnicity in Canada's religious landscape. Park (1994) claims that the 

relationship between religion and ethnicity, " w h i c h can strongly influence both religious 

persistence and cultural assimilation" must be considered i n the context o f "the impact it has on 

the integration o f immigrants into their new society. This is reflected i n a variety o f ways, 

including social integration, social mobility (particularly upwards), and social stability" (157). 

M a n y researchers argue that there is an elevated significance o f religious institutions for 

immigrants. M o b e r g (1962) believes that though O l d W o r l d religions have "promoted 

ethnocentrism and hindered assimilation, they also have contributed to social w e l l being, 

preventing...social disorganization, reducing problems related to immigration, and profoundly 

influencing the churches that received immigrants" (456). In a new environment, religious 

5 



institutions can act as stabilizers, presenting opportunities for social networking both w i t h i n and 

outside o f the transplanted ethnic community. Bankston and Z h o u (1995) further elaborate on 

the significance o f the religious institution for immigrants: 

Church or temple membership is a prime source of identity and motivation 
because it is a focus for organizing the social relations of a group. First-
generation immigrants perceive the ethnic religious institution as the one element 
of real continuity between their country of origin and their new home and also as 
an effective strategy for linking their American-born or American-reared children 
to the ethnic group while acquiring acceptance in the host society (524). 

In a thesis w h i c h deals w i t h issues o f ethnicity and immigrant adjustment there is the 

need for certain terms to be defined and while the definitions I w i s h to use are by no means 

universally accepted, they serve to clarify for the purposes o f this thesis. Culture is probably one 

o f the most ambiguous and problematic terms; in this thesis it is used interchangeably w i t h 

customs, heritage, tradition, and ethnic traits. Culture embodies the languages, religions, laws, 

symbols, beliefs and associations among individuals and groups as expressive i n church, family, 

club or informal group membership w h i c h are common to people o f like origin. German culture 

is thus used i n the broadest sense to define the attributes o f an ethnic group o f Germanic origin 

peoples. U s i n g the term ' G e r m a n ' homogenizes German speakers, German ethnics and German 

born who may not necessarily have all o f the common traits o f 'culture' as defined above. A s 

w i l l be discussed, the term German is problematic as the origins and experiences o f the Germans 

i n Canada (and before arriving i n Canada) are widely varied (see chapter two). W h i l e there may 

be no essential German culture, and while recognizing that Germanness is expressed differently 

by individuals depending on their history, experience o f immigration to Canada, their dialects, 

place o f origins, political views, or church denominational backgrounds, there is the need to 

speak o f ' G e r m a n ' for productive discussion to occur. W h e n reference to the German ethnic 

6 



community is made it describes the network o f ethnic institutions, the ethnic neighbourhood, 

individuals and groups. 

There are two other terms w h i c h require definition and differentiation: assimilation and 

integration. A s s i m i l a t i o n describes the process by w h i c h an ethnic group moves toward 

homogenization and disappears w i t h i n a dominant culture. A s s i m i l a t i o n is basically what has 

occurred w i t h the German population i n Canada. In Vancouver there are small traces o f German 

culture, food, history and/or way o f life but most Germans have blended i n w i t h the Canadian 

mainstream. Integration is something different and describes the interactive contact o f a minority 

population and the mainstream society i n a process that combines the qualities and characteristics 

o f each population. Integration is the greater goal o f the multicultural church w h i c h seeks not to 

blend and assimilate members o f new cultures into the dominant culture o f the church but instead 

to a l l o w each ethnic culture to be reflected w i t h i n the church community. This then allows the 

church to change and reflect the ideas and styles o f new members o f different ethnicities and 

become a community o f communities. 

"Ethnic churches flourishing" (Todd 1997) was the recent title o f a Vancouver Sun article 

profiling the growth and expansion o f mono-ethnic Chinese, Korean, F i l i p i n o , Vietnamese and 

Punjabi congregations i n the L o w e r M a i n l a n d . It could w e l l have been a newspaper title from 

the 1950s when immigrants to Vancouver were plentiful and most ethnic communities were 

centred around their respective ethno-religious institutions (see Waldhouse 1961). German 

immigrants to Vancouver established seventeen ethnic churches, all o f them i n the South 

Vancouver neighbourhood where German residential concentrations were the highest. The 

church held tremendous significance for the immigrants. Here they found social services to 

smooth their transition to Canadian life, language assistance for themselves, and German schools 

7 



for their children. C h u r c h was where relationships for business and pleasure were cultivated into 

life long friendships. It was where reminders o f the homeland and the familiar sounds o f the 

German language were welcomed. A s immigrants improved their socio-economic standing and 

their children entered the home-ownership stage, they were forced to look beyond the German 

neighbourhood and buy homes and property in the suburban areas o f Vancouver. S l o w l y the 

German neighbourhood lost its geographical focus and new immigrant groups began to transform 

Fraser Street to reflect their o w n identity. W i t h virtually no German community left i n the area, 

the German churches still stand i n their original locations today; several still seek to preserve the 

German language and culture o f the homeland. O f the ten churches that are profiled here, eight 

still h o l d worship services i n the German language and i n half o f the churches, the German 

members are the financial backbone o f the church. But these churches have almost l i v e d through 

their first life cycle; some have completed it and are moving into new areas o f neighbourhood 

mission, while others are now contemplating their insecure futures. Children have moved away 

and no longer speak E n g l i s h . They feel little connection to a German church that is based on a 

culture and liturgy unfamiliar to them. A l l o f the churches experienced some degree o f conflict 

and tension over whether or not to allow for E n g l i s h language worship services on Sundays. 

Introducing E n g l i s h meant the beginning o f the loss o f German but it was the only way the 

church could maintain the attention o f its young people. One o f the men I interviewed shared his 

thoughts on the preservationist attitude o f his church and the present experience o f the Chinese 

churches who are now at the life cycle stage o f language conflict: 

I smile about what I think I see going on over there [in the Chinese church that 
meets right beside us] because it's exactly what I went through as a child of 
immigrants living in the church that was hoping it was going to protect their 
language...I'm old enough to remember the battle in my home church about 
whether we would have English in the church...they started to have English 

8 



Sunday School for the kids but I remember sitting through German services that 
meant absolutely nothing to me and I didn't want them to mean anything to me.3 

The thesis begins i n chapter two w i t h a review o f the patterns o f immigration and 

settlement o f Germans i n Canada and Vancouver. It discusses the challenges o f the use o f the 

term ' G e r m a n ' i n Census enumeration and then examines the distribution o f the German 

population i n Vancouver using data on German ethnic origin, German home language use and 

German place o f birth. M a p s o f these three variables over five decades provide evidence o f the 

disappearance and dispersion o f the German population i n Vancouver. Chapter three addresses 

first the research methodology, then examines several church models around w h i c h churches are 

geographically and ethnically classified. The remainder o f the chapter reviews briefly the stories 

o f each o f the ten German churches. The fourth chapter discusses the theme o f the role o f the 

church i n social service provision and includes discussion on the informal roles o f the church and 

the significance o f the church as a place o f belonging. The fifth chapter develops this latter 

theme, examining the role o f the church as a promoter o f ethnic heritage and a reminder o f things 

German, compared w i t h the church as an institution facilitating and aiding immigrant adjustment 

to Canada. The chapter also investigates the role o f the denominational church bodies as they 

influence the church's mission to reach out to Germans alone or people o f a l l national and 

religious backgrounds. Chapter six investigates how the ten churches have experienced change 

and their o w n adjustments to generational succession as w e l l as neighbourhood transition. A 

concluding chapter seeks to review and integrate these findings and suggest potential areas o f 

further research. 

3 All quotations without references are from interview transcripts. Interviewees have not been identified 
expect in some cases by general characteristics of church denomination, gender or affiliation in order to maintain 
anonymity. 

9 



C H A P T E R T W O 

A R R I V I N G IN T H E P R O M I S E D L A N D : T H E H I S T O R Y O F G E R M A N I M M I G R A T I O N 
A N D S E T T L E M E N T IN V A N C O U V E R 

The role played by the church within an immigrant community is determined i n large part 

by the needs o f that community and the events surrounding the circumstances o f their 

immigration. O f course immigrant needs are dynamic as new cohorts o f immigrants arrive under 

varying circumstances. Before examining the role o f the church i n the German immigrant 

community it is necessary to briefly review the history o f German immigration to Canada, most 

specifically to Vancouver. A t the local scale within the city it is also imperative that changing 

patterns o f settlement be considered over time. A s w i l l become evident i n later chapters, the 

unique differences between the cohorts o f immigrants arriving during distinct periods o f history 

w i t h varied experiences i n Europe have had significant impacts on the courses o f life histories o f 

the German immigrant churches i n Vancouver. Churches have split apart, borne new daughter 

congregations and have been heavily impacted by the pre-Vancouver histories o f German ethnic 

immigrants and their changing settlement patterns i n the city. This chapter w i l l briefly look first 

at the problematic category o f German, then at the various waves o f German immigrants to 

Canada and finally w i l l examine the residential settlement patterns o f Germans i n Greater 

Vancouver, i n particular, the core neighbourhood i n South Vancouver where the oldest German 

community established itself. 

2.1 C O U N T I N G ' G E R M A N S ' 

To count 'Germans' or to speak o f ' G e r m a n ' immigration is a complicated and problematic 

task. U s i n g published Statistics Canada data three useful variables have been chosen to examine 

the Germans i n Vancouver: I) German ethnicity, ii) Germany as a place o f birth and, i i i ) German 

10 



home language use. E a c h variable misses or misrepresents the Germans i n some form but 

examining the three variables, i n combination with other reports, provides a valuable portrait o f 

the community. The German ethnicity variable is probably the best variable to use when 

representing a l l German ethnics but it is affected by inconsistencies i n how the question o f 

ethnicity is asked i n census questions and how it is counted in subsequent census years. There 

are also issues to be discussed later around the willingness to identify oneself as German i n the 

face o f much hatred i n the years following the T h i r d R e i c h . Place o f birth is a useful variable but 

ignores a l l o f the Germans born outside o f Germany. Germans are a heterogeneous m i x o f 

nationalities as a result o f their diasporic settlement i n vast agricultural areas o f Russia and 

Eastern Europe i n the 18th and 19th centuries w h i c h lasted almost 200 years. Germans may also 

be counted using German mother tongue or home language statistics but these numbers 

underestimate the German population o f Vancouver as they report only those families who chose 

to continue speaking German i n the home. After the war a good number o f immigrants sought to 

disassociate themselves w i t h a l l things German and as a result, studies show that German 

immigrants adapted to E n g l i s h faster than any other language group. 

Several authors o f works on German immigration to Canada have dealt w i t h these issues 

at a broader and less quantitative scale and their observations add to the list o f reasons that 

statistical data are problematic. A s M c L a u g h l i n (1985) notes, "the shifting geo-political 

boundaries o f the German states prior to their unification and the twentieth-century conflicts 

between nationalism and ethnicity have played havoc w i t h the concept o f a common German 

identity" (3). It is difficult to imagine the complexity o f factors weighing on the psychological 

m i n d set o f German immigrants as they arrived i n Canada and began to negotiate their new 

identities - as Germans? German-Canadians? Dutch-Canadians? Austrian-Canadians? 

11 



Friedmann (1952) i n reviewing the status o f German immigration to Canada i n a Federal 

Government report w e l l encapsulates these complexities: 

The problem of German immigration obviously has certain unique aspects. They 
stem predominantly from the psychological effects of the recent world war in 
which Germans were, for the second time in this century, the enemies of the 
British Commonwealth of Nations. They stem also from the extraordinary 
political and psychological complications which the collapse of the Nazi regime, 
the total military occupation of Germany by her conquerors, the subsequent split 
between the Allies, the consequent division of Germany into two separate states, 
and the mass exodus of millions of Germans from eastern Europe into Western 
Germany, have produced (4). 

The author o f a thesis comparing ethnic groups in Vancouver i n the late 1950s points out 

that German origin statistics display large discrepancies and a lack o f regularity from one census 

year to the next prohibiting an analysis o f changes i n the years prior to the 1950s (Waldhouse 

1961). She identifies two reasons for the difficulties i n studying the Germans, particularly i n 

B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a . The first is, 

due to the fact that the German speaking people include not only people born in 
Germany and Austria, but also those of the Mennonite faith born either in Russia 
or Canada who still speak German, ethnic Germans of Poland, Hungary, 
Romania and Bulgaria, plus such small minorities coming from other parts of 
Europe, North and South America (ibid, 164). 

The second reason relates to the self-identification o f German immigrants. Waldhouse explains 

that: 

The two World Wars and the removal of non-naturalised Germans to the interior 
[of British Columbia], had repercussions that led many to conceal their identity, 
especially those who had not come from Germany. This partially accounts for the 
German population of the city [of Vancouver], as recorded in the census volumes, 
declining from 2,826 to 1,117 during the ten years between 1911 and 1921 (ibid, 
65). 

There are several category labels w h i c h identify groups o f Germans who arrived from 

different origins under different immigration status designations. The displaced persons were 

those immigrants who were forcefully or voluntarily moved from their homeland to Germany 

12 



where their labour was needed and exploited. M o s t o f these immigrants were national Russians, 

Poles, Bulgarians, Letts, Latvians, Hungarians, Czechs and Yugoslavians. The Volksdeutsche 

were those born and raised i n Eastern Europe but were o f German parentage and spoke the 

German language (for the Mennonites this was a low-German called Plattsdeutsche). F i n a l l y , 

the Reichsdeutsche were the original residents o f West Germany, whose population doubled 

w i t h thousands o f refugees entering the country from East Prussia, Mecklenburg, Saxony and 

Thuringia (Sturhahn 1976:56). Despite their differences, all o f these groups fall under the census 

category label o f ' G e r m a n ' . The differences i n values, language, culture and history o f these 

groups are hardened and ingrained. A s w i l l be discussed, one o f the only unifying characteristics 

o f these groups is their German mother tongue. For some o f the German churches i n Vancouver 

this was enough to b i n d faithful believers but i n other churches it caused divisions and 

acrimonious feelings. 

Despite these w i t h i n group differences, this thesis w i l l use the term ' G e r m a n ' to describe 

a l l o f these immigrants w i t h diverse national origins except when these differences were reflected 

i n church structure and evolution. A s Gumpp explains i n her thesis on German Canadians, 

because most post-World War T w o immigrants were born i n Germany and the overwhelming 

majority o f German immigrants (including refugees and displaced persons from East Germany 

and other Eastern European States) emigrated from West Germany, the category ' G e r m a n ' is 

used i n both the broader ethnic as w e l l as the narrower national/geographic sense (Gumpp 1989). 

2.2 G E R M A N I M M I G R A T I O N T O C A N A D A 

The history o f German immigration to Canada begins i n the 1750s and is broken down by 

M c L a u g h l i n (1985) into four distinct waves. Between 1749 and 1870, German immigrants 

13 



settled primarily i n the regions o f Upper and L o w e r Canada w i t h a particular concentration i n 

what is now Kitchener-Waterloo, Ontario (then Berlin). The second wave o f immigrants arrived 

between 1870 and 1914 and many o f these immigrants settled i n Western Canada, primarily 

Manitoba, Saskatchewan and Alberta. In 1900, 25,000 German speaking settlers were reported 

i n western Canada and by 1914 the number multiplied six-fold to over 151,000. The third wave 

o f German immigrants arrived between 1914 and 1939. Whereas until this time the Germans 

were favoured as immigrant settlers, they now became the enemy and were forced to close their 

German schools and German speaking churches. M a n y Germans i n Canada anglicized their 

surnames and/or chose to record other countries as their place o f birth to hide their German roots 

for fear o f attack and vandalism. This is evidenced i n the 38.7% decrease i n the German 

population i n B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a between 1911 and 1921 (Table 2.2). 

In 1923, immigration restrictions against Germans were repealed and tens o f thousands o f 

Germans, mainly those fleeing Russia, arrived i n Canada in the later half o f the 1920s. In 1931, 

the Canadian census recorded 473,000 people o f German origin i n Canada, 6 0 % o f them i n 

western Canada (with 44% from Russia, 18% from Austria-Hungary, 18% from U S , 12% from 

Germany 1 ). Though immigration restrictions had been lifted, hatred against Germans was still 

quite prevalent. German immigrants were guarded i n using their native language even i n the 

home, and as a general result there was less attempt made by these immigrants to maintain their 

German culture and tongue. 

The final wave o f immigration stretches from 1939 until the present. W i t h i n this period 

These proportions may seem surprising to some but were characteristic of pre-World War Two immigration. 
After the Second World War the majority of immigrants were from Germany proper. The 18% from the United 
States reflects the acute anti-German prejudice after World War One. 

14 



there are o f c o u r s e s e v e r a l s m a l l e r w a v e s as G e r m a n i m m i g r a t i o n i n c r e a s e d s i g n i f i c a n t l y i n the 

1 9 5 0 s a n d t h e n b e g a n d e c l i n i n g i n the v e r y late 1950s a n d e a r l y 1960s. B e t w e e n 1946 a n d 1 9 7 1 , 

F r o e s c h l e ( 1 9 9 2 ) reports that i m m i g r a t i o n to C a n a d a f r o m G e r m a n y , A u s t r i a a n d S w i t z e r l a n d 

t o t a l l e d 4 1 2 , 0 0 0 p e r s o n s (this i n c l u d e s the 'stateless' Volksdeutsche). T h o u g h r e t u r n m i g r a t i o n 

f i g u r e s are n e c e s s a r i l y estimates, he b e l i e v e s o v e r one-third o f the 4 1 2 , 0 0 0 r e t u r n e d to G e r m a n y 

l e a v i n g a t o t a l net g a i n o f 2 5 0 , 0 0 0 G e r m a n s to C a n a d a . 

A s m e n t i o n e d , the m i g r a t i o n o f G e r m a n s to C a n a d a p e a k e d i n the 1950s ( T a b l e 2.1) a n d 

at that t i m e G e r m a n s b e c a m e the t h i r d largest ethnic g r o u p i n C a n a d a after the B r i t i s h a n d the 

F r e n c h , r e p r e s e n t i n g b e t w e e n 5 a n d 8 % o f the n a t i o n a l p o p u l a t i o n ( F r o e s c h l e 1992). T h e 

c o m p o s i t i o n o f these ' G e r m a n s ' w h o i m m i g r a t e d as refugees a n d d i s p l a c e d p e r s o n s b y p l a c e o f 

b i r t h o r i g i n is r e p o r t e d b y M c L a u g h l i n ( 1 9 8 5 ) as: 6 0 % f r o m G e r m a n y , 3 0 % f r o m the n o w P o l i s h 

parts o f E a s t e r n G e r m a n y , a n d 1 0 % f r o m C z e c h o s l o v a k i a , R o m a n i a a n d the rest o f E a s t e r n 

E u r o p e . In a d d i t i o n to these E u r o p e a n G e r m a n i m m i g r a n t s there w a s a s e c o n d a r y m i g r a t i o n to 

C a n a d a b y a g r o u p o f G e r m a n s p e a k i n g M e n n o n i t e s w h o f i r s t i m m i g r a t e d to S o u t h A m e r i c a after 

t h e i r d i s e n f r a n c h i s e m e n t f r o m R u s s i a . M a n y o f these i m m i g r a n t s w e r e d e n i e d access to C a n a d a 

i n the 1920s a n d 1930s because o f h e a l t h reasons. T h e y w e r e a c c e p t e d to S o u t h A m e r i c a w h e r e 

t h e i r o w n G e r m a n c u l t u r e r e m a i n e d strong but w a s m o d i f i e d as t h e y w e r e a c c u l t u r a t e d w i t h the 

S p a n i s h s p e a k i n g S o u t h A m e r i c a n s i n P a r a g u a y , U r u g u a y , a n d A r g e n t i n a . It w a s i n the 1970s 

a n d 1980s that m a n y o f these G e r m a n a n d n o w S p a n i s h s p e a k i n g i m m i g r a n t s m o v e d to 

V a n c o u v e r a n d the L o w e r Fraser V a l l e y w h e r e m a n y o f their r e l a t i v e s h a d b e e n l i v i n g f o r several 

decades. T h e y w e r e a d i s t i n c t g r o u p a m o n g the M e n n o n i t e s because they h a d a d o p t e d n e w 

c u l t u r e s a n d t r a d i t i o n s a l o n g s i d e their M e n n o n i t e heritage but the c l o s e n e s s o f the M e n n o n i t e 

p e o p l e m e a n t that m o s t o f the S o u t h A m e r i c a n M e n n o n i t e s w e r e w e l c o m e d a n d a c c e p t e d i n t o 

15 



Vancouver's well established Mennonite churches. Due to the method of recording immigration 

data, there is no statistical data available to reflect this immigration of German speaking 

Mennonites from South America but one of my interviewees had immigrated from Paraguay and 

several interviewees at the Vancouver and Culloden M B churches spoke of their fellow members 

who came to Vancouver as part of this immigrant cohort. 

In the 1951-71 bracket, almost 60% of the German immigrants to Canada were married 

or widowed, 40% were between 25 and 34 years old and, most had achieved relatively high 

levels of formal education (McLaughlin 1985). Many of these post World War II immigrants 

were sponsored by Canadian relatives (Gumpp 1989). 

Census figures reported for the last 30 years show an increase in the number of Canadians 

of German descent; in 1971 there were 1.3 million, by 1981 1.7 million and by 1986 almost 2.5 

million2. Examining language statistics the trend would seem to be the reverse as the number of 

people reporting German as their mother tongue has declined steadily from 560,000 in 1971 to 

438,000 in 1986 to 424,000 in 1991. Rapid assimilation by the Germans is evidenced then in 

these national mother tongue statistics; by the 1980s the rank of German had fallen from third to 

fifth place behind English, French, Italian and Chinese (Froeschle 1992:17). 

The factors motivating German immigration to Canada varied for different waves of 

immigrants. The primary motivations influencing the final two waves were: economic, the 

desire to reunite with relatives and friends overseas and for many, expulsion from their home 

country and fear of subsequent war (Friedmann 1952). As Gumpp (1989) elaborates, "even more 

2 Caution must be exercised in reading these figures as ethnic definitions have changed. Since the 1981 census 
Canadians have been permitted to record both multiple origins as well as 'Canadian' origin. Additionally, ethnic 
origin may now be traced both through mother and father whereas prior to 1981, only paternal ethnic origin was 
reported. 

16 



important were the concrete problems o f survival: shortages o f land, demographic pressures 

caused by the reception o f m i l l i o n s o f refugees i n West Germany, high unemployment, and lack 

o f housing and food" (10). Canada then appeared as a welcoming host to German immigrants 

and "the land o f opportunity", attractive because of, "its expanding economy, rapid 

industrialization...an abundance o f land, political tranquillity, and a high degree o f individual 

freedom" (Gumpp 1989:10). 

Table 2.1: German Immigration to Canada, 1901-1970 

Years Total German Percentage of total 
Immigration Canadian Immigration 

1901-1910 20,942 1.28 

1911-1920 18,200 1.08 

1921-1930 72,980 5.96 

1931-1940 4,850 3.09 

1941-1950 15,978 J.2J 
1951-1960 235,637 14.99 

1961-1970 75,523 5.21 
(from M c L a u g h l i n 1985) 

2.3 R O L E O F C H U R C H O R G A N I Z A T I O N S IN G E R M A N I M M I G R A T I O N T O C A N A D A 

C h u r c h organizations have played a significant role in aiding and facilitating German 

immigration and settlement to Canada. The involvement o f national organizations i n conjunction 

w i t h local churches has had a substantial impact on both the numbers o f immigrants and their 

adjustment to Canadian life. A s Gumpp (1989) explains: 

Canadian churches became instrumental in arranging for the transfer of German 
ethnic immigrants. The churches enjoyed the trust of both the Canadian 
authorities and the German-Canadian public, they could organize the movement 
through already existing international networks, and they had the financial 
resources - supplied by German and non-German members - to extend monetary 

17 



assistance to needy emigrants (30). 

Prior to their role i n the actual movement o f immigrants, church organizations played a role i n 

making immigration to Canada possible for particular groups o f Germans after W o r l d W a r T w o . 

G u m p p (1989) reports that: 

the Canadian Christian Council for the Resettlement of Refugees, whose humanitarian 
concern with helping displaced persons and refugees was widely respected, also 
advocated a reconsideration of Canada's existing immigration regulations...the Council 
questioned the validity of the concept of 'German national,' and pointed out to the 
Canadian government that every German-speaker who was resettled during the Third 
Reich had German citizenship automatically conferred upon him or her (19). 

C h u r c h organizations were denominationally based, and often times temporary, thus making the 

reports o f statistics on the numbers o f immigrants aided by such organizations a difficult task. 

The N o r t h A m e r i c a n Baptist Immigration and Colonization Society settled 6,335 people between 

1951 and 1973, (over 80% o f these between 1951 and 1955) (Sturhahn 1976; Renfree 1988). 

Other denominational bodies o f Catholic, Lutheran and Mennonite churches organized similar 

immigrant societies. Between 1923 and 1928 the Mennonite Board o f Colonization settled 

19,000 immigrants, primarily Russian Mennonites, helping them to find jobs and then pay back 

their travel debt (Interviews). The railway companies worked closely w i t h several church 

organizations including the Lutheran Immigration Board, the Canadian Lutheran Immigration 

A i d Society, and the Association o f German Catholics to organize travel, and determine payment 

plans. 

2.4 G E R M A N I M M I G R A T I O N T O B R I T I S H C O L U M B I A 

The very first German settlers to B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a arrived during the G o l d R u s h days i n 

the m i d 1800s ( M c L a u g h l i n 1985) but the German origin population in B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a d i d not 

18 



reach a substantial size until after W o r l d War T w o . In the inter-war period, during the great 

depression and the drought o f the 'dirty 30s,' a number o f German Prairie settlers migrated to 

Vancouver i n search o f employment. B y 1951, there were 55,000 people o f German origin i n 

B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a . A s more German Prairie immigrants learned o f B r i t i s h Columbia's milder 

climate, the German origin population more than doubled from 1951 to 1961 (Table 2.2). In 

1961, o f the 120,000 people o f German origin, it was estimated that 60% were p r e - W o r l d W a r 

T w o immigrants, often referred to as the 'old-timers', and 4 0 % were post-World W a r T w o 

immigrants (Waldhouse 1961:166). The majority o f the B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a destined German 

population settled i n Vancouver but other popular areas included the Interior and the L o w e r 

Fraser V a l l e y area (particularly for Mennonites). 

Table 2.2: Population of German Origin, British Columbia, 1901-1971 

Year Total number of 
Germans 

1901 5,807 

1911 11,880 

1921 7,273 

1931 16,986 

1941 22,407 

1951 55,307 

1961 118,926 

1971 198,310 

B.C. Germans as a 
percentage of total 

population of Germans 
in Canada 

1.8 

2.9 

2.4 

3.5 

4.8 

8.9 

11.3 

15.0 
(from M c L a u g h l i n 1985) 

2.5 G E R M A N I M M I G R A T I O N T O V A N C O U V E R 

Waldhouse reported i n her 1961 thesis that the Greater Vancouver population o f German 

19 



o r i g i n was approximately 65,000 however this w o u l d later appear to be an overestimation. The 

1961 Canadian Census reported that the German ethnic origin population o f the Vancouver 

Census Metropolitan area was 51,000. Waldhouse estimated that 6 5 % o f the German population 

l i v e d i n the C i t y o f Vancouver and that the break down o f these inhabitants was: 6 0 % German 

political origin, 2 0 % Austrian origin and 2 0 % ethnic Volksdeutsche from other countries 

(Waldhouse 1961:165-66). A g a i n these percentages are difficult to verify and are generally 

'guestimates' provided by leaders i n the German community. She also notes that, 

The German population in Vancouver includes a very large number, 
approximately 41 percent, of 'Newcomers,' or post Second World War 
immigrants. These, in contrast to the 'Old-timers,' were selected by the 
immigration authorities largely on their mechanical and industrial skill and 
ability to earn a living in Canada. Many of those in Vancouver arrived in the 
eastern provinces first and later came to Vancouver by internal migration. The 
direct migration to British Columbia reached very large proportions for the three 
years 1952 to 1954, then it declined during 1955 and 1956, to increase again in 
1958. (Waldhouse 1961:169-70). 

2.6 S E T T L E M E N T P A T T E R N S O F G E R M A N S IN V A N C O U V E R 

M o v i n g away from the overall numbers o f immigrants it is important, particularly for our 

purposes, to examine the settlement patterns o f the Germans i n Greater Vancouver. F o r reasons 

mentioned above, only patterns from 1951 to 1991 are discussed; the census data prior to these 

years are problematic i n their consistency o f questioning and also i n the discrepant numbers they 

provide. Settlement w i l l be discussed using data on German ethnic origin, Germany as a place o f 

birth and German home language use. German ethnic origin data w i l l primarily be used to 

describe patterns o f settlement and the additional two variables w i l l be used to understand the 

differences i n settlement patterns between the pre- and post-World W a r T w o immigrant groups. 

Factors contributing to the settlement patterns o f the German population i n Vancouver 

reflect: urban development, socio-economic characteristics, the desire for home ownership, the 

20 



availability o f transportation and the cultural and economic importance o f the ethnic 

neighbourhood (Gumpp 1989). Prior to 1951, Germans i n Vancouver represented less than 2 % 

o f the city population and were concentrated in small numbers i n the West E n d - R o b s o n Street 

area o f the D o w n t o w n and in the Vancouver South neighbourhood (Gumpp 1989) around the 

existing German speaking churches. A c c o r d i n g to the 1951 census, Vancouver had 19,328 

residents o f German ethnic origin (3.6% o f the city's population) (Figure 2.1 A ) . These residents 

were clustered i n the Vancouver South neighbourhood, where they comprised 10-15 percent o f 

the population, but were also over-represented in the newly incorporated cities o f R i c h m o n d and 

Surrey. The Vancouver South neighbourhood emerged as the centre o f German organizational, 

religious and economic life and was home to the Vancouver A l p e n C l u b , the Edelweiss Credit 

U n i o n , German shops and services as w e l l as five German speaking churches. The German 

community was bounded, "on the north by K i n g Edward Avenue, on the east by V i c t o r i a D r i v e , 

on the south by the N o r t h A r m o f the Fraser and on the west by Cambie Street" (Siemens 

1960:82). Without widespread car ownership, transportation issues were important 

considerations i n residential location, particularly for those immigrants arriving prior to the 

Second W o r l d War. A mapping o f the membership o f the first Mennonite Brethren church i n 

Vancouver revealed a close grouping around the church, a significant finding considering the fact 

that the "concentration that was achieved resulted from the efforts o f the individual buyer to find 

property close to that o f the others o f his group...since the area into w h i c h they came was already 

largely occupied by residences" (Siemens 1960:128). Indeed the clustering o f most Mennonite 

families followed the locations o f Mennonite churches (Figures 2.2 and 2.3). Despite the fact 

that maps o f the German population clearly reveal the South Vancouver neighbourhood as the 

German centre, "there was no real German [residential] concentration after W o r l d W a r II i n 

21 



Figure 2.1: Percentage of the total population of German 
Ethnic Origin, by Census Tract 1951-1991 

B ) 1 9 6 1 

Source: Statistics Canada, Census Division, 1951 & 1961, Vancouver 



F i g u r e 2.2: C o n c e n t r a t i o n o f M e n n o n i t e P o p u l a t i o n i n S o u t h V a n c o u v e r , 1960 

Source: Siemens (1960: M a p 17) 



F i g u r e 2.3: R e s i d e n t i a l P a t t e r n of C h u r c h M e m b e r s o f T w o M B C h u r c h e s , 1960 

Source: Siemens (1960:Map 18) 

24 



Vancouver as they exist for other ethnic groups. The German population quickly acquired their 

o w n residences i n Vancouver and in the 1960s i n the suburbs o f Vancouver" (Doerrenbaecher 

1981:14). 

In 1961, the German ethnic population o f Vancouver rose to 51,056 (6.5% o f the Census 

Metropolitan Area). In three o f the census tracts i n Vancouver South, over 2 0 % o f the 

population was o f German ethnicity (Figure 2. I B ) indicating a significant concentration. In the 

decade leading up to this census, the largest influx o f German immigrants arrived i n Canada 

necessitating the establishment o f several more German speaking churches as w e l l as the 

expansion o f ethnic businesses in the district. B y 1971, the population o f German ethnicity had 

increased to 89,675 (8.3%) o f the Vancouver region) and the same census tracts o f Vancouver 

South recorded one i n four inhabitants as ethnic Germans (Figure 2.1C). Important to note 

however, i n both the 1961 and 1971 maps are the darkened areas o f the suburban regions o f 

Surrey, R i c h m o n d , N o r t h Vancouver and Coquitlam. Between 1961 and 1971 there was an 

increase i n the German population i n almost every census tract (Dorrenbaecher 1981). U s i n g 

raw numbers to compare census tracts, Dorrenbaecher found that the highest gains were i n West 

Vancouver, Delta, and southwestern Burnaby. Other areas with significant gains were Port 

M o o d y , Coquitlam and parts o f N o r t h Vancouver as w e l l as Burnaby, west Surrey and R i c h m o n d 

(ibid). These increases i n the German population coincided w i t h overall total population 

increases i n these areas. 

In 1981, significant settlement pattern changes appear. The total German ethnic 

population declined for the first time to 73,955 (now only 5.8% o f the Vancouver region total). 

The reasons for this are difficult to conclusively determine but are l i k e l y the result o f return 

migration because o f the improved German economy as w e l l as natural decrease as the 
r 

25 



F i g u r e 2.1: Percentage o f the total p o p u l a t i o n o f G e r m a n 
E t h n i c O r i g i n , b y Census Tract 

0 5 10 

26 

Source: Statistics Canada, Census Division, 1971 & 1981, Vancouver 



immigrants from the inter-war period reached their most senior years. The most significant 

reason for the decline was the new method o f recording Census ethnic origin wherein 

respondents were given the opportunity to identify multiple ethnic origins 3 . T w o patterns i n the 

1981 map are worthy o f note (Figure 2. I D 4 ) . First, the original Vancouver South neighbourhood 

saw a significant decline i n its German population. Second, i n contrast the peripheral areas o f 

the city (Delta, south Surrey, Langley, M a p l e Ridge, Coquitlam and some areas o f N o r t h and 

West Vancouver) show continued or increased percentages o f Germans. B y 1991 the German 

population had declined again to 62,100 and almost a complete emptying out o f the South 

Vancouver neighbourhood is evident (Figure 2 . I E ) . In fact the 1991 map shows a remarkable 

disappearance o f Germans, an observation deserving further examination. The 1996 map shows 

a similar pattern (Figure 2 . I F ) . Before discussing the changing settlement patterns at a more 

localized scale a brief look at maps o f German home language use and place o f birth data for 

Germany may help to decode some o f the complicated settlement patterns revealed. 

A s a result o f inconsistencies in the availability o f published data at the census tract level, 

only data for 1971, 1981 and 1996 were available for place o f birth and 1971, 1981, 1991 and 

1996 for home language. The mapping o f this data, however, provides additional insight into the 

German community not provided i n the ethnic origin data. The home language maps (Figure 

2 . 4 A , B , C & D ) lend evidence to the arguments by Gumpp and Doerrenbaecher that the use o f 

the German language was strongest among those l i v i n g in the traditional German neighbourhood. 

3 Previously only paternal ethnicity was recorded. Additional problems are mentioned with regard to the listed 
options of ethnic groups that one could check off. For example, in some years Austrian and Swiss were listed as 
separate groups and other years they were not. Respondents were either responsible to fill them in as 'other' 
categories or simply choose another option that they felt was closest to their ethnic origin. These discrepancies 
naturally led to inconsistencies in reporting. 

4 A reminder that the 1981 and 1991 maps include only those indicating single origin as German. 

27 



F i g u r e 2.1: Percentage o f the total p o p u l a t i o n o f G e r m a n 
E t h n i c O r i g i n , b y C e n s u s Tract 

0 5 10 
Source: Statistics Canada, Census Division, 1991, Vancouver 

G u m p p (1989) reports that when, 

comparing the number of residents who usually spoke German in their homes 
with the number of German ethnics in every given census tract, one discovers that 
the highest ratio occurred in Vancouver South, where up to every second 
German-Canadian appears to have maintained the ethnic tongue in the private 
sphere. Germans in the suburban areas displayed a much lower propensity 
toward employing their mother tongue in their homes even though they often were 
recent immigrants (116). 

