Latin America's Fifth Wave of Protestant Churches Clayton L. Berg, Jr., and Paul E. Pretiz V isiting a church convention, we found that the Christian mariachi band, silver buckles sparkling on black uni­ forms, was the high point of the afternoon. Downstairs, huge sides of beef hung from the ceiling. On the fire were enormous pots of mole, the traditional hot sauce. The rhythms, the smells from the kitchen, the preaching style, and the happy confusion made the gathering unmistakably Mexican. The churches represented here had developed entirely out of Mexican soil, without any involvement of expatriate mission­ aries. Not only in Mexico but throughout Latin America today, in tents, storefronts, former cinemas, factories, and homes, as well as church buildings, autochthonous congregations are bursting into life by spontaneous combustion. People are coming to know Christ and are sharing the Good News through the ministries of churches entirely independent of traditional mission influence.' In TheGospel People of LatinAmerica we identified five waves of Protestant advance, the fifth being the rise of autochthonous, or grassroots, churches.' While much missiological literature covers the African Independent Churches, little has been written describing the corresponding phenomenon in the Americas. By "autochthonous" we mean churches that (1) have devel­ oped spontaneously, without a history of missionary involve­ ment; or (2) were planted by missionary efforts of other Latin American autochthonous churches; or (3) were formerly mission related but have broken foreign links and reflect the people's culture in the deepest sense. The two criteria are autonomy and contextualization. To determine whether churches in the category of "formerly mis- With their rate of growth, autochthonous churches may now represent over half of Latin America's Protestants. sion related" should be considered autochthonous is admittedly difficult because it involves an attempt to measure the degree of contextualization. Many so-called indigenized churches follow the patterns of the parent mission society. But other groups, though formerly mission related, have become truly contextualized and can be considered autochthonous. A case in point is the Methodist Pentecostal Church in Chile. Autonomous since 1909, despite its early Methodist background it is univer­ sally recognized as autochthonous because of its contextualization into Chilean life and culture. Clayton L. (Mike) Berg, [r.,andPaulE.Pretizareveteran missionaries with the Latin America Mission. Both have served in a variety of ministries and responsibilities sincethe 1950s, includingBerg as LAM's president and Pretiz as vicepresident. Theirmost recent joint workis Spontaneous Combustion: Grass Roots Christianity, Latin American Style (Pasadena, Calif.: William Carey Library, 1996). Estimating Number of Autochthonous Churches In the World Christian Encyclopedia researcher David Barrett identifies "nonwhite indigenous" churches as a separate stream of the world Christian community.' Though hardly a proper label for some middle-class Latin American autochthonous churches with some very European-looking people, the churches he identifies as "nonwhite indigenous" in Latin America are the autochthonous churches being addressed in this article. Most of these churches are considered eoangelico (or Protes­ tant) in Latin America. On the basis of Barrett's numbers, autoch­ thonous churches in 1980 constituted 40.6 percent of all Protes­ tants in Latin America. The proportions ranged from a meager 2.7 percent in Honduras to 88.9 percent in Chile. Given their rate of growth, they may now represent over half of Latin America's Protestants. The accompanying table, based on more recent surveys, summarizes our own estimates of the number of churches and church members of such autochthonous groups. Autochthonous Churches and Their Members as a Proportion of All Protestant Churches in Latin America % of Church % of Churches Members Mexico City 55.2 46.6 Medellin, Cali, Cartagena, and Barranquilla, Colombia 30.3 35.7 Lima, Peru 36.6 30.6 Rio de Janeiro, Brazil 28.3 Sao Paulo, Brazil 35.3 46.1 Caracas, Venezuela 33.3 Buenos Aires, Argentina 24.8 25.8 Guatemala (as a whole) 24.8 25.8 Origins and Variations We have spoken of this movement as a "fifth wave" because so many of the churches are of recent origin. However, some have a long history. Perhaps the first autochthonous "churches" in Latin America were the non-Roman Catholic religious societies that Mexican President Benito Juarez promoted in the 1860s. Jean Pierre Bastian describes how the historic Protestant denomina­ tions in Mexico