G u m p p attributes the persistence o f the German language in this neighbourhood to the high 

concentration o f Germans i n these census tracts and to the accumulation o f ethnic institutions 

28 



Figure 2.1 F : Percentage of the total population of German 
Ethnic Origin, by Enumeration Area, 1996 

Vancouver CM A 

3 0 3 Kilometers 

City ofVancouver 

3 k i l o m e t e r s 

15.00 - 25.70% 
10.0-15.00% 
7.50 -10.0% 
5.00 - 7.50% 
<5.00% 
No data 

N 

A 
Source: 1996 Canadian 
Census Data. The 
Vancouver CM A and 
the City ofVancouver. 
Projection: UTM. 
GC & DH 

29 



Figure 2.4: Percentage o f the total population using G e r m a n 
language i n the home, by Census Tract 1971-1991) 

0 5 10 

Source: Statistics Canada, Census Division, 1971 & 1981, Vancouver 



F i g u r e 2.4: Percentage o f the total p o p u l a t i o n u s i n g G e r m a n 
language i n the home, b y Census Tract 

w h i c h encouraged the use o f the German language by both foreign and Canadian-born Germans. 

Overall there is a general decline i n the number o f census tracts recording more than 2% 

o f the population using German i n the home, but even with the declining German population 

there are still a few census tracts where German is more prevalent than anywhere else i n the 

Greater Vancouver area and they remain predominantly i n the traditional German 

neighbourhood. A recently produced map i n the Vancouver Province identified the top three 

home languages i n each o f the municipalities and cities i n Greater Vancouver and highlighted the 

31 



suburbanization and exurbanization o f the community (Dec. 3, 1997, p A 2 2 ) . U s i n g 1996 census 

data, German home language was reported as the third most common language i n M i s s i o n and 

Abbotsford after E n g l i s h and Punjabi. The map also reported the top three mother tongue 

languages ( E n g l i s h was always first). German mother tongue was ranked third i n West 

Vancouver (after Chinese), third i n Pitt Meadows (after Punjabi), second i n White R o c k , second 

i n the C i t y o f Langley and Langley District, second i n M a p l e Ridge and third again i n both 

M i s s i o n and Abbotsford (after Punjabi) 5 . 

The place o f birth maps for 1971, 1981 and 1996 count only Germans born i n Germany 

(Figures 2 . 5 A , B & C ) . Though this limits their representation o f the German community as a 

whole, the maps do provide support for the observation that the more recent immigrants (those 

most l i k e l y to be born i n Germany) prefer suburban residential locations. In 1971 there are 

several pockets o f census tracts with higher than expected percentages o f the population born in 

Germany. M o s t notable are those i n the traditional neighbourhood but also many census tracts in 

N o r t h Vancouver, several i n R i c h m o n d and a few i n Surrey and Coquitlam. B y 1981 there are 

virtually no German born people left in the traditional neighbourhood and interesting (but minor) 

concentrations i n N o r t h and West Vancouver as w e l l as in Port M o o d y and Coquitlam. A similar 

but more extreme pattern is notable in 1996. U s i n g special cross-tabulation census data G u m p p 

(1989) reported that, 

of the pre-1945 arrivals recorded by the 1981 census authorities, 8.8% still lived 
in Vancouver South census tracts. By comparison, 4.0% of the 1945-54 
immigrants, 3.0% of the 1955-1964 arrivals, 2.1% of the 1965-70 immigrants and 
only 0.5% of the 1970-1980 German-born newcomers were living in the 
traditional German neighbourhood (62). 

5 Discrepancies between the home language and mother tongue rank positions of German reflect the 
assimilation of Germans who may have learned German at birth but who now communicate in the home using 
English. 

32 



Figure 2.4 D: Percentage of the total population using German 
language in the home, by Enumeration Area, 1996 

City ofVancouver 

3 Kilometers 

| | 3.00-21.10% 
~ 2.00 - 3.00% 

1.00 - 1.99% 
] < 1.00% 
~| No data 

LN 

A 
Source: 1996 Canadian 
Census Data. The 
Vancouver CMA and 
the City ofVancouver. 
Projection: UTM. 
GC & DH 

33 



Figure 2.5: Percentage o f the total population born i n Germany, 
by Census Tract, (1971-1981) 

5 10 

10 

Source: Statistics Canada, Census Division, 1971 & 1981, Vancouver 



Figure 2.5 C : Percentage of the total population born 
in Germany, by Enumeration Area, 1996 

35 



2.7 C H A N G E S IN T H E S O U T H V A N C O U V E R N E I G H B O U R H O O D 

P r i o r to the Second W o r l d War, "the most dense and persistent German cluster [was] 

found i n the Vancouver South area, a residential district o f predominantly single family units. It 

appealed i n particular to employees i n the secondary industries, service personnel and shop-

owners, and less so to professionals or technicians" (Gumpp 1989:61). Though it had the largest 

concentration o f Vancouver's German population, the South Vancouver area was not necessarily 

the major intake area (other than to meet immediate needs i n the short term) for the post W o r l d 

W a r T w o immigrants. A s demonstrated by the place o f birth maps (Figure 2.5), the majority o f 

the ethnic Germans i n Vancouver South were actually born outside o f Germany. The more 

recent German-born immigrants, "had a particular preference for N o r t h and West Vancouver and 

parts o f R i c h m o n d " (Gumpp 1989:62). 

Despite the fact that the traditional German neighbourhood declined as the residential 

choice for post W o r l d W a r T w o immigrants, its concentration o f pre-War German immigrants, 

ethnic stores, and German institutions meant that the German mother tongue was preserved for 

several decades and for the second generation i n the postwar era. There is little doubt that its 

stability as an ethnic neighbourhood was due i n part to the interaction facilitated by its German 

churches w h i c h , unlike some other ethnic institutions, engaged its membership on at least a 

weekly basis 6 . The persistence o f the ethnic neighbourhood network is particularly interesting 

when one considers the distance developing between the old established centre and the new 

suburban residential patterns. The most recent arrivals, those one w o u l d assume to be most 

l i k e l y to speak German, most often located i n the suburban areas yet they continued "to patronize 

6 Gumpp (1989) pointed out that German clubs tended to attract members only for special events whereas the 
churches gathered members on a much more regular and frequent basis. 

36 



ethnic institutions i n the o l d ethnic neighbourhood as w e l l as the new ethnic halls, restaurants, 

schools, and businesses established i n the suburbs" (Gumpp 1989:72-73). 

D u r i n g the 1970s the centrality o f the Vancouver South neighbourhood began to fade for 

Vancouver's German community. Doerrenbaecher (1981), who interviewed several key 

informants i n the German community, concludes that there are two major reasons for this 

decline. H e argues that the first is due to the out-migration o f the second generation who were 

n o w marrying and having families. Their departure stunted the continued growth o f the 

community. The children o f immigrants chose more rural or suburban areas o f Greater 

Vancouver i n part to get away from city life but more importantly because o f the high cost o f 

housing i n Vancouver proper. This really is a part o f the larger trend o f suburbanization that was 

affecting the city as a whole and was followed with vigour by both the German immigrants and 

their children. G u m p p (1989) identifies four factors that promoted the settlement o f Germans in 

the suburbs. The first is simply that Vancouver was growing so rapidly both spatially and i n 

total population that many seeking housing were forced to look to the outlying areas. The second 

factor relates to the demographics o f the Germans, "the vast majority belonged to average 

income, middle-class occupations i n the manufacturing and service industries, and therefore were 

attracted to the middle-class housing market in the suburbs" (70). The Germans preferred single-

detached residences and were w i l l i n g to move to find them; there was virtually no desire to 

segregate or concentrate as a group (Doerrenbaecher 1981). Related to this, the third factor is the 

propensity o f the German-born to prefer home ownership and the suburban areas were the areas 

w i t h the greatest opportunities. The final factor influencing suburbanization, and part o f the 

explanation for the 1971 and 1981 ethnic origin maps displaying considerable growth i n 

suburban areas, relates to Canadian immigration policy changes i n the 1960s and 1970s. The 

37 



p o l i c y favoured, "professionals, highly skilled manual immigrants and entrepreneurs," w h i c h 

meant that, "the upper income brackets were more strongly represented among German arrivals 

o f the late 1960s and 1970s than i n earlier years" (Gumpp 1989:72). These immigrants preferred 

the N o r t h and West Vancouver areas w h i c h were recognized as the "new, expanding high status 

residential areas" (ibid, 72). 

The second element identified by Doerrenbaecher affecting the decline o f the German 

population i n Vancouver South was a push factor due to the in-migration o f new immigrant 

groups to the neighbourhood. Beginning i n the m i d 1960s there has been a continued inflow o f 

an East Indian population to the Fraser Street-South Vancouver neighbourhood focussed around 

the S i k h temple on M a r i n e D r i v e just east o f Fraser Street. Germans ceased to be the dominant 

majority group as the population o f Asians increased from 4.0% to 14.4% between 1961 and 

1971. In 1981 the Indo-Pakistani population represented 7.2% o f the area and the Chinese 

population rose to 2 5 % o f V a n c o u v e r South residents (Gumpp 1989:64). This factor perhaps 

paints the Germans as racist or at least uncomfortable w i t h their non-white neighbours. There is 

little research to sustain either claim as it is possible that the out-migration o f Germans may have 

had as much to do w i t h their potential cash-windfall from selling their properties (which had 

multiplied enormously i n value from the inter-war period) as w i t h being uncomfortable w i t h the 

changing social geography o f their neighbourhood. 

2.8 C O N C L U S I O N S 

Germans have a long history o f immigration to Canada. Understanding the differences i n 

immigrant cohort groups, their migration patterns and circumstances o f immigration and finally 

their substantive size as an ethnic group, is necessary to help contextualize both the settlement 

38 



patterns i n Vancouver and the chapters to follow on the evolution o f their ethnic churches. 

Relative to other large ethnic groups in Vancouver such as the Italians, Chinese or South Asians, 

the Germans have demonstrated little continuous residential segregation or clustering, 

particularly after the late 1950s. Their high degree o f residential assimilation is i n part due to the 

circumstances under w h i c h they left their homeland (Gieb 1981) w h i c h has subsequently led to 

the virtual disappearance o f the German language i n the home (Gieb 1981; Stadler 1983). The 

desire o f many Germans to participate i n E n g l i s h speaking society resulted i n rapid assimilation 

to Vancouver life. However, many immigrants developed a divided sense o f allegiance both to 

Germany and to Canada (Stadler 1983) and, while integrating w i t h Canadian ways i n most 

aspects o f their lives, maintained some degree o f their 'Germanness,' for many through their 

participation i n German churches. A s Schmidt (1983) summarizes, 

The first-generation German immigrants have left their first place of settlement in 
the core of major cities. With progressive integration into Canadian society and 
their economic well-being they tend to move into suburban areas. While it has 
been noticed by government and other agencies that the German immigrants are 
the best integrated, least vocal, and the least politically active ethnic group, many 
of them are nevertheless still tied to Germany's umbilical cord (73). 

39 



C H A P T E R T H R E E 

M E T H O D S . M O D E L S A N D T H E S T O R I E S O F V A N C O U V E R ' S G E R M A N C H U R C H E S 

W i t h a larger picture o f German immigration as a backdrop, this chapter w i l l begin w i t h 

an explanation o f the research methods employed i n studying the German churches. F o l l o w i n g 

this, an examination o f some o f the models or typologies used to classify church congregations 

w i l l lead to an introduction to each o f the ten churches participating i n the study, churches w h i c h 

were built to minister to the German community taking shape during the 1950s i n South 

Vancouver. 

3.1 R E S E A R C H M E T H O D O L O G Y 

Documents chronicling church histories are scattered and inconsistently preserved and as 

such, experiences, memories and information were primarily collected from those who l i v e d 

them. M o s t churches have recorded their story i n anniversary books or bulletins but some have 

failed even this modest collection o f details. Interviews with church members who have been 

consistently active i n church leadership were undertaken to provide a detailed and personal 

account o f the particular aspects o f church history that are o f thematic interest. F o r two 

churches, interviews provided the only source o f church memory. 

The process o f research began with the development o f a complete inventory o f churches 

established i n Vancouver as German speaking churches by people o f German origin. Several 

studies were helpful i n completing this list (Gumpp 1989; Sturhahn 1976; Burkinshaw 1995) as 

were preliminary interviews with three church leaders o f German origin. Informal conversations 

and correspondence w i t h personal contacts confirmed the inventory. The final list identified 

seventeen churches i n Vancouver ministering primarily to German origin members and using 

40 



German language i n worship services. The churches represented several denominations: 

Lutheran, Baptist, Mennonite, Catholic, Pentecostal and Independent. Special census statistics 

on Vancouver from 1961 and 1971 estimated that 20% o f Germans were Catholic, between 2 5 % 

and 3 0 % were Lutheran, between 10% and 15% were Baptist and the rest were a combination o f 

Mennonite and Independent denominations (Gumpp 1989; Statistics Canada). In 1991, a special 

tabulation o f German born immigrants reported that 2 3 % were Catholic, 53.5% were Protestant 

and 21.4% had no religious affiliation (Statistics Canada) 1 . It was decided that for the purposes 

o f this study, a broad selection o f churches and denominations w o u l d provide a more general but 

comparative picture o f the role o f the church in the German community. I attempted to contact 

a l l seventeen churches by telephone to present a brief questionnaire survey (Appendix); for two 

churches telephone contact proved impossible. In most cases, the respondent was the current 

senior pastor o f the church though i n a few cases, the church secretary was able to supply 

adequate answers. Ten questions were asked in order to establish a comparative base from w h i c h 

to select the churches to be interviewed i n greater detail. F r o m the list o f churches, ten churches 

were chosen based on their age, denominational affiliation, their original and current 

demographic profile and their willingness to participate in the research project (judged by their 

interest i n the initial questions). Each o f the ten selected churches received two letters; the first 

introduced the research project as part o f a larger study o f immigration and religion; the second 

outlined the specific project i n greater detail. Letters were addressed to the head pastor and 

1 Further broken down, 2.3% associated with the United Church, 1.95 were Anglican, 3.1% were Baptist, 
34.9% were Lutheran, 1.6% were Mennonites and 6.7% were associated with other Protestant religions. This 
breakdown is clearly different from the 1961/1971 statistics provided by Gumpp as hers were tabulated by German 
ethnic origin not by Germany as place of birth. Obviously most German born immigrants are Catholic and 
Lutheran. 

41 



w i t h i n two weeks o f being sent, each pastor was contacted by telephone. Pastors were asked 

whether the church was w i l l i n g to participate i n the study and i f so, for the names and telephone 

numbers o f church leaders who were w i l l i n g to be interviewed. I asked that the church pastor 

approach the respective church leaders to determine i f they were comfortable being interviewed. 

A s a result, a l l o f those I contacted were w i l l i n g to participate (though one suggested interviewee 

proved impossible to contact). T w o or three leaders were interviewed from each o f the ten 

churches and a total o f twenty-five interview sessions were conducted between February and 

A p r i l , 1998. In five interview sessions both the husband and wife contributed to the interview 

conversation; these couples have been counted as one person i n the total o f twenty-five. M y 

reasoning for this is that each person did not respond to every question though the couples 

equally contributed to the overall interview. Including these five wives, a total o f eight women 

were interviewed. Their input was particularly valuable because comments were made on a 

wider range o f issues and services and community activity. S i x o f the interviewees were church 

pastors. They were interviewed because they had an extensive knowledge o f their church's 

history. They also proved helpful i n explaining the church's current situation i n terms o f 

programs and demographics. A l l o f the interviews were conducted i n respondents' homes except 

for the six interviews w i t h the church pastors all o f w h i c h took place at the respective church. 

Interviews lasted between one and two hours. They were audio taped with the interviewees 

consent and were transcribed i n full by the author. The interviews were semi-structured so while 

I had a list o f questions to ask each respondent, each interview took its o w n conversational 

course at the end o f w h i c h I was sure to ask any undiscussed and applicable questions (see 

A p p e n d i x ) . 

M o s t interviews began w i t h informal conversation about my choice o f research topic and 

42 



general studies. It was important to establish a level o f comfort and ease w i t h the interviewees as 

some seemed a bit anxious about the kinds o f questions I was about to ask. M o s t interviewees 

closely read the interview consent form and several asked questions about either the process o f 

the interview, the overall purpose o f the study or what was to be done w i t h the interview 

material. The environment o f most interviews felt relaxed and comfortable as we sat i n the 

respondents' l i v i n g or dining room. Relationships were easily established, i n part I believe 

because my maternal family was, and is, a part o f this German church community and some o f 

my interviewees knew (of) my relatives. For several people, the interview was much like a story 

telling time as the respondent passed on their oral history. This was the case particularly i n 

interviews where I represented the general age o f the respondent's grandchildren. I enjoyed the 

development o f the interview relationship as I believe it brought an honesty and sincerity to 

interviewees' remarks but it also means that many stories took on a nostalgic tone and a yearning 

for the 'good o l ' days' perhaps influencing the choice o f more positive memories or experiences. 

The church leaders (non-pastors) were almost all retired persons and seemed for the most part 

flattered to be asked about their churches and their immigrant experiences. The interviews w i t h 

church pastors took a very different tone than those w i t h church members themselves. Pastors 

spoke at greater length without the prompting o f questions; i n some cases, the interview was 

more like a sermon! I enjoyed them just the same and appreciated the frankness and critical 

viewpoints offered by the pastors on the role o f ethnic culture i n the church. 

A n audio recorder was used to tape all o f the interviews. Before beginning I explained 

that this was the simplest way to ensure that an accurate record o f statements was taken but that 

i f the interviewee was uncomfortable w i t h the tape recorder I could instead simply take notes. 

A l l o f the interviewees consented to using the tape recorder and its presence did not appear to 

43 



interfere w i t h the flow o f the interview. O n l y one interviewee appeared to be particularly 

conscious o f the tape recorder and he was careful to discuss only the positive aspects o f the 

church. H e wanted to confirm when I had turned the recorder off and then proceeded to mention 

some o f the difficulties the church is currently facing. 

The process o f interviewing went remarkably smoothly and there were few surprises. 

The one thing that I did not anticipate was the emotional power o f evoked memories. W h i l e 

telling particular stories o f the grace experienced by a church as it tried to financially establish 

itself, o f the death o f a pastor who had given his life to helping immigrants and o f the sacrifices 

made by the entire church community i n order to b u i l d a spiritual home, several o f the 

interviewees became very emotional. Three actually broke down into tears. I suppose I was most 

surprised because I have seen few men o f this age group with traditional upbringings display 

such passionate emotions. I was quite comfortable w i t h their overwhelming emotional 

expressions. I took them as confirmation o f the centrality o f the church i n their lives. It also 

confirmed m y belief i n the importance o f the spiritual significance o f the church community for 

these German immigrants. I did wonder i n reflection i f they w o u l d have allowed themselves to 

reveal such feelings had I been male. 

3.2 C H U R C H C O N G R E G A T I O N M O D E L S 

In attending to particular contexts, whether the local neighbourhood, an ethnic or 

linguistic group, or an economic class, churches attempt to mould themselves into fitting 

particular models or typologies. W i t h or without intention, churches evolve through these 

models as they experience growth and decline and as meeting spaces become crowded or empty. 

Individual churches must constantly assess their demographic circumstances. It became clear 

44 



after m y first few interviews that, among other factors, the impact o f a changing neighbourhood 

has significant bearing on the evolution o f the life cycle o f the church. Churches must be 

dynamic institutions, observing and anticipating changes i n their social environments; those 

failing to do so risk losing members and, most significantly, losing young people. Those 

churches attached to particular neighbourhoods and serving a specific sub-group o f residents 

must be particularly conscious o f their relationship w i t h the community. Norton (1964) explains, 

When the urban areas began to grow, the church did not understand that the very 
concept of community was changing... If there had previously been some real 
significance in the coterminous relationship between the community and the 
parish, it was immediately cancelled out in the proliferation of parishes as a 
result of this tactic. The tactic fixed a special kind of kinship between church and 
place of residence... Thus it was that the church, by the very nature of its 
organization, fostered the subcommunity insularity (16-17). 

V e r y few neighbourhood based ethnic churches avoid what Norton describes here. M o s t , 

"function w i t h indifference to the context around them and end up as sub-communities i n their 

neighbourhoods" (Posterski & N e l s o n 1997:182). A s a result o f such criticism, many church 

leaders i n the past ten years have become interested i n a body o f literature i n theological studies 

concerned w i t h church growth that identifies church models or typologies. The models are 

organizational formats after w h i c h churches may attempt to pattern themselves as appropriate to 

their particular context and circumstance. It is w e l l recognized that churches, ethnic churches i n 

particular, cycle through common sequences o f life events such as those described here by 

M u l l i n s : 

Minority churches are initially established to meet the needs of the immigrant 
generation. During this first stage, the services and activities are naturally 
dominated by the language and clergy from the old country. The emergence of a 
native-born generation leads minority churches into the second stage. In order to 
effectively recruit the acculturated generation, bilingual clergy must be secured 
and English services introduced. Failure to adapt means an end to successful 
membership recruitment and certain decline as the first generation disappears 

45 



from the scene. Structural assimilation generates new problems for minority 
churches and brings them to a third stage. Membership leakage through mobility 
and intermarriage makes organizational survival a critical concern. The 
disappearance of the original immigrant members means that minority churches 
are again in a monolingual stage, but at this point they are dominated by the 
language of the host society (Mullins 1989:177). 

A l l churches cycle through a life cycle that normally lasts approximately forty-five years. After 

establishing themselves, churches often have a very slow period o f growth for the first two to 

three years before they experience an exponential growth as families who value the church as a 

source o f morality and socialization j o i n with their young children. After the period o f rapid 

growth, churches reach a plateau at w h i c h they remain for approximately twenty-five years as 

children age. W h e n the children leave to start their o w n families and churches, the church begins 

its cycle o f decline at w h i c h time a decision is made by church leaders that w i l l either restart the 

life cycle or w i l l end i n the church's death. For immigrant or ethnic churches, the cycle 

presented here is exacerbated by cultural and linguistic issues i n the church. The ten churches 

examined here each represent different points o f the life cycle (most however, are at the end or 

beyond the plateau stage) and later each w i l l serve as an example o f some o f the models below 

w h i c h categorize churches by the residential geography o f their membership and their ethnic 

composition. In chapter six I w i l l consider why and how churches move through these models. 

There are essentially only two geographic models identified i n the literature on church 

growth and many churches w o u l d fit neither o f these models. The first is the parish 

neighbourhood church w h i c h functions as the local chaplain i n the European system. E v e r y 

neighbourhood is served by a parish church and the priest o f that church is responsible for the 

spiritual well-being o f those i n his catchment area (Bakke & Roberts 1986). The parish church 

functions much the same as the community church, though the community church is generally 

46 



united by a c o m m o n identity most often based on characteristics o f history, geography, ethnicity 

or social class ( B i b b y 1993) whereas the parish church is simply united by arbitrary geographic 

boundaries. These parish and community models operate at the scale o f neighbourhood and 

traditionally it meant that most members lived within walking distance o f their place o f worship. 

One interviewed pastor called his a neighbourhood church, describing it as, 

...identified by fixed boundaries. Its people share the same services, they go to the 
same schools, they shop in the same stores, they go to the same library, they see 
each other on the street every day. And the church is just all a part of that 
neighbourhood...that's how the ethnic churches for the first generation [of 
German immigrants] identify themselves. 

H e further suggested that "there are shared assumptions," w h i c h means that less work is 

necessary to bring about understanding between people. Unfortunately the existence o f already 

shared assumptions can sometimes mean there are limits to growth because, " y o u are subject to 

changes [in the neighbourhood]...you can only draw upon certain people so y o u stick at a 

plateau." 

In contrast, the second geographic model is the larger scale regional church serving 

geographically dispersed members who travel from a l l parts o f the city to their place o f worship. 

The regional church is a product o f the automobile and the willingness o f members to travel 

longer distances often for a wider range o f church programs for a l l ages. Kawano (1992) 

explains that many o f these regional churches are attracting members based on worship or 

organizational preferences: 

In cities...many of us drive to the church which best serves our needs, even if it is 
not the closest. Thus, in a sense, many mainline parishes become 'ethnic' in order 
to survive. They specialize in a particular type of preaching, prayer or 
organization: they stress certain traditions, from England or Ireland or 
Newfoundland (14-15). 

Regional churches tend to have much larger memberships (some even approaching or exceeding 

47 



1,000) and are most often located on major transportation arteries. It is suggested that their lack 

o f identification w i t h any particular community eliminates their vulnerability to the life-cycle o f 

a neighbourhood ( B i b b y 1993). These churches have been criticized for being too large and 

anonymous and for abandoning communities w h i c h they w o u l d serve. Their size allows them to 

profit from an economy o f scale, running a greater number and variety o f programs for more 

people o f a greater range o f ages, justifying their employment o f a specialized pastoral staff for 

music, outreach, family ministry, children's ministry, youth and/or the elderly. Canadian 

regional churches are toned down versions o f the A m e r i c a n megachurch described here by C o n n : 

In this decentralized world the church loses its grip on local geographical 
neighbourhood and is transformed into a megachurch, twenty-five minutes away by car. 
The size of the megachurch becomes limited only by the size of its parking lot. And the 
lost community created by this change finds its replacement in the small cell groups and 
house meetings also characteristic of the successful megachurch (Conn 1994:191). 

The interviewee above who identified the neighbourhood church, contrasted the local church 

model w i t h one similar to the regional church. H e called their model the neighbourhoods' 

church w h i c h , 

serves a number of neighbourhoods and has to be very clear about what draws 
[members] to the centre and very distinct about engaging people where they live 
on the edge. I think it is a little harder to manage a neighbourhoods church 
because the assumptions will vary from community to community of the people 
who are involved...we have become a neighbourhoods church. 

Somewhere w i t h i n and between these models fits the description o f most o f the churches 

interviewed i n this study. I w i l l call them city-wide churches. A s explained by a current church 

moderator, "what kept our church alive for a long time was people driving i n from the suburbs. 

W e called it a metropolitan church, that was the model we were l o o k i n g at." The German ethnic 

churches for the most part began as community or neighbourhood churches. S l o w l y , beginning 

i n the 1960s but accelerating i n the 1970s and 1980s, they experienced an out-migration o f 

48 



members to outlying suburban and exurban areas. M a n y o f these members continued to 

commute back to the church but others have left to find a place o f worship closer to home. The 

German churches do not have the benefits o f size or youthfulness that regional churches 

generally enjoy. N o r have they been able to maintain their geographical closeness and intimacy 

as a neighbourhood church. M o s t are caught i n a difficult and hopefully transitionary model still 

attracting a relatively small city-wide congregation. 

Another body o f church model literature focuses on the ethnographic characteristics o f 

church members. M o s t e t h n o g r a p h i c models focus on homogeneous ethnic or linguistic 

communities (Bakke & Roberts 1986); multi-ethnic or multi-cultural church congregations 

receive m i n i m a l attention i n examples though issues o f diversity i n the church are becoming 

more w i d e l y recognized (see Cenkner 1996; Foster & Brelsford 1996). There are four church 

models based on the ethnic profile o f the congregation. 

The immigrant church is a first and sometimes second generation phenomenon wherein 

religious customs, symbols and ceremonies o f the native land are transplanted to a church i n the 

new host country (Bakke 1987). The experiences o f immigration and the challenges o f 

settlement and adjustment become a unifying call to immigrants o f like origin. Initially at least, 

the mother tongue is the only language used in worship. Eventually this becomes an issue o f 

conflict as the second generation become less comfortable w i t h their mother tongue and more 

comfortable w i t h E n g l i s h . W h e n language transition begins to take place immigrant churches 

may develop into ethnic churches. In cities where there is a high degree o f residential 

segregation or concentration, immigrant churches may also be identified as community or 

neighbourhood churches. 

N o longer functioning exclusively i n the language o f its mother country, the ethnic 

49 



church preserves a formidable degree o f the cultural ethos o f that country, even when it accepts 

non-ethnic members. A s Kawano (1992) explains, "Ethnic parishes form because a group o f 

people find themselves isolated - geographically, culturally or linguistically - i n a larger society. 

Part o f this isolation may be deliberate...or the racial or cultural group may isolate itself to 

protect its special characteristics i n a new land" (11). If the isolation or concentration is 

geographic then, like the immigrant church, the ethnic church also functions as a community 

church. F o r some German churches i n Vancouver the ethnic church was deliberately segregated 

to protect the German culture i n Vancouver. For others, it was the case that there was a need to 

establish a segregated German church as Germans were labelled as undesirables after the war. 

This parallels the experience o f the B l a c k churches i n B r i t a i n o f both Caribbean and A f r i c a n 

origin; churches that were established because o f exclusionary experiences. They, "are 

explainable by the fact that this Christianity developed i n response to the need for black 

Christians to make sense o f the state o f 'ethnic minority' imposed on them when they came to 

B r i t a i n " ( K a l i l o m b e 1997:307). 

In the international church model members are drawn together from diverse national 

backgrounds to break from the nationalistic and linguistic constraints o f the ethnic church (Bakke 

& Roberts 1986). Descriptions o f this model are vague and perhaps the label o f multicultural 

church may be more appropriate w i t h an emphasis on the desire to attract members who pro-

actively choose to worship, interact and socialize w i t h members o f multiple ethnic groups. 

K a w a n o (1992) is the only author to articulate the multicultural model w h i c h he argues can be 

used to save dying congregations from extinction through deriving strength from a number o f 

integrated groups. For several o f the interviewed churches, this model o f a multicultural church 

was what they are trying to become, though not all i n the congregation agreed as one interviewee 

50 



explained: 

I think if you speak with the people who vision about where the church should go 
and should be, multicultural is the dream. Probably if you talk to the rank and 
file older generation, multicultural is not something you'd want. And if you push 
hard enough it was probably some stupid idea that Pierre Trudeau dreamed up. 

The multicultural church is biblically justified (Espin 1996) and for some, an attractive and 

engaging model. One leader from one o f the churches closest to representing this model 

explained: 

We are really one people. We are different colours and backgrounds but we are 
one creation. God didn't create any of us better than any other... it is up to us to 
see how we're different and how we can work together. I think it adds a lot of 
interest to our church. When we have a potluck dinner and we have Chinese food 
and Punjabi food and we have German food, it adds a lot of diversity which is 
interesting and even a bit exciting. I think it would be rather boring to have all 
German. 

The fourth model is the multi-language cluster church most commonly found i n transitional 

urban neighbourhoods. In this model, host churches share building space with separate and 

autonomous congregations worshipping i n different languages, often at different times. Though 

there is little interaction between the congregations except for administrative or logistical 

purposes, the multi-language church model is used by many churches to bridge out o f a mono-

ethnic church tradition to reach new ethnic groups in the neighbourhood. A s w i l l be seen, when 

left to their o w n devices some administratively separate congregations become more intimately 

connected as Canadian born children attend the Sunday Schools o f the larger E n g l i s h 

congregation. 

A final model not explicitly identified i n the literature is, what I term the successive 

ethnic congregation model. In this instance, the movement o f ethnic communities into and out 

o f the church m i m i c s the presence or absence o f the same ethnic groups i n the neighbourhood. 

Burns (1994) alludes to this model i n his discussion o f a San Francisco church built by the Irish 

51 



community, 'infiltrated' by the new local Hispanic community and finally attended by a wave o f 

F i l i p i n o residents from the community. Services were continually provided i n a l l languages 

though membership numbers o f particular ethnic groups waxed and waned as the dominant 

group shifted. This church example represents a unique model i n that the church never became 

multi-cultural i n the integrated sense, nor can it be considered a multi-language church because it 

administratively remained one church congregation. This model is extensively used i n Catholic 

churches where masses are offered i n several languages. 

3.3 G E R M A N C H U R C H E S IN V A N C O U V E R 

The seventeen German churches i n Vancouver were established between 1927 and 1968; 

the first four were established in the interwar period and the remaining thirteen began after W o r l d 

W a r T w o , as a result o f the impact o f the post war German immigration (Figure 3.1). The earlier 

churches began w i t h a small number o f committed members and most later churches either 

developed as daughter congregations or splits from the earlier established congregations. M o s t 

o f the churches experienced growth i n membership to at least 300 members, several churches 

reached over 400 and at least five churches recorded over 650 members at their highest point 

(Figure 3.2)2. 

It is necessary to point out that a good number, i f not most Germans in Vancouver did not 

participate i n German ethnic religious l i f e 3 . This is easily determined by counting the number o f 

2 As some churches do not keep membership records not all of the trends in membership can be reported. 
Membership figures for Lutheran churches are not used because they are particularly problematic and bear little 
reflection on the actual number of church attendees. Mennonite churches chose not to reveal their membership 
records and therefore the three Baptist church membership records were used. They are well reflective both of the 
church attendance and of the experience of declines in membership. 

3 In O'Bryan's (1975) study on non-official language groups in Canada, he reported that nationally, the percentage 
of Germans who were associated with churches where almost all members were also of German ethnicity was 

52 



Figure 3.1: Establishment of Selected German 
Ethnic Churches - Vancouver 

o 

s 
s 
o 

o 
ta 

H o l y Family 
German Parish 

Culloden 
Vancouver 
Mennonite 
Brethren 

Fraserview ____—— M B 
* Mennonite . Killarney 

Brethren Park M B 

Martin Luther 
Evangelical 

St. Mark's 
- Lutheran 

German Lutheran 
Church of Oakridge 

Ebenezer ^Bethany Immanuej Pilgrim 
Baptist " Baptist Baptist " Baptist 

1917 
T 

1927 
T 

1937 
T 

1947 

Y E A R 

Source: Various Church Documents and Interviews 

1957 1967 1977 

immigrants and comparing this w i t h the total memberships for a l l churches. G u m p p (1989) 

suggested that this lack o f participation may have been the result o f "accelerated secularization 

from immigration, preoccupation w i t h material and social adjustments or rejection o f the 

structure o f N o r t h A m e r i c a n churches" (113). She also notes that because Germans were not 

approximately 15%, 6.7% were associated with churches where more than half were also German. Thirty-eight 
percent were associated with churches were there were less than half or no other Germans; 16% were not associated 
with any church. 

53 



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54 



necessarily tied to particular denominations many assimilated into Canadian churches. She notes 

that i n 1971, 13% o f ethnic Germans belonged to the United C h u r c h 4 . 

O n a regular basis there is little interaction between the German speaking churches but 

they do have some connections through the German A l l i a n c e . One pastor o f a still German 

speaking congregation explained the activities o f the A l l i a n c e : 

the German Alliance meets for the prayer week in January and then we also have 
like a Crusade in the fall with a speaker from Germany who comes to preach for 
one or two evenings. They have a pastor exchange in October. That's the only 
link between the German congregations of various denominations. 

U s i n g the models outlined above, the German churches i n Vancouver w o u l d best be 

classified i n their early years as neighbourhood, immigrant/ethnic churches. O f the ten churches 

interviewed there are a few exceptions to the neighbourhood classification, but for the most part 

the churches began as community based, ethnically and linguistically homogenous institutions. 

A l m o s t a l l o f the German churches were located i n the original German neighbourhood (Figure 

3.3) identified i n chapter two (see Figure 2.1 A ) though later established churches are less l i k e l y 

to located w i t h i n the precise boundaries o f the German concentration (though they are still i n the 

general v i c i n i t y o f South Vancouver). The membership o f the Fraserview church, "shows a 

more evenly dispersed distribution o f families. This is a reflection o f the fact that these new 

churches were established to serve families already scattered...from the original core area and 

families coming into the city and settling in an extensive area, a l l o f w h o m felt no great need or 

desire for close settlement" (Siemens 1960:128). The more even distribution still lies w i t h i n the 

frame o f the German neighbourhood (see Figure 2.3). 

As just another indication of how confusing the issue of 'counting' Germans is, a reminder that in 1991 the 
percentage of those born in Germany who identified themselves as United Church members was less than 2%. 

55 



Figure 3.3: Original Locations o f German Ethnic 
Churches, Vancouver, B . C . 