in many cases built upon the foundation of these autochthonous groups.' Early in this century a ripple effect from the 1906 Azusa Street Pentecostal revival in southern California gave birth to several movements in Mexico, Puerto Rico, Chile, and Brazil. More recently there have been breakaway groups from historic Protestant churches, notably the charismatic counterparts to each of the major Protestant denominations in Brazil. Former Roman Catholic charismatic groups that have joined the evan­ gelical stream are also among Latin America's autochthonous churches. And many have arisen spontaneously, such as the Apure movement, founded by Aristides Diaz, a Venezuelan cattle dealer who experienced a conversion after purchasing a Bible from a colporteur. As Ed Rene Kivitz, a Baptist pastor in Sao Paulo, has ob- October 1996 157 served, older movements tend to be sectarian, isolating them­ selves from other Protestants." They nlay sacralize their worship patterns or even their hymnals, not admitting any innovation. Rigid rules may result in legalistic behavior. The Congregacao Crista of Brazil is an example. Newer movements may feature contemporary music (sometimes including Christian rock), make heavy use of mass media, and be more permissive in what is expected of their followers' behavior. Groups such as the Brazil­ ian Renacer em Cristo are attracting many young people. They often have loose ties to similar groups elsewhere, sometimes adopting current trends such as "health and prosperity" con­ cepts. The Ondas de Amor y Paz (Waves of love and peace) movement in Argentina is another example. There are other variants-for example, the Apostolic Church of Faith in Christ Jesus (Mexico), which follows the Pentecostal oneness stream regarding the Trinity; the Israelites of the New Covenant (Peru), which observes Old Testament feasts and sacrifices; and the Mitas (Puerto Rico), whose founder claimed to be the incarnation of the Holy Spirit. Because of the pervasive influence of spiritism, many movements in Brazil (e.g., the God Is Love Church) emphasize exorcism. Critics feel that this focus, by overshadowing other aspects of Christian faith, weakens Christian moral responsibility. Everything evil is blamed on demons, and every solution is found in exorcism. The highly centralized authority of some groups permits them to concentrate their financial power to buy up TV and radio stations to proclaim their message, and to purchase cinemas where their congregations can meet. The Igreja Universal del Reino de Deus (Universal church of the kingdom of God), in Brazil, is a prime example. Despite the aberrations of some groups, most Latin Ameri­ can autochthonous movements form a part of the eoangelico stream and relate well to other Protestant denominations. The Some autochthonous churches may be more attuned to Latin American culture than traditional Roman Catholicism. largest autochthonous single congregation in Latin America may be the Brazil for Christ Church in Sao Paulo, with a hangerlike building seating more than 20,000 people. The founder, Manoel de Mello, broke with Pentecostal tradition by relating to the World Council of Churches, promoting favored political candi­ dates, and displaying a social concern atypical of Pentecostals of his time. His son, pastor Paulo Lutero de Mello, is less involved ecumenically and politically, but he continues to mix a strong social concern with his evangelistic ministry. Breaking the Stereotypes Latin American Protestants traditionally have been accused of subverting Latin America's unity by introducing religious forms that run counter to Latin culture. Traditional Protestants may well stand accused of such foreignness. But the autochthonous churches-with their rhythms, charismatic leaders, passion, per­ sonal sacrifice, and openness to the miraculous-are not only highly contextualized but, according to some, may be more attuned to the region's culture than traditional Roman Catholi­ cism." Another charge is that Latin Pentecostalism (most autoch­ thonous groups are Pentecostal) serves merely as an escape from the harsh realities of life faced by Latin America's poor. Christian LaLive's Haven of the Masses perceived these Christians as being on "social strike," refusing to participate in community or politi­ cal efforts that might improve their lot and the lot of their neighbors.' But the title of a recent book by a group of Dutch anthropologists signals a change in the perspectives of some observers. Describing current Latin American Pentecostalism, they call it algo masque opio ("something more than an opiate")." In addition to the improvement in