W i t h the exception o f the first German church i n the city, the churches established 

between 1930 and 1960 were, 'tucked away' off o f main streets. One respondent suggested that, 

a lot of that boils down to what was happening during World War II. They did 
not want to be seen or highlighted. There are people in our congregation who 
have very bad memories during World War II of having to report into the 
authorities every week because they were German by descent even though they 
were Canadian citizens. There are memories people have of worship services 
being stopped by the police and people being marched out onto the sidewalk and 
the building being searched for radio transmitters. So it was not in their interests 

56 



at that time to be prominent. 

There is a second factor w h i c h l i k e l y influenced the location o f churches; the Master P l a n for the 

C i t y o f Vancouver i n the late 1920s intentionally moved a l l churches off o f arterial road ways to 

side streets. A s a result, almost all churches i n Vancouver, not just the German churches, are 

'tucked away.' The less pronounced locations o f the churches has meant that they do not enjoy 

the prominence o f churches whose signage and visible community presence gives them a 

welcome advantage when seeking to reach the larger neighbourhood. B o t h the unique and 

common histories o f each o f the ten churches warrants that attention be given to their situations 

(Table 3.1). 

3.4 I S S U E S B E T W E E N G E R M A N I M M I G R A N T C O H O R T G R O U P S 

There is one issue that requires consideration before attention is turned to the specifics o f 

the German churches i n Vancouver. It is an issue raised by several o f my interviewees and one 

that is common i n the literature on ethnic churches. Sturhahn (1976) writes that one o f the 

greatest areas o f conflict i n the German churches strangely developed " w i t h i n the circles o f 

immigrants." The seriousness and frequency o f these clashes, he wrote, were "far-reaching and 

[they] often had p u z z l i n g consequences" (216). O n one hand, continuing immigration 

maintained ethnic church growth, but on the other hand, alienation and fear often developed 

between new arrivals and their forerunners (Warner 1998). Friedmann (1952) described the 

tensions between the German immigrants o f the pre and post W o r l d War T w o cohorts: 

They are separated by outlook and experience. The older Germans feel that the new 
German immigrants expect too much spoon-feeding and have little self-reliance. The 
younger Germans often feel that the older immigrants are smug and not interested in 
their problems. Germans... [can tend] to disintegrate into bitterly antagonistic factions 
(44). 

57 



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Cleavages between immigrant cohort groups split churches and led, i n a few denominations, to 

the establishment o f daughter congregations. Sturhahn (1976) described the divisions i n the 

German Baptist churches as follows: " W h e n i n 1951 great numbers o f Baptists from inside the 

German R e i c h came, the various 'water currents' found it exceedingly difficult to m i x into one 

large stream. It appeared at times that the only common factor was the German language and the 

treasure o f songs and hymns" (212). Differences existed not only between German Baptist 

immigrant cohorts but also between German immigrants i n the other three denominations; they 

were particularly emphasized by German Lutheran church members. One Lutheran pastor 

explained that the divisions between the German Lutheran churches are still visible today: 

I can still see that now a days when it comes to contacts between for example our 
congregation and [X Lutheran congregation], [They have] a number of people from East 
Prussia, from Polish areas and we have quite a number of people from Baden-
Wurtenberg...some how...Imean there are no animosities but...somehow, maybe the wave 
length is not there. No arguments. No hassles. But there is no frequency on which to 
communicate. 

Another Lutheran church member similarly explained the significance o f the cultural differences 

between the immigrant cohorts w i t h i n one particular Lutheran church. He was trying to be 

diplomatic when he said: 

Now when I spoke of cultural differences, those cultural differences exist almost as strong 
today as they did 30 years ago. The clash between the old German-English and the post 
war people of German origin still exists [in our church today]. As far as integration is 
concerned, the two groups really have not integrated [together]. They work together 
somewhat but when it comes down to the family and the heart you are not seeing that 
integration take place. 

In this case differences were not enough to break the congregation but obviously tension still 

exists between the cohort groups. In some cases congregations were able to hang together and 

b u i l d a cohesive church community. Where that was the case, one member explained that, it was 

the faith o f church members w h i c h overrode cultural differences. One member explained that i n 

59 



his congregation, where there were quite a number o f immigrants both from the pre- and post-

W o r l d W a r T w o immigrant cohort groups, spiritual convictions maintained congregational unity: 

there were some immigrants coming from West Germany and they had a whole different 
outlook than the people coming from Poland or from Russia. They had a different 
mentality, different values, different traditions, different habits, different taboos. It was 
really difficult to bring these people together and hold them together as a unit. There I 
think the spiritual impact was felt. That the Christ that brought us together was stronger 
than the things that divided us. Though that was not always apparent. 

N o t always apparent nor always true; not all the churches were able to claim such victory as w i l l 

become evident now i n examining each o f the ten churches being studied. 

3.5 G E R M A N B A P T I S T C H U R C H E S 

Prior to 1940 there were two German Baptist churches i n Vancouver belonging to the 

N o r t h A m e r i c a n Baptist General Conference. Post W o r l d War T w o immigration from Germany 

and other parts o f Europe as w e l l as from the Prairies, where German Baptists had been strongly 

established since the first W o r l d War, resulted in the addition o f two more German Baptist 

churches i n Vancouver i n the 1950s and 60s (Burkinshaw 1995). Ebenezer Baptist church 

(initially named First German Baptist church) was established i n 1927 but by the end o f the 

Second W o r l d War, "Ebenezer Baptist Church had established itself as an E n g l i s h speaking 

congregation" (Sturhahn 1976:229). A daughter congregation, Bethany Baptist, broke off i n 

1939 because o f differences i n culture and traditions and "because the Ebenezer church had 

begun to use the E n g l i s h language" (Pousett 1983:65). Bethany became the German speaking 

congregation and its strength grew after the W a r when it "experienced a strong influx o f 

immigrants." (Sturhahn 1976:229). The church membership grew so much and so rapidly that 

another daughter congregation was begun i n 1956. The pastor from Bethany started Immanuel 

Baptist w i t h 200 members from Bethany's congregation. In 1965 history repeated itself again 

60 



when the same pastor took 100 o f Immanuel's members to begin another new church, P i l g r i m 

Baptist only a few blocks away. 

A sudden drop i n the number o f German immigrants halted church planting i n the 

German neighbourhood. P i l g r i m remained small as the " f l o w o f immigrants had by that time 

ebbed to a mere tric kle " (Sturhahn 1976:230). Though a l l o f the immigrants attending the 

German Baptist churches were German speaking, their actual place o f origin differed (see 

Chapter two) and this was the major factor precipitating the splitting off o f daughter 

congregations. A s a church pastor o f one o f the churches explained, 

The first wave was actually [from] Germany proper, the second wave was more [from] 
Prussia, Poland and the Ukraine and the third wave was then from another place and 
that kind ofprecipitated a move from Bethany to Immanuel...then among all of them there 
was still kind of that feeling of distance and that then fawned Pilgrim. So I think it was 
more that each church had been identified as social territory, familiar territory...[their 
differences] kind of enforced the breaks and the moves. Even...just their accents...the way 
they spoke. 

Importantly the cleaving o f German Baptist congregations is not an isolated phenomenon as the 

same cultural differences between cohort groups o f immigrants has split Lutheran, and to a lesser 

extent, Mennonite congregations. This theme w i l l be returned to i n greater detail i n chapter four. 

Several additional daughter congregations o f the German churches were planted i n the 

suburban areas o f Greater Vancouver 5 i n the 1960s and 1970s but in these churches, E n g l i s h was 

the primary language o f worship. These churches were founded and attended by both first and 

second generation immigrants who had chosen suburban residential locations. 

5 These churches included Mary Hill Baptist in Coquitlam, Sunshine Ridge in Surrey, Oceanview in White Rock 
and Rose of Sharon in Richmond. 

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3.5.1 E b e n e z e r Baptist C h u r c h 

Ebenezer Baptist began as a "small and humble" church i n an empty store at M a i n Street 

and M a r i n e D r i v e i n South Vancouver. Its members had migrated to Vancouver from the Prairie 

provinces and were o f German speaking origin, "a lot o f those people came from the diaspora o f 

German speaking people from Russia, Poland." The church moved later i n its first year to a 

small church at 63rd and M a i n Street, then again to M a p l e H a l l near Fraser Street and 49th 

Avenue. They first purchased property and built a church i n 1929 on 52nd Avenue just off o f 

Fraser Street and moved across the street to their present location i n 1954. E a c h move was 

precipitated by the need for more space as membership grew. A s the first German speaking 

church i n Vancouver, Ebenezer initially served those o f Mennonite and Lutheran background 

before such German denominations were established: 

For a while it seemed that our church served in the form of an alliance fellowship. 
Although Baptist in doctrine, ministry and practice, members of Mennonite, 
Evangelical, Brethren and other faiths had found a spiritual home in our midst. 
In a sense we are actually the mother church of five or six churches that now exist 
in our community. 

The church membership grew consistently until the departure o f the members who started the 

Bethany church i n 1939. E v e n w i t h the loss, membership continued to grow until the Second 

W o r l d W a r when the church had approximately 350 members. The influx o f German speaking 

immigrants facilitated further growth through the 1950s (Figure 3.2). The church history book 

(Ebenezer C h u r c h History, undated) notes that i n 1956 there was a Sunday School enrollment o f 

439, a youth group o f 80, two Women's M i s s i o n s societies with 120 members and several choirs 

w i t h a total o f 112 participants. The membership peaked i n the early 1960s at 690 members and 

then s l o w l y began to decline. The residential distribution o f Ebenezer's membership is patterned 

as most o f the early churches were; most members initially lived w i t h i n w a l k i n g distance o f the 

62 



church but i n the post war years began to suburbanize, some commuting back to the church on 

Sundays (see Figure 6.1). In a church history report (Konnert, undated) a church leader 

described the multiple challenges beginning to face the church i n the late 1960s: 

We could not foresee the youth rebellion against the status quo...which would ultimately 
also reach into the churches. By the mid-60s, we had already undergone a difficult 
pastoral change...and the passing of other pillars of the church pretty well brought to an 
end the total family involvement in the activities of the church as we had known it. Other 
contributing factors were the now mobile society that we were living in and the fact that 
our children were now being educated in various educational institutions and entering 
vocations and professions, often taking them out of the mainstream of the church 
activities. 

W h e n the church began, all o f the worship services at Ebenezer were i n German but 

E n g l i s h began to creep into use as the children o f the German immigrants became more 

comfortable w i t h E n g l i s h and as the international circumstances o f war necessitated actions at 

the local level: 

By the beginning of the 1940's we were at war and many changes would follow. 
Since our name was the 'First German Baptist Church' and hostilities were 
running high, the name was changed to 'Ebenezer Baptist' and the process of 
changing from an all German speaking service to bilingual was begun, although, 
a German speaking service would remain for many years. 

The bilingual service ended i n the 1970s though by this time German use was m i n i m a l . 

Ebenezer had decided early on that its priority was the E n g l i s h congregation: 

our church was one of the first to recognize that we wanted to minister to English 
speaking and other languages and so when our church initially separated from 
what is now Bethany church, we maintained the English language and the people 
who went to Bethany, they maintained the German language. That was the 
incentive for the membership to split apart. Recognizing that one group wanted 
to switch to English very quickly so they could teach the children English so they 
could get jobs more quickly and the other group was more nationalistic and 
wanted to keep their German heritage intact. 

Today German traditions and language have virtually disappeared from Ebenezer. In the past 

three years the church has made a concerted effort to become a community church again and has 

63 



developed programs and outreach to include and involve its new neighbours. The church hosts a 

Chinese church congregation that is independent as w e l l as a Punjabi congregation w i t h w h i c h it 

has a genuine relationship. The three groups meet separately but are beginning to interact more 

and more as the children o f the Chinese and Punjabi churches begin to participate i n the E n g l i s h 

Sunday School o f the main congregation. 

3.5.2 B e t h a n y B a p t i s t C h u r c h 

Established i n 1937, Bethany's first congregation was German speaking comprised o f 

inter-war immigrants from Poland, Russia and Germany. But as the current German pastor 

explained, Bethany's congregation really grew as a result o f post W o r l d W a r II immigration 

hence, 

[now] the majority of our people that identify with the German congregation...are 
immigrants...from [between] '50 [and] '65...most of our people came over as 
younger families with children and they are of course getting on in years 
now...their children have grown up in this country and they identify with the 
English culture and congregation...the older people still identify with the German 
because this is their mother tongue. God spoke German as far as they were 
concerned. 

Bethany was established i n an attempt to prolong the use o f the German language i n worship and 

conversation. Successful i n that mission to this day the church still maintains a German worship 

service as w e l l as a German speaking seniors group w i t h over 85 members. Bethany's transition 

to include an E n g l i s h worship service took place in the early 1960s and though it was not an easy 

transition it d i d not damage the spirit o f the church (as it had i n other congregations). The need 

for an E n g l i s h service was supported by the German congregation who saw the need for E n g l i s h 

as the way to keep the young people at church. In return, the younger second generation have 

upheld the German congregation who are respected as the church founders. 

64 



Bethany's first church was located at 47th Avenue and Prince Albert Street i n South 

Vancouver. T h i s church was remodelled twice to accommodate a growing congregation but 

became so crowded during the 1950s that i n 1959 it purchased five lots at 50th A v e n u e and 

Quebec to b u i l d a new larger church (this even after 200 members left the church to form 

Immanuel). A s one member explained the pressures o f growth, "there was not a Sunday when 

there wasn't a dozen or two dozen new people in the congregation." 

In the 1980s, two congregations were using Bethany's facilities for their worship 

meetings: the Indo-Canadian Christian church and the A f r i c a n Evangelical Christian Fellowship. 

However these two groups were simply renting space from the main congregation and there was 

no relationship among the members o f the various fellowship groups. After Bethany made the 

decision to sell their church and move to a new location, no other church congregations have 

used the church's facilities. In February o f this year, Bethany relocated to the H a m i l t o n 

neighbourhood o f east R i c h m o n d . The move had been i n the planning and development stages 

for over ten years. Services recently began i n the new 1200 seat capacity sanctuary i n M a y ; the 

current membership is 350. The decision to move is explained by the pastor o f the still active 

German congregation: 

the church evaluated its ministry and also evaluated the trend and it was soon 
discovered that the younger families were not going to live in south Vancouver...a 
task force...said if we are going to keep our younger families in the church, we 
will have to relocate our facility because of difficulty with people living in 
Surrey...in White Rock and so on...The trend was to lose these families and 
therefore it was decided to find a location that was central... [this location] 
is... centrally located as far as the map is concerned...it is not difficult [to travel] 
from Surrey, from Vancouver, from Richmond, from White Rock and that has kept 
some of our younger families in the church. 

The decision to move was actually made after applications to the C i t y o f Vancouver to expand 

the existing building were turned down. The new church i n R i c h m o n d is described by the 

65 



pastors as a 'communities' church meaning members are part o f one of, 

nine different communities [in Greater Vancouver]. These communities have 
their own home Bible studies and things like that but on Sundays we meet here at 
church..distance [to the church] is not a factor as transportation is not a problem 
especially because they have developed this network of good highways, it's really 
accessible. 

Interestingly Bethany is only one o f only two churches (Fraserview is the other) that has chosen 

to relocate outside o f the South Vancouver neighbourhood. 

3.5.3 I m m a n u e l B a p t i s t C h u r c h 

Immanuel Baptist church separated from Bethany during the greatest period o f German 

immigration to Canada. W i t h a similar reasoning as that expressed by Bethany when they 

separated from Ebenezer, Immanuel's motivation, "was to establish an all German church that 

w o u l d not be E n g l i s h or h a l f E n g l i s h , that w o u l d be strictly German and the unity, rallying cry 

was German o n l y . " The members who joined Immanuel were a l l post W o r l d W a r T w o 

immigrants from Russia, Bulgaria, Hungary, Germany, Poland and Prussia who, "tried to 

maintain their German heritage a little more vigorously than Bethany d i d . " This preservationist 

attitude toward culture has brought about much tension and alienation w i t h i n the congregation. 

The struggle between E n g l i s h and German has been difficult as the German members see their 

language and culture put on the back bench i n favour o f attending to the E n g l i s h congregation 

and possible new ethnic communities. E n g l i s h was introduced into the worship services i n the 

1970s and the church had a particularly difficult time adjusting. The congregation struggled w i t h 

language issues even i n the late 1980s and 1990s. U n l i k e the Mennonite churches, Immanuel has 

lost many o f its second generation because, as was explained to me, the "church wanted to be 

such a German stronghold and the next generation said, T don't care about this stuff.'" Its 

66 



membership has declined to around 140. 

A s a result o f the understood purpose o f the church to serve only the German community, 

Immanuel has been particularly i l l prepared to deal with the out-migration o f its members to the 

suburbs. W h e n German immigration to Canada dropped off, it 

created a very disorientating experience especially for the church...because they 
had been accustomed to the fact that all you had to do was hang out your German 
shingle and then people will come...well things don't operate that way now-a-
days. 

L i k e many o f the others, the church is no longer a neighbourhood church though some w i s h it 

w o u l d become so again. One member explains, 

We are not necessarily a community church though we are active in it, we have 
our outreach programs...my wish for our church would be that we are a city 
church. That it doesn't matter where you live or what you are but that you are 
invited to Immanuel. And it's difficult let's say when you have many Asians in the 
community around you. 

The future o f the church has been a significant topic o f discussion at Immanuel over the past five 

years as some members saw it best to sell the church and j o i n back w i t h Bethany as they moved 

to their new church home. The conflict w h i c h developed over the issue o f selling and j o i n i n g or 

continuing the current ministry has made the church, " i n a sense even more German now than it 

was [five years ago]." A s a result o f the conflict ninety members left Immanuel to return to 

Bethany. The church is now still struggling to deal w i t h hurt feelings and bitterness over this 

issue. Out o f this turmoil the church has resolved to maintain its German ministry for as long as 

it is needed but has also made a commitment to, "move in a multicultural direction." The church 

n o w has Chinese attenders and is facing issues o f how to effectively develop a multicultural 

congregation without following the multi-language model o f renting out facilities to separate 

congregations worshipping i n other languages. 

67 



3.6 G E R M A N L U T H E R A N C H U R C H E S 

O n the whole, Vancouver's German Lutheran churches have remained m u c h more 

' G e r m a n ' than their Baptist and Mennonite church neighbours. The very first German Lutheran 

church i n Vancouver was started just before the First W o r l d War but it became an E n g l i s h 

congregation very q u i c k l y and never went back to being German. Immediately f o l l o w i n g the 

First W o r l d War, the same situation repeated itself and it was not until 1934 that a German 

Lutheran congregation was established w i t h any lasting success. This church was M a r t i n Luther 

Evangelical, located i n the South Vancouver neighbourhood, established by German o r i g i n 

immigrants who moved to Vancouver after a short stay i n rural Prairie settlements. T w o more 

German Lutheran congregations were established after W o r l d W a r T w o by recent immigrants 

and though there was some membership transfer from M a r t i n Luther to these two new 

congregations they were formed as a result o f missionary work by a Lutheran pastor from the 

Synod not as daughter congregations o f M a r t i n Luther. The Synod body had not sent the 

missionary pastor w i t h the intent o f having h i m establish a church but when he chose to do so at 

the request o f his church followers he was essentially fired from the Synod and two churches 

resulted. The pastor founded his o w n congregation and the Synod sent another German pastor to 

form the other church. These two churches respectively became St. Mark's Evangelical Lutheran 

(Independent) and what is now the German Lutheran Church o f Oakridge, originally the 

Lutheran C h u r c h o f the Cross (affiliated w i t h the Western Canada Lutheran Synod). 

M u c h like the Baptist churches, the Lutheran church members see their congregations as 

distinct and separate based on the origin o f their members. One church leader and post W o r l d 

W a r T w o immigrant explained, 

Martin Luther is a different church...they have people from pre-war and those 

68 



Martin Luther people are totally different from our congregation. Different 
totally... because of regions... because of where they come from. They haven't 
experienced real Germany as we knew it... [the congregation of St. Mark's] were 
different people from us too. The younger people were [different from the 
Oakridge congregation] just in age but the older ones were Reichsdeutsche and 
from Northern Germany. So they were supported by the German church... the 
German church bought their building and we really suffered very greatly after 
[the separation of St. Mark's and Oakridge]. 

3.6.1 Martin Luther Evangelical Church 

M a r t i n Luther Church was established i n 1934 by interwar immigrants, mainly displaced 

persons from Russia, Poland, and other parts o f Eastern Europe. The church grew significantly 

f o l l o w i n g the second W o r l d War when it received many more displaced persons who tripled its 

membership to over 600. M a r t i n Luther Church began E n g l i s h services i n the 1950s but has 

managed to maintain its German service despite losing some o f the post war immigrants to the 

other younger German Lutheran congregations as w e l l as many more to suburban and exurban 

out-migration. 

Today part o f the membership o f M a r t i n Luther wishes to carry on maintaining elements 

o f their German culture through, for example, monthly German sing-a-long meetings. Between 

6 0 % and 70%> o f church attenders are German speaking. But there is some conflict over the 

future direction that the church w i l l take. The church has lost many o f its younger families, some 

who have joined other churches not identified w i t h German culture and others who have chosen 

not to attend any church. The church has not made attempts to serve new ethnic communities o f 

its neighbourhood, i n part because it sees other churches successfully including the new 

communities. 

69 



3.6.2 St. M a r k ' s L u t h e r a n C h u r c h 

W h e n the congregation o f St. Mark's Lutheran church split from the Synod affiliated 

German C h u r c h o f the Cross (Oakridge), they began renting facilities from a U n i t e d C h u r c h at 

18th Avenue and F l e m i n g Street i n East Vancouver. W h e n the U n i t e d church decided to sell its 

building the Germans purchased it and have remained there since 1961. M o s t o f the 

congregation at St. Mark's arrived after the Second W o r l d War from Germany and the B a l t i c 

countries. The church core formed with 50 or 60 members and grew to a congregation o f over 

500. Its present average Sunday attendance is around 120 though the number o f members on the 

church rolls number close to 500. B y current standards, the real membership o f this 

congregation is about 180 (120 members x 150%). In Germany, one must go through a rigorous 

process to be dropped from the church r o l l , hence a long membership list. This congregation (as 

do the other two Lutheran congregations) operates by the same rule. 

The church has firmly maintained its German identity and has consistently hired pastors 

whose mother tongue is German, often directly from Germany. The church today is still " 9 9 % 

German," but a senior church leader explains that now the aging congregation is beginning to 

question its future as a German church, 

we conducted a survey a little while ago and... [it] showed that about 70% of the 
members are 65 years and older. All of a sudden there is a gap and you [only] 
have a few younger ones. But the older people, 51 years and older, that is the 
backbone of the congregation right now. They support the church and they 
support the German services. 

W i t h this demographic profile the church is committed to continuing the German services 

because these members are the primary church supporters; without them the church w o u l d not 

exist. The church does however see the future danger i n sticking only to the German. F o r this 

reason, the church is also committed to the E n g l i s h congregation, 

70 



we will not abandon [the English service]. Someday we will need it and it would 
be dead wrong for us to say well why waste expenses for the service... when there 
is only 5 or 10 or 12 people in church. Never mind, we want to keep it up and we 
must keep it up. 

The church realizes the need to take action in future planning and the issue was raised at the last 

annual meeting where a commitment was made by the church council to formally consider the 

church's mission directions. One member explains his concerns, 

where we are seeing ourselves in 5 or 10 years? What are we doing now? What 
should we be doing? My summation of that was, we are doing many things 
well...we know we are doing them well or we would not be where we are....but 
let's have a look where we can do things better...There are a lot of Germans who 
don't go to church and we should make an effort to find them... our congregation 
is not ready to go to an all-out effort to raise the English service. This is not 
racism we are saying, this is what I see...They are just simply not ready...where 
else could we recruit? Only from the Chinese population in our area. There is no 
other way because this area is about 70% Chinese. So the only ones we could 
reach is the Chinese. I don't think our congregation is ready for that. To have 
Chinese council members, a Chinese pastor, they are just not ready for that...I am 
realistic on this and this has nothing, I hope you do not sense this as racism. I 
have wonderful Chinese neighbours. 

St. M a r k ' s has been one o f the few i f not the only church still receiving German immigrants since 

the post-war boom, many o f w h o m have been directed there by German Consular officials. B u t 

the number o f recent German immigrants is o f course not sufficient to sustain the church nor do 

these immigrants necessarily become associated or stay associated w i t h the church after they 

establish themselves i n the city. The future direction o f St. Mark's ministry is a significant issue 

o f consideration for the church. 

3.6.3 G e r m a n L u t h e r a n C h u r c h at O a k r i d g e 

The Evangelical Lutheran Church o f the Cross was the Synod affiliated German 

congregation that is now called the German Lutheran Church at Oakridge. The Oakridge 

congregation is actually a merger o f the German Church o f the Cross congregation and the 

71 



Icelandic Lutheran Church o f Christ congregation. 

The C h u r c h o f the Cross congregation (which initially included those now at St. Mark's 

Lutheran) met at the Danish Lutheran church at 19th Avenue and Prince E d w a r d Streets before 

buying the o l d Redeemer Lutheran church in 1958. When the two congregations split i n 1960, 

those choosing the non-Synod affiliated group left to establish St. M a r k ' s Lutheran. The 

remaining members struggled w i t h a new pastor. When the city expropriated some o f the church 

land to b u i l d a school and park, the church decided to sell the building and move into a shared 

arrangement w i t h the struggling Icelandic Lutheran church located at 41st Avenue and Cambie 

Street. The German congregation moved into the Icelandic building i n 1970 and the two 

congregations formally joined in 1986; languages o f worship include both E n g l i s h and German. 

Since that time the German speaking congregation has provided most o f the church leadership as 

the Icelandic congregation (comprising most o f the E n g l i s h speaking congregation) has 

continually lost members. The German members are predominantly post W o r l d W a r T w o 

immigrants, "a few from West Germany, a lot from East Germany and then a lot o f B a l t i c s , 

actually, the Baltics were the instrumental people." U n l i k e most o f the German ethnic churches, 

the Oakridge congregation was never really a neighbourhood church but drew German speakers 

from the larger Vancouver city region. 

W i t h i n the German congregation there has been a conscious effort to maintain the 

German language. The current pastor was hired from Germany; the ability o f the pastor to speak 

and preach i n H i g h German is a top priority for German Lutheran congregations. The desire to 

maintain the German heritage is evident in the singing o f German hymns, the traditional German 

Christmas service, and the German spring sing-a-long. But now that church members are aging 

they are f o l l o w i n g the same life cycle as the Icelandic congregation, "the situation is exactly the 

72 



same it's just about maybe 30 years later...the same story has repeated itself again and now we 

[German congregation] are just waiting to be swallowed up by another congregation or a 

community." 

In the last ten years the church has made attempts to invite its neighbours to church, "the 

council members walked from door to door to door and handed out invitations and pamphlets 

and the result was nothing...that was very discouraging because we tried to offer projects and 

programs to the neighbourhood and the response was n i l . " W i t h only one-third o f church 

members attending E n g l i s h services, the congregation recognized the necessity o f increasing 

membership i n its E n g l i s h congregation but thus far it has not been successful. N o w the 

congregation is l o o k i n g to close its doors as its Sunday attendance has declined to less than forty, 

I always promised when I was chairman that we would have German services for 
as long as we can afford it. Right now we are in the process where we [are] 
seek[ing] two or three congregations who will dissolve their congregations and 
we will dissolve ours and form one church and choose one property to make one 
large church. People get too old, people who are running the churches. There 
are too few of them and it is not good stewardship to waste good money just 
running the church. 

3.7 M E N N O N I T E B R E T H R E N C H U R C H E S 

The Mennonite churches discussed here are o f the Mennonite Brethren tradition, a 

partner body i n the national Mennonite Central Committee w h i c h acts as the social and 

welfare arm o f the Mennonite churches6. The mother congregation o f the Mennonite 

Brethren denomination is the Vancouver Mennonite Brethren ( M B ) C h u r c h located i n the 

heart o f the South Vancouver neighbourhood around a hub o f Mennonite immigrants. It 

6 The other large Mennonite church that is represented in Vancouver is the Mennonite Conference division and 
they too have several churches in the South Vancouver area as well as daughter congregations in other parts of 
Greater Vancouver. I chose the Mennonite Brethren division churches somewhat arbitrarily as 1 had better contacts. 

73 



was established largely by immigrants who had initially settled i n rural areas o f the 

L o w e r M a i n l a n d and the Prairies and, "it became a local spiritual home for M B s l i v i n g i n 

that area." The Mennonite Brethren strongly adhered to their German mother tongue, 

emphasized their religious and ethnic characteristics and developed a strong group 

consciousness (Froeschle 1992). In fact, the mother congregation still holds services i n 

German, this almost 65 years after the church was established. In contrast, the D u t c h 

Reformed churches i n Vancouver only maintained their language for an average o f ten 

years (Burkinshaw 1995). 

The Vancouver Mennonite churches experienced continued and significant 

growth particularly i n the post W o r l d W a r T w o period and the constant influx o f 

immigrants necessitated the establishment o f several daughter churches. The first 

daughter church o f the Vancouver M B was Fraserview (1955) and from the Fraserview 

M B Church, K i l l a r n e y Park M B (1961) was planted. A l s o in 1961, approximately 120 

members o f Vancouver M B , mainly middle aged couples and young people, left to begin 

the W i l l i n g d o n M B church i n Burnaby w h i c h is now a flourishing church incorporating 

seven languages (other than English) in their Sunday services and enjoying a weekly 

attendance close to 1,000. The last o f the Vancouver M B daughter churches was the 

C u l l o d e n M B church i n 1968 and it was initially intended to replace the mother church as 

it was much larger and only a few blocks away. The Vancouver M B church closed its 

doors for only a few weeks. A t the first worship service i n the new C u l l o d e n building, 

the church was nearly filled to its capacity and so it was decided that both churches w o u l d 

continue to serve the community. 



3.7.1 Vancouver Mennonite Brethren 

Established i n 1937, most members o f V a n c o u v e r Mennonite Brethren came to 

Canada from Russia i n the 1920s. M a n y were initially settled in the L o w e r M a i n l a n d and 

the church grew through serving many o f the children o f the immigrants who were 

m o v i n g to Vancouver for employment and educational reasons. The church thrived w i t h 

the influx o f the post W o r l d W a r T w o settlers; in the early 1950s the church membership 

more than doubled and the seating capacity o f 375 was grossly inadequate for the almost 

700 Sunday attenders. E v e n after several churches were planted and took w i t h them 

members the mother M B church, the church building remained too small for its 

congregation. After the new Culloden church was built, Vancouver M B recommenced 

meeting after being closed for only one or two Sundays and both churches continued to 

grow into the 1970s when they became home to Russian Mennonites who had 

immigrated first to South A m e r i c a and were now sponsored to come to Canada. A 

church pastor explained, 

...Paraguay, Argentina, Brazil, Uruguay, were the chief receptors of many of the 
Mennonites that were disenfranchised due to the war...as soon as it was possible 
for these immigrants who were in South America, they came to Canada. Canada 
at that time offered much better opportunity to get ahead. 

U n t i l the m i d 1970s the church remained mainly German i n large part because o f the German 

speaking South A m e r i c a n immigrants. It was not until 1988 that the church separated their 

services for E n g l i s h and German members, though they had held bilingual services since 1958. 

The church membership began to decline i n the late 1970s and early 1980s as more and more 

members moved back to the Fraser V a l l e y or to the suburbs. In recent years, the congregation o f 

about 150 has become somewhat multicultural w i t h members o f Latino, Lebanese, Peruvian, and 

75 



F i l i p i n o backgrounds participating. A long time church leader explains his v i e w o f the future o f 

the German service, "I think the German language, you give it another ten years and I think the 

bilingual w i l l be dropped all together. It's more and more switching over to the E n g l i s h and y o u 

can't get any more ministers that are still b i l i n g u a l . " 

3.7.2 Fraserview Mennonite Brethren 

Fraserview was the first daughter church o f the Vancouver M B church and was 

established i n 1955. The church was located at 59th and K n i g h t Street but it moved to a location 

i n north R i c h m o n d i n 1979 and sold its former building to a Chinese Baptist church group. 

W h e n first established, h a l f o f the Fraserview congregation were Prairie born Germans o f post-

W o r l d W a r One immigrants, some even o f pre-World War One immigrants. The other h a l f o f 

the congregation were Russian born and arrived i n the interwar period (Siemens 1960). The 

church was started w i t h 230 members and quickly doubled in size by 1958 to almost 500 

members. W i t h the addition o f adherents the church had over 750 participants. A 1961 

newspaper article profiling the church highlights the church's emphasis on young people (Regehr 

1961). W i t h a youth group o f over 100 the church exerted a great deal o f effort to maintain the 

interest o f its youth. The Fraserview church moved in 1979 when it recognized that a large 

proportion o f its membership was moving to R i c h m o n d . The factors contributing to the church's 

decision to move were explained by the church pastor, 

I think it was urbanization and economic kind of stuff...it was the suburban move 
of a number ofpeople who were making it economically and moved out of East 
Vancouver and were...breaking new ground economically and with housing and 
all of this land was developed here. This land immediately here was developed by 
the people of this church. All of these houses and the condo units were built by 
the people who had the vision to build this church and they had a whole... they in 
essence created a community to service the church so that the church then in turn 

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would have the resources to service the community, you know the symbiotic 
relationship. 

In the new church building, members tried to maintain the community/neighbourhood church 

model. In fact the church acted as a developer and bought a large tract o f land, built residential 

units around the church and sold them, i n part to help finance the church. In the process o f the 

church's move, it lessened its devotion to its German origins and became essentially an E n g l i s h 

church. Today the German language is absent from the congregation. The church n o w hosts a 

daughter congregation o f the Chinese Baptist church that bought its o l d building i n South 

Vancouver but there is no relationship between the Chinese church and Fraserview's 

congregation. Their current relationship is essentially as landlord-tenant. 

3.7.3 Culloden Mennonite Brethren 

Since its first Sunday, Culloden has been the largest o f the two Mennonite Brethren 

churches remaining i n South Vancouver. M o s t o f Culloden's members are transfers from the 

Vancouver M B church (which was going to close) but the large initial attendance as w e l l as the 

anticipation o f continued immigration from South A m e r i c a kept both churches alive. In 

retrospect one leader expressed thought that the decision was not a wise one, 

Now we sort of feel that we should have sold the other church (Vancouver MB) 
because our church (Culloden) has dwindled from 550 members down to 270 and 
we are struggling and the Vancouver MB church is struggling... trying to keep a 
pastor for the German as well as for the English and having a youth pastor as 
well. It's quite a struggle financially. But we're not quite ready yet to join... But 
really that would be the best thing...to sell one of the churches and just 
concentrate on one church that has German and English. 

Though most o f the first church members were neighbourhood residents, most n o w commute 

from R i c h m o n d (60-65%) and many o f the original congregation members have moved to the 

Fraser V a l l e y . In the last five years, the church has made strong efforts to connect w i t h its local 

7 7 



community through youth and children's programs. The church now hosts two other language 

groups, a Greek congregation o f between 15 to 25 members meet while the E n g l i s h service is 

held and a Vietnamese congregation o f approximately 50 young families uses the sanctuary on 

Sunday afternoons (this congregation essentially has a landlord-tenant relationship w i t h the 

church). The church still has a German congregation o f 90-100 people to meet the needs o f the 

elderly German speaking church members. The largest church service is the E n g l i s h and 

attendance runs between 250 and 275 i n a church that seats 500. 

3.8 H O L Y F A M I L Y C A T H O L I C C H U R C H 

H o l y F a m i l y Church was built by displaced persons and those from Russia and S l o v a k i a 

who came to Canada i n 1948 and 1949. The first generation o f people who came from Germany 

proper arrived i n the 1950s and the differences between these two cohort groups d i d not lead to 

outright conflict but as one long time member explained, "we had different outlooks on life, 

different educations...we just had to adjust to each other." The church was established as a 

national parish and therefore was the home to any German speaking Catholic i n Vancouver. 

Members were from Russia, Romania, Austria, Poland, Hungary, Y u g o s l a v i a , South A m e r i c a 

and Germany. 

The church first met at the U k r a i n i a n Catholic parish i n the D o w n t o w n Eastside. In 1948 

the church bought property at its current location and built a school on the west h a l f o f the 

property just ten years later. The location was chosen w i t h the help o f , "a large city map 

showing the concentration o f the [German speaking people interested i n the parish] w h i c h proved 

that V i c t o r i a D r i v e and 33rd. Avenue was about the centre." The church was a strong religious 

and social centre for German Catholics but it has experienced significant decline, particularly i n 

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the past ten years as members have passed away or moved up the V a l l e y . A once very involved 

member now l i v i n g i n Abbotsford explained, 

they had a very active youth group when we were still there but now they don't 
have any thing... except the Knights of Columbus.... nothing else is going on 
there... [but] because the facilities are there... the bishop said you better take in the 
Spanish people because they need the space. And as we see when we drove into 
Vancouver or to Holy Family church, this is a young community and there is life 
again. But the German parish will just disappear one of these days... We always 
have a shock when we go into the church and there are only a few [German] 
people there. 

A s a national parish, the purpose o f the church was to provide a place o f worship for German 

speakers. N o w that most members feel equally at home with E n g l i s h , many have moved to their 

local parishes. The decline o f the church is explained by this long time member, 

in our case, some die, some retire and move to the Valley for financial reasons. Most of 
us, our kids move away where the jobs are and then they are so far that they don't go to 
the German parish anymore. The other half doesn't speak German so they go to an 
English parish. So this is why it will eventually die. Unless a new wave of German 
immigrants come. 

Members expect that w i t h i n ten years the German w i l l be completely gone and the parish w i l l 

perhaps be taken over by the new Spanish congregation. The same church member explained the 

arrival o f the Spanish congregation just a few years ago: 

The Latinos, the Spanish speaking Latin Americans, they couldn't get their own 
parish, they were always somewhere else and we also gave them the school to use 
for their own parish centre. They come from 16 different countries. The only 
thing that unites them is the Spanish language and religion. 

3.9 C O N C L U S I O N S 

Churches, like neighbourhoods, move through a life cycle. The high watermark o f these 

German congregations was around 1960, benefiting from vigorous immigration and a clearly 

defined German sense o f place in South Vancouver. It was a period o f rapid congregational 

growth, even w i t h the h i v i n g off o f daughter churches. However, w i t h the diminution o f German 

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immigration, the anglicization o f the second generation, and the suburbanization o f members, 

every church faces significant challenges i n the 1990s. In the remaining chapters, I shall 

consider, first, the churches' roles as service providers to their immigrant members, second how 

the German church influenced the propensity o f the congregation to either maintain and preserve 

its ethnic heritage or integrate into Canadian society. F i n a l l y , I w i l l consider how both the 

churches and their members have faced the challenges presented i n time and in place as they 

move from an immigrant to a Canadian identity. 

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C H A P T E R F O U R 

T H E R O L E O F T H E C H U R C H I N S E R V I C E P R O V I S I O N . S E T T L E M E N T A N D A D J U S T M E N T 

The purpose o f this chapter is to examine the social functions and social services 

provided by the German churches i n Vancouver. The discussion begins w i t h a review o f the 

social functions o f the church i n general and then considers the specific functions o f the ethnic 

church. It is crucial to recognize from the beginning that the social functions o f the church play, 

for the most part, a secondary role to the spiritual purpose o f the church. It is also critical to 

recognize that the church was not only a place that served German immigrants but it was a place 

where they could serve each other. Members have invested themselves tremendously: 

spiritually, emotionally and financially in their respective church homes. Enormous sacrifices 

were made to ensure their establishment: 

when the church was built, when Immanuel was built, the people, they stayed in 
basement suites for instance, many of them instead of buying a home so that the 
church could be up and work... We had not a fridge not anything for us it was 
empty... I spent 8 months working on the church from the start...giving my job up 
for the construction of the church... 

This interviewee was not the only one to sacrifice his energy, time and money; several o f the 

churches were built w i t h volunteer labour including Ebenezer Baptist, Immanuel Baptist, 

Vancouver M B , and H o l y F a m i l y parish. A s such, churches cannot only be seen as providers o f 

social services. They were and are communities offering their hands and finances to give to 

others beyond their church doors. I w i l l speak primarily to the social functions and services here 

i n part because this an area that has traditionally been understudied and undervalued. It is also an 

area o f church activity that has changed significantly over the years for a number o f reasons to be 

further explored i n this chapter. 

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4.1 S O C I A L F U N C T I O N S O F T H E C H U R C H 

Before reporting on the social service functions o f the church, it is necessary to recognize 

this part o f church service w i t h i n the larger literature on the social functions o f ethnic or 

immigrant churches. M o b e r g , i n his 1962 book The Church as a Social Institution, identifies 

eight social functions o f the church. W h i l e we might expect that the social functions he 

identified w o u l d be out o f date thirty-five years later, they have maintained an interesting 

permanence i n Christian communities. M o b e r g first identifies the church as an agent o f 

socialization wherein an individual brought up i n the church learns to interpret the standards, 

traditions, folkways and mores o f society. In her study o f the German Lutheran community i n the 

rural town o f B l o c k Corners, Coburn (1992) gives evidence o f the significant role played by the 

church i n educating four generations o f community members, "This institution provided the most 

continuous, consistent, and pervasive mechanism for training young and o l d how to think and 

how to l i v e " (58-59). Socialization by the church can backfire when children are exposed to 

other ways o f life, ethnic groups or simply, i n the case o f the ethnic church, when children feel 

alienated by the cultural overtones o f the religious institution (Warner 1998). In ethnic churches, 

this process o f socialization is o f particular concern because o f the propensity o f children to feel 

alienated from both their immigrant parents and the immigrant church. 

The second social function o f the church is to concede status. B y appointing members to 

positions o f status and importance w i t h i n the church, they receive not only prestige among the 

church community but often outside o f it. The significance o f the church as a status g i v i n g 

agency w i l l be further discussed i n the context o f the immigrant church. The third social 

function o f the church identified by M o b e r g is to provide social fellowship. The importance o f 

social fellowship was mentioned by almost all o f my interviewees. It is also one o f the most 

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meaningful social functions o f the immigrant church. The church provides a primary opportunity 

for face-to-face interaction and relationship building. It fulfils the needs for primary group 

relations, particularly for immigrants who often have few i f any family members i n close 

proximity. F e l l o w s h i p is one function serving all age groups and is particularly significant for 

youth for w h o m it may be a determining factor i n their willingness and desire for continuing 

participation i n the church community. 

A fourth function is the church's role in promoting social solidarity. A s M o b e r g (1962) 

explains, " R e l i g i o n is a basic source o f social solidarity i n many family, nationality, and status 

groups i n rural communities, especially at the neighbourhood l e v e l " (135). A s discussed i n the 

context o f church models (see chapter three), many community churches are solidified around a 

common identity o f history, geography, ethnicity or social class ( B i b b y 1993). The grouping o f 

people around this identity i n the church makes it a centre for the promotion o f those group 

characteristics. A s a promoter o f solidarity, the church also functions as a social stabilizer as it, 

"helps to conserve values and practices that have been found beneficial through trial and error 

experience." (Moberg 1962:137). A c t i n g as a stabilizer, the church can unfortunately also 

become an institution preserving the status quo, u n w i l l i n g to accept or even debate new social 

values and roles, often resulting i n conflict between church generations. S i m i l a r l y , the sixth 

function o f the church according to M o b e r g is to act as an agent o f social control to direct 

members to behave i n particular ways i n varying types o f situations. W h i l e there is much to say 

about this function it is not the focus o f this chapter. 

One o f the most significant roles o f the church (and the focus o f this chapter) is the 

church as a welfare institution. P l a y i n g a part i n both the organization and running o f programs 

as w e l l as w o r k i n g for social reform, the church's role is "evident i n pertinent recommendations 

83 



made by religious bodies, commissions to study social problems, lobbying for welfare purposes, 

occasional direct participation i n politics, and alms-giving" (Moberg 1962:149). C h u r c h 

organized benevolent work is a smaller proportion o f church activity today because o f the 

"secularization o f social welfare," (ibid: 151). Hexham (1993) argues that church run social 

welfare programs are better and more efficiently run than government programs and suggests a 

return to church based welfare programs. Examples o f such welfare roles include the provision 

o f meals for the elderly and homeless, personal and family counselling, running o f second-hand 

clothes shops, work training programs, provision o f c h i l d care, food banks, homeless shelters, 

seniors' homes, camps etc. (Hexham 1993). A s I w i l l discuss later i n this chapter, programs for 

new immigrants have also been a key area o f social aid by churches. The last social function o f 

the church identified by M o b e r g is a philanthropic role. Here he points out that the church is 

both a receiver o f donations (for the promotion o f spiritual well-being as w e l l as maintaining and 

developing social welfare programs) and also a giver o f funds to other religious and non-

religious institutions and agencies. M o b e r g ' s social functions are intended to apply to most i f 

not a l l church bodies. Let us turn now to a more specific category o f churches. 

In his study o f the Korean ethnic church i n N e w Y o r k , M i n (1992) identifies four 

fundamental social roles of the ethnic church. Interestingly though M i n does not appear to have 

been aware o f M o b e r g ' s research, he identifies very similar social roles. E a c h o f M i n ' s four 

roles w i l l be discussed i n greater detail, after w h i c h I w i l l make reference to the broader social 

service functions o f the church: formal services, informal services and the importance o f the 

church as a place o f belonging. 

The first role o f the ethnic church is to provide a source of fellowship, comfort and sense 

of belonging ( M i n 1992; M i l l e t 1975). A s M i l l e t (1975) explains, 

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One of the functions of an identifiably ethnic parish or congregation is precisely 
to make its members feel at ease' in this sense. It provides them with words of 
understanding and familiar rituals which, at least once a week, free them from the 
tension of speaking another language or of being continually 
m isunderstood. ..(106). 

In this manner the ethnic church functions as a centre o f community both physically and socially 

( M o h l & Betten 1981). Interviewees unanimously identified the sense o f community as being 

the second most important function o f their church after attending to spiritual needs. One 

interviewee pointed out that i n the immigrant church the social role at times seemed even to 

usurp the spiritual, "some people i n the church have criticized [us] and said we are going too far, 

this is a church not a social club...at the time [the church] played a very strong [social] role." 

M i n ' s second social function o f the ethnic church is also found in M o b e r g ' s list; that is 

the church as a social service provider. Historically, Canadian churches have played a much 

greater role i n providing assistance like shelter, food, and financial aid but their role has changed 

w i t h the evolution o f the welfare system as w e l l as the proliferation o f secular non-profit 

agencies like the United W a y that fund community based social service agencies. Seeing the 

church as a social service provider is particularly interesting i n the case o f German churches 

because o f the tight relationship between church and state in Germany. Because churches are 

supported by state-collected taxes they play a much greater role i n service provision. One 

interviewee who had been hosting a visiting student pastor from Germany held an opinion on the 

church role i n providing social services. He had asked the visiting student: 

How many people are employed by your church? How many people under your 
jurisdiction, because the pastor is the boss of all activities in a way; in the end he 
is responsible because [activities are] run by the church. He employed 16 people. 
I said, 'you've got to be kidding?' Then he started counting, he had municipal 
nursing, home nursing, day care...they have, I can't remember! I said, 'is that 
really the church's duty? When do you have the time to look after the spiritual 

85 



needs of the congregation?' I said, 'can you visit everyone in your congregation 
in two years?' He said 'oh no'...I said, '[social services are] the state 'sjob really 
and truly, not the church's. 

There is clearly a necessary balance here illustrated by this extreme example wherein the church 

is really no longer a church. Let it be understood that social services are a significant part o f the 

church's mission; they exemplify the church's compassion and care for the community. But they 

are not the essence o f the church nor w o u l d any o f my interviewees argue that they should be. 

The third social function o f the ethnic church identified by M i n is to maintain ethnic 

identity and subculture. H e argues that the need for primordial ties and group preservation are 

fulfilled by an ethnic church w h i c h uses the mother tongue and provides cultural education for 

the second generation. This social function is an issue o f debate i n the literature and w i l l be 

discussed i n greater detail in chapter five. 

M i n ' s fourth social function also appeared on M o b e r g ' s list and that is the role o f 

designating social status as members aspire to be appointed to positions o f leadership. M i n 

argues that the social status function is a latent function, neither intended nor recognized by 

church members. The status function however has received attention from several other 

researchers. Nagata (1986) i n her studies o f South-East A s i a n religious institutions, argues that 

the church is the ideal "arena for achievement and leadership," because its size and scale are 

more compatible and manageable, "than the anonymous urban environment o f [immigrants'] 

professional l i v e s " (27). Status becomes important particularly for those immigrants who have 

i n effect been demoted i n their new place o f work relative to their status position i n their 

homeland. In this manner the church "offers an arena to reclaim the honour they were deprived 

o f by the immigrant experience" (Warner 1998). In his book on the history o f the immigration o f 

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German Baptists to Canada, Sturhahn (1976) illustrates the importance o f the church i n status 

achievement as w e l l as the ensuing conflicts because o f the different points o f origin and thus 

different ways o f administering church organizations: 

It was not uncommon that Mr. X, formerly a well established landowner... came to 
Canada with great visions and plans to recapture his past. In Poland or Russia 
he was in a commanding position. He now comes to [a large Canadian city]. 
Theoretically he is prepared to accept any job as was suggested to him but his 
knowledge of the English language is very limited. In fact, his employer or 
Canadian colleagues let him know that he is a second rate Canadian. His wages 
are minimum, his work is menial. He feels frustrated, but cannot very well show 
his feelings at work. He is still very much at home in his church. Here his 
language is spoken; he has a leading position. If he were the only frustrated 
person in the congregation, things might go on peacefully, but Mr. Y and Mr. Z 
have similar experiences and disappointments. On top of it all, Mr. X's basic 
concept of church administration, originating in Poland, differs radically from 
that of Mr. Y and Mr. Z, who are from East Prussia and from West Germany. 
Besides, there can only be one Bible teacher, and each of the three claim full 
qualification... or there is need only for one additional deacon (Sturhahn 
1976:217). 

Sturhahn poignantly illustrates the importance and self-worth bestowed by the appointment to 

positions o f power w i t h i n the church. I w o u l d agree w i t h Nagata's observation that the function 

is latent - not one interviewee mentioned the concession o f status by the church as an important 

role o f the church. 

M i n ' s research on the social functions o f immigrant churches comes out o f studies done 

on K o r e a n churches i n the United States. In the past ten years, the K o r e a n church has become 

the most researched ethnic church group i n the United States and M i n ' s observations are 

supported by several other Korean church studies. C h o y (1979 i n H u r h & K i m 1990) lists 

several functions o f the Korean ethnic church: as a social centre, as a means o f cultural 

identification, as serving educational needs by teaching language, history and culture and as a 

means o f keeping K o r e a n nationalism alive. K i m (1981 i n H u r h & K i m 1990) identifies non-

87 



spiritual functions including the church role as a pseudo-extended family, and as an emotional 

support network for individuals experiencing crises. In fact, H y u n (1995) i n examining the best 

means to address the emotional and physical needs o f Korean immigrants points to the institution 

o f the church. H e argues that, 

the Korean ethnic church is the best resource available in the Korean ethnic 
community with which to meet the psycho-social needs of Korean immigrants. It 
can integrate both the social service functions of church and the classic 
community based intervention approach...[which] must be culturally sensitive and 
linguistically appropriate (Hyun 1995:30). 

The fact that he argues that the church should be the central venue around w h i c h information on 

"health care, housing, immigration and naturalization services, welfare services, ethnic social 

service agency services, counselling, education, services for the elderly, legal services and postal 

services" ( H y u n 1995:33) should be distributed speaks to the principal role o f the church i n this 

ethnic community. 

4.2 O V E R A L L S O C I A L S I G N I F I C A N C E O F T H E G E R M A N C H U R C H 

E a c h interviewee was asked at some point during the interview i f (s)he could try to 

express i n a general sense what overall role the church played for those immigrants who 

participated i n church life. Several quotations begin to paint an image o f the church and its 

meaning i n the immigrant experience. The church was the primary place o f social and spiritual 

fellowship for the believing immigrants. It became, as one immigrant explained, 

the focal point of their spiritual life and also their social life to such an extent that 
they had no other contacts except with church people. They had their jobs and 
they did that everyday but weekends and evenings were taken up with fellowship 
and socializing among their own kind. 

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The idea that the church was the centre o f social activity was echoed by another second 

generation immigrant and church leader who explains that the church, "was their social life. That 

is where their activities were. Other than going to work during the day, the rest o f their social 

life was at the church. A lot o f mine was too when I was growing up." In some instances, the 

primacy o f the social role meant that the provision o f social services and the import o f spiritual 

guidance fell secondary "to the concern that people had to find an identity...somehow this is a 

place o f familiarity to them, whether it is the language or the customs." This pastor explained 

that the notion o f church as a place o f community rather than a spiritual centre can have negative 

effects on the church's true role if, "much o f what [members] bring is not an issue o f religious 

conviction as much as it is a feeling o f home." A s another pastor and immigrant admitted, there 

were some attendees who took advantage o f the church as a home and as a service provider but 

he adds, "as a whole the German community looked after each other and I think during the first 

ten years this I think was the great strength o f these churches." The church was a supportive 

community that, "looked after...emotional needs, spiritual needs and physical needs." It was a 

centre i n a spiritual, physical and emotional sense where immigrants, "found stability and where 

[they] could always go and ask for help." 

A s a prelude to a fuller discussion o f the social functions and services provided by the 

church, the f o l l o w i n g quotation coherently summarizes the formal programs and services, the 

informal services and the sense o f belonging bestowed by the church: 

the founding pastor...went to the train station in Vancouver and picked up those 
immigrants who were newly arrived and asked them if they were interested in a 
German community in a church... [he said] we are just in the process of 
establishing a congregation, please come and join us. We've got German lessons 
for the kids, we've got English lessons for adults...we have all kinds of activities. 
So the church in the beginning was somewhere in between a religious group and 
a community centre so it served both purposes. This was so important for those 

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people who left everything behind, got on a ship, got on a train, didn't know 
anybody and in many cases, hardly spoke any English. It was like finding a 
second home right away. 

Another immigrant explained that i n his upbringing the church was o f central significance. A s 

was the case w i t h the German community i n B l o c k Corners (Coburn 1992), the first thing that 

people were concerned w i t h when they arrived i n Vancouver was, "where am I going to 

worship?...When y o u settle down somewhere, school and the church were the two first priorities 

for the community." This primary significance was expressed by every immigrant I interviewed. 

The church was the community meeting place, both i n the geographic and social sense. 

4.3 F O R M A L P R O G R A M S A N D S E R V I C E S 

German ethnic churches in Vancouver offered various programs and services to the 

German immigrant community including language schools, participatory programs, settlement 

houses, library services and more recently refugee assistance and sponsorship. Language schools 

were significant both i n attracting new German church members and i n perpetuating the use o f 

the German language i n the second generation. Language schools were not limited to teaching 

the mother tongue language; some churches also provided schooling for adults w i s h i n g to learn 

E n g l i s h (see also K i n c h e l o e 1971). A s records o f the German schools in the city are only 

anecdotal it is difficult to determine exactly how many schools were operating and h o w many 

students were enrolled. In 1972, the peak year o f German school expansion, 12,000 students 

were taught at 106 German schools i n Canada. Thirty percent o f the total number o f German 

school students between five and seventeen years o f age (about 3,600) were i n B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a 

(Schmidt 1983). In Vancouver, the earliest German school was organized at Ebenezer Baptist 

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church. A former student o f the church school explained, "we went to German schools so that 

we could learn the German language and that was fostered by the church itself and paid for by 

the church itself." Waldhouse (1961) reported a German Saturday School at the Vancouver 

Mennonite Brethren church and Gumpp (1989) reported a German Saturday School established 

i n 1956 at Immanuel Baptist church. These two schools had combined enrolments o f over 300 

students. The Vancouver M B school started i n 1957 and was sponsored by the church for 

students up to a grade six level. Teachers were qualified volunteers who received small 

honoraria i n later years but whose prime motivation was to "keep up the German language 

because we [the church] were still b i l i n g u a l . " Immanuel's program was financially supported by 

the German Consulate as w e l l as the church and focused on reading and writing (Sturhahn 1976). 

Immanuel's German language school continued into the 1980s. A church leader from St. M a r k ' s 

Lutheran church w h i c h did not have its o w n German language school sent his children to the 

Baptist school. The churches were quite cooperative i n supporting the German church schools 

because the immigrants, "were concerned about the preservation o f the German language among 

their children...that is why they had German school every Saturday morning. C h i l d r e n were sent 

to German school and though they may not have always liked it, they always went." Clearly the 

primary motivation o f the German Saturday school program was the preservation o f the German 

language. 

The German Catholic parish also held a German school taught by the priest and attended 

by the children from the immigrant families. This school was also supported i n part by the 

German Consulate. The church's German school existed from the time the church began until 

1970 but was closed when there was no one left to teach and when families, like the one I 

interviewed, had moved to suburban areas too far away to make it practical to travel back. Today 

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there is still a Saturday morning German school i n Surrey with an enrolment o f close to 300 

students. The program is no longer sponsored by or connected to any o f the German churches 

but is organized through the German government; it provides an example o f the secularization o f 

social welfare activities. 

In addition to school programs in German, some churches offered classes i n E n g l i s h to 

newly arrived immigrants. Ebenezer Baptist had such an E n g l i s h program, as d i d H o l y F a m i l y 

Parish. In recent years, C u l l o d e n has had an E n g l i s h as a second language program for members 

o f the Vietnamese congregation meeting in its church. Immanuel Baptist, Vancouver Mennonite 

Brethren and Fraserview Mennonite Brethren are a l l planning to offer E S L programs to the new 

immigrants i n their communities, primarily o f Chinese ethnic origin. The most challenging 

obstacles to organizing and carrying out these programs are finding committed volunteer teachers 

and then establishing links to new immigrant communities. Immanuel Baptist is hoping to 

connect w i t h the Vancouver Chinese immigrant services society, S . U . C . C . E . S . S . and Fraserview 

M B church was going to work with the R i c h m o n d School Board before they ran into funding 

barriers. 

The second example o f formal programs and services run by the church i n support o f 

immigrants is not a particular service but more general church activity. Participatory programs 

serve a key integrative role i n the immigrant settlement process. Participatory programs are a 

part o f normal church activities but choirs, men's and women's societies and youth programs 

serve a wider function for immigrants. The organized groups and programs facilitated 

interactions from w h i c h developed friendships and support communities. W o m e n found advice 

on finding doctors, dentists, and grocery stores and men learned o f business opportunities, and 

received tax and banking advice. The participatory programs were not only a 'service' for the 

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immigrants but opened up opportunities to take on leadership roles o f status and prestige i n the 

church. In H o l y F a m i l y parish the range o f activities included: W o m e n ' s A u x i l i a r y Group, 

German language school, Sunday School, Choir, youth choir, Brass Orchestra group, regular 

F a m i l y night meetings, Y o u t h Group, F o l k M u s i c group, the K o l p i n g Society, Knights o f 

Columbus, Seniors' group, assistance at the German Canadian Rest home, and refugee 

sponsorship ( H o l y F a m i l y Parish 1988). A t Oakridge Lutheran, activities were much more 

limited but included: the W o m e n ' s Group, the young women's fellowship, youth group, Sunday 

night school, Sunday School, and several Choirs (Annual Report o f the Evangelical Lutheran 

C h u r c h o f the Cross, 1966). 

M o s t churches had active W o m e n ' s groups, M e n ' s groups, youth groups, choirs, musical 

groups, youth groups and o f course Sunday Schools, B i b l e Study groups and weekly worship 

services. One elderly interviewee recalled dramatic presentations that the women used to 

perform, "there was so much activity....the women used to have plays and we'd have to memorize 

pages...there wasn't much [money] for outings as there is today. A t that time everyone had to 

plug along to make a l i v i n g . But church was utmost i n everybody's m i n d . " Without means o f 

transportation nor the financial means to participate i n extravagant events, most church groups 

made their o w n activities. Y o u t h at Ebenezer w o u l d travel by trolley downtown to go ice 

skating, or over to the N o r t h Shore for h i k i n g trips up to the top o f M o u n t Seymour. One church 

leader talked o f activities happening almost every night o f the week, 

we had English classes...we had music classes...there were educational activities 
all week and then there was of course the church services and ministry on 
Sundays... they taught piano and violin to the kids so we have always had an 
abundance of musical talent and there are still some at church today who were 
taught by church volunteers to play instruments. There were other things like 
sewing classes and such but it goes through phases. They had a couple of years 
of that and then they'd do something else. 

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M u s i c has always been an important part o f German church culture and the churches i n 

Vancouver were no exception. Every church had large choirs, often separated into men's and 

women's as w e l l as m i x e d groups and youth choirs (Figure 4.1). Churches had their o w n bands 

and orchestras and regularly put on concerts for members and non-members alike, "I think o f a l l 

the concerts we had. The concerts were mostly a l l i n German and there was some really l i v e l y 

singing. Y o u t h choirs and other choirs and male choirs. They were huge, big choirs." 

A t the Catholic Parish, one immigrant couple also began a group called the K o l p i n g 

Society. The society was initially founded i n Germany by a Catholic priest to provide a home 

and a fellowship group for men who moved from rural areas to the cities for employment. A t 

H o l y F a m i l y the society became both a spiritual and social fellowship group as w e l l as a 

philanthropic group serving at missions both i n the local community and abroad through lending 

financial assistance. The wife o f the founder o f Vancouver's K o l p i n g society explained, 

my husband started the Kolping Society here in Holy Family church...because all 
the immigrants came at that time and there were quite a few bachelors and young 
people who came to the church...we founded a group there that really gave us 
stability and we had all kinds of different activities. We met socially, we went out 
to the beautiful countryside every Sunday and discovered something new and 
being young we were skiing and did all kinds of different things. 

Participation i n these groups then meant that ties to both the church and its community were 

established. A s w i l l be discussed later, these participatory groups served as the structural 

foundation to facilitate the development o f personal networks. 

A third example o f formal services was a G i r l s ' Home for single German women who 

moved to Vancouver to work as nannies and domestic housekeepers. Organized and run by the 

Vancouver Mennonite Brethren church, it served as a critical support network. The home 

became the central spiritual and social home for women who had no family i n the city. The 

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F i g u r e 4.1: Photos of V a r i o u s C h u r c h C h o i r s , S u n d a y S c h o o l a n d Y o u t h G r o u p s 

Sunday School, approximately 1952, Dr. A.S. Felberg, Pastor 

Source: Ebenezer: Fifty Years of Ministry 

95 



Figure 4.1: continued 

. i t 

Youth Group, 1959 Source: Immanuel Baptist Church. 25th Anniv. 

96 



F i g u r e 4.1: continued 



church pastor l i v e d i n the home that provided both spiritual food for the young women and 

friendships w i t h women who became their pseudo-family. The settlement house run by this 

church was the only one o f its k i n d i n the formal sense. M a n y families also played host to new 

immigrants. 

M o r e recently the same churches that served as support communities for German 

immigrants have assisted and sponsored refugee families from South-East A s i a and Eastern 

Europe. The Mennonite churches, organized through the Mennonite Central Committee have 

been particularly active i n refugee sponsorship (Lescheid 1989) in addition to services such as 

running social housing projects, thrift stores (whose revenue supports disaster relief efforts), and 

drop-in centres for single mothers. Through the efforts o f the Mennonite Central Committee 

1,243 refugees came to B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a between 1979 and 1988, 90% o f those from South-East 

A s i a (Lescheid 1989). One o f the interviewed churches recently sponsored a refugee family 

from A r m e n i a and has previously supported at least five other families mainly from South-East 

A s i a (Thailand and Vietnam). Sponsorship entails financially providing for the family for a year 

but church members also play a role i n helping the family with day-to-day settlement needs such 

as enroling children at school, grocery shopping and learning public transportation. 

Refugee sponsorship has become a primary social welfare role o f churches (see Harvey 

1997). In the 1980s, a Refugee Resettlement Centre set up i n a Chinese Mennonite church i n 

Vancouver welcomed up to two hundred refugees each month. Lescheid (1989) explains that, 

"refugees were met at the Vancouver airport and taken to suitable accommodation. Jobs had to 

be found for them. Some received material assistance. Introducing refugees to Canada's 

medical, legal, and school systems required many hours o f translating, counselling, and ' w a l k i n g 

alongside t h e m ' " (133). 

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H o l y F a m i l y Catholic Parish has also been involved in the sponsorship o f refugees. A 

church leader explained why the parish became active in sponsorship: "because we knew what 

we went through and now we had the [financial] means." The church owned a house i n its 

neighbourhood and voluntarily renovated the entire house for a Vietnamese family w i t h eight 

children that they decided to sponsor; " O f course all o f our work was done voluntarily and it 

didn't cost them a thing. W e put the house into shape and bought furniture and finished it a l l . 

W e always had different projects where we could help." The church has recently sponsored a 

family from Poland, another church leader explained, "we settle them, we collect furniture, we 

find them a place to live...this and that. After a l l we went through it ourselves 40 years ago." 

A final service, mentioned only by one interviewee but undoubtably a part o f most 

German churches was the availability and lending o f German library books. M u c h like German 

language schools, library material provided the opportunity to practice and continue German 

language use. B o o k s also provided spiritual teaching i n the mother tongue w h i c h , as w i l l be 

discussed i n chapter five, was o f particular importance for the immigrants. 

4.4 I N F O R M A L S E R V I C E F U N C T I O N S 

Though I have identified them as informal services, the social roles o f the church 

discussed here are really ways by w h i c h the church functioned as a hub o f relationships and as a 

community centre. The various 'services' were not necessarily a formal part o f the church, they 

were not discussed at church board meetings, they were not tasks assigned to particular 

individuals, they were simply done because these are support services that inevitably come out o f 

a caring community. 

9 9 



In the Baptist churches, church women organized welcoming showers for newly arrived 

immigrant families. Members felt a keen interest in helping new families and fellow immigrants 

establish themselves and become active church members. One post-war immigrant and church 

pastor explains, "there was a lot o f interest i n the newcomers, the early immigrants who came i n 

the late 1940s and early 1950s. They were received w i t h a lot o f enthusiasm and they were given 

many many gifts and benefits." Several o f the women that I interviewed either participated i n 

hosting showers or were recipients when they arrived. The welcoming showers were much like 

wedding showers, i n that women were given food and household items to stock their shelves. 

Though never extravagant, their practical and symbolic significance had an enormous impact on 

those who arrived. One woman who remembered her mother hosting the showers explained they 

were mainly "food showers...and we gave them household things. I think that really brought a 

lot o f immigrants closer to the church because they felt so welcomed." Another woman 

explained her f a m i l y ' s experience, 

77/ never forget when our family came to Canada, when a new family was the first 
time in the church, right away it was a shower that was provided for them, that 
was a grocery shower or cooking pots, something like that, everything for the 
kitchen and even the groceries...and that was wonderful. If you came and you had 
nothing, living in an empty basement suite it was wonderful, even some towels or 
some sheets or something like that... 

O f the eight women I interviewed, five spoke o f the importance o f the welcoming showers. A 

woman interviewed from the Catholic church additionally mentioned wedding and baby showers 

organized for and by church women. She explained, "wedding showers and baby showers...I 

think I had at least 40 or 50 i n my home. A s I mentioned we were the first ones to have a house 

and we had showers by the dozens. This was a l l church community." 

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In Friedmann's 1952 government report on German immigration he pointed to the 

challenges experienced by women i n adjusting to Canadian life. He says: 

The assimilation of the married woman is usually more difficult. Most of them lack the 
contacts which employment in a factory or business provides and they feel their 
loneliness more acutely. Their way into the new community is mainly through their 
husbands or children (Friedmann 1952:41-42). 

I f what Friedmann suggests was indeed true for German immigrant women then the community 

built around the church holds an even greater significance. For women who had fewer means to 

develop social contacts, the church became the central node o f their social web. It also means 

that for as much was given i n hosting these showers and through church work i n general (hosting 

luncheons, organizing teas, doing Sunday School work), much more was received i n building 

relationships and a sense o f belonging. The theme o f sense o f place and community w i l l be 

returned to i n the final section o f this chapter. 

• F o r both men and women, the church was key in the development o f social and business 

networks. In O'Bryan's comparative study o f ten ethno-linguistic groups i n Canada he 

wonderfully summarizes Breton's findings regarding the significance o f the church as an ethnic 

institution: 

Of all the types of ethnic institutions investigated in the study, Breton found 
religious institutions and publications to have the greatest effect on the 
immigrants 'personal networks. The former had great effect because it was 
usually the centre of activities in the community, the experiences in church were 
similar to those of the country of origin, and the religious leaders were frequently 
advocates of national ideology (O'Bryan 1975:44). 

D u r i n g several o f the interviews, the church was described as a critical support network, 

"whether it was helping to b u i l d a house...or feed them or educate their kids. The church had that 

complete role i n the social life o f the family where today that is a much more separated role." 

101 



F o r most o f the people I interviewed the importance o f the church i n social life was to be taken 

for granted. C h u r c h was a logical place for new immigrants to go, as one interviewee said, 

there were always new people coming over and looking for a contact and where 
do you find it? Well at a German church, the German pastor... they always 
contacted him, sometimes only for help and later when they settled some decided 
to come back and become a member of the church. 

E v e n though immigrant children and the Canadian-born children o f recent immigrants were able 

to b u i l d their social networks through school, they also placed a high value on the social life o f 

the church. One o f my interviewees, who was the only Canadian-born c h i l d i n his immigrant 

family, was the youth social convenor at his church at the age o f fifteen. H e told o f the youth 

activities: 

we used to arrange ice skating parties with 50 or 60 kids. These were young 
people aged 17 to 30. Sixty of them and I remember we'd have 20 car loads of 
people and then we'd go to a restaur ant... had banquets at the Georgia Hotel for 
125 people... You had to make your own fun you know. On summer evenings, it 
was the thing to do to go up Fraser Street and get ice cream. The whole street 
would be filled with kids from church at the ice cream parlours and soda 
fountains. 

F o r most o f m y interviewees church was where friendships developed into marriages. A senior 

member o f one Lutheran church explained, " W h e n I got [to the church] I was i n the youth group 

where I met m y wife...we had an extensive youth group going from the ages o f 16 to 28; mainly 

young people coming independently from Germany. W e congregated and had a good time 

together." One interviewee guessed that the majority o f church couples met i n the congregation. 

T h i s has had important implications for the German church because it meant youth (at least i n 

theory) were more l i k e l y to stay at their home church after marriage because their spouse also 

spoke German and attended the same church. 

102 



In the realm o f business the church played a significant role i n helping new immigrants to 

find j o b opportunities but it also offered the opportunity for trade and business networking. 

Coburn (1992) noted that the church i n B l o c k Corners, "reinforced trading w i t h other German 

Lutherans, as first- and second-generation men preferred to trade w i t h someone they knew and 

trusted" (113). A similar pattern o f business networks existed i n Vancouver's German churches; 

i n one church a list o f the primary occupation o f each church member was distributed so 

members could contact each other for services rather than having to depend on advertisements or 

other w o r d o f mouth referrals. Perhaps not a unique idea today, at the time and w i t h i n the setting 

o f an ethnic church it encouraged and facilitated trade and business w i t h i n the German group 

rather than w i t h the at-large community. A t another church, a German-speaking builder from 

V i e n n a routinely hired labourers and trades people from w i t h i n his congregation. 

Overall the most common response to my question probing the kinds o f things the church 

did to help immigrants settle i n Vancouver was the church's role i n helping people to find 

employment and accommodation. V i r t u a l l y every interviewee mentioned how the pastor and/or 

the church had functioned as both an employment agency and a housing board, as w e l l as 

providing other kinds o f general settlement assistance. It is widely recognized i n the literature 

that pastors o f immigrant congregations function i n multiple roles including that of, "community 

worker, social organizer, immigration law counsellor and advocate, and often ethnic promoter as 

w e l l as pastor" (Kawano 1992:116). They regularly provide information and counselling on 

employment, business, housing, health care, and children's education, sometimes even 

interpreting and f i l l i n g out necessary forms ( M i n 1992). Interviews revealed that more than 

anything, pastors act as coordinators matching the needs, skills and opportunities o f the 

immigrant congregation. One o f the Lutheran church leaders explained, 

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Some of the pastors they were very active for people who needed a job. They 
could phone him or he would be having his feelers out. Where is a German firm 
or a German boss somewhere where we could get this guy who has just arrived, 
get him a job until he was established? So it was quite interwoven this whole 
thing. Also with advice. Some people, I don't know how many tax forms they 
made out because some people couldn't read...and things like that. Do you know 
a good doctor? You know what I'm saying? It was a centre where the lines come 
together in one spot...that's in the pastor's office or at the church where others 
came in and exchanged information. Still today [the church] still does this. 