individuals' lives, the Gospel as preached in these churches is becoming a force that is begin­ ning to affect society.9 Not only are social scientists turning around in their judg­ ments. Latin America's evangelicals themselves, especially those in autochthonous churches, are changing as they abandon the "politics is sinful" posture. Although their political forays are sometimes naive, as their numbers grow and as Latin American countries are generally recovering democratic systems of gov­ ernment, eoangelicos are increasingly forming their own evan­ gelical parties and supporting candidates that represent their views. A Protestant "Popular Religion" In recent years Catholic folk religion-religiosidad popular ("popu­ lar religiosity," as it is known in Latin America)-has received much attention and analysis. Far from lofty philosophical and theological heights of official Catholicism, and equally far from the politically radical views of liberation theology, the down-to­ earth practice of Latin America's masses revolves around tan­ gible practices and objects such as pilgrimages to shrines, religious fiestas, water from sacred springs, and objects with curative powers. Some look with disdain upon this popular religion. Others countenance religiosidad popular and hold in prospect the possibility of building upon it to lift the masses to a higher and more spiritual faith. It has not escaped the attention of many that Latin America's autochthonous Pentecostalism, with its emphasis on cures and material blessings, may be a Protestant equivalent of Catholic popular religiosity. Observers share the same contrasting per­ spectives-disdain or appreciation. Some see only the crude manifestations of Protestant "popular religiosity"; others, thank­ ing God that the masses are being reached, anticipate a growing maturity in these movements. The charges that Protestant autochthonous movements are susceptible to syncretistic influences is countered by some au­ tochthonous leaders who draw attention to syncretistic "Romish" influences in the historic Protestant churches. Such leaders also point out that historic churches in Latin America pay little attention to the demonic and may easily overlook the persistent superstitious or even occult practices of their members. Autoch­ thonous groups, in contrast, recognize the existence of the spirit world and demand that new converts renounce all non-Christian practices. A Missiological Challenge Churches arising through "spontaneous combustion" pose ques­ tions regarding our missiological task. Since an average of five new evangelical churches are founded each week in Rio de 158 INTERNATIONAL BULLETIN OF MISSIONARY RESEARCH Janeiro, for example," many of them by groups unrelated to expatriate mission, is there a need for missionaries from the outside? In such cities missions obviously must realign their priorities. Among other things, they can focus on planting churches that can be models of worship and outreach for social and ethnic groups that autochthonous churches may not yet be reaching. The best of the autochthonous movements are models for mission-related movements, and we can profit by studying their patterns of growth and their forms of contextualization. Such studies should not be limited to superficial observations of their musical styles and worship forms. The real issue is whether mission-related churches can understand and adopt the best of a pre-Enlightenment worldview that is common to the masses in Latin America. This is a view that is open to the miraculous, to God's intervention in daily experience, to biblical confrontation with the demonic, and to a focus in worship that emphasizes reveling in God's presence rather than passive participation in a cerebrally oriented service. At the same time, traditional churches and missions can share their theological experience with autochthonous leaders. The lay pastor of the small autochthonous storefront church may be too busy because of his secular employment, or too embar­ rassed because of his lack of preparation, to enroll in a formal program of theological education. The leader of a large move­ ment may feel too self-sufficient to bother. But sharing of litera­ ture and tapes, developing personal friendships, conducting short workshops and courses, as well as offering more traditional academic programs at the appropriate time and place, are ways to overcome such barriers. The Pentecostal Bible Institute of Santiago, Chile, is directed by a missionary sensitive to the situation of autochthonous church leaders, and the institute meets an evident need. The Mennonites' experience working with African Independent Churches demonstrates that the mis­ sionary task should be more than just "planting more churches of our own kind."