A fellow church member explained the process o f coordination by the minister i n order to extend 

support to new immigrants: 

/ think the minister, he would contact some congregation members and ask for 
help because he himself could only do so much. Then the question was generally 
asked by the minister, what type of work [new immigrants] could do and so on 
and then maybe [the pastor would] contact some members in the congregation to 
see if they could help finding a place to live or a place to work. So the minister 
would contact members or make an announcement on Sunday and ask if anybody 
could help out in these areas [like] providing a temporary home for them. Then 
the question was also asked if they could help out as far as work was concerned. 
Sometimes help [was] also [given] with the children too, to enroll them in English 
classes and so on. Some people could speak the [English] language and some 
could not so they needed help. But as far as the minster was concerned, he 
couldn't really handle it all. 

One immigrant couple from the Catholic church were in contact w i t h the German parish priest 

before they arrived. H e was their only acquaintance and the church was their only support: 

[Father Riffel] had written to us in Germany that if my husband would be willing 
to take any kind of a job then we could come and he would look after us with a 
place to stay.... This letter we took along when we came here to Vancouver and my 
husband...went to Father Riffel the very first Sunday and introduced himself and 
this is how we got a place we could always go to and ask questions. If we needed 
some help he was there. 

Swendsen and Wachtel (1982) label the pastor as gatekeeper i n that he often became the sole 

source o f referral and access to information. The extent o f the job o f the pastor to fulfil a l l o f 

104 



these immigrant needs was sometimes beyond the church's control. One interviewee explained 

h o w the pastor was forced to deal with helping immigrants not only because they were forever 

k n o c k i n g at his door but also because the Canadian Immigration office demanded it, 

the pastors had to deal with the situation, many of them went out of their way to 
personally help these people to find work and find accommodation because the 
Immigration Board was quite strict on the pastors on that. The Immigration 
Board really pressed on [encouraging] pastors to help out...because the 
Immigration Board was so swamped. 

Besides the work o f individual pastors, the church congregation as a whole provided significant 

support and aid for newly arrived immigrants. Some o f the more established church members 

who had businesses o f their o w n employed those looking for work. One leader explains, 

Some people had established themselves already, had businesses, other people 
worked in certain companies and were able to help those people to apply for jobs 
because language was always a problem when people arrived and they needed 
help. [The church] was one of the places to make the contact. 

Another Mennonite church leader added, 

they were very helpful in finding jobs for those newcomers. I guess that's 
probably true in any community...Whenever somebody new came in here, he 
didn't have to wonder what he would do. He just came to the church and said 
what he did and everybody knew this...someone would say we need construction 
workers... of course many were in construction at that time. I think that was really 
a plus for the newcomers. They didn't have to worry. Language was a new thing 
anyway and if they had to find jobs through some other agency that was just 
English speaking they would have been lost. 

In the oldest Mennonite church, one woman took on the role o f employment coordinator for 

German w o m e n arriving i n Vancouver looking for work as housekeepers. Through her contacts 

and efforts many women found jobs cleaning and cooking i n homes in Vancouver's wealthier 

neighbourhoods o f Shaughnessy and Kerrisdale. 

105 



Several o f m y interviewees had either received or offered assistance i n finding and/or 

providing accommodation. One couple who arrived just prior to the largest immigrant influx and 

who had purchased their o w n home opened their doors to house bachelors who arrived w i t h no 

place to stay. They had up to five men staying w i t h them at a time and were often called upon 

when the priest was unable to place a newcomer. Another interviewee's family ran a boarding 

house. H e remembered his mother receiving calls from the church pastor, 

saying that there were fellows who had just arrived in... she'd have up to five or 
six fellows boarding...then through the network and my dad, they'd either direct 
them to Burrard Shipyards [to find work] as shipwrights or trained carpenters or 
the various mills in the Fraser River area for employment. 

A l m o s t a l l o f the immigrants arrived w i t h nothing but their travel debt owed to the Canadian 

Pacific R a i l w a y Company for the expense o f their journey. For those w i t h virtually nothing the 

practical assistance o f church congregation members made an enormous difference. A s one 

woman who arrived as a c h i l d explained, "you came here w i t h nothing...we lived i n basement 

suites and we didn't necessarily have furniture so the people who were here already gave y o u 

furniture or whatever y o u needed for your house...It was a very close knit community." One 

Baptist church member told me about a shopkeeper on Fraser Street who sold discounted 

groceries to recently arrived immigrants. A s a church member he recognized the needs o f newly 

arrived families. W h e n it could, the church treasury made up the difference i n the cost o f 

groceries. 

The church pastor and members served each other i n extensive ways: helping each other 

to find apartments, g i v i n g legal advice to those buying their first house, accompanying members 

to the bank to request loans or mortgages; "they provided us warmth and welcome and any [help] 

needed finding a doctor, finding a dentist a l l those little things...helped us with the shopping 

106 



because we didn't k n o w what to buy or where to buy or any thing... it was mainly informal 

[assistance]." I was told by one church leader that someone I interviewed from his church had 

hosted countless immigrant families during their first few weeks or months i n Vancouver. He 

and his family volunteered room i n their home to new arrivals who were searching for 

accommodation, trying to find jobs and adjusting to their new environment. C h u r c h members 

gave newcomers advice, as one said, "real hands on stuff...other than the spiritual because they 

assisted i n that regard too y o u know." The significance o f the spiritual can not be left i n the 

backdrop because, as was shared by each o f my interviewees, the kindness and generosity shown 

to new immigrants was motivated by their spiritual beliefs and nothing less. There has been no 

reward for the compassion and love demonstrated by church member but for many o f those 

families who received such attention, the impact o f the church is still dearly remembered: 

the church became an extended family, a tremendous support community. I 
remember we arrived in Winnipeg on June 15 of1953 and my father had some 
friends who had immigrated the year before and we were picked up at the railway 
station. Already they had rented an apartment for us and put food in the 
fridge...that was all done by the church. 

4.5 S E N S E O F C O M M U N I T Y A N D B E L O N G I N G 

The final area of'service' w h i c h is really more a part o f the general social functions o f the 

church and less a 'social service' is the creating o f a sense o f belonging and a sense o f 

community. H o w a r d (1987 in K a l i l o m b e 1997) explains the multidimensional role o f the 

church: 

the church became a place of refuge and of acceptance by God and by people of like 
background and common experience: it was a place where people could find fulfilment, 
where their spiritual, social, economic and emotional needs could be met and where they 
could make a contribution towards meeting the needs of others (321). 

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It is a difficult task to try to capture the sense o f community and belonging created i n the church 

family as expressed by my interviewees. The sense is really best described using their words. 

Frustratingly, the words seen as text here seem less emphatic and passionate than the 

conversations I was engaged i n . Words removed from the intonations and excitement o f their 

voice seem to lose the intensity o f their meaning and sincerity. 

M o r e than just a community centre, the church became a place o f instant relations for 

those without relatives i n Canada, 

/ think as a whole, it was a hard time for the immigrants at the time and they did 
go to the church for the church reason but then it became the first place you met 
all the people with the same problems and kids. It became almost like a 
community centre. A community in itself. And stayed that way... even more than a 
community centre it became like an extended family and that is the way that it is 
still. 

C h i l d r e n came to k n o w their parent's friends as Uncles and Aunts. One interviewee explained 1 , 

We all came, we couldn't speak, we had no money and we had no jobs. We 
created friendships, instant relatives....Kids would say Uncle Helmut or to me 
they would say Uncle Alfred. They were relatives you might say because nobody 
had relatives, only friends so these were created right away. 

Families opened their homes to host large dinners on Sunday evenings and though they were not 

family dinners i n the traditional sense, they resembled the larger family o f immigrants. 

Interviewees emphasized different facets o f the social role o f the church as being the most 

significant. W h i l e some saw the hand it extended i n finding employment as the most valuable, 

others emphasized the sense o f community. One woman saw her church as less a provider o f 

Names have been changed to protect the identity of the interviewee. 

108 



social services and more as a network o f support. For her the activities discussed here as formal 

services were secondary to both the spiritual and social roles, 

The German congregation was a drawing point for families to come and worship 
and then they began to get together with friends there. But they didn't come for 
work or to find work in the church...It's definitely a church family. It's not a 
community centre, it's a family. I noticed that when we were in Germany for four 
months, I missed the congregation. I have relatives there but they don't know me 
or the kids as well as the congregation. When we came back it was like coming 
home. It is a recognition that there is this small town in the city. They still ask 
how are your kids doing. 

W h e n asked about the level o f importance o f the church's role i n settlement, another interviewee 

emphasized the impact o f formal activities but only because o f their ability to facilitate church 

community development: 

At the beginning [the church played] a fairly substantial role. Because remember 
these people who came were uprooted from somewhere. Like myself I left all my 
relatives, my place of work. I came to a completely new country, a new town, 
didn't speak 10 words of English when I arrived here...it became, in addition to a 
spiritual centre, it became a social centre. To a smaller degree of course. We 
had family evenings, very popular, about once or twice a month. All kinds of 
activities. But the key was to get the people together so they could talk with each 
other, exchange stories and history and hardships and happy times. It was an 
exchange in a language they all understood. 

There is little doubt that part o f the need for a sense o f place and belonging stemmed from the 

experience o f war out o f w h i c h many o f the immigrants had recently come. Some had been 

stateless and others were disillusioned by what their state had come to represent. One o f the 

current church pastors recalled his family experience after the war and the place o f the church i n 

the midst o f hopelessness, 

The church provided in a sense, a security blanket, security home for all of these 
displaced people. All of them had gone through the trauma of the Second World 
War and that was a horrible, horrible experience. My parents... you see I lost my 
mother when I was four and we lived in the ruins of Eastern Europe for two and a 

109 



half years and so all of the immigrants had gone through this horrible war 
experience and so this was the immigrant experience that had bonded them all 
together. They had all been a part of that. 

Out o f this trauma, the immigrants arrived w i t h new hope. M a n y became much stronger 

Christian believers. Several o f the interviewees shared w i t h me their belief that their life had 

been spared from the war by G o d . The opportunity to move to Canada was a G o d given blessing 

and their thankfulness was expressed through sharing their blessings and love w i t h other German 

immigrants. Those i n the church felt as much a family o f German immigrants as they did 

members o f the family o f G o d . One particular comment speaks to the importance placed on 

finding other Christians, "[The church] was really the only way they had contact w i t h other 

Christians, not k n o w i n g anybody in the city it was a place where they could get together and help 

each other. So I think it was quite important really." 

4.6 N E W S O C I A L S E R V I C E R O L E S 

One o f the most interesting changes between the churches as they were and as they are 

now is the role that they fulfil i n terms o f social services, both formally and informally. Several 

o f the church leaders mentioned that many o f the traditional functions o f the church have been 

taken away or lost because o f a lack o f commitment o f volunteers. A s women have become 

increasingly active participants i n the labour force the volunteer base from w h i c h churches have 

traditionally drawn has been drastically reduced. A s two women commented, jobs that used to 

be done by volunteers, traditionally housewives and mothers, are now done by paid church staff 

members. One o f the church pastors talked about this shifting role o f the church w i t h regard to 

social services and welfare, 

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See [today] nobody looks toward the church for help. You have all of these social 
and community services to do these things for you. Forty years ago the church 
was the dominant source, don't forget there was no social security in those 
days...no community groups. All of these things have come in during the last forty 
years....[There is so much dependence on] the social security net. That is why 
there is a lot of unease among people today when the government says we need to 
cut back on social services and hospitalization and all this stuff... the older 
generation is saying yes [cut] because the church picked up this kind of thing. 
The church was doing this type of work and had always been doing this type of 
work. 

A member o f this congregation also spoke to the changing welfare role o f the church as 

government and non-profit agencies take responsibility for many o f the roles traditionally 

accepted by the church, 

I think the situation today is also a little bit different because the state does help 
out much more than when our generation came. We got no support from the 
government while now we have all these groups like S. U.C.C.E.S.S., the Chinese 
group that helps each other so it's a little bit different. If of course we have 
contact with a person who has need our church has such good people that they 
would help however they could. 

C h i l d r e n ' s clubs and youth ministries are organized by youth workers or Christian education 

ministers and often these activities are largely outreach projects to children from non-Christian 

homes i n the community. Today's programs need to have an innovative edge; most children 

participate i n so many activities that church activities must compete for children's attention w i t h 

sports clubs, dance and music activities, and any number o f programs organized by local 

community centres. Several o f the churches now organize weekly ' K i d s ' C l u b s ' and youth 

groups intentionally geared to target children and youth from non-Christian homes (interestingly 

most are also from lower socio-economic status families). A t Culloden M B , the pastor estimates 

that the youth group is composed o f up to two-thirds neighbourhood kids, who come from non-

Christian homes, and one-third 'church k i d s ' . A t Ebenezer, a church leader explained, " W e 

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started a K i d s ' C l u b about 10 years ago and now we have 50 or 60 kids coming i n from the 

community [for] Wednesday night activities that include crafts, woodworking, g y m night and 

then o f course we take them to camp a number o f times each year." 

Ebenezer's new social services also include an E S L class for neighbourhood Punjabi 

immigrants. The Punjabi pastor's wife also wanted, 

to put in a sewing class and buy a bunch of sewing machines and teach the ladies some 
skills in the community but there was so much red tape involved in setting that up that it 
just never got off the ground. We had the machines and everything lined up but then we 
had to provide air quality and lunch rooms and all that, then they wanted a day care for 
the kids...so when the government heard what we wanted to do they just put in all sorts of 
requirements as if it was a full blown commercial school. Of course, forty or fifty years 
ago we would have just done it and the government wouldn't have heard about it. 

The provision o f social services evidently takes on new meanings i n such dramatically different 

contexts. One church member even mentioned the church's role i n serving the large number o f 

German tourists who visit Vancouver each summer. I w i l l return i n chapter six to the 

redefinition o f the identity o f German churches i n the 1990s. 

4.7 C O N C L U S I O N S 

The church plays a tremendous role i n the settlement and adjustment o f immigrants. B o t h 

i n terms o f identifiable social services and assistance and as a community centre and place o f 

belonging, the church i n the German community formed the hub o f neighbourhood connections 

and social networks. It is difficult to paint a picture o f the sheer density o f the activities around 

w h i c h the church existed. Photographs provide some evidence o f the large communities served 

by the church but still cannot convey the centrality o f the church for the German speaking people 

i n the South Vancouver community. B o t h formal and informal programs and services offered 

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by the church made the difference between successful integration and social isolation when 

immigrants arrived. The churches helped immigrants both by fulfilling basic needs as w e l l as 

providing opportunity for s k i l l development (in music programs, leadership, organization and 

various other activities) and friendships. Social services are one o f the many social functions o f 

the church. In the ethnic church, many o f these social functions are similar to the mainstream 

church but they become more significant for those who have no other means for establishing 

themselves. The extent to w h i c h these ethnic German churches provided and sustained a cultural 

home w i l l be examined i n the next chapter. 

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C H A P T E R F I V E 

E T H N I C P R E S E R V A T I O N O R I M M I G R A N T A D J U S T M E N T ? 

In assessing immigrant adjustment i n a new society there is considerable debate i n the 

literature as to whether identification w i t h an ethnic/immigrant group is, or is not, advantageous 

i n seeking to adapt and adjust to the dominant host society (Bankston & Z h o u 1995). O n the one 

hand it is argued that a sustained focus and involvement in the activities o f the ethnic group 

constrain the ability o f immigrants to improve their socio-economic status and impedes 

assimilation. The opposite argument holds that ethnic group cohesion and participation helps 

groups to adapt to the host culture w i t h the support o f fellow immigrants who can then better 

achieve upward mobility (ibid). Naturally i f immigrants are to maintain and b u i l d within-group 

interaction there must be a venue around w h i c h ethnic group participation takes place. There 

may be any number o f formal or informal institutions around w h i c h ethnic groups may 

congregate, for example ethnic clubs, restaurants or businesses but M i l l e t (1975) argues that, " o f 

a l l the institutions supporting the survival o f distinctive cultures, the church is usually the 

strongest and the most active" (105). To this end, this chapter w i l l examine the role o f the ethnic 

church i n influencing the adjustment or assimilation o f immigrants to the host society versus 

encouraging the preservation o f heritage and ethnic tradition. In the context o f the German 

churches, consideration must be given to the influences o f public sentiment toward Germans 

after the war. D i d public treatment o f Germans influence whether they chose to j o i n German 

churches? D i d it affect whether the church became a place o f refuge where being German was 

acceptable? After an elaboration on the debate o f preservation o f ethnic culture versus adapting 

to the host society a brief consideration o f the specifics o f this case study group w i l l situate the 

position o f the German immigrants. The remainder o f the chapter w i l l discuss whether or not the 

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German churches i n Vancouver facilitated adjustment or assimilation o f immigrants or whether 

they played a role i n maintaining German culture. O f course the possibility remains that the 

church fulfilled both roles. F i n a l l y , the policies and actions o f denominational church bodies w i l l 

receive attention i n attempting to interpret some o f the local differences in attitudes toward 

preserving German culture. 

5.1 T H E D E B A T E : E N C O U R A G I N G P R E S E R V A T I O N O R A D A P T A T I O N 

Whereas the debate o f Bankston and Z h o u (1995) focused generally around issues o f 

identification w i t h an ethnic group, the discussions o f H u r h and K i m (1990) and M u l l i n s (1989) 

speak directly to the role o f religion and the ethnic church i n the promotion or delaying o f 

upward mobility and assimilation. In their research on Korean immigrants i n the U n i t e d States, 

H u r h and K i m identify the two sides o f the debate on the role o f the ethnic church: (a) the ethnic 

church "enhances the ethnic cohesion and identity o f immigrants but may slow d o w n their 

assimilation process; thus the ethnic church functions as a ' m o b i l i t y trap.'" (Hurh & K i m 

1990:23) versus (b) the ethnic church "functions to promote the education, assimilation and 

m o b i l i t y o f immigrants" (ibid). In M u l l i n s ' Canadian research on Christian and Buddhist 

Japanese immigrants he too examines the role o f the ethnic religious institution i n immigrant 

assimilation. H e explains the first perspective w h i c h emphasizes the church's influence i n 

maintaining ethnic customs and traditions: 

One major perspective on this relationship emphasizes the conservative role of 
religion in maintaining ethnic customs, language, and group solidarity. This 
approach is clearly reminiscent of Durkheim's functionalist theory of religion. 
Religious beliefs and rituals, he maintained, bind individuals together and 
provide the social context necessary for the transmission of traditions and values 
(Mullins 1989:3). 

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O n the other side o f the c o i n the church or religious institution is presented as an adapting 

organization promoting assimilation: 

A second major perspective on religion and ethnicity emphasizes that immigrant 
churches are best viewed as adapting organizations. The basic assumption of this 
approach is that the assimilation process invariably transforms an ethnic group 
over the course of several generations. Organizational survival, therefore, will 
eventually require adapting to the acculturated generations (Mullins 1989:5). 

M u l l i n s found that for the Japanese, affiliation with Christian churches was viewed as movement 

into Anglo-society and therefore "an indicator o f assimilationist orientation" (ibid, 10) whereas 

Buddhist churches were seen as symbols o f Japanese culture and therefore affiliates tended to be 

more conservative and stronger supporters o f Japanese tradition and heritage. 

F o r M u l l i n s , conclusions on the role o f the ethnic church i n affecting the maintenance o f 

culture and tradition versus adapting and assimilating were drawn along the lines o f religious 

beliefs. F o r German immigrants, any differences i n the role o f the church must be attributed to 

something other than the religious differences as almost all German immigrants were Christian 

believers o f either Catholic or Protestant background. In the case o f German immigration, the 

role o f the church i n promoting ethnic cohesion or i n encouraging assimilation must be couched 

i n an understanding o f the social circumstances around w h i c h the German churches i n Vancouver 

were trying to establish themselves. 

Interviewees provided much food for thought around the public attitudes toward Germans 

and the influence that had on the process o f self-selection dividing those who chose to go to a 

German church, those who chose to go to a 'Canadian' church, and those who chose not to go to 

church at a l l . Several interviewees noted what is a generally w e l l recognized observation, that 

"probably no other nationality assimilates itself into the community quicker than the Germans." 

A Lutheran church leader explained the common attitude held by many o f the German 

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immigrants: 

As you know, the German immigrants tried as quickly as possible to integrate. 
For more than one reason...I was in the war for two years and the memory and 
the media to this day... well at that time, was very strong and I think every German 
immigrant here felt that the best thing was to not make any waves at the time but 
to just mould into the system here as quickly as possible. That's the honest 
truth... What most of them want is to be left in peace. They had enough of war and 
enough commotion. I came here to put that all behind me so just leave me alone. 
That's about the size of it for a lot ofpeople, they just want to live with their 

family the way they deserve. 

Several interviewees recounted stories about the way that German immigrants tried to assimilate 

and almost blend into the Vancouver landscape. Here a pastor explains the reasons for 

immigration and then the implications o f arriving under such circumstances: 

The incident that triggered the German immigration was losing the war...people 
had a fairly difficult time after that and still in the early 1950s I remember people 
who said that when they walked down the street people pointed fingers at them 
and said those are the Nazis and they started the war. At that time many 
parents...a German husband and a German wife would only speak English at 
home between each other and to the kids. So basically they denied their mother 
tongue because they tried to assimilate as fast as they could and sometimes they 
even denied their heritage because it was bad, Hitler, Nazis, everything. And the 
strange thing is that quite a number of our second generation German immigrants 
barely understand German and they don't speak a word of it because under the 
circumstances of a lost war it wasn't fashionable to speak German. 

M y o w n German ethnic grandparents who immigrated from Russia i n the 1920s changed their 

surname from ' N i k k e i ' to ' N i c h o l . ' Their new last name was assumed to be Scottish w h i c h 

made it easier for them to be accepted into their host society after escaping to Canada after the 

first W o r l d War. F o r many during the inter-war period there were repercussions for being 

German; attitudes were carried over to similarly impact the German churches. Here one church 

leader explains the treatment o f Germans and describes one incident he remembers at Bethany 

Baptist: 

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Basically because my sister and brother were born in Germany itself, my parents 
had to report to the Mounties (police) every month. They had to report and get 
fingerprinted and even though they were Canadian citizens they were classed as 
enemy aliens so many people did, they had to report to the Mounties. There were 
certain repercussions. For example, Bethany was already a separate church in 
1939 but they had German services...in 1938 a German battleship came into the 
harbour like many battleships did at that time and of course being a German 
battleship [the church] wanted to be of service and so they invited them to church 
and for dinner...there were dozens of German soldiers who came. Well the 
Mounties kept track of this and realized this was happening and so then later on 
when war broke out, members of Bethany Baptist church became high on the list 
of enemy aliens and that became news to the neighbourhood and they became 
very hostile to the church. They had to virtually board up the windows because 
they were broken by stones... 

The impacts o f violent incidents against the church forced many German immigrants to learn 

E n g l i s h and adjust as best and as fast as they could: 

Even [at] Ebenezer, I remember that they did things to the church, tried to ruin 
things a bit...they used to call them Nazis. But a lot of our people did try and 
learn the English and I remember my mother, she tried to learn English as much 
as she could... she tried to help herself but she too was quite an elderly lady you 
know. The thing is, at home we always spoke German... 

The impact o f the war and the unpopularity o f being German really had two consequences for the 

German churches. F o r German immigrants the circumstance o f war acted as an incentive to 

assimilate quickly and to lose identifiably German characteristics as explained by one church 

leader, "it was just after the First W o r l d War so that was their incentive to assimilate very quickly 

because it wasn't popular to be German or have a German background. That's really w h y there 

wasn't much protection o f the German culture." In the Baptist church denomination, outside 

presses o f war influenced the renaming o f the denominational conference: 

During World War Two the German churches felt the pressure of being associated with a 
nation with which Canada was at war. German names of churches were dropped in 
favour of English ones, and the whole denomination adopted the designation North 
American Baptist General Conference (Renfree 1988:286). 

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F o r some German churches, however, the pressures to assimilate quickly that penetrated every 

aspect o f life from grocery shopping to business to education and neighbourhood relationships, 

left the church as the only remaining arena i n w h i c h it was acceptable to be German, to speak the 

German language, to sing German hymns and to speak about the horrors o f war and the 

challenges o f resettling. It is fascinating that the approach or reaction to one's o w n German 

identity at the time has had such a lasting effect on the church's history, growth and process o f 

self-definition. The churches that became the main arena and venue o f German culture have 

experienced much greater difficulty w i t h issues o f adjusting to their new social landscapes and 

challenges o f generational evolution. Those who have always taken a more assimilative 

approach, a l l o w i n g German characteristics to die, have had an easier (but not easy) time looking 

at local missions beyond the German community. 

5.2 P R E S E R V I N G / M A I N T A I N I N G E T H N I C I D E N T I T Y 

The role o f the church i n preserving and maintaining ethnic identity has been w e l l 

documented (Moberg 1962; M i l l e t 1975; H u r h & K i m 1990; Coburn 1992; K a w a n o 1992). 

W h e n speaking o f upholding ethnic heritage, identity, or culture we are really speaking o f the 

continuation o f language, history, music, holiday celebrations, food, values and ties to the 

motherland. W i t h i n the church this means that values are passed on during sermons and lessons, 

that concerns about the motherland are the subject o f prayer and that missionary activity is 

continued, i n the case o f the Germans, on both sides o f the Atlantic Ocean. Coburn's (1992) 

study found that the use o f the German language and the presence o f a German speaking pastor 

who spoke the high German tongue significantly impacted the preservation o f culture and 

practices thus, "solidifying and maintaining the immigrants' ties to the mother country" (35). 

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M o r e than simply preserving ethnic identity, M i l l e t (1975) argues that "institutions i n 

their linguistically-defined or origin-defined structure encourage and perhaps permit the survival 

o f a great many ethnic groups," (106, emphasis mine). This is particularly the case for churches 

who began and ran German language schools on Saturday mornings whose sole purpose was to 

perpetuate the German mother tongue in the second and even third generations. M o b e r g (1962) 

argues that transplanted ethnic churches become, "a centre o f allegiance holding the group 

together, preserving old-world culture traits, perpetuating the native tongue, and thus helping to 

retard assimilation" (456). In the Lutheran church that held its o w n small German school, part o f 

the curriculum was intended to teach children about the ' H e i m a t ' , the German homeland such 

that they w o u l d sense and learn an attachment to and appreciation for their heritage. Speaking 

more i n terms o f recent immigrant groups, particularly A s i a n immigrants, K a w a n o (1992) further 

asserts that the chief role o f religion for new arrivals, 

is keeping alive the ethnic subculture. Thus the subculture takes pride in its 
religious activities. This is especially true if large numbers of the new immigrants 
are of one religion or denomination. In this way both religious and cultural 
identities are transferred together in immigration (62). 

In many ways the German ethnic church has become a depository o f culture and customs such 

that they are and have been preserved in the church much longer than i n any other public sphere. 

One o f m y interviewees affirmed that his church preserved German ethnicity and d i d not function 

to help to integrate immigrants because integration was not w i t h i n its purview; integration was to 

occur elsewhere. H e believed, 

our immigrant church did more to help preserve the history and culture where we 
come from. Because to integrate in Canadian society, that is sort of beside the 
church; on the job or playing soccer through schools and so on. We don't look to 
the church for all that although we do recognize that we do need the young 
people, we do it for the young, bring the English into the church, not for 
ourselves. 

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H e recognized that some integration must occur, integration here equals using E n g l i s h , but his 

rationale suggests that 'integration' should only be adopted for generational reasons. Another 

interviewee explained that following the traditions o f the churches i n Germany and Russia, the 

churches were very strict about both their beliefs, practices and liturgy. There were formats and 

ways o f doing things that, to the outsider, w o u l d have identified the church as uniquely German. 

H e explained that i n the church, "we could still keep our o w n ways o f doing things, keep our 

traditions where out i n the workplace you had to adjust to the ways o f the w o r l d or the way other 

people d i d things. W e o f course then adopted a lot o f things that are different from our 

traditions." 

N o t only d i d the church preserve German culture and liturgical tradition but for the early 

immigrants it was seen as a protector o f German identity. Some immigrants pretentiously 

viewed their German faith as better than the faith o f non-German Christians and to them the 

German church shielded them from the dangers o f the more secular E n g l i s h church: 

the church was really here to protect us from the big bad world. And I grew up in 
a very tight Mennonite Brethren German speaking community in Southern 
Manitoba and we talked about the 'Anglander,' the English. There were them and 
us and although it was never really articulated and it couldn't be because it's not 
a very theological concept, really we were here to protect the Christian culture 
and if it was only German culture well that was part of it too. 

I f the church plays such an important part i n the preservation o f ethnic identities, the question o f 

w h y the church holds such central importance must be asked. For those I interviewed, the church 

represented 'home' and this in itself obviously held multiple meanings. It represented the home 

church i n the motherland, the motherland itself and it represented the new home o f the 

immigrants i n Vancouver. In keeping the German language and its familiar liturgical traditions, 

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the church also was a place o f comfort and an environment that welcomed and accepted ones' 

'Germanness.' Several quotations by my interviewees include mention o f the importance o f 

'home' and describe what characterizes their German church. M o s t speak for themselves and 

they are included to recognize this overarching theme: 

for an immigrant community, everything else is forcing them to adjust and adapt 
and this is one place where they don't have to...my experience has been that the 
church is really controlled or directed for that first generation immigrant 
community. Its mandate is primarily to preserve the familiarity of home and 
that's not just within the German church. You also see this in the Sikh culture. 
I'm beginning to see that with some of the guys I work out with down at the YMCA 
by Langara [College]. 

in our church still we have lots of German traditions. You can see at our 
Christmas time even with our advent thing. We have lots of German traditions, 
we celebrate certain dates even in the year. Pentecost for instance in Germany, 
you celebrate that. You know even the way things are decorated, the way certain 
things are done, it's typical German and it's amazing that, the English speakers, 
those who are not from Germany, they enjoy that extremely, they really like the 
traditions, while the Germans who came as teenagers over here, who wanted to 
assimilate very quickly, they don't cherish that. 

But see this is home, church is home and that is why these German churches, as 
long as they have their founding members, they will still have a German part in 
their service because this is home. They have established it, they have lived 
together. They went through very hard times together and there is a bond, not 
only a Christian one but there is an inter-personal bond. 

Another explanation for why the church, in particular, maintains German culture lies i n the 

spiritual significance o f maintaining the mother tongue. For more than h a l f o f m y interviewees, 

E n g l i s h is n o w their preferred language o f conversation. After forty or more years i n Canada, 

E n g l i s h comes most naturally to them i n daily communication. F o r many o f them, however, 

German still holds a particular significance i n worship because o f its familiar terminology and 

the peculiarities o f translation. The B i b l i c a l W o r d cannot be adequately expressed for these 

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immigrants i n the E n g l i s h language. Several o f the post-World W a r T w o immigrants expressed 

sentiments similar to this church leader's: 

when you go to a service in your own mother tongue, it's not just the words that 
you hear. It is more than that. There is feeling in it that in your own language 
means a lot more than in English though we can understand [English]. That's 
why German people hang onto the German service. It's just more meaningful. If 
that wasn't the case, people from Surrey, White Rock and West Vancouver, 
wouldn't drive all the way to the German service. 

Another interviewee explained his sense o f comfort in teaching and leading church activities i n 

the German language. H e explained how his wife, who used to be very involved i n church 

activities, is less active now and he attributed their waning participation to the church's 

preference for E n g l i s h where they (both husband and wife) felt more comfortable teaching, 

speaking and praying i n German. H e says, "my wife, she couldn't offer i n E n g l i s h what she can 

do i n German. [In German] she can talk to Sunday School [classes]...even the ladies when they 

have some program she can prepare a speech. In E n g l i s h she wouldn't." 

One o f the most amazing results o f this study, because it examines an ethnic group and 

ethnic church that have existed for over sixty years, is that the role o f the church i n preserving 

ethnic identities is not necessarily a one generation phenomenon. The ethnic church i n fact can 

have a lifespan much longer than the time period even w i t h i n w h i c h a group is considered to be 

assimilated. A s mentioned, it is quite safe to state that the Germans i n Vancouver are a highly 

assimilated ethnic group. Data from the 1991 census suggests almost a disappearance o f a once 

strong German core. A s discussed in Chapter two there is (geographically and socially) virtually 

no German community left yet there are still almost a dozen German speaking church 

congregations. Several o f these churches are still keen to preserve their German traditions and 

though members are long-since Canadian citizens they have not chosen to give up their heritage. 

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A t one interview w i t h a Lutheran church leader the following conversation unfolded: 

Interviewer: The church has been very successful i n maintaining the German 
culture is that true? 
Respondent: O h yes. 
Interviewer: Has that changed at a l l since the church began? Is it stronger or 
weaker or... 
Respondent: I think over 4 0 % according to our survey o f our members have been 
members since between '61 and 7 0 . There are some German people I think who 
believe i f is time for us to build up the E n g l i s h side more. But some o f the 
German people are so opposed to it. It has to be German. 

Speaking o f the same church, another leader explained the extent o f the church's efforts to ensure 

that the German language is maintained to the high standards o f the congregation: 

this is why we hire all our pastors from Germany... we could find someone here 
who speaks wonderful English and broken German but that's not for our 
congregation. Most people there...want a perfect German not broken, like my 
way of speaking English with an accent. They want someone who is educated. 
Someone who doesn't preach too high over their heads. The speaking of German 
in correct sentences is necessary...So far we have been able to find pastors. There 
are no shortage of them, you just put an ad in the paper. You have to be careful 
though. In Germany there are pastors now in the seminary who read the Bible 
somewhat differently. But we bring them over and we will tell you if you are 
suitable to us or not. 

A s was mentioned earlier, the pastor or priest holds a key role i n maintaining language w h i c h is 

probably the most defining and obvious characteristic o f culture or identity. But he also plays a 

key role i n encouraging, both verbally and structurally, the preservation o f German heritage. One 

couple I interviewed suggested that one o f the reasons that German traditions had been lost i n 

their church was because o f a lack o f effort and encouragement on the part o f the minister to 

promote identifiable German characteristics i n the church program. 

Another issue raised i n the quotation above spurs another important matter regarding the 

preservation o f the German culture i n these churches. True i n some cases, the ethnic church 

plays a large part i n keeping the German culture alive, but it is a very particular version o f both 

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culture and theology that are maintained. The German churches i n Vancouver still holding to 

their German liturgy are, generationally speaking, churches that began i n the 1940s and 1950s 

(most n o w include small elements o f Canadian church culture). A church leader from one o f the 

Baptist churches explained: 

in German, [worship] is very traditional because it's also the way that it was in 
the old country in those years. It has changed quite a bit in those years now but if 
you come from a country you bring your ideas and you cherish those. Now in 40 
years Germany has developed itself in quite a different manner but still people 
here are not as well connected...They like [worship] of course the way that they 
are used to it in their home country...so we are still very traditional. 

Elements o f Canadian culture that have crept into these churches that traditionally encouraged 

the preservation o f German tradition have brought about dividing tension that is most visible 

across generations. In the German Baptist churches, issues o f generational conflict began when 

E n g l i s h use first crept into the church through the youth group: 

In a few instances this tendency was counteracted with the utmost discipline and 
force; [the church] lost young people. In most cases the younger parents - now in 
control of church affairs - together with Canadian trained pastors saw the 
handwriting on the wall and worked toward a language compromise (Sturhahn 
1976:215). 

B u t as G u m p p (1989) describes, most churches took a level-headed approach that balanced the 

need for German tradition (found w i t h i n the church) with behaviours favouring adjustment to life 

outside o f the church. She explains, 

Their desire for religious services in familiar forms, their need for social contact 
with fellow ethnics, and their wish to pass on their culture to their children did 
not preclude their aiming at full admission into Canadian society, at friendship 
with non-Germans, and at providing their offspring with the best chances for life 
in the chosen land (Gumpp 1989:107). 

In the end, the importance o f the preservation o f the German culture i n the church is 

125 

i 



really a non-issue though as Nagata (1987) comments, it is amazing "the degree to w h i c h 

theological refinements...are subordinated to preoccupation w i t h identity by birthplace, language, 

and ' e t h n i c i t y ' " (33). The church's primary role remains spiritual. Its mission is to spread the 

Christian gospel. A n y t h i n g cultural must come secondary to the spiritual or not at a l l . W h e n I 

asked the longest l i v i n g member o f one church how much German culture had been preserved i n 

the church he thoughtfully responded, 

Well the part that has been lost is substantial but I think that some of the stuff, 
well the most important things have, through the grace of God, been kept up. 
There are some things that, say have been side stepped or dropped but the basic 
principles have been maintained and the most important thing is that we haven't 
lost faith. 

5.3 E N C O U R A G I N G A D J U S T M E N T T O C A N A D A 

The second perspective on the ethnic church is that it acts as an adapting organization by 

encouraging adjustment to Canada; essentially this position o f the church stands i n opposition to 

preserving ethnicity. In Park's (1994) review o f the geography o f religion and examination o f the 

impact o f immigration on the religious landscape he notes that "religion is one o f the institutional 

areas o f a society i n w h i c h indigenous and immigrant populations can m i x and integrate" (157, 

italics mine). This m i x i n g is necessary i f social integration is to be achieved and when the, 

" r e l i g i o n o f immigrants is similar to the dominant religion o f the new territory, assimilation w i l l 

occur more q u i c k l y " (Moberg 1962:456). A s i d e from the German churches themselves, this 

holds true i n the German community who assimilated rapidly and whose religion was similar to 

that o f the B r i t i s h majority i n Vancouver. Bankston and Z h o u (1995) studied the religious 

participation and ethnic identification o f Vietnamese adolescents i n an immigrant community to 

determine h o w they were adapting to their new environment. In support o f the argument for the 

church as an institution promoting adaptation, they found that while religious participation 

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contributed to ethnic identification, on the other hand, ethnic religious participation also 

facilitated positive adaptation to A m e r i c a n society. 

In the case o f the ten German churches studied there is less evidence for the argument that 

the church acted to facilitate immigrant adaptation. M o s t o f the case study churches followed the 

model o f ethnic preservation. They may not be the majority however (and unfortunately this 

study is not able to reliably position the ten case study churches w i t h i n the general scope o f 

churches i n the entire L o w e r M a i n l a n d as Burkinshaw has done), as Burkinshaw (1996) argues 

that for most Vancouver churches, trying to integrate into the mainstream church culture was the 

norm: 

Several Mennonite groups, a variety of Reformed churches transplanted by Dutch 
immigrants and Baptist denominations with Scandinavian and German origins, 
among others, added tens of thousands of evangelicals to the province after large-
scale immigration began in the 1920s. Significantly, most did not remain 
culturally isolated groups but became integrated into the wider evangelicalism in 
the province to a large degree and began to incorporate considerable numbers of 
members from outside their original cultural groups....they increasingly defined 
themselves in terms of evangelicalism rather than in ethnic and cultural terms 
(88). 

It is unclear whether Burkinshaw is referring to ethnic churches formed after W o r l d W a r T w o 

(which is the majority i n the case o f the Germans) or before, but it is clear that one o f the major 

reasons that churches encouraged integration and the reception o f members from outside o f the 

original ethnic group is because o f the restrictions the preservationist attitude put on membership 

growth. A t Ebenezer Baptist, it was the church leadership who decided that the church was to 

remain community oriented and w o u l d minister to members from any cultural background who 

desired to worship there. A s this church leader explained, 

the church leadership made the decision for the church to be more community 
oriented and then the rest of the people went along with that. The church is really 
a flock to some degree. They'll follow the leaders if the leaders are strong 

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enough. And I think that's what happened there...The leadership said this is what 
we want to do and this is why we want to do it and this is why it's good for our 
community. 

Probably the strongest evidence for the church taking the position o f encouraging adaptation 

comes from an interview w i t h a current Lutheran pastor who spoke o f the first Lutheran pastor 

who collected and led the large number o f post-World War T w o immigrants. H e explains how 

the church facilitated adaptation not through direct means but really i n the sense that M u l l i n s and 

H u r h and K i m were trying to explain: 

Pastor Marx was apparently really good at that, integrating immigrants into 
Canadian society. He put a lot of effort into that. Since it didn't take long and the 
German community and congregation turned into something like a firm bond of 
immigrants, formed like a little society within society but not in order to cut 
themselves off from Canadian society but to maybe find strength in relationships 
they had between one another to go out into Canadian society and do their jobs 
and be faithful and hard workers and build their homes. 

Thus the churches themselves did not take on the position o f encouraging adaptation. They d i d 

want to be German and to preserve German culture. However, they also wanted their church 

members to be successful citizens i n the community. In such a position, the churches encouraged 

adaptation through the provision o f social services and a sense o f place that allowed them to be 

grounded i n a church home while exploring and developing outside o f that home, i n a largely 

non-German environment. 

5.4 D O I N G B O T H : P R E S E R V I N G C U L T U R E A N D F A C I L I T A T I N G A D J U S T M E N T 

It is tempting to portray churches as conforming to one o f these two perspectives as both 

H u r h and K i m and M u l l i n s have attempted to do, but many churches act i n both roles and it is 

important to recognize that while churches can accomplish both, many do so without realizing it. 

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M o h l and Betten (1981) i n their study on immigrant churches i n Indiana acknowledged this dual 

role o f the church explaining that, " R e l i g i o n provided a form o f security through tradition and a 

continuation o f what was k n o w n and respectable i n an alien, rough and tumble industrial t o w n " 

(14). They recognize that the church defended culture by trying to preserve and transfer 

immigrant heritage to the new society but at the same time it was, "aiding the immigrant i n 

understanding and accepting a new society" (15). In their example they noted how ethnic 

churches attempted to introduce and affirm A m e r i c a n values. The f o l l o w i n g quotation sings o f 

A m e r i c a n nationalism and though nothing as elaborate as this existed i n any o f the German 

churches there are certainly strong elements o f Canadian (church) values w h i c h have crept into 

organizational structures and for some churches into worship services. M o h l and Betten explain 

this bridging: 

Although the churches maintained a continuity with the old and familiar, they 
also interpreted American society to the immigrants and aided integration into 
the new society. American flags hung in church sanctuaries, Church classrooms 
provided citizenship classes, and children of many parishes joined church-based 
Boy Scout troops. Church-sponsored interfaith meetings, political clubs, credit 
unions, and scholarships more subtly prepared the newcomer and his family for 
American urban life. The churches themselves often took on American Ways in 
order to retain the interest and eventual support of parish children growing up in 
an American environment (1981:13). 

One o f my interviewees from the Catholic church also spoke to much the same issue o f the 

church bridging both functions o f preserving ethnicity and adapting to a Canadian system. She 

noted that church members both "clung to...traditions...on the other side we wanted to adjust to 

the new country too." She elaborated to explain just how that was done, "...we brought speakers 

i n , political speakers, speakers from the immigration, we had public speaking courses, we had 

cooking courses, and so we tried to educate ourselves too besides just having fun together so it 

was always interesting." The idea that both preservation and adjustment were supported by the 

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church is confirmed i n the church's fortieth anniversary book w h i c h explains that H o l y F a m i l y , 

"served those o f German origin as a place o f worship, as a focus o f Christian community, and as 

a centre o f cultural heritage. In all o f these ways it has helped them to make the necessary 

transitions to a new home and a new culture" (Forty Years. H o l y F a m i l y Parish). One o f the 

Lutheran church leaders explained how his church acted in both capacities as preserver and 

adaptor. H i s is an example o f a church that perhaps unconsciously was facilitating adjustment 

because it was not i n any organized or formal sense. He said that, "the churches at first help the 

immigrants a lot when they first come i n to get established and also feel they have a place to go 

to speak their o w n language and ask questions. But also when they integrated, they need advice 

for a j o b or an interview for a job or..." The fact that advice on integration was found i n and 

through church members points to the hidden but common role o f the church i n aiding 

adjustment. 

I w o u l d like to be able to say more about the role o f the German churches i n aiding both 

immigrant adaptation and ethnic preservation but interviews did not produce much discussion on 

such issues. Perhaps it is difficult to look objectively at one's o w n church to examine h o w the 

church has encouraged or discouraged culture. That was certainly the sense that I got when 

trying to probe into such questions. Perhaps the v i e w o f an outsider is necessary but that outsider 

w o u l d need to k n o w the church w e l l enough over a long period o f time to make that k i n d o f 

assessment. Unfortunately I am not qualified to do so. M y historical knowledge o f these 

churches comes only from what I have been able to read and hear from the mouths o f those who 

have been a part o f these communities for a very long time. Before leaving the issue o f ethnic 

preservation there is an additional factor w h i c h sheds a valuable perspective through the 

denominational lens. 

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5.5 C H U R C H D E N O M I N A T I O N A L O R G A N I Z A T I O N S A N D T H E E T H N I C C H U R C H 

In the introduction to this chapter, several explanations for why churches have chosen to 

pursue preservationist versus adaptive goals were sought. Requiring more attention here is the 

role that denominational bodies play i n influencing, and i n some instances dictating, the 

directions that churches w i l l take with respect to preserving their ethnic heritage. The most 

pronounced and outspoken body has been the Canadian Lutheran Church Synod. A weaker 

stance has been taken by the Baptist and Mennonite denominations. The role o f each body w i l l 

be discussed. 

In Coburn's (1992) book on the rural German Lutheran community i n the A m e r i c a n m i d -

west there is significant attention dedicated to the influence o f the M i s s o u r i Synod on the local 

affairs o f the B l o c k church. W e l l into the twentieth century, the standard language o f the church 

and school was German; this o f course influenced the communities' ties to their mother country 

and the preservation o f their culture and practices. The protectionist hand o f the Synod reached 

into the daily life o f the community: 

Ethnic and religious biases against the 'outside world' established a powerful 
bulwark between German-Lutheran communities and American society. The 
Missouri Synod tried desperately to shield its members from 'the world' through 
conservative doctrine and the use of the German language in church and school; 
preservation of the 'true faith' demanded constant and unrelenting stewardship 
(Coburn 1992:112). 

O f course the preservation o f German culture was made simpler by the rural character o f the 

community; a transition to the E n g l i s h language and 'Americanization' o f life were accelerated 

i n urban churches. The power o f the church i n perpetuating German culture is intriguing. 

D u r i n g the First W o r l d War, German churches were threatened and as a result, the M i s s o u r i 

Synod instructed churches to appear, at least to outsiders, as patriotic to their new homeland as 

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possible. F e w churches actually dropped the use o f the German language i n their schools but 

teachers were asked to use E n g l i s h more and more; many i f not most churches dropped the label 

' G e r m a n ' from their church name. In response to the instructions from the Synod, Coburn says 

that many church members became resentful o f the dictatorial commands and demands made by 

the Synod. Their response was a refusal to deny their German roots. 

What is interesting about the story Coburn relates is that almost the exact same situation 

occurred i n the Canadian Lutheran Synod i n the 1960s when the Canadian German Lutheran 

Synod j o i n e d w i t h the Canadian Norwegian Lutheran Synod. The new head o f these 

amalgamated Synods called for a de-ethnicization o f church congregations using languages other 

than E n g l i s h i n worship. Several interviewees reconstructed this situation: 

At that time the word was out in Canada and the U.S. in church circles that only 
English is the language of the church. So we said fine then, we'll look for our 
own pastor (normally the Synod found the pastor). The emphasis then was to 
drop all the ethnic stuff and that of course brought the congregation up in arms. 

The Synod decision to discourage ethno-linguistic congregations d i d not sit w e l l w i t h many o f 

the Lutheran congregations; they were unclear about the rationale for eliminating non-English 

speaking congregations. In the case o f the German Lutheran congregations i n Vancouver, they 

rejected the decision: 

We [now] have very good cooperation with [the Synod] but in the beginning, they 
made a blunder... [it was] the leader of the Synod. I met him once, the leader of 
[Synod] and he was strictly against Germans. Why? Who knows, it's personal. 
He said [Germans] all speak English and there won't be any German spoken 
anyway so forget it as far as creating a church. 

T h i s interviewee was speaking specifically o f the desire for St. Mark's to establish itself as a 

German congregation. The Synod's rejection o f that request has meant that St. M a r k ' s has never 

j o i n e d the Synod, choosing instead to remain an independent German Lutheran congregation. 

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T w o other leaders from each o f the other two churches mentioned the same conflict w i t h the 

Synod. Another member recounts his participation and reaction to the decision: 

the Lutheran church [Synod] in 1960 was uniting...with the Norwegian body. In 
19591personally had a discussion with the President of the Lutheran 
church...and he said, we're closing down the German services because we're 
uniting with the Norwegians and we're all going to be only English. And that was 
from the top down and what happened...I was in Winnipeg at the time... the 
German part of the congregation met and they told the pastor that any attempt to 
[become all English] would mean that they would walk out en masse and if they 
did that there wouldn't be enough there to carry out a congregation. The same 
thing happened here [in Vancouver] because I spoke with [a pastor here] on 
this...he said yes, I got that letter too and I just wrote them back and said no way, 
they might as well close down the church if they do that. So the feeling from the 
Synod has not been conducive... 

Eventually there was so much backlash from the congregations that the President o f the Synod 

lost his re-election campaign and the ethnic churches carried on w i t h an even greater 

determination to succeed as German churches. 

The influence o f the denomination is not the only factor influencing the perpetuation o f 

German culture i n Vancouver's German Lutheran churches. A second factor deserving attention 

is the state connection to the church i n Germany. N o t directly related to the Lutheran 

denominational body, state financial control meant that Lutheran churches had a very different 

understanding o f the role o f the church: 

the Lutheran church in Germany was the state church and what happened...my 
father was Lutheran and I went to a Lutheran church... but because it was a state 
church you went to church because it was the thing to do and the state church 
never had the outreach, evangelistic outreach. It was there if you wanted to go to 
it but there was no concerted effort to reach out into the community because it 
(the church) was the community. So if you transport those people here they have 
the same attitude. 

A s a result the Lutheran churches here have made less o f a conscious effort to reach out and 

extend an invitation and welcome to the non-churched o f their community. The interviewee 

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further suggested that as a result o f this attitude there has been little "outreach [even] to the 

young people w i t h i n the church...the young people didn't find it meaningful." T h i s o f course has 

tremendous implications for the future o f the church. Generational issues w i l l be elaborated upon 

i n the next chapter. 

W i t h respect to the Baptist congregations there has been less denominational controversy 

over perpetuating German identity within the church. M u c h o f this is due to the fact that Baptist 

churches are, for the most part, empowered with much greater decision making autonomy. In 

general, Baptist church denominations have been supportive o f ethnic congregations. Nagata 

(1987) mentions that several Baptist churches i n both the U . S . and Canada have developed 

policies on immigrant memberships and have, 

for almost a century cultivated a policy of'Home Missions', which encouraged the 
formation of separate immigrant congregations, and perpetuated ethnic and 
cultural differences. This policy caused conflicting responses within the 'Anglo' 
Baptist community, some of whom advocated swift assimilation, while others 
refused to associate with immigrants. The Baptists' mode of 'conference' 
organization permits considerable power devolution, and local congregations, 
ethnic or not, can manage most of their day-to-day affairs independently... (3 5). 

The devolution o f power and decision making has had an interesting effect on the church 

histories o f the three Baptist churches i n this study. A s was made evident i n the brief church 

histories already presented (chapter three), each church has taken a somewhat different 

perspective on ethnic preservation. Ebenezer has moved away from the ethnic church model 

whereas Immanuel, until very recently, conformed quite closely to it. The observation that some 

German Baptist churches i n the L o w e r M a i n l a n d "dropped elements o f their ethnic identity" 

(Burkinshaw 1995:247) was also documented by Burkinshaw who explained the change as, "an 

attempt to appeal to the wider community" (ibid:248). T w o other authors have noted the 

declining identification o f German churches w i t h their exclusive German identity (Pousett 1983; 

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Renfree 1988). In his 1984 book, Pousett noted that most Baptist churches were, "no longer 

bilingual - their activities are carried on entirely i n E n g l i s h . O n the whole, they no longer 

consider their mission i n terms o f reaching German immigrants and their children, but are 

attempting to reach a wider community" (66). Though it is impossible to attribute causality or 

k n o w o f the rationale behind these changes, the impact o f the denomination must be recognized. 

Sturhahn (1976) listed three concerns o f the denomination w h i c h were presented to the German 

ethnic churches w h i c h , i n effect, make quite strong statements on the role o f the church i n issues 

o f cultural concern. The concerns were as follows: 

i) the church role was not to foster the development o f one particular language or 
to preserve cultural values; 
i i ) language i n the church should never become an end i n itself, it is a means to 
convey the message; and 
i i i ) the spiritual growth o f children is more important than the acquisition o f a 
second language (Sturhahn 1976:215). 

These issues, discussed by District Secretaries o f the Baptist denomination w i t h individual 

congregations, were adhered to w i t h varying degrees by each o f the individual churches. S i m p l y 

the fact that the denomination made such a policy statement against the preservation o f the ethnic 

church for cultural reasons above spiritual is o f itself significant. The actual impact o n Baptist 

churches i n Western Canada is almost impossible to evaluate. 

The Mennonite church body has taken an altogether different approach from the Lutheran 

Synod by discouraging the preservation o f ethnic identity, specifically ethnic Mennonite identity. 

The history o f the Mennonite denomination has its geographical roots in Eastern Europe as a 

peaceful but persecuted church. The experience o f persecution has made the Mennonite church 

and its members a solidly cohesive group. Mennonites have been identified both as an ethnic and 

religious group holding strictly to values and traditions. In 1977, two articles appeared i n the 

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Vancouver Province on the local Mennonite population and the move to separate ethnic 

M e n n o n i t i s m from religious Mennonitism (Virtue 1977a & b). Virtue explained that church 

leaders sought to publicize their position that one must not be o f ethnic Mennonite origin to be a 

member o f a Mennonite church. The distinction between these categories o f 'Mennonitism' are 

best described by Redekop: 

1. Ethnic Mennonites have no religious commitment but are still classified as 
Mennonite because o f names, food, lifestyle and/or language. 
2. Ethnic-Religious Mennonites share the traits o f the first category but are also 
religious. They may be dominantly ethnic or religious depending on personal 
emphasis. 
3. Religious Mennonites was the original category that now includes new 
converts and new members w i t h no Mennonite ethnic identity (Redekop 
1984:112-114). 

Discussions on the necessary separation o f ethnic and religious Mennonitism have been taken up 

by Redekop (1984; 1987) since the late 1960s. In 1964, Redekop identified ' s i x winds o f 

change' that he believed the church needed to attend and respond to: de-ethnicization, language 

and culture change, urbanization, dispersion, professionalization and class change (Redekop 

1984:96). The 'winds o f change' he identified were issues he saw that resulted from a number o f 

social changes and events including: the social impact o f W o r l d W a r T w o ; a new concern for 

authentic community evangelism; transition from the German to the E n g l i s h language; increased 

urbanization and social absorption; increased intermarriage o f Mennonites w i t h non-Mennonites; 

and o f course questions on relationship between the church and ethnicity. A s one o f these 

' w i n d s ' , Redekop argued that ethnic identity should be repressed i n the church as it is secondary 

to primacy o f Christian faith and inhibits the invitation to and acceptance o f other ethnic groups. 

A prominent leader i n the Mennonite community, Redekop specifically addressed the 

denomination w i t h his concerns: 

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There is a place for ethnic congregations, especially if a language barrier exists. 
But such congregations must then reach out to the non-Christians who speak that 
language... The ethnic churches which are growing rapidly are those ministering 
to immigrant people who still have their own closed communities. Most 
Mennonites in Canada, and certainly the Mennonite Brethren, can no longer 
claim to be such a church or conference. Our mandate must at least match our 
secular penetration of society (Redekop 1987:177). 

The shifting source o f immigrants to B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a as w e l l as the, "secular, transient character 

o f [the province]'s population and the high growth rate o f an ethnically m i x e d population i n areas 

o f Mennonite settlement militated against the maintenance o f a closed, ethnically based group" 

(Burkinshaw 1995:246). The M B church's response was to de-emphasize ethnic and 

denominational distinctiveness and instead to focus on evangelizing to outsiders (Burkinshaw 

1996). The translation o f Redekop's ideas into the reality o f church life took place over a period 

o f ten to twelve years such that i n the late 1980s and 1990s, Mennonite churches really began to 

embrace the idea o f a non-ethnic Mennonite church. A g a i n this is a change away from the 

traditional Mennonite church. One church leader explains, 

[Mennonites] were very narrow in their [outreach]... so if you weren't Mennonite 
you weren't accepted. Now many of the growing churches in the city have shed 
their Mennonite name so they can reach the community. But that wasn't always 
the way, they had the same narrow perspective in terms of being evangelical as 
your Roman Catholic or Lutheran church have in terms of being liturgical. 

In effect the diminishment o f culture has had quite an effect on the three case study M B churches 

who have a l l adopted this separation o f ethnic and religious Mennonitism and who have now 

increasingly multicultural congregations. In the past ten years i n particular the churches have 

clearly adopted the approaches advocated by the M B denomination and its leaders and they are 

n o w struggling w i t h issues o f how to adapt and invite members o f other ethnic groups into their 

worshipping communities. 

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F i n a l l y , the Catholic church system has encouraged the preservation o f ethnic 

congregations. Under the national parish system, Catholics whose first language is not E n g l i s h 

are invited to attend national parishes o f their native language thus facilitating the separation o f 

linguistic groups. In the case o f the Germans, H o l y F a m i l y Parish was established to meet just 

this linguistic need. A s German Catholics have become more comfortable w i t h E n g l i s h and have 

moved much greater distances from the parish, many have chosen to attend their local E n g l i s h 

parish rather than travel back to the national parish. A s discussed above this system has 

demonstrated the Catholic church's ability to function both as a preserver o f ethnic culture and as 

an adapting institution. 

5.6 I S S U E S O F C U L T U R A L P R E S E R V A T I O N A N D A D A P T A T I O N IN O T H E R E T H N I C C H U R C H E S 

Perhaps before leaving this discussion it is useful to reflect on these same issues as they 

have been played out for other ethnic and religious groups immigrating to Canada. Research 

focusing on the relationship between religion and ethnicity has been taken up by several 

researchers o f A s i a n ethnic groups (Ward 1974; Nagata 1987; M u l l i n s 1989; K n o w l e s 1995). 

Nagata (1987) argued that many recent A s i a n immigrants have joined Christian churches to 

become more 'Canadian.' K n o w l e s (1995) has argued the same assimilating motive i n 

discussing the historical situation o f Japanese immigrants to B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a but offers an 

interesting twist on the acceptance o f the assimilationist aims o f the church: 

For many [Japanese], the [church] missions became an important part of a well-
articulated strategy aimed at achieving economic and social security... despite the 
assimilationist aims of the church, the missions often became cultural anchors 
which supported ethnic identity and community (Knowles 1995:65&71). 

W a r d (1974) also reflects on the assimilationist aims o f the Anglo-Canadian church among 

138 



A s i a n i m m i g r a n t s i n B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a . C h u r c h a c t i v i t i e s were u s e d b y m i s s i o n a r i e s to try to 

a s s i m i l a t e A s i a n i m m i g r a n t s but they also p r o v i d e d k e y s o c i a l s e r v i c e s a n d a c t i v i t i e s : 

m i s s i o n a r i e s h e l d S u n d a y S c h o o l a n d c h u r c h s e r v i c e s , s p o n s o r e d s o c i a l a c t i v i t i e s , E n g l i s h 

e v e n i n g c l a s s e s , e d u c a t i o n a l a n d r e c r e a t i o n p r o g r a m s f o r c h i l d r e n , teas a n d s o c i a l g a t h e r i n g s f o r 

w o m e n a n d h o s t e l s f o r those n e e d i n g shelter ( W a r d 1974). In the c o n t e m p o r a r y s i t u a t i o n o f 

Japanese i m m i g r a t i o n , M u l l i n s ( 1 9 8 9 ) demonstrates that f o r i m m i g r a n t s o f n o n - E u r o p e a n 

b a c k g r o u n d s , j o i n i n g c h u r c h e s i n C a n a d a o f t e n meant a s s i m i l a t i n g 1 . T h u s f o r the Japanese, 

c h u r c h e s h a v e n o t b e e n s t r o n g centres o f e t h n i c p r e s e r v a t i o n p a r t i c u l a r l y because o f e t h n i c 

i n t e r m a r r i a g e , m o b i l i t y , a n d the loss o f language a b i l i t y i n s u c c e s s i v e g e n e r a t i o n s . H e argues that 

g e n e r a t i o n a l c h a n g e i s , "at the root o f o r g a n i z a t i o n a l p r o b l e m s c o n f r o n t i n g m i n o r i t y c h u r c h e s " 

( M u l l i n s 1 9 8 9 : 1 5 7 ) . 

5.7 C O N C L U S I O N S 

C o m p a r e d to b o t h h i s t o r i c a l a n d c o n t e m p o r a r y A s i a n i m m i g r a t i o n it appears that the 

e x a m p l e s p r o v i d e d b y G e r m a n c h u r c h e s are l i k e l y representative o f the e x p e r i e n c e o f e t h n i c 

c h u r c h e s o f E u r o p e a n b a c k g r o u n d . M o s t o f the G e r m a n c h u r c h e s p r e s e r v e d t h e i r G e r m a n 

h e r i t a g e m u c h m o r e t h a n they e n c o u r a g e d a d a p t a t i o n to C a n a d a t h o u g h they f a c i l i t a t e d that 

a d a p t a t i o n t h r o u g h the p r o v i s i o n o f s o c i a l s e r v i c e s a n d a sense o f b e l o n g i n g . O n l y o n e case 

s t u d y c h u r c h r e a l l y e n c o u r a g e d a d a p t a t i o n a n d e v e n that d i d not o c c u r u n t i l after a p e r i o d o f 

e t h n i c p r e s e r v a t i o n . S o m e c h u r c h e s d i d t h e i r best to b o t h p r e s e r v e the e t h n i c c u l t u r e a n d adapt, 

the C a t h o l i c c h u r c h best e x e m p l i f i e s this m o d e l . T o d a y f e w o f the c h u r c h e s are s t i l l h o l d i n g 

See Mullins (1989) on how the Japanese who joined the United Church did so to become more 
'Canadian.' The church thus acted as a strong assimilating force. 

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onto their G e r m a n heritage; most have embraced new models o f ministry (see chapter six) and 

it is to these issues o f change and adaptation in terms of church mission that discussion w i l l 

now turn. 

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C H A P T E R S I X 

C H A N G E S IN T H E E T H N I C C H U R C H : F R O M M O N O - T O M U L T I - E T H N I C ? 

T h i s final chapter is an attempt to bring the histories o f the German churches to the 

present and to examine the changes that have taken place as a response to outside influences. 

The central theme o f the chapter is institutional change; how have the churches evolved through 

their life cycles? W h y have changes occurred in these churches? What has influenced the 

churches to alter their ministry or what has kept the churches the same? The two most 

significant issues impacting the churches are generational shifts - the aging o f the immigrants and 

the l i k e l i h o o d o f the second generation staying at or leaving the church - - and neighbourhood 

transition, the impacts o f the new social landscape o f the church neighbourhoods. Respectively, 

these issues reflect changes i n time and space. F i n a l l y the responses o f the churches to such 

changes w i l l be examined both i n theory and i n practice. 

One w o u l d assume, at least i n theory, that churches, like most institutions, are not static. 

Park (1994) argues that size, activities and the wider societal context o f churches have adjusted 

through time as needs and opportunities have shifted. H o w church congregations alter over time 

is particularly interesting as congregations grow and shrink for various reasons including both 

" l o c a l factors (such as the immigration or emigration o f local people) and some related to wider 

change (such as broad demographic trends or religious revival)" (Park 1994:210). B u t some 

churches change very little as they become comfortable and perhaps complacent w i t h their 

identity, community and mission. One o f my interviewees from a church that, at the institutional 

level, is much closer to the cultural preservation end o f the spectrum explains: 

we have made very few changes...The only change that has taken place is that we 
have lost some members and we've gained some members. And also, different 
ministers we've had over the years [because] every minister brings something 

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new. As far as changes, those were the changes...the people haven't changed 
much. They're older! 

M a n y churches find comfort and ease i n "doing things the o l d w a y " as one interviewee put it. 

B u t other churches recognize that complacency and a lack o f future visioning w i l l eventually 

bring crisis or even death to the church congregation. One church leader from one o f the most 

active and innovative congregations explained what the church saw: 

Basically the choice is change or die, take your pick. If you don't change, well the 
last one can turn out the lights. If you do change and become more relevant to 
people around you, you can survive. It's traumatic for a lot of people and a lot of 
them never do make the transition. They'll go from church to church trying to 
find where that tradition still exists...That's okay too. [Change is] not for 
everybody. 

A s was discussed i n the previous chapter, much o f the literature suggests that a key role 

o f the immigrant church is to preserve ethnic culture. Consciously or unconsciously, there is the 

potential for ethnic churches to become centred on or even preoccupied with their ethnic identity 

rather than basing themselves on religious doctrine (Meyer 1975; M i l l e t 1975). M i l l e t (1975) 

recognizes that the focus on ethnicity, 

happens to different degrees and with varying effectiveness depending on the size 
of the ethnic population, the number of generations that have been in Canada, the 
regularity of the flow of immigrants, and whether a whole church is involved or 
only an ethnic parish of an English or French-language sponsoring church (107). 

A s time progresses, most ethno-centred churches tend to lessen their cultural focus, instead 

accentuating theological or liturgical beliefs w i t h the goal to, "gain the loyalty o f the second 

generation, w h i c h was not as likely to be attracted by cultural individuality" (Meyer 1975:181). 

T h i s shift from a partly cultural institution to a purely religious institution is difficult for some 

churches whose history is grounded by people o f a particular origin. A l m o s t all o f the churches 

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that were interviewed were experiencing or have experienced the challenge o f this shift. A s one 

pastor explained, the churches have had to endure this attitude shift so that now, "the fabric o f 

the church really focuses on the ministry o f the church rather than as a depot for culture." In the 

A m e r i c a n context, Warner (1993) explains that, 

for the first generation, religion is in part a refuge from America. But the arrival 
of a second generation...suggests to many participants that some old country 
ways, in particular, languages, must be sacrificed in order to maintain the 
attention of the children. Conducting worship in the English language is one of 
the classic paths by which ethnicity [is transmuted] into religion, where what 
gives the group its identity is no longer Urdu, for example but Islam, not Japanese 
but Buddhism, not Yiddish but Judaism (1063). 

Have the German churches dealt with this necessary shift away from culture? I f they have, how 

have they adjusted? These questions w i l l be dealt w i t h in the last section o f this chapter. 

Ethnic churches share a dual purpose o f sustaining culture and providing a spiritual 

centre, though most church members w o u l d l i k e l y argue that the church's purpose is solely 

theological. The German churches were however, very much cultural institutions (some more 

than others) and for many churches this preoccupation with cultural 'ways o f d o i n g ' has 

interfered w i t h their ability to deal w i t h changes in their social environment w h i c h ultimately are 

having significant effects on the ability o f the churches to sustain themselves i n the 1990s. This 

is not to say that it is wrong for the church to act as a sustainer o f culture but there comes a time 

when the church must recognize that the culture is not what makes the church and its 

perpetuation may be a limitation to growth and the goal o f Christian mission. T h i s realization is 

particularly necessary when younger generations grow up without the understanding and 

attachment to their cultural heritage. A s one pastor explained, it was not wrong for the churches 

to begin as institutions o f cultural support but it is wrong for them to remain as such without 

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constantly assessing their reasons for remaining as a mono-ethnic institutions: 

what God called us to in the 1950s and 1960s as an immigrant people...it wasn't 
wrong to circle the wagons for self-protection. You were tired. You were hurt. 
You were lost. You were without... [but now] we're part of the mainstream of 
society. We can stop hiding so let's get going. We have to change the page and 
yet psychologically I know what that does when somebody strips away our 
experience. 

What he is speaking to is the challenge o f dealing with the sense o f loss experienced by the 

immigrant generation, some o f w h o m have a very difficult time accepting the challenge to shift 

away from what they may not even recognize as the cultural ethos o f the church. Gladys Tsang 

(1990), i n her thesis on ethnic churches asserts the necessity o f this difficult shift: 

Mono-ethnic churches are justifiable when language and culture become a 
barrier for a person to become a Christian. In other words, when an ethnic group 
is unmeltable or non-assimilatable, then ethnic churches are necessary...Ethnic 
churches should never exist just for the sake of racial ties - for then, the church 
becomes a social community and loses sight of the dynamic power of the Gospel 
and the Christian bond of love (Tsang 1990:68). 

F o r the Germans, assimilation i n arenas outside o f the church occurred quite rapidly. F o l l o w i n g 

Tsang's logic, the necessity o f the German ethnic church must be evaluated i f its purpose is 

simply to exist for the sake o f perpetuating German ties. To the outsider, some o f the 

interviewed churches may appear as primarily social communities and though they may not have 

lost sight o f the power o f the Christian gospel, several have been b l i n d to opportunities to share 

their faith outside o f the German community. 

The challenges i n shifting away from a cultural or ethnic church identity are easily 

confused and compounded by shifts to more contemporary styles o f worship and organization. 

Often these two simultaneous adjustments make dealing with change significantly more 

complicated and often more sensitive. Sturhahn (1976) identified one o f the major conflicts i n 

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German Baptist churches existing between what he termed 'Canadian Christianity,' associated 

w i t h the E n g l i s h language, and North A m e r i c a n songs and 'European Christianity,' associated 

w i t h the German language and its songs, poetry and literature. Simultaneously there are 

pressures to become more contemporary and to become less liturgically German (and perhaps 

more multi-ethnic). One pastor explains the confusion o f these two challenges: 

It is true of a church like ours...we are faced with a big challenge of becoming 
more contemporary as well as becoming more neighbourhood oriented...and the 
two are becoming confused, people are reacting to one. The two get woven 
together... there is language... we've stuck with the mother tongue... and there is 
also the other shift and that is to a new upbeat contemporary way of worship. 

F o r some churches, this shift to the contemporary style o f worship is a more significant issue 

than the loss o f German culture. But yet, these changes are intimately woven together. In many 

churches the style o f worship is as connected to the German culture as other elements such as the 

celebration o f particular holidays and/or the use o f the mother tongue. Despite the difficulty i n 

sifting through these changes, it is the change presented i n both o f these challenges that is 

influencing discussions about what it means to be a German church and what the future o f such 

an identity brings. 

In the end what often forces the shift out o f a mono-ethnic church model is a multitude o f 

influences w h i c h bring the church to the point where their existence is threatened. A s M u l l i n s 

(1989) argues, though churches may be intent on maintaining characteristics w h i c h are ethnically 

distinctive, the history o f immigrant churches suggests that they must ultimately face the forces 

influencing them. H e argues that, "the process o f assimilation forces the churches to choose 

between accommodation and extinction" ( M u l l i n s 1989:5). Successive generations experience a 

different life history; they are raised i n a new environment where "the language and culture o f 

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the o l d w o r l d becomes increasingly unfamiliar and foreign. This inevitably leads to generational 

conflict over w h i c h language should be used i n religious and social activities" ( M u l l i n s 1989:5). 

6.1 F R O M G E N E R A T I O N T O G E N E R A T I O N ? 

One o f the two most significant factors influencing changes i n the German churches is 

that o f generational change. The majority o f literature on ethnic churches presents generational 

issues and the way that generational conflicts are dealt w i t h as the most central element i n 

determining the life cycle o f immigrant churches. Traditionally, the second generation o f 

immigrants have been less attracted to and interested i n the ethnic religious institution. M c K a y ' s 

(1985) research on second generation Syrian-Lebanese Christians i n Australia summarizes four 

reasons for the distancing o f the second generation from the religious community o f their 

parents: 

When asked why they did not attend the ethnic churches regularly, respondents 
usually gave one or more of the following reasons: 1) they couldn't speak Arabic 
and thus couldn't understand the service; 2) they had drifted away from the 
traditional beliefs of their parents and grandparents; 3) the ethnic church was 
inconvenient because it was either too small, too far away or only held services 
once a week; or 4) they never attended the ethnic church when they were young 
(McKay 1985:325-26). 