!' Missions and missionary preparation should develop a concern to relate to other parts of the body of Christ, especially the autochthonous movements, without creating de­ pendency and without de-indigenizing them. The cutting edge of the church is often at the social and religious periphery, notably so in these autochthonous move­ ments. But as many believers move upward socially and educa­ tionally, their spiritual needs often require the depth that more traditional churches offer. In one country pastors affirmed that much of the growth in the traditional churches was due to people whose initial contact with the Gospel was in autochthonous churches, and who came to the traditional churches looking for other spiritual values. To prepare the pastors of autochthonous churches for the changing needs of their members is a task that could conceivably be assumed by the older churches-but in humility, since not many traditional churches have learned to cope with the pressures of modern society and secularism. Autochthonous movements by nature are expansionist. Bra­ zilian groups are sending missionaries to Africa. Those in Span­ ish-speaking countries are opening churches in North America. Issues arising out of folk religions may be central in missiology in the twenty­ first century. Somehow we must learn to tap into the energy of these move­ ments as evangelistic efforts are contemplated, whether on a local or on a worldwide level. In some places organizers of citywide evangelistic movements discover that autochthonous churches, because they are not bound rigidly to a denomina­ tional program, make more enthusiastic participants than tradi­ tional churches. We should not ignore autochthonous church leaders in our plans for global evangelism or in our invitation lists for evangelistic or missiological congresses. We cannot ignore autochthonous churches as we look at the future world scene. Given their growth, they are the wave that will become increasingly prominent.P Indeed, as Paul Hiebert has stated, "There is a growing awareness among mission lead­ ers that these issues arising out of the folk religions may be central in missiology in the twenty-first century.r " Notes----------------------------------------­ 1. Adapted from Clayton L. Berg, [r., and Paul Pretiz, Spontaneous Combustion: Grass RootsChristianity, Latin American Style (Pasadena, Calif.: William Carey Library, 1996), p. 11. 2. Clayton L. Berg, Jr., and Paul Pretiz, TheGospel People of LatinAmerica (Monrovia, Calif.: MARC/LAM, 1992). The five waves are (1) the Protestant churches that entered with nineteenth-century immi­ grants; (2) the entry of the conciliar or historic denominations; (3) churches that are the fruit of "faith missions"; (4) missions of newer denominations, mostly Pentecostal; and (5) the autochthonous churches. 3. David B. Barrett, ed., World Christian Encyclopedia (New York: Ox­ ford Univ. Press, 1982). 4. Jean Pierre Bastian, Losdisidentes: Sociedades protestantes y revoluci6n en Mexico, 1872-1911 (Mexico D.F.: El Colegio de Mexico, 1989). 5. Ed Rene Kivitz, pastor of the Agua Branca Baptist Church, Sao Paulo, Brazil, 1994. 6. Karl-Wilhelm Westmeier quotes two Latin Americans, Samuel Palma and Hugo Villela, who affirm that "official Roman Catholicism actually runs counter to the religious feeling of the Latin American masses" ("Themes of Pentecostal Expansion in Latin America," International Bulletin of Missionary Research 17 [April 1993]: 76). 7. Christian LaLive d'Epinay, The Haven of the Masses (London: Lutterworth Press, 1969). 8. Barbara Boudewijnse, Andre Droogers, and Frans Kamsteeg, Alga mas que apia (San Jose, Costa Rica: Editorial DEI, 1991). 9. David Martin, Tongues of Fire (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1990). 10. Rubem Cesar Fernandes, Censo Institutional Evangelical CIN 1992 (Rio de Janeiro: ISER, 1992). 11. David A. Shenk, ed., Ministry of Missions to African Independent Churches (1987) and Ministry in Partnership 'withAfrican Independent Churches (1991), both published by the Mennonite Board of Mis­ sions, Elkhart, Indiana. 12. David Barrett's projection of the year 2025 places "nonwhite indig­ enous" at more than a third of all Protestants and nonwhite indig­ enous Christians combined (International Bulletin of Missionary Re­ search 20 [January 1996]: 24-25). 13. Paul G. Hiebert, "Popular Religions," in Toward the Twenty-first Century in Christian Mission, ed. James M. Phillips and Robert T. Coote (Grand Rapids, Mich.: Eerdmans, 1993), pp. 254ff. October 1996 159