Referring to various immigrant churches i n Indiana, M o h l and Betten (1981) concluded that the 

second generation consciously rejected the cultural and linguistic baggage o f the o l d w o r l d and 

that i n doing so, they rejected the language and religion o f their parents. K a w a n o (1992:88-89) 

speaks o f generational changes w i t h i n the framework o f a gradual shift i n loyalties. H e explains 

that the first generation o f immigrants are a closely knit group still intimately connected w i t h 

their homeland. F o r the second generation, loyalties remain to the ethnic culture but not to the 

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homeland of their parents, a homeland they may never have seen. F o r the third generation there 

is almost no connection to the homeland and little loyalty to the ethnic culture; primary loyalty is 

given to the larger host culture. The lack o f parallel loyalties among the successive generations 

became a significant theme i n interview conversations. A m o n g the German immigrants there 

was a c o m m o n experience that was not and could not be shared w i t h subsequent generations. 

One Baptist church pastor explained: 

We have to recognize that the first generation of immigrants shared something 
that was unique to themselves and themselves alone...that only lasts for a 
generation and there needs to be an adaptation that takes place from that point 
and an adaptation that really does something to tie the lines between the 
generations. In our case it is faith that ties the lines and it transcends culture. If 
we can actively disciple the second and third generation then they will be able to 
share something that the first generation had. The second and third generation 
will not be able to share the sights and the sounds and the smells of the old land 
but they will be able to share in Jesus Christ. 

T h i s pastor clearly sees the challenges o f generational divisions but in this case, the willingness 

to change from church as cultural institution to theological home successfully bridged the 

conflict i n immigrant experience and understanding to subsequent generations. Interestingly this 

quotation comes from a leader whose church was able to make a relatively smooth 

transformation out o f its ethnic skin. A leader from a church that has had a great deal o f internal 

conflict over its identity as a German church and consequently between generations shares a 

much less Utopian picture o f the impact o f generational issues on the ethnic church, 

the next generation that was born here could no longer identify with the 
immigrant experience... with the war experience... the economy was picking up 
here and they were always at the cutting edge of technology and education and all 
of these things were available to them...they could not relate to not having 
food...that was a totally alien experience to them. So that [lack of common 
experience] led to a tremendous amount of tension...the younger generation came 
into times of intense conflict with the older generation. The older generation said 
'you don't value your heritage'... the language issue became a very critical 

1 4 7 



one... they tried to have German school here, a lot of the immigrant communities 
attempt to teach their children the mother tongue so that they could understand 
the worship in the mother tongue. You see the younger generation did not 
understand the older generation and the older generation that came here did not 
understand the new dynamics of the generation that had grown up here...it all led 
to very strong church conflicts in many of these ethnic groups. A lot of internal 
conflicts. 

F o r the ten churches interviewed, there was a range o f experiences o f conflicts i n generational 

shifts. Some churches have been quite successful i n keeping their second and third generations 

active i n their churches while others have dismally failed. Naturally those churches that have 

been less successful are the same churches who have had or are going to have much more 

difficulty i n planning their futures. 

Another example o f the impacts o f generational change on the ethnic church comes from 

a Lutheran church that has firmly remained German and has lost many o f its young people. The 

church has kept its mother tongue for the older church members who feel more at ease and a 

greater sense o f comfort i n hearing their native tongue. But this member realizes that i n keeping 

the mother tongue there is a sense o f alienation by the next generation.1 It is a problem he says, 

and the church is just n o w beginning to think about how it w i l l handle the issue: 

Naturally I see with our church that the big problem is, you go to church on 
Sunday and you look around and 80 percent of the people are 60 plus...the young 
generation, like our daughter, she never goes to church...very few of the young 
ones come back...but it has to do with the older people, some of them, very few, 
are sticklers against the English language and they want to keep the German 
tradition which I personally think is wrong...why would you, a young person, 
come to a German congregation where the minister speaks English but with a big 
accent?...I think this is another problem in the long run. 

A German Catholic interviewee echoed these sentiments explaining that comments made by her 

O'Bryan (1975) reports that nationally, the percentage of second generation Germans who are fluent in 
German is only 4.6%. For third generation Germans, the percentage fluent in German is 0%. 

148 



son influenced the family's move to a non-German parish: 

my second son, he came thirteen years later than his brother, of course he went to 
church with us every Sunday and then he wanted to become an altar boy but he 
said to me, 'mom, I don't want to be an altar boy in Holy Family church, I really 
don't understand what Father is saying'. So then we switched to an English 
speaking parish in Coquitlam...because we wanted to give him an upbringing in 
the church too and he should at least understand what he is talking about. This is 
when we went to Holy Family church for the special events but we went to the 
English speaking parish [on a regular basis]...it's wonderful to keep the ethnic 
group together but you have to reach out too, otherwise you are too narrow 
minded, you concentrate just on yourself and you don't want to reach out. 

F o r the most part the Mennonite churches have been more successful than any other 

denomination i n keeping subsequent generations but even they have not been totally immune to 

the trend o f a decline i n the youthful church population. Part o f the reason for the decline is the 

geographical movement o f the second generation to other parts o f the city but part o f the reason 

also lies i n the difficulty o f keeping children who feel distanced from their ethnic roots at a 

church that has little meaning for them. A s explained i n chapter three, Fraserview M B church 

moved i n 1978 from the original German neighbourhood to a suburban location i n R i c h m o n d . 

This move allowed me to ask a question that could not be answered (except in theory), by any o f 

the other churches. I asked i f the church had been more successful i n keeping the second 

generation because it had moved to a location closer to where the second generation had also 

migrated. M o s t church leaders had previously attributed the loss o f the second generation to 

their migration out o f the city due to the cost o f housing. M y respondent told me that the second 

generation had not stayed at his church i n great numbers. He rejected the excuse that real estate 

was the only cause for departure. " C h i l d r e n left," he answered, "because we were so r i g i d . " One 

o f the Lutheran church leaders shared a story about a family from one o f the other German 

Lutheran churches. In this friend's family, while the second generation had remained at the 

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f a m i l y ' s home church, the third generation chose to attend a 'Canadian' church that was actually 

a longer drive for them because they simply could not identify w i t h their parents' German 

church: 

the third generation is there already, their son is in his 30s and he has a wife and 
kids. They've left the [German Lutheran] church and drive from Vancouver to 
Richmond to another church because they didn't like the minister [at the German 
Lutheran church]. He didn't offer too much in the English [language] and the 
kids didn't want to go because [the church] didn't speak proper English. They left 
that church about 2 years ago to go to church in Richmond and drive farther! 
[Keeping the German and losing the next generation] is a problem. 

A s second and third generations o f families leave the ethnic churches, the core group o f young 

people is naturally a diminishing one. A d d i n g to their reasons for leaving, younger families find 

other churches that offer greater fellowship w i t h people o f their o w n age. A strong church w i t h a 

struggling youth group explained that families are no longer attracted to them because they 

cannot offer the kinds o f programs that other larger and younger churches can. H e explained: 

Why do our young people [leave]? One single reason is there is not enough 
activity. We have a youth group but youth like to be with a lot of other youth not 
just 8 or 10 or 12 kids. You go to Willingdon [church] where there are 100 or 
150 youth...that is what [families with kids] are looking for. 

C h u r c h decline becomes a downward spiral. Families may leave because they cannot culturally 

identify w i t h the church o f their parents. They move away and there is little incentive to travel 

back to a church that worships i n a language they may understand but cannot communicate i n . 

Without young families at the church it is tremendously difficult to attract other families and the 

congregation ages and approaches its uncertain future. A final description o f the loss o f 

successive generations is explained by a Baptist church leader and brings the discussion to the 

next major factor influencing the ethnic church life cycle - neighbourhood change and the out-

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migration o f members from the geographic-ethnic community, " W e lost a lot o f the young 

adults. There were a couple o f things that happened, we started four other churches i n the greater 

Vancouver area...so as a result when young couples got married and moved out to the suburbs, 

they went out to those churches." 

6.2 M O V I N G O U T A N D M O V I N G IN : N E I G H B O U R H O O D C H A N G E 

The term 'ethnikitis' was coined by Wagner (1976) to describe the disease suffered by a 

neighbourhood church that is unsuccessfully dealing w i t h ethnic immigration/emigration. A 

church w i t h 'ethnikitis' is unable to adapt to its new neighbourhood reality to see the connection 

between the community o f the church and its geographic community. It is almost a certainty that 

what some o f the German churches are suffering from is a case o f 'ethnikitis.' Here I want to 

talk about the impacts o f geographical change on the ethnic church. This is a tremendous issue 

for these churches and volumes o f quotations speak to this problem. There are two major factors 

that are changing both the local neighbourhood and i n turn, the church community. The first is 

the out-migration o f the original immigrants and the second generation from the traditional 

German neighbourhood (as was made evident i n chapter two). The result o f this out-migration is 

that the church undoubtably loses members though it may keep some thus becoming a dispersed 

congregation that travels back to the church from a l l over the Greater Vancouver area. The 

second factor is the in-migration o f new ethnic groups to the local community. These ethnic 

groups do not, unfortunately, easily fit into the existing German church communities. 

B u r k i n s h a w (1995) mentions the influence o f these two factors on the decline o f the Baptist 

churches i n East Vancouver: 

Only part of the relative decline...stemmed from the upward mobility on the part 

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of the second and third generations and their movement to the suburbs. Much of 
it came from a major demographic shift in the overall population in major parts 
of the city as a result of immigration, especially from Asia... (Burkinshaw 
1995:243). 

These two factors have proven to be most serious because the churches have had difficulty 

determining h o w they are to deal w i t h these changes i n the social landscape.2 One pastor 

explains: 

The German churches in this area, the ethnic churches have gone through major 
struggles because they have never fully identified who they are and the 
demographics changed so rapidly and they have failed to identify their new 
mission field. Who are we? Where are we going? What is our mission field? 
These things were never articulated...I see that churches were always reactionary 
rather than [being proactive and] saying what is happening here or even what is 
God doing here? 

The two factors w i l l be discussed and elaborated upon as they have impacted the ten churches; 

indeed every church and every interviewee mentioned some aspect o f neighbourhood change as 

being a critical factor i n shaping the future plans o f the church. 

6.2.1 Out-Migration 

The fact that the majority o f the German churches began as neighbourhood churches has 

meant that the out-migration o f Germans from the original neighbourhood has had more serious 

ramifications than w o u l d otherwise be experienced by a church that began w i t h a city-wide 

membership base. One church member from the oldest Mennonite church explains: 

At the beginning, most people would move close to where the church was located 

2 Generational changes are most commonly discussed in the literature and in many ways are a within group 
issue. A s a result the church sees generational conflict as something they have the power to control or manipulate. 
Neighbourhood changes, on the other hand, are outside of the control of the church making them more difficult to 
deal with. 

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because...a lot of them didn't have automobiles and [therefore] no [means of] 
transportation. But later on as they became more well-to-do they bought cars and 
so on and then they moved farther out away from the church. Now of course 
people are living all over the place. Driving sometimes quite a distance to church. 
That has really changed. 

M a p s o f the membership o f Ebenezer Baptist Church i n 1963 (its peak year o f membership), 

1987 and 1997 demonstrate both the very significant decline i n overall membership but also the 

suburbanization o f members (Figure 6.1 A , B & C ) . The most obvious change displayed i n the 

maps is an enormous loss o f members in the postal district immediately surrounding the church. 

The total number o f members in this district declined from 197 in 1963 to just 54 i n 1987 and 

only 27 i n 1997. W h i l e there is not an enormous increase i n the number o f members travelling 

greater distances, there are members commuting in from White R o c k , Surrey and Delta i n 1987 

and 1997; i n 1963 no members travelled from these southern Vancouver regions. 

E v e n i n the younger churches the same phenomenon o f out-migration was experienced. 

A t St. M a r k ' s , most members settled "more or less i n Vancouver or Burnaby" but between 1965 

and 1970 many church members moved to the outskirts o f the city. In the late 1960s and early 

1970s, the churches experienced the first wave o f out-migration as the children o f the earlier ' 

immigrants and some o f the more recent immigrants moved to R i c h m o n d , Surrey, C o q u i t l a m or 

the N o r t h Shore. One previously very active church couple explained their first move out o f the 

city o f V a n c o u v e r to the suburbs: "as soon as you got established y o u wanted to get out o f the 

o l d house that y o u bought and y o u wanted a new one. This is why we moved to Coquitlam. 

A n d this happened to most o f our families." W i t h the greater distance between their new home 

and the church, compounded by the fact that their children were less comfortable w i t h German 

than E n g l i s h , this couple lessened their ties to their parish, attending only for special occasions. 

153 



Figure 6.1 A : Residential Location of Members 
of Ebenezer Baptist Church, 1963, 
by Postal Code District, Vancouver 

Total Church Membership = 690 

Source: Ebenezer C h u r c h Directory, 1963 

154 



Figure 6. IB: Residential Location of Members 
of Ebenezer Baptist Church, 1987, 
by Postal Code District, Vancouver 

Total Church Membership = 417 

Source: Ebenezer C h u r c h Directory, 1987 

155 



Figure 6.1C: Residential Location of Members 
of Ebenezer Baptist Church, 1997, 
by Postal Code District, Vancouver 

Total Church Membership = 297 

Source: Ebenezer C h u r c h Directory, 1997 

156 



Another interviewee mentioned the same issue explaining that, " i f you[r family] moved...and i f 

y o u didn't teach your kids [German] then it was a hassle...why should I drive 40 miles [to a 

German church] when I have an E n g l i s h speaking church around the corner. There was not the 

connection to the church as much." The result for some churches has been a total loss o f 

members but for others it has meant a shift from a neighbourhood church to one that attracts 

members from the city-wide region o f Greater Vancouver. One such city-wide church member 

explains that, "The people from our church do not necessarily live around our church. W e have 

people c o m i n g from R i c h m o n d , Surrey, Burnaby...we have someone l i v i n g way out at Horseshoe 

B a y . So it is not necessarily that the members live around the church." 

In the mid-1980s a second out-migration continued to drain what was remaining o f the 

German church memberships as many o f the German immigrants and their children who had 

prolonged their stay i n the traditional German neighbourhood now moved even further afield to 

the Fraser V a l l e y , particularly Abbotsford and C h i l l i w a c k . One Mennonite member explained, 

" n o w the majority, once they reach 65 they move to the L o w e r M a i n l a n d , to Abbotsford. There 

are two churches there that are bilingual (English and German)." It was surprising that close to 

h a l f o f the interviewees mentioned this more recent out-migration to Abbotsford, w h i c h was 

referred to as ' G e r m a n heaven' by one interviewee. A Lutheran church leader who is one o f the 

remaining members still l i v i n g close to his church discussed this second out-migration: 

we have a second problem, not only do people get old and depart from this world 
but a lot of them who have lived in the city of Vancouver and Burnaby, who have 
lived in comfortable houses, have come to retirement age. The kids are gone. 
The house is too big and they move to the Valley...A lot of the older people do 
that, they move to Abbotsford, Langley, but most of them still come to our church. 
Some of them as they get older cannot travel that far and there we are losing 
some of the people. 

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The two waves o f out-migration I have described are not quite as clearly broken by the dates 

indicated. The suburban (but not ex-urban) migration has continuously impacted the church 

while the Abbotsford migration is a more recent phenomenon o f the last twenty years. A final 

quotation from a leader at Bethany (the church that has recently moved from Vancouver to east 

Richmond) explained his observation o f the moves made by Bethany's members: 

In 1985 I mapped out where our people lived. [They were] right around the 
church and it was such a concentration that I couldn't even find enough pin holes. 
Now that picture has changed very dramatically because the younger families 
have moved away from the city...to Surrey and the outlying areas...the older 
people have stayed [in the church neighbourhood] until it was no longer possible 
for them to stay...the south Vancouver scene has changed dramatically... The other 
churches have the same problem, the younger families move out of the city 
because it is not possible for them to afford to buy property in that area...have 
relocated and many churches have lost many members on account of that. 
[Younger families] now live in their own communities and they have found a 
community church. 

Herein lies the explanation o f the out-migration that was so pervasively given without any 

prompting on m y part; real estate was the unanimous factor explaining out-migration. F o r the 

first wave o f out-migrants, the search for new and bigger homes attracted Germans to the 

suburbs; for young families it was the lower cost o f housing that permitted them to purchase a 

home they could not have otherwise afforded i n Vancouver proper. A Lutheran pastor explained 

that his church had only a few second generation members, 

this has its reason in the property prices and real estate in Vancouver... a young 
family trying to build a house and buy a property have to move to Surrey or Port 
Coquitlam...very few of them have remained in Vancouver and even fewer still 
attend church services. There must have been a youth group of at least 20 to 30 
members and most of them moved to the suburbs or disappeared never to be seen 
again which is sad really. 

Another church leader explained the experience o f members o f his church: 

The older people were able to buy a house and pay it off [in Abbotsford] and were 

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able to capitalize on a very good price. [Abbotsford] became a very good place 
to retire, put a little bit of money in the bank, cheaper housing... [out-migration] is 
still happening. Not in the droves that it did. The younger generation get 
married and the price of housing is just formidable in Vancouver when a lot is 
$275,000 and that's not even a house! So Delta, Surrey, Langley, Abbotsford, 
Chilliwack, not as much Chilliwack, those areas have benefited by many of the 
younger generation, [aged] 40 and under. 

F o r the later out-migrants to the Abbotsford and C h i l l i w a c k areas, it was the opportunity to cash 

i n on their property values i n Vancouver that acted as incentive to initiate their moves to the 

Fraser V a l l e y areas. The Mennonite churches i n particular spoke to this issue: 

[Our church membership]peaked at close to 600 members probably 10 or 12 
years ago. Ever since the Hong Kong money started to make its presence known 
in Vancouver it became very advantageous for people who had moved 
to... Vancouver 25 or 35 years ago who purchased a house here for $6000, maybe 
later at $25,000, or $30,000?...all of a sudden they could sell it for $350,000 
because of the Asian money. It became very attractive...It became their retirement 
package because RRSPs just weren't something that they had...many of them have 
relocated to Abbotsford which has become a hub for the Mennonite community to 
a great extent. 

Despite the strong out-migration o f many German church members, many o f the interviewed 

churches are carrying on business as usual and for some, though out-migration has been 

significant, the willingness o f members to travel back to their home church has permitted their 

survival. 

6.2.2 In-Migration 

The second factor o f neighbourhood change has had less o f a direct impact on the 

churches than the out-migration o f members. Chapter two briefly mentioned the in-migration o f 

new immigrant/ethnic groups to the South Vancouver neighbourhood that is still home to most o f 

the German ethnic churches. Since the late 1970s the presence o f East Indian and A s i a n families 

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has presented challenges to the German churches who are o f different minds on how to deal w i t h 

such neighbourhood change. The actual responses to such changes w i l l be discussed later i n this 

chapter; here I simply want to elaborate on the neighbourhood changes as presented by the 

interviewees. 

In the 1950s and 1960s, explained one couple, the population i n the South Slope area o f 

Vancouver was mainly o f European origin. The Germans were concentrated around the Fraser 

Street area until the in-migration o f other ethnic groups among other factors influenced their out-

migration: 

Robson Strasse (Street) was almost entirely owned by German business people. 
They sold [their businesses] maybe in the early 1970s and they closed their 
shops...Now Robson is [owned by] other [business people] and Fraser Street has 
changed also. There are a few people who still live in the neighbourhood maybe 
but not too many... I've heard many people say [that] all of a sudden they were 
surrounded by Hindu people and Chinese. They say this is not my 
neighbourhood, my environment. I prefer to move away from here. I mean there 
are lovely Hindu or Chinese people but [the Germans] didn't want to be taken 
over by other groups. They always figured, Fraser Street, this is our territory. 
Since it started to disintegrate now they've all gone to small towns... 

The sense o f being taken over as expressed here was not a unanimous experience but it was 

common. M o s t interviewees saw the disappearance o f the local German community as part o f a 

process o f natural neighbourhood succession. A Baptist church leader gave a more elaborate 

explanation o f this: 

when we (the Germans) arrived here the people on the south slope ofVancouver 
wondered what hit them because we invaded their community... drove a lot of them 
all away. All the British people who were there left it to the Germans and now all 
the Punjabis and Chinese and Koreans come along and of course we feel a little 
threatened. Like we are being forced out but I think we have to keep it in context. 
We ourselves were there at one time and there were people here who made us feel 
comfortable and now we need to do the same for the people who are coming now. 

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The way that the changes i n the neighbourhood are perceived o f course is reflected i n how the 

churches reacted to the in-migration o f these other ethnic groups. The church leader quoted 

above is a member o f a church that is trying to make new community members feel welcome i n 

the church. Tsang (1990) speaks o f the influence o f local changes i n the social and economic 

culture on the church. She argues that, "the church i n a changing neighbourhood is faced w i t h 

new challenges and new m i s s i o n " but that, "many churches i n urban communities have failed to 

plan for a positive and orderly transition because they don't want to face the fact that things are 

no longer the same" (32). A s a result, she sees churches becoming, "stagnant, passive and 

insensitive to the changes i n the community" (32). Some churches resist while others resent 

changes i n their community. They try to defend themselves from behind fortress walls but are 

eventually forced to die or sell their church building. One church leader used this same fortress 

metaphor to explain his congregation's reaction to neighbourhood change. H e said that, 

What happened [is that] the immigrant churches went through an intense 
emotional fear [about] what was happening in our community... 'we don't 
understand it.' Our children are now gone and our community is changing so 
much and even if we tried to cluster around our fortress we won't succeed. This is 
where there was a sense of panic and loss of identity and mission mentality. 

This church is n o w trying to move out o f the arena o f fear and into the more positive m i n d set 

presented by Tsang. She explained that while some churches have had difficulty dealing w i t h 

neighbourhood transition, others who have "recognized the spiritual significance o f immigration" 

have been able to discern other options to define a "clear and renewed v i s i o n " (Tsang 1990:33). 

It is clear that both the out-migration o f members and the in-migration o f new ethnic 

groups have been major factors o f change and it is also evident that to a greater or lesser degree, 

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each o f the ten German churches are trying to assess their own standing i n the new 

neighbourhood. One Mennonite church leader maintained that the out-migration o f church 

members had still affected the church more than the in-migration o f new groups. H i s church 

now has a F i l i p i n o family attending but has no Chinese members; "we have had Chinese visitors 

but no Chinese [members] and they are the most numerous [in the neighbourhood]. N o East 

Indians [members] either. But we have Spanish and Peruvian but they don't live i n the 

neighbourhood." A s a final example, after explaining the move o f many o f the church's ' k i d s ' to 

the outlying areas because o f real estate prices, a church leader whose church has not walled 

itself i n explained that, "the mission o f your city church has to change...you adapt to that change 

and y o u reach out to the community and i n our case the area is Chinese and East Indian." 

Unfortunately adapting to change is easier said than done and it is a real challenge for churches 

to attempt to reach new cultures so foreign to their own. One Baptist pastor said that there were 

many attempts by the church to reach the new community but language became a significant 

barrier as the church's surrounding community was Chinese and East Indian. A t Bethany, the 

church that moved just this year, the decision was that "the best gift that we could give the 

community was to get out o f the way and let those who could most naturally reach this 

community do it." Before going much further into discussing how the churches have dealt w i t h 

their changing environments there are a few other factors w h i c h have contributed to both the 

maintenance and loss o f German culture i n the church and the process, for most churches, o f 

gradually lessening German identity. 

6.3 S E C O N D A R Y F A C T O R S A F F E C T I N G G E R M A N C U L T U R E IN T H E C H U R C H 

In addition to generational issues and neighbourhood change, several secondary factors 

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have influenced the diminishment o f culture i n the German churches. Chapters two and five 

discussed the influence o f the First and Second W o r l d Wars on the church and its members; 

Coburn (1992) concedes that the wars were the most significant events influencing the 

assimilation o f Germans into A m e r i c a n culture and hence discouraging the persistence o f the 

ethnic church. There is little doubt that the process o f self-selection also hindered the persistence 

o f the German ethnic church i n connection with these events as many German immigrants chose 

not to be affiliated w i t h either the ethnic church or any religious group at a l l . Immigrants who 

chose to attend the ethnic church separated themselves from the mainstream i n their religious 

life. A Lutheran church leader explains, " i f I as an immigrant were to go to...a Canadian 

Lutheran church, I w o u l d have to apply m y s e l f i n Canadian culture. That's different. W e are 

strictly an immigrant congregation and we choose to be a German group." Special census 

statistics from 1991 lend evidence to the important issue o f self-selection suggesting a large 

number o f German born immigrants now attend non-ethnic churches (see Chapter three). In 

G u m p p ' s (1989) discussion o f the German community i n Vancouver she too discussed the 

choice o f many German immigrants to attend non-ethnic or 'Canadian' churches, or not to attend 

at a l l : 

Large sections of nominal believers among the German immigrant cohort did not 
seek religious guidance after their arrival in Canada...dwindling fluency in the 
ethnic tongue, exogamy, and other aspects of assimilation led many Germans to 
join mainstream religious institutions such as the United Church of Canada. This 
religious acculturation and integration again reduced the distinctiveness of 
German immigrants and encouraged their interaction with non-Germans (Gumpp 
1989:161-2). 

A third factor influencing German culture i n the churches has been the f l o w and supply o f 

new German immigrants to refresh and revive old German customs and heritage i n the church. 

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A s M u l l i n s discussed i n the context o f Japanese immigration, "without new immigrants to 

replenish the ethnic membership base, the probable end o f the minority church life-cycle appears 

to be either organizational dissolution or transformation into a multi-ethnic church" ( M u l l i n s 

1989:179). F r o m the late 1920s to the early 1970s the large numbers o f German immigrants 

brought w i t h them a pure German language that was o f enormous benefit to the German churches 

as recent immigrants infused new life and perpetuated German traditions. In particular, the 

Mennonite churches who received South A m e r i c a n German immigrants seem to have kept their 

German language and traditions much longer despite one being the oldest M B church. One 

church leader explained, 

as the oldest church you would imagine that it would have changed first...for 
some reason during the 1970s or so there was such an influx from South America 
and they were all German speaking and they joined our church. You know if you 
have a young [German] couple then the German language is being maintained 
and kept for a longer period of time. But now of course the [German] group is 
not getting any larger and some of those young couples have gone back [to South 
America] and others have more readily switched over to the English. 

Churches that d i d not experience the continuous inflow o f immigrants slowly moved to become 

less and less German. In the case o f the Baptist churches, immigrants who came and found the 

' G e r m a n ' churches to be 'not pure enough' started their o w n churches until they too became less 

' G e r m a n . ' A member o f the oldest Baptist church explained, 

you had one church leaving another church because this church was now 
English... then after two generations they went through the same procedure and 
they became English and those who wanted German started another church... the 
only thing that kept it going was consistent flow of immigrants that kept people 
coming. Now that the immigration has stopped and you don't see that anymore 
[and] in 15 years there will be no German church. 

The fourth factor influencing the continuation o f German i n the churches has been the 

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attitude o f church leaders and members to language transition from German to E n g l i s h . The 

stages o f language transition are common to almost every non-English speaking church. The 

gradual inclusion o f E n g l i s h into church activities follows a quite natural pattern: 

First...the pastor found it necessary to perform occasional weddings or 
christenings in English; next he added an extra, English-language Sunday School 
class. Since the children learned English quickly in public schools and on the 
streets, the parish soon found itself with an all-English Sunday School and 
occasional English worship services. Eventually the English-language services 
became a regular Sunday feature, scheduled at a more convenient time than the 
German services, which were attended largely by older people. At long last, the 
parish would be entirely English (Kantowicz 1995:600). 

The precise process o f m o v i n g toward a main worship service i n E n g l i s h and a secondary service 

i n German may be slightly different but i n most churches it is relatively similar to K a n t o w i c z ' s 

description above. What does separate the churches, however, is their reaction and attitude 

toward this process. Where some churches quite congenially accept the process and inclusion o f 

E n g l i s h as a natural phenomenon necessary i f young people are to be included i n church life, 

other churches oftentimes violently oppose any decisions to slip away from the German 

language. In most cases it is those churches who oppose the use o f E n g l i s h who temporarily 

remain strong but whose futures remain misguided. After a l l , church members and German 

speakers only get older. A church leader from one such church explained, 

we made one mistake. We did not start speaking English in our meetings early 
enough. It was mostly German and our kids hesitated to speak because they 
couldn't speak perfectly. We switched over [to English] in the 1970s but then our 
children were already 14, 15. 

Churches who began their transition to E n g l i s h too late have suffered by putting themselves i n 

situations o f playing catch-up rather than being proactive i n keeping their future generations: 

We have tried English services...we had three or four or five people and then it 

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was given up on... the next year we tried again but it never worked for any length 
of time. So we started Sunday School in English... we were always conscious that 
the young people needed English but the main service just never got 
started...[but] a lot of people thought Sunday School was a German school rather 
than English. 

A s a result o f their lack o f success this church has really suffered huge membership losses. O n 

the other hand, those churches who dealt w i t h language transition i n a more open-spirited manner 

have been able to successfully evolve into primarily E n g l i s h congregations with associated 

German worship services. W h e n I asked a leader o f such a church i f language had been a 

problematic issue, he responded: 

We never really, as far as I remember, had that problem when we switched over 
to [English]... there were some people who were disgruntled about it but it kind of 
settled you know and they learned to accept it. I don't think we had people 
leaving [the church] because of it. Not that I'm aware of Some were not too 
happy about it but they learned to accept it and then eventually they could see that 
this is how it had to be. 

A leader from the same church compared his congregation's attitude to another church that still 

struggles w i t h conflicts over language-use: 

[we] had accepted, I believe right from the outset, that we are going to minister in 
two languages and language is not going to be a problem. Where [the other 
church] started out to be German only, and 'German' was spelled with a capital 
"G". It was very very important to them and the early beginnings were very 
difficult. 

The loss o f one's mother tongue as the primary language o f worship is understandably a difficult 

p i l l to swallow. Discussions o f language'transition were never easy and though it was not always 

acrimonious, the process was lengthy and tensions inevitably and ultimately had to be dealt w i t h 

and moved beyond. 

The final factor influencing the persistence o f German culture w i t h i n the church has been 

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that o f marriage either w i t h i n the German community or outside o f the ethnic group. Several 

interviewees mentioned that they had met their husband or wife i n the church and/or through 

youth group activities. Some even suggested that most o f their friends met their husbands and 

wives at the church and this in turn impacted the church's ability to reproduce its culture i n the 

next generation. N o interviewees spoke to this issue but several mentioned the impact o f 

increasing intermarriage outside o f the ethnic group. A Mennonite church leader explained, 

people intermarrying with others... that has changed. That was something that 
was very rare when we first came to Vancouver. Or even back in our 
[Mennonite] communities, well anywhere in the Prairies or Vancouver. It is very 
seldom that a Mennonite would marry somebody from another church. That has 
really really changed. Now I'd say almost half our young people, maybe more, 
intermarry with others because they get together more. They go to the same 
schools, they have events where they get together with other young people from 
other churches. 

Intermarriage w i t h other ethnic groups has been another reason for the loss o f younger families. 

W h e n one partner has no connection to or understanding o f the German language there is little 

reason for them to stay at a German church i f they choose to attend church at a l l . Intermarriage 

was one o f the main reasons that one Baptist church made the transition to E n g l i s h when it did. 

The pastor explained, 

there were some young people who were born in this country and they married 
English speaking partners and then the church had to make a decision. Are we 
going to just let them go or are we going to provide for them and their spiritual 
needs? It was very wisely decided that we were going to be open to English 
speaking people and that was never a real conflict in the church, that's why they 
felt at home even though they were a small minority. 

W i t h a l l o f these factors influencing the loss o f German culture, what are the churches doing to 

survive and adapt to their new landscapes, environments and communities? What does the 

literature suggest are the options for the church to move out o f the ethnic model? What have the 

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ten churches i n fact done to sustain themselves and plan for their futures? 

6.4 N E W F A C E S ? : R E S P O N S E S T O C H A N G E 

After reflecting on a l l o f these factors impacting the German churches the bottom line is 

that i f churches want to survive, thrive and fulfil their Christian mission they must respond to 

these changes. Responding need not mean a total loss o f culture. In some cases, self-evaluation 

may miss some o f the cultural traits that remain even when congregations believe they have left 

them behind. A s Warner explains, even the most acculturated o f religious communities still bear 

some signs o f their heritage, " i n the hymns they sing, the languages they pray i n , the special 

garments their members wear [or] the architecture o f the buildings they worship i n " (Warner 

1998). A t some point there must come a time when the past is left as history and the church 

embraces a new future. One o f the pastors I interviewed called the point at w h i c h this decision is 

made the event o f the 'cultural funeral.' H e explained that this was a time, 

when you bury the past. You honour it, you eulogize it, you help it find its place 
in history and in memory. But when the funeral is done you go on. There is some 
who have done a very gracious funeral but have moved on. There are some 
whose whole ministry is a lingering funeral. 

Churches located i n the heart o f new ethnic subcultures need to be able to re-define themselves 

and as was discussed i n the context o f the attitudes toward language transition, the approach to 

change is critical. Kawano argues that i f congregations cannot see, "the growing diversity o f 

[their] community and neighbourhood, and i f [their] systems and structures cannot respond 

appropriately, then the society w i l l find other systems and structures to respond to its growing 

diversity" (Kawano 1992:137). A lack o f response by the church puts it i n a gradually 

weakening position to gain acceptance into the new communities. 

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In B u r k i n s h a w ' s review o f the evangelical church movement i n the L o w e r M a i n l a n d he 

observed that for churches that did change, there were "significant dividends, i n the form o f 

extremely rapid growth, to formerly ethnically based denominations" (Burkinshaw 1995:265). 

B u t the means by w h i c h most o f these churches achieved their growth was through emphasizing 

assimilation o f new members from outside o f the original ethnic group. These churches d i d not 

embrace the ideal o f a multi-cultural congregation that w o u l d accept members because o f their 

faith without forcing changes i n their cultural practices. Some o f the churches who are just now 

beginning to make changes to become multi-cultural congregations are consciously trying to 

avoid becoming assimilating institutions. Others are less decided, instead choosing to become 

' C a n a d i a n ' churches, however those may be defined. 

Tsang (1990:92) has identified four options 3 for churches whose congregations are 

largely commuter based and whose outreach into the neighbourhood is either small or non-

existent; a perfect description o f most o f the German churches i n the 1990s. The choices the 

churches have are as follows: 

1) remain status-quo - "It may decide to remain and minister to its constituency 
without community outreach. It may draw a few new members that are o f similar 
racial and economic backgrounds." 
2) remain status-quo doing some outreach - "[The church may] try various 
outreach programs while retaining a basic commuter orientation. However it is 
difficult to hold commuters and when they start dropping out, the church w i l l 
decline i n membership." 
3) move to members - "the church may simply choose to move out to where the 
members live and abandon the original location. The church may sell the 
property, hopefully to a church that can minister to the community." 
4) rebuild as a neighbourhood church - "perhaps the most radical [option is to 
build] a congregation w h i c h decides to identify with, communicate with, and 
relate Christ neighbour to neighbour." 

I have given each option a name but the quotation/description comes from Tsang. 

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Examples o f each o f these four options can be found in the ten case study churches. In general, 

the three Lutheran churches have chosen the first option and remain German churches w i t h no 

outreach to any other ethnic groups. Several o f the Baptist and Mennonite churches have chosen 

the second and fourth options; it is difficult to judge precisely as options two and four lie along a 

continuum. The third option has been adopted by Bethany Baptist and i n the late 1970s was 

selected by Fraserview M B but it has also been considered by several other congregations. 

W h e n Ebenezer found itself i n a struggle for re-definition itself it considered the option o f 

m o v i n g to a new location. One member explained the situation: 

there was a time, Iforget what year it was, that they wanted to move. To sell our 
church and move elsewhere where there was less Chinese and other ethnic groups 
you know. But then the majority lived around here and they were getting up in 
years, well how are we going to get there?... when they move elsewhere how are 
the older folks going to go? They don't drive anymore. 

O b v i o u s l y the issue o f distance became a problem but the church had pastors who were not 

committed to the community and who did not see the option o f staying and ministering to the 

local community as a viable one. A senior leader explained, 

We had three pastors who decided that we shouldn't be there anymore and they 
said we can't minister to this community so we need to move... We (the 
congregation) said no, we can do better than that. We can have Chinese pastors 
and Punjabi pastors who will share the gospel to them right here. We send all 
kinds of missionaries overseas to do the same thing so why can't we have those 
same people here ministering to the people who are right around our doors? 
That has been our philosophy at Ebenezer to provide services and ministries to 
the people that they can use. 

Ebenezer is still dedicated to the attitude that it adopted at that time i n the 1980s. The 

philosophy o f the pastors who left is common i n ethnic churches fleeing a changing 

neighbourhood. Traditionally church mission has been viewed only i n the international arena so 

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the idea that the church is to reach unchurched members i n its immediate neighbourhood is an 

unfamiliar concept (Bakke 1987). Kawano (1992) concedes that when people from other 

countries come to Canada, host churches becomes confused about how to react. They are unable 

or u n w i l l i n g , he says, to cross ethno-cultural barriers. So too for those German churches who 

chose the fourth option, the challenge has been and remains immense. 

A c c o r d i n g to Tsang and Kawano, however, the fourth option is the best. K a w a n o uses 

the example o f a new immigrant group moving into an A n g l o - S a x o n neighbourhood to present 

the options open to local churches. H i s example may also be easily extended to describe the 

situation o f the German churches: 

When an Anglo-Saxon neighbourhood changes through the influx of immigrating 
peoples, the Anglo parish perceives that evangelism in the immediate area is no 
longer possible. The people who were historically drawn to the local parish no 
longer live nearby. This is an old phenomenon in North America. The church 
becomes a little English-speaking ghetto in an immigrant community. Eventually, 
that congregation faces tough choices. It can withdraw to the suburbs. It can 
continue its struggle. It may amalgamate with another parish in a similar 
situation. Or it may simply die. There is one other alternative. It can make 
strenuous and super human efforts to reach out to the new peoples about itself 
(Kawano 1992:92). 

The options presented by Kawano are similar to Tsang's. He adds the option to amalgamate w i t h 

another congregation i n a similar situation w h i c h is what the Oakridge Lutheran church is 

l o o k i n g to do. Clearly, however, Kawano presents the alternative o f reaching out to the new 

community as the preferred option. 

Unfortunately the next step to "make super human efforts to reach out to the new 

peoples" is where most churches have difficulty. In the case o f the German churches, the new 

neighbours are not E n g l i s h speakers and are not from culturally Christian states; attracting 

interest is almost a monumental task. One church leader explained some o f his church's attempts 

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at reaching the new community: 

We've tried just about everything. We've sent out flyers through the mail. We've 
had BBQs on our front parking lot for the community...you get a few families to 
that...because our customs are quite different they come once or twice to see 
what's happening and then they usually don't come back. The biggest success has 
been with the younger generation, the second and third generation [of new 
immigrants]. But we've called door-to-door. We've canvassed our 
neighbourhood within about a two kilometre radius but without much success. 
People are all very polite, they'll listen to what you say but most of them never 
come [to our church]. 

The problem is that new people are invited into a church that is designed to meet the needs o f its 

members. In this case, to come to a ' G e r m a n ' church, even i f the language o f worship is E n g l i s h . 

To address this problem a church must become culturally sensitive to the new ethnic 

communities it is attempting to reach. It must intentionally strip away everything that may be a 

barrier to interested seekers. 

6.5 O P T I O N A L M O D E L S T O R E - B U I L D T H E N E I G H B O U R H O O D C H U R C H 

I f churches do seek to follow this option there are models w h i c h can be assessed and 

followed to help the churches emerge from their ethnic base. Tsang (1990:92-97) has identified 

three such models and while some o f the German churches fit into her characterizations there are 

problems w i t h each suggested solution. 

The assimilationist model involves hiring an ethnic minister onto the church staff to focus 

outreach to one or more o f the ethnic groups in the church neighbourhood. The goal is to 

integrate4 members o f the new ethnic groups who are likely (but not necessarily) o f similar socio-

economic status as the majority o f the congregation. The church, while eventually desiring one 

4 'Integrate' is Tsang's word choice. In the definitions I have presented I would use 'assimilate' here. The 
difference in meaning is important enough to require differentiation. 

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community, w o u l d a l l o w for or encourage smaller groups to meet the specific needs o f the 

particular ethnic group. The obvious danger o f this model is its tendency to become paternalistic 

and homogenizing. The second model involves temporary sponsorship wherein a congregation 

uses its o w n resources to minister to neighbourhood ethnic groups. In turn it helps them to 

establish their o w n congregation by supporting the new church. The host church allows the new 

church to use its facilities and hosts provide some organizational structure while a l l o w i n g the 

church to retain its autonomy. The final model is called the multi-congregational model and is 

similar to the multi-language cluster church model presented i n chapter three. W i t h i n this 

framework, independent congregations share the same church building and contribute equally i n 

terms o f finances, ministry and governance. It has the advantage o f allowing congregational 

freedom while witnessing to a number o f ethnic/linguistic groups i n the community. In the 

model suggested by Tsang, each o f the multiple congregations holds equal power. I w o u l d 

suggest however, that there are i n fact two types o f multi-congregational churches: balanced and 

unbalanced. A n example o f a balanced model is the German Lutheran Church at Oakridge prior 

to 1989 (when the Icelandic and Lutheran congregations merged). Initially the two 

congregations shared equal power with balanced memberships on boards and committees. U s i n g 

the same term - the multi-congregational church - C o n n (1994) further explains what I w o u l d 

term a 'balanced' multi-congregational church: 

In this model, two or more ethnic churches, not simply individuals, are joined 
together under the umbrella of a single church...the model centres around ethnic 
churches often using separate languages but within a single church. Much more 
than just sharing a common building, this model requires a common church 
membership roll, joint planning and programming, a common budget and, on 
regular occasions, common worship. But they also retain their own distinctness 
as an ethnic fellowship within the one fellowship. A joint pastoral ministry team 
includes pastors from each of the ethnic churches that make up the one church 
(149). 

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The unbalanced multi-congregational model is much more common and is characterized by 

churches w i t h one large congregation (usually E n g l i s h speaking) and one or more smaller 

congregations o f other linguistic groups. These congregations have a relationship that mutually 

extends the work o f both o f their groups. Separate from the multi-congregational model is the 

landlord-tenant model whereby ethnic congregations simply rent space from a landlord 

congregation. The landlord keeps the church operating at a financial level, partially by means o f 

rent charged to the tenant congregation. There is little communication between the 

congregations. Posterski and Barker (1993) speak o f the prevalence o f multi-congregational 

arrangements but the examples they give are more likely to be o f landlord-tenant relationships 

than actual multi-congregational arrangements: 

From coast to coast, but particularly in our major cities, local churches from 
every denomination share their buildings with ethnic-based congregations. 
Church signs in multiple languages are a common sight across the country. In 
fact, if it were not for the growth and multiplication of Chinese, Korean, 
Vietnamese, Portuguese and other ethnic churches, denominational increases 
would be fewer and declines would be much more severe than the present pattern 
(Posterski & Barker 1993:95). 

Several o f the ten case study churches demonstrate the model o f an unbalanced m u l t i -

congregational church as a means o f i n v o l v i n g new ethnic groups i n church activities. Generally 

speaking i f the ethnic church shares the same denominational affiliation, the relationship is l i k e l y 

more than landlord-tenant; i f now, the relationship is primarily financial. C u l l o d e n M B shares its 

building w i t h a Greek congregation while it has a landlord-tenant relationship w i t h its 

Vietnamese group; Fraserview M B is the landlord o f a Chinese Baptist church; the Vancouver 

M B church used to rent space to a Vietnamese congregation and now has a Spanish congregation 

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holding services i n its building; H o l y F a m i l y church is now home to a Spanish national parish 

that contributes financially to the operation o f the church; for a few years the German Lutheran 

C h u r c h at Oakridge rented its facilities to a Chinese church but after conflicts over church use it 

no longer does so; for short periods o f time Bethany Baptist was rented to an A f r i c a n F e l l o w s h i p 

group and East Indian Christian group; Ebenezer rents space to a Chinese congregation and, i n 

the previous model o f temporary sponsorship (and perhaps in the future as a m u l t i -

congregational example) has begun a ministry w i t h a Punjabi pastor among the East Indian 

immigrants i n its neighbourhood. 

A final model w h i c h must be added is the multicultural church w h i c h is advocated by 

Tsang but not articulated as a model. The multicultural church model was presented i n chapter 

three as an ethnographic model but is appropriate for mention here as an option for churches 

l o o k i n g to change their ethnic balance. The multicultural church requires that more than one 

ethnic group be represented i n one congregation. The basic principle is that there are no 

structural or organizational divisions or barriers w h i c h separate groups into individual 

congregations. One Vancouver church w h i c h began as a B r i t i s h ethnic church i n 

Kerrisdale/Oakridge on the city's west side is an example o f such a model. In this congregation 

one-third o f the attendees are o f Chinese origin, one-third are 'Canadian' (mainly o f B r i t i s h 

origin), and one-third are F i l i p i n o ; many other members represent other ethnic groups and i n 

total, over twenty-seven nationalities are represented. This church has successfully adapted to 

neighbourhood changes but is constantly challenged by its new demographic circumstances 

w h i c h require constant re-evaluation. 

T o elaborate on some o f the successful stories o f adaptation to the new neighbourhood by 

the German churches I w i l l review some o f the new activities and programs at the churches that 

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have chosen to f o l l o w options other than the status quo (as presented by Tsang). Before getting 

to the current situations it is important to note that, though the models outlined above can be 

successful (particularly the last three) they do not always work; multiple congregation 

arrangements can lead to tensions over the use o f the building and conflicts i n management. O n 

the other hand, f o l l o w i n g the suggested models can also result i n positive and unexpected 

opportunities arising. In Ebenezer's case, the relationship with the Chinese congregation using 

the facilities downstairs has become more than landlord-tenant now that some o f the E n g l i s h -

speaking Chinese children attend the E n g l i s h Sunday School program taught by teachers o f the 

church's main congregation. A church leader explains, 

we've had a number ofpeople from the Faith [Chinese] church downstairs, they 
still speak in Mandarin there, they've joined our Sunday School classes because 
they say, 'we want our kids to learn English' so they're coming to our Sunday 
School classes so they can learn English. Once those kids spend 4 or 5 years with 
us in the English class they won't go back to the Mandarin because 90% of their 
involvement during the week will be in English. 

T h i s is just one example o f the opportunities presented by the multi-congregational model when 

there is a willingness and desire to reach beyond the German ethnic group. 

6.6 S U C C E S S F U L ' A D A P T I N G ' S T R A T E G I E S O F C A S E S T U D Y C H U R C H E S 

S i x o f the ten case study churches have made earnest attempts to adapt to their changing 

neighbourhoods i n some shape or form. M o s t have done so through childrens' or youth 

ministries, reaching the Canadian-born children o f immigrant parents from a wide range o f ethnic 

backgrounds. Ebenezer, Immanuel, Fraserview, Culloden, and Vancouver M B a l l have some 

k i n d o f children and/or youth ministry that now includes a high proportion o f children o f East 

Indian or Chinese background. Immanuel and Ebenezer have also been able to attract immigrant 

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parents themselves, the former through an E n g l i s h as a Second Language program and the later 

through the church's ministry to the Punjabi people. It is important to stress h o w difficult it has 

been for these churches to reach out to their 'unchurched' neighbours. Initially it was a challenge 

for church leaders or pastors to convince the church community that there were areas o f need i n 

the community that the church could play a role i n fulfilling. The reality o f trying to 

communicate and attract participants has presented a second challenge. M o s t o f the German 

churches do not operate programs that specifically target new immigrants though such programs 

might enhance their neighbourhood connections and presence. Churches who want to reach out 

to new immigrants must find some means by w h i c h to connect w i t h them, either through a 

church member who may have befriended a new immigrant neighbour or though some k i n d o f 

institutional connection like the Immigrant Services Society. S i m p l y organizing a program 

without having the connections to the targeted community w i l l l i k e l y result in few interested 

participants. The churches who have for several years now been presenting programs and 

opportunities to their neighbourhood community (generally the children i n the neighbourhood) 

are now beginning to see the fruit o f their labour and God's love. 

A b o u t ten years ago, Ebenezer B a p t i s t made the decision not to relocate to a new area o f 

Greater Vancouver. A t that time it was faced with the option o f either relocating or changing its 

ministry focus. The decision to stay in their current home resulted i n the departure o f the three 

church pastors who said that i f the church did not want to move, they would. A s new pastors 

were hired they were brought on with the understanding that the church wanted to focus on its 

local community. The current pastor i n particular has embraced the v i s i o n o f the church. One 

leader explained his position and the result o f the efforts o f the church to reach the community: 

[our current pastor], that is exactly where his heart is at, to minister to the 

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people. It doesn't matter what nationality, what colour, anybody with a need. His 
philosophy is that if the church is meeting the needs of the people physically, 
emotionally, spiritually, then the people will come. And they are starting to come. 

A s discussed earlier, Ebenezer houses two other congregations. Faith Chinese Baptist church is 

an independent Baptist congregation affiliated w i t h the same denominational body as Ebenezer's 

m a i n congregation but is separate from them i n their administrative and leadership structures. It 

has been at Ebenezer for over twelve years. The second congregation is a Punjabi fellowship 

group that is more intimately connected w i t h the main congregation. The Punjabi group has 

been meeting for two years; their small group participates more regularly i n church 

congregational dinners and events. Though these congregations are divided by barriers o f 

language they do plan events together: 

We have functions together where we are together, our church, the Chinese 
church and the Punjabi church. We respect each others' cultures and traditions 
but being a church there is one thing that binds you together and that is our 
beliefs...of course our common beliefs really enhance us and makes something 
that could be very negative, very positive. 

One elderly interviewee told me about some o f the pot-luck dinners she has attended: "...the 

Punjabs bring some o f their food and it's put a l l on the table. W e have [these] suppers 

occasionally and we invite the Punjabs and also the Chinese downstairs...that's one thing we do 

enjoy, the dinners together. It's okay!" In addition to dinners together, the congregations are now 

becoming increasingly more connected through the children o f the East Indian and Chinese 

congregations who participate in the Sunday School o f the main congregation. One member 

explained, 

The original immigrants from China and Hong Kong and from India, the first 
generation [keep]pretty much to themselves. But their kids and their grandkids 
now want to be part of the English community... [they] usually start in Kids' 

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Club... we have some teeners who are ethnic, and in our young adults club, some 
of those are ethnic... Just last Sunday we had a new families luncheon and there 
were 44 people...and probably two-thirds of them were ethnic just from our own 
community. 

In the last five or six years, one member explained, the church has become much more 

community oriented. Their K i d s ' club now has between 50 and 60 children attending each week 

for crafts, woodworking, sports activities and, once a year, a trip to camp. Recently the church 

hired a Christian Education minister to focus on the non-Caucasian families i n the community. 

H i s work w i l l involve contacting the families o f the children who attend the K i d s ' C l u b program. 

Ebenezer has made some exciting contacts w i t h its new community but it must be careful 

to avoid an attitude o f paternalism and assimilation. The development o f close relationships w i t h 

new members as w e l l as the involvement o f new members i n positions o f leadership w i l l help to 

mitigate against the church's development into the A s s i m i l a t i o n model described above. 

B e t h a n y B a p t i s t has recently relocated and because o f that they are really i n a transition 

phase o f trying to re-establish themselves. In terms o f programs they are probably one o f the 

least active but only because they are just finishing building facilities at their new home; w i t h i n 

a few months they w i l l l i k e l y have a great deal more going on. Bethany o f course still has a 

German service but it is certainly not the centre o f the long term v i s i o n o f the church. It has 

made a commitment to continue the German worship service for as long as it is needed but it w i l l 

not be 'artificially prolonged' as one member articulated. The church sees its mission field both 

i n the Greater Vancouver area, i n the 'neighbourhoods' it holds a presence i n , but also i n the 

immediate neighbourhood around the church w h i c h is newly developed and not served by any 

other church congregation. L i k e its old home, the community it has moved to is also heavily 

populated w i t h Chinese and East Indian people. U n l i k e Ebenezer, however, Bethany has made a 

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"dedicated commitmerit...not to be a mosaic o f ethnic ministries but to be a composite...to be a 

Canadian ministry." This has been a conscious decision o f the church and as was explained, 

there are churches that approach the ethnic issue in a completely different way. 
They see themselves as a composite of different congregations so they have a 
Spanish congregation or a Hong Kong congregation and somehow they share 
space... [those churches] work in some cases. But for us we say we are a 
Canadian congregation and that is our primary ground on which we all meet. 

W i t h i n this new context it w i l l be interesting to see how the church proceeds w i t h fulfilling its 

mission w i t h a 'Canadian' identity. 

I m m a n u e l B a p t i s t has only recently emerged from some very strong and intense within-

congregation conflicts over language issues and the future o f the congregation. A number o f 

factors played into the conflicts: Immanuel's congregation was shrinking; Bethany had made the 

decision to sell their building and relocate; Immanuel is a daughter congregation o f Bethany and 

some members felt it was appropriate for Immanuel to also sell its building and j o i n Bethany in 

their new project. H a l f o f the congregation was i n favour o f selling and j o i n i n g Bethany but half 

were adamantly opposed to it, seeing themselves as a completely separate church u n w i l l i n g to 

simply close down and j o i n Bethany. Bethany was not open to the idea o f merging 

congregations but they were happy to accept Immanuel's members into their family. The result 

was that 90 members did leave Immanuel and j o i n Bethany 5 . N o w out o f this conflict, 

Immanuel is just beginning to organize new programs like family nights, after-school clubs and 

summer kids programs. Several years ago the church actually closed its Sunday School program 

because there were virtually no children attending. N o w the kids programs are attended by 

5 For several years the German congregations at Bethany and Immanuel have worshipped together, 
alternating buildings every two months. The German pastor who ministered to the joint congregation is associated 
with Bethany. Most of the 90 members who left Immanuel to join Bethany went because they felt at home with 
Bethany's German congregation after worshipping with them for several years. 

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Chinese children from the neighbourhood; its summer D a i l y Vacation B i b l e school program has 

attracted over 40 children, 90% o f w h o m are Chinese. The church also started an E n g l i s h as a 

Second Language program about four years ago through contacts w i t h the Chinese Immigrant 

Services Society ( S . U . C . C . E . S . S . ) . That program initiated the church's contact w i t h Chinese 

people i n the neighbourhood. Immanuel is making a slow transition to become a multicultural 

church. It is still l o o k i n g and experimenting w i t h ways to do cross-cultural ministry to 

successfully make its transition. 

V a n c o u v e r M B C h u r c h is currently dealing with finding a new pastor to serve both its 

original German congregation as w e l l as its main E n g l i s h congregation. L i k e several o f the other 

churches, it too has made the recent decision to focus its ministry and outreach on its local 

neighbourhood. One member described this decision and the challenges involved i n reaching it: 

Well for a long time I don't think we had a clear vision of reaching into the 
neighbourhood...somehow maybe it was a feeling that each one should stick with 
his own. But if you obey the Lord's command you are supposed to go and make 
disciples of all nations. So these last years it has been emphasized more and 
more that we have to reach into the neighbourhood because mission starts at 
home... We are already multicultural in our church. I mean we are still classified 
as Mennonites but there are different cultures [represented]. 

What this member describes is the beginnings o f a multicultural congregation that does not 

necessarily represent the church's immediate Chinese and East Indian neighbourhood but it is 

more than just a mono-ethnic German church. Activities with local high school students have 

been initiated by the church's youth pastor as w e l l as summer programs for children, a large 

number o f w h o m come from the neighbourhood. Vancouver M B is beginning to move i n the 

multicultural church direction. 

F r a s e r v i e w M B C h u r c h has also opened its doors to neighbourhood youth w i t h a drop-

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i n centre on Friday nights as w e l l as a ' K i d ' s C l u b ' program and sports activities two or three 

afternoons a week. F o r the most part Fraserview, like most others, is still very much a ' w h i t e ' 

congregation. A s one interviewee explained, the youth and children's activities do not reflect the 

Sunday morning crowd: "In no way ethnically do any o f [these kids/youth] programs reflect our 

Sunday morning crowd...these are Canadian-born Chinese and East Indian kids who live i n the 

neighbourhood." Fraserview has adapted an attitude o f servanthood, seeking to serve the 

community, "whether or not they buy our faith." The church leadership believes that it is 

important to communicate to its community that it wants to be a "citizen on the street." It w i l l be 

through the neighbourhood youth and children that they w i l l hopefully gain a greater presence i n 

their community. 

C u l l o d e n M B C h u r c h has traditionally concentrated their efforts on reaching the non-

Christian family members o f church goers; this was the range o f the church's mission field. A s 

the local neighbourhood has changed and members have moved to the Fraser V a l l e y , the church 

has made new attempts to reach its community through new ministries: 

In the last... 10years or so there have been concerted efforts to reach out through 
club ministry...Girls and Boys club, midweek ministries and some of our college 
and career people have really embraced ministry into Culloden Court6... the 
people there are low income, multiracial, and multiethnic by and large...[there 
are] just a whole host of different family needs...people with AIDS, people who 
are single moms with small children... all kinds of difficult arrangements...Our 
boys club program at the church runs [with] about half of the kids from the 
neighbourhood. When I say in the neighbourhood it also means non-white as a 
rule. The girls club has up to 70% from the neighbourhood. 

6 Culloden Court is a social housing project located adjacent to the church. While it is not connected to the 
church it has become a focus of ministry by several of the young adult church members who have made particular 
efforts to invite residents to church activities. As an interesting note, one church leader told me that since church 
members have developed relationships with Culloden Court residents, vandalism which used to be quite frequently 
experienced by the church, has ceased. 

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The mid-week youth group now has an attendance averaging around 38 to 45 teenagers. A b o u t 

one-third are the children/teens o f church members and the remaining two-thirds are from the 

neighbourhood. These neighbourhood youth are not traditional church members and it is 

understandable that the senior church elders have expressed hesitation w i t h respect to the 

direction that some o f the younger church members and staff have taken. One interviewee 

explained that the youth group now includes, 

Kids that are involved in street gangs in some cases. Kids who are struggling in 
school or have dropped out... there is a whole host of different kids. You have 
Portuguese background, you have Spanish background you have East Indian, you 
have [kids] from Africa, Chinese [background]...just a hodgepodge...We've had 
kids come here with smoke bombs, with drugs, and part of gangs, checking it out 
and saying 'this is cool, I think I'll come back' and then two hours later involved 
in a shooting incident where they've been shot...just two blocks away. That's the 
kind of neighbourhood [we are in and] that has changed dramatically from when 
the church was first built. 

C u l l o d e n ' s situation is a particular one, in part because its very immediate neighbourhood has 

changed so drastically. 

The other four churches, the three Lutheran churches and the Catholic parish have made 

few or no attempts to minister to new ethnic neighbours. The Catholic parish is somewhat o f an 

exception as it appears to be winding down its German ministry. The bishop instead is 

encouraging the efforts to b u i l d up the growing Spanish congregation w h i c h w i l l l i k e l y take over 

the church. The Spanish congregation has its o w n priests and is not really connected to the 

German congregation at a l l . None o f the German Lutheran churches have any programs for new 

immigrants or even second generation immigrants o f the new ethnic groups. One interviewee 

suggested that part o f the reason was that his church saw the needs o f new immigrants being met 

by, for example ethnic Chinese congregations. W h i l e this may be the case, the future o f the 

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Lutheran churches is a much more uncertain one without a large cohort o f young members to 

take on the necessary leadership roles and financial responsibilities. 

6.7 C O N C L U S I O N S 

A l l churches are subjected to changes that affect their growth and decline. Ethnic 

churches that begin w i t h a neighbourhood-based congregation are particularly vulnerable to 

ethnic transition i n the immediate district and generational aging. The ten case study churches 

are excellent examples o f institutions that have been seriously impacted by a second generation 

that has often chosen not to be affiliated w i t h the immigrant church their parents attended as w e l l 

as institutions located i n neighbourhoods that are no longer German. Earlier a pastor referred to 

the idea o f a cultural funeral; it is clear from the discussion o f the new adaptive strategies o f the 

churches that some have held their cultural funerals. They have celebrated their past but are now 

l o o k i n g forward to new missions i n their new communities. Other churches are struggling w i t h 

the thought o f surrendering their cultural identity. Their ministry is, as the pastor said, a 

lingering funeral. Churches must themselves assess the long term health o f such a ministry and 

the impact it w i l l have on the future opportunities o f the church. This chapter has presented a 

number o f options that are available to churches whose circumstances have forced or are forcing 

the articulation o f a new v i s i o n and mission. Though not all o f the German churches have yet 

dealt w i t h planning for their long term futures, seven have made decisions and have begun to 

take actions to become reacquainted with their neighbourhoods through the introduction o f 

programs, often aimed at children and youth. It is easy to be quick to judge churches that have 

not dealt w i t h issues o f change or made efforts to open their doors to their new neighbourhoods 

as fast or as wide as one w o u l d hope. But the challenge o f change is a tremendous issue and 

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churches that have chosen to deal w i t h their new circumstances must be commended and 

encouraged to learn from one another. 



C H A P T E R S E V E N 

C O N C L U S I O N S 

T h i s thesis has explored the interesting histories and activities o f ten German churches i n 

Vancouver that were established under varying historical circumstances by groups o f German 

speaking people from both Eastern and Western Europe. It has examined the histories o f the 

German immigrants themselves, their patterns o f settlement i n Vancouver and the neighbourhood 

changes experienced i n the original German neighbourhood. It has reviewed geographical and 

ethnic church models and has described each o f the ten churches w i t h i n the framework o f these 

models as w e l l as their local circumstances. The role o f the church i n social service provision 

has been examined both historically, w i t h respect to formal and informal services, as w e l l as i n 

the contemporary circumstances o f church mission. The church as an influence on the 

assimilation o f German immigrants versus the church as an arena o f cultural preservation has 

been debated. In their present situations, demographic changes o f generational succession and 

neighbourhood transition have been discussed as they have influenced the future plans o f the ten 

churches. 

The reasons for pursuing these questions and themes i n research are many; I have been 

interested i n the role o f the church i n an immigrant community and the level o f importance held 

by the church i n the lives o f the German immigrants. The activities and social services organized 

by the church and the social functions that the church serves have rarely been documented or 

traced over time. I have sought to investigate how culture has been preserved i n the church as 

w e l l as how the church was, and is, dealing with changes i n its neighbourhood, its decline i n 

membership and, for some, the challenge o f shedding ethnic skin. There have been benefits to 

examining churches that have been long established though it has been challenging to reflect on 

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church histories that are so long and varied. 

This thesis has concluded that indeed the church did play a very significant role i n the 

settlement o f thousands o f German immigrants to Vancouver. The church was an institution o f 

great importance to the immigrants who served and were served i n its community. A l o n g w i t h 

schools, church was considered to be the most important institution i n the German community. 

First and foremost the church was a home that resembled the 'home'land. It was a place where 

the mother tongue was spoken, where liturgy was familiar, where stories o f war experiences 

could be silently exchanged and where community was defined. The church's role was at its 

centre, a spiritual one, but its social functions were o f equal importance. The church ran 

numerous programs for immigrants to help them settle both i n the physical and social sense. The 

church also became a centre o f culture where those who wished to preserve their heritage were 

permitted to do so. The fact that the preserved culture was not familiar to the children o f 

immigrants meant that its significance had to either succumb to anglicization or suffer the loss o f 

the next generation o f church members. Over time, several o f the churches have lost a large 

proportion o f their membership to the suburban and exurban areas o f Greater Vancouver. This 

outflow o f members has meant that churches have faced difficult decisions about their future 

directions. Their neighbourhoods are no longer German and the churches cannot survive w i t h a 

membership o f aging commuters. 

This is the place at w h i c h most o f the German churches sit i n their life cycles; it is the 

time o f decision making that w i l l determine how their future church w i l l look. Some o f the 

churches have made conscious decisions to change their focus to again become neighbourhood 

churches as they once were. These churches have a geographical focus, drawing from a new 

ethnic neighbourhood base that is South and East A s i a n . Other churches are postponing 

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decisions about their future directions while others have chosen completely different paths to 

reach their future goals o f mission. What may be concluded is that while churches may have 

quite similar histories and circumstances o f establishment, they often choose very different 

avenues o f outreach and direction, particular to neighbourhood differences, church attitudes and 

contact opportunities w i t h new immigrants. 

What this means is that the church must be recognized as an institution that can play a 

significant role i n the settlement and adjustment o f immigrants to Canada. The social services 

and the sense o f community that the church provides are crucial components i n the process o f 

establishing oneself i n Canada. It means that churches must be aware o f the changing needs o f 

Canada's immigrant populations and must be self-aware o f the longer term effects o f building 

churches that serve particular language or national groups. 

The issues that have faced the German churches and have been the foci o f chapters i n this 

thesis are not unique to the experience o f Germans. One interviewee who has regular contact 

w i t h a Chinese congregation made the following comments: 

Interestingly the Chinese have some of the same dynamics at work that the 
Mennonites did years ago. Years ago when Mennonites moved from the German 
[language] to [using] English, the language issue was a big one; similar to the 
music issue today. The Chinese have the same issue now, the older generation 
wants to keep the mother tongue and the younger generation says, 'we want to see 
our friends come to Christ and we need to have English'. They are going through 
some of the exact and identical dynamics [as we went through] and the same will 
be true for other language groups as well. It's very, very noticeable in the 
Chinese. 

W h i l e the experiences o f ethnic church congregations may be similar i n terms o f issues o f 

language transition and generational succession may be similar there are important differences 

that must be considered. M i n (1992) points out that caution must be exercised i n comparing the 

ethnic churches o f European origin immigrants and more recent A s i a n immigrants: 

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The earlier European immigrants, who were predominantly of low economic class 
origin, usually came without personal resources, and thus meeting basic 
economic needs was very important for their adjustment. By contrast, family and 
other non-economic adjustment problems are more serious than economic 
problems for middle-class Korean immigrants, the vast majority of whom have 
brought a moderate or significant amount of money and belongings from Korea 
(Min 1992:1391). 

The social services needed by Korean immigrants and offered by ethnic churches as w e l l as 

multicultural or 'Canadian' churches are very different than those o f the German immigrants. 

Recent immigrants are more likely to require counselling and educational services whereas 

social services i n the German churches were organized i n part to meet the economic needs o f 

immigrants, helping them to obtain housing and jobs ( M i n 1992). Tsang (1990) spoke o f the 

new church social services i n demand by Chinese immigrants: 

Some of the most popular services that can be provided to the ethnic new 
immigrants are ESL classes and Chinese language schools. Establishment of an 
ESL class often attracts non-Christians. The purpose of this school is to serve as 
an arm to reach out to the new immigrants and befriend them. An ESL school can 
be structured as an ongoing project which is attractive because it is free of charge 
or at most costs a minimal fee... Other projects which can attract non-Christian 
youths are the starting of a big brother or big sister program or sponsorship of a 
new immigrant orientation program (80-81). 

A s several o f the German churches move toward multicultural ministry, particularly to Chinese 

immigrants the outreach suggestions by Tsang are valuable options for both attracting and 

serving new immigrants i n the congregation. Indeed one area worthy o f further research is an 

investigation o f the programs and services offered by a l l churches and the methods o f outreach 

used to incorporate a diverse population. D o 'ethnic' and 'Canadian' churches approach mission 

differently? D o they target particular social, economic or ethnic populations? Another area 

requiring further research relates back to issues raised i n chapter two regarding the origin o f 

congregational members and the separation o f congregations. Though statistics are somewhat 

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elusive the issue o f point o f origin is a significant factor determining cleavages i n church 

congregations and denominational affiliations. 

Posterski and Barker (1993) summarize the characteristics o f effective churches and 

particularly emphasize the opportunities for church development through social services: 

As governments face dwindling sources of revenue and as budgets continue to 
focus on spiralling deficits, allocations to social programs will continue to 
decline. As the government reduces its role in the provision of social services, 
there will be an opportunity for churches to increase their role in caring for the 
needs of Canadians. Effective churches will conduct needs assessments of their 
surrounding communities and respond in ways that send the message that people 
who love God also love their neighbours (209). 

The opportunity to care for new neighbours i n particular is one that the church (mono-ethnic or 

multi-ethnic) cannot afford to pass by; church social service programs o f course do not relieve 

government o f their responsibility for social programs but churches now have new opportunities 

to reach new and o l d Canadians. The German churches profiled here must recognize that they 

have a responsibility to share the gospel w i t h their neighbours regardless o f ethnic background; 

some are courageously doing so in the face o f very real obstacles. The churches that reach back 

to their neighbourhood, through whatever means they are enabled, w i l l fulfill their Christian 

mission and hopefully begin a new congregational life cycle that w i l l include people o f multiple 

ethnic backgrounds. 

190 



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27. 



A P P E N D I X 

I 

Seventeen Churches Originally Contacted by Telephone: 

M a r t i n Luther Evangelical 

Ebenezer Baptist 
H o l y F a m i l y German Parish 
Bethel Pentecostal (renamed from German Pentecostal) 
Immanuel Baptist 
P i l g r i m Baptist 
German C h u r c h o f G o d 
St. M a r k ' s Evangelical Lutheran 
First U n i t e d Mennonite 
Fraserview Mennonite Brethren 
Sherbrooke Mennonite 
M o u n t a i n v i e w Mennonite Brethren (recently became M o u n t Pleasant International Church) 
German Lutheran Church at Oakridge 
Bethany Baptist 
Vancouver Mennonite Brethren 
C u l l o d e n Mennonite Brethren 
K i l l a r n e y Park Mennonite Brethren 

II 

Telephone Interview questions to all 17 churches: 

1) What year was the church established? 
2) D i d it begin as a German speaking church? 
3) Is the congregation still German speaking? and/or o f largely German ethnic origin? 
4) A r e other non-German ethnic groups represented? 
5) Is the church presently located i n its original building? What was its original address? Were 
there any subsequent moves prior to its current location? 
6) Does the church hold services in languages other than German or English? W h i c h ones? A r e 
they separate or integrated congregations? 
7) Is the church membership largely neighbourhood based? I f not, h o w w o u l d y o u describe its 
geography? 
8) What is the approximate membership o f the church? 
9) Does the church organize any programs or have services available for recently arrived 
immigrants? 
10) Does the church have any daughter congregations or is the church itself a daughter 

198 



congregation? 

I l l 

Schedule of Interview Questions to 25 Interviewees (from 10 Churches: 

A ) C o u l d y o u describe to me the general background o f the German church members 
attending your congregation when y o u first began? (When did they arrive; where did they come 
from; what was their economic status?) 

How has the church ministered to people as immigrants? 
B ) What k i n d o f things did the church or church members do to help German immigrants 
settle i n Vancouver? 
C ) What needs did the German immigrants who came to Vancouver have and how d i d the 
church help to f u l f i l l those needs? 
D ) In a broad sense, how important was the church to the German immigrants? 
E ) C o u l d y o u tell me about the types o f services your church currently offers, particularly to 
immigrants? 
F ) Does the church reach beyond its o w n membership base i n offering services to 
immigrants? I f so, how are the connections made with the wider community? 

How did/does the church aid integration into Canadian society? 
G ) Has the church fostered the preservation o f German culture and identity or has it 
encouraged its members to integrate w i t h Canadian society or has it done B O T H ? 
H ) Has the church lead the movement toward integration or has the church followed the 
integration o f its members? 
I) H o w has the church dealt w i t h the issues o f the second generation? Has it tried to 
connect w i t h the Canadian born generation? H o w and why? 

How has the church as an institution adjusted/integrated into Canadian society? 
J) A s church members have aged, how has the church adjusted its cultural orientation? Has 
it redefined itself? Has it lost its German identity? 
K ) H o w has the changing social compositon o f the church's neighbourhood affected the 
church? 
L ) T o what extent does your church regard its community as including the district 
immediately around this building? O r do you see yourselves primarily serving a more dispersed 
community that shares a cultural tradition? 
M ) Does the concept o f multiculturalism have a particular meaning that guides the work o f 
your church